Introduction

The primary focus of my research centers on exploring the prevalent social and structural discrimination
faced by the Mana social group in the Dawro Zone, specifically within the Tarcha city Administration and
Tercha Zuria Wereda. Though my cites are limited only to the aforementioned areas, manas live
stratified all over dawro zone. The discrimination faced by manas mainly emerge from the steriotype
associated to them that they have kind of spritual power that they direct toward people through their
ayes to atack and got them ill to death. This is what makes them unique and the discrimination faced by
them way worse, in comparison with other marginalized social groups in dawro. My research specifically
focuses on the social and structural discrimination faced by them because of their marginalized status
and the stereotype associated to them.

Background

Dawuro is located in the southwest part of Ethiopia bordering Kontta zone in the west, Oromiya
Regional state (Jimma zone) in the northwest, Hadiya zone in the north, KambataTembaro zone in the
north and northeast, Wolayita zone in the east, and GamoGofa zone in the south and southeast.
Previously, it was one of the fourteen zones in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Regional
State but is now is part of the newly formed south-west regional state. The area comprises of Ten
woradas and two town administration: Esera, Kachiboka, Mari mansa, Mareka, Loma, Zabagazo, Disa,
Gennabossa, Tarchazuria, Tarcha town administration and Gessa town administration. The zone's total
area is 4430km2 with a population of 500,0002, as a report of dawro zone finance and economic
development department shows.

The language spoken by dawros, including manas, and used as the medium of instruction in primary
schools is dawrotho which is, according to the experts of the field, categorized under omotic language
family. (Fleming, 1973; Balisky, 1977; Zaborski, 1982; Behailu and Data Dea in Freeman and Pankhurst,
2001; Data, 1997).

As a research conducted by Dubale Gebeyehu outlines, the Dawuro people are patrilineal society and
organized into three major patrilineal clans: Maallaa, Dogallaa, and Amaaraa, which are further divided
into over one hundred sub-clans. The Maalla clan is known for its intuitive administrative abilities, the
Dogala clan specializes in spiritual affairs, and the Amaara clan has expertise in economic matters. The
term "Maallaa" is also used to refer to the dominant peasant group within Dawuro society. Dawuro
society also includes skilled artisans such as potters, smiths, and tanners, as well as hunter-gatherer
groups. (Gebeyehu, 2012) Because of occupations and stereotype association, there are multiple social
groups that face exclusion and discrimination, with varying degree to each, in dawro zone. Mana is one
of them and the one that is most discriminated as they are uniquely associated to the stereotype we
have discussed above.

The social stratification is identified as Womannuwaa vs Ayilliyaa, Asana vs Xooma, and Kawonaa vs
Manddidaa or Goqaa. The Maallas, the dominant social group, enjoy an upper social status while the
'slaves', artisans, and the Manjas are hierarchically subordinated and experience social inequality. The
social hierarchy of the Dawuro comprises groups that are less excluded to groups that experience severe
marginalization at the bottom. Thus, the social strata of Dawuro comprise the Maallas at the top
followed by 'slaves', artisanal groups, and the Manjja at the bottom. The 'slaves' are further classified
into three groups, while the artisans are subordinated as Wogaaciya (Hinnadiniya)-smiths, Degela
(Denchcha)-tanners, and the Mana-potters. The Maallas' upper status in the social hierarchy is
attributed to their access to agricultural land, although further study and investigation are required to
understand the issue better. Dawuro society is divided into several social strata. The second stratum is
composed of slaves who are categorized hierarchically within their own group

As the above research further elaborates, the most dominant group, the Maallas, have a high social
status. They have better social standing compared to other social groups who experience discrimination.
The social hierarchy in Dawuro ranges from less excluded groups to severely marginalized ones at the
bottom. The Maallas are at the top, followed by the "slaves," Artisans (which include Mana, wogachia
and degela) and the Manjas at the bottom. Among artisans, Manas are poters, Wogaches are Smiths and
Degelas are tanners. (Gebeyehu, 2012) The Maallas' high status is because they have access to
agricultural land, but more research is needed to fully understand this issue. Though Manjas are at the
bottom in terms of social hierarchy, Manas are the most discriminated ones because of the reason we
have already discussed.

As the study outlines the extent of exclusion faced by mana, members of the mana category are "not
allowed to marry from groups in the upper classes nor are their children allowed to attend schools
together with the Maallas'. Similarly, they are prohibited from membership of village level
associations, seera – burial association, gawuwa or zawiya – communal work groups. Politically, they are
not entitled to hold official powers and leadership posts in both government institutions and different
administrative levels in their locality" (p. 14-15). In addition, the structural discrimination in relation to
public services. "there are differences in the utilization of public services like schools, clean water
projects, health centers and other basic infrastructures available in their localities. For instances, it is
unusual to hear and find such service centers in Maanas hamlets rather they are built in sites closer to
the Maalla houses" (p. 115).

Problem statement

In the context of this research, discrimination refers to the unjust and harmful treatment of a particular
group of people based on their identity or the stereotypes associated with them. As one of the
marginalized social groups in Dawro, the Manas face discrimination, which I try to investigate in this
research in two forms: social and structural discrimination. Social discrimination in this study refers to
the immediate discriminations that Manas face in their day-to-day activities within social, cultural, and
economic life, from other members of society. Structural discrimination, on the other hand, refers to the
broader systematic and institutional setup that establishes the conditions for the immediate social
discriminations.

The Mana social group faces a lot of hostility and conflict when they interact with the larger society.
They are not allowed to own land or take part in important economic activities like farming and trading
because of political, social, and cultural reasons. As a result, they live in poverty and have to do jobs that
most people consider minimal, like making pottery, small-scale trading, hunting for food, and working
for richer groups. They are also left out of social, economic, and political systems, which leads to unfair
treatment and violations of their basic rights. Specifically, they are not allowed to marry into Mallas,
their kids can't go to the same schools as Malla's children, and they can't join local organizations. In
terms of politics, it is very rare that they can have official power or leadership roles in government or
other administrative positions in their area. (Gebeyehu, 2012)

Even worse, it is common for Manas to be physically attacked, and sometimes even murdered, by
non-"manas" because of societal beliefs that they are capable of spiritually attacking others. As a
member of the Dawro community, I myself grew up witnessing this fact. During the preparation of this
proposal, I have contacted concerned individuals, including government officials, to gather information.
One of them was a police inspector who belongs to the "mana" social group. The gathered information
shows that physical attacks on Manas are still occurring. For instance, according to a document from the
Dawro zone police, several Manas were displaced and killed in Tarcha Zuria Wereda in 2018. For this
reason, my research exclusively focuses on the discrimination manas face, while intentionally ignoring
most of other aspects of their life.

The most crucial research conducted about manas is Dubale gebeyew's research under the title "Social
Hierarchy, Status, and Life of the Manas". Dubale's book explores the overall life of mana social group
ranging from " social life such as family, marriage, clan origin, beliefs and rituals" in addition to this, "The
book also discusses the general life conditions of the Manas in terms of the economic, cultural, social,
and political statuses in the broader social stratum of Dawuro based on the data qualitatively gathered
from the research sites." (p, xi).

Given the severe day-to-day life conditions of manas due to the reasons we have already seen, my
research exclusively focuses on the discrimination of manas, unlike Dubale's research, which covers the
overall life conditions of manas. The urgent need for a solution to the concrete and detrimental life
conditions that manas are suffering makes the exclusive study on the causes and extent of their
suffering imperative.

Hence, my study focuses on discerning the main cause of discrimination and demonstrating the extent
of the discrimination they are facing by gathering data from both Manas and non-Manas and
documenting, as much as possible, in chronological order, the main episodes of persecution in which
they have been displaced, injured, and killed. This more specific statement of the problem in my
research is what makes it distinctive and imperative.

. In this research context, discrimination refers to the unfair and harmful treatment of a specific group
due to their identity or associated stereotypes. The Manas are subjected to discrimination, an issue that
I aim to explore in two distinct forms within this study: social and structural discrimination. Social
discrimination within this research denotes the direct biases that the Manas encounter in their everyday
interactions in social, cultural, and economic spheres from other societal members. On the other hand,
structural discrimination pertains to the wider systematic and institutional framework that sets the
stage for these immediate social biases.

Literature review

Before delving into specific comments and discussions by certain writers, it is appropriate to mention
some general perspectives expressed by different writers relating to socially excluded groups. As
anthropological literatures on marginalized social groups in Ethiopia suggest, there is widespread
marginalization of minority groups consisting of craftworkers and hunters in the south-western region of
the county. Jon abbink describes How leaders treated marginalized communities in southern Ethiopia
and their responses over time. Despite rare and failed rebellions, the arrival of new rulers, religions, and
economic opportunities in the 20th century enabled some groups to improve their condition, defying
previously impossible changes. Abbink, Jon. (2012). In different parts of Ethiopia, marginalised groups
are Named by pejorative terms. For instance, in Gurage, they are called 'Fuga'(Shak, 1964); in Konso,
'hauda'(Hallpike, 1968); in Kaffa, 'gondeašiyero(Haberland, 1978)'; in Burji-Konso areas, 'hawado or
xawda'(Ambron, 1986); and in Oyda, Gofa, Malo, and Masketo, 'Mana'.(Dereje, 2000; Fujimoto in
Freeman and Pankhurst, 2001). Dana categorizes marginalized groups into four distinct categories:
"respected non-pollutors," "sterile pollutors," "fertile pollutors," and "dangerous pollutors." Each
category represents a different aspect of societal marginalization and highlights the diverse experiences
within marginalized communities. Dana, (2003) The majority group views individuals who are socially
excluded as having low status and being involved in simple occupations, but also potentially possessing
mysterious abilities that could be seen as a danger to others. These individuals, often known as
"occupational castes," are typically adept at different crafts such as weaving, metalworking, pottery
making, leatherworking, carpentry, production, and hunting. (Shack, 1964; 1982; Pankhurst, 1996;
Hallpike, 1968; Lange, Ambaye, 1997; Levine, 2000; Freeman and Pankhurst, 2001) (Hallpike, 1968:258;
Arthur, 2002:333). The book by Assefa admassie and dehinet abebaw examines Ethiopia's efforts to
reduce marginalization and include them. It also assesses sector-specific policies, measures for
vulnerable groups, and the impact of economic growth on poverty reduction. Admassie, Assefa &
Abebaw, Degnet. (2014).

When it comes to researchs that delve to each marginalized groups, Yoshida and Freeman, On their
research on manja minority, suggest that the primary reasons for the community's discrimination
against the Manja group are based on their eating habits, physical appearance, and other fundamental
traits. They also summarize that "The Manja peoples eat unclean and filthy food, such as the meat of
religiously prohibited animals likes savanna monkey, baboon, coloubs, wild boar, and dead animals.
They do have also short and very curly hair. They are people who never give a care about hygiene, and
do not wash their clothes and bodyand smell unpleasant (in some cases due to skin disease). The Manja
are wicked and liars, they are not interested in education, so that they are ignorant and lazy. They are
extravagant and thieving and lack sense of majority" (Yoshida 2008:50 and Freeman 2016:6). Pankhurst
(1996) and Freeman with Pankhurst (2001) undertook extensive research into the cultural, social,
political, economic, and spatial aspects of marginalized communities in southwestern Ethiopia at a
regional geographic scale. Freeman and Pankhurst (2001) specifically examines the negative stereotypes
commonly ascribed to marginalized groups, including perceptions of laziness, unreliability, and moral
deficiency. Furthermore, these groups are frequently linked to behaviors considered unacceptable by
the more privileged classes, such as indulging in drinking and dancing.

Objective of the study

General objective

The primary objective of my research is to investigate the nature of severe discrimination experienced
by the Mana social groups.

Specific objective

1. To critically investigate the origins of the myth associating Manas with spiritual powers capable of
causing harm and death.

2. Demonstrating the extent of the discrimination they face due to the stereotype, by documenting
significant cases of persecution in which they have injured and even killed.

3. Examining the structural framework within administrative systems, institutions, and religious
organizations that lays condition for the concrete social discrimination.

The significance of your research lies in bringing attention to and shedding light on the prevalent social
and structural discrimination experienced by the Mana social group in the Dawro Zone. By focusing
specifically on the Tarcha city Administration and Tercha Zuria Wereda, you are aiming to highlight the
unique challenges faced by this group within these areas. Your research seeks to address the
stereotypes associated with the Mana social group, particularly the belief in their supposed spiritual
powers that are thought to harm others. By highlighting these issues, your research contributes to a
better understanding of the discrimination faced by the Mana social group, which is crucial for
advocating for their rights and addressing the specific nature of their marginalization. This focused
approach can ultimately inform targeted interventions and policies aimed at combating discrimination
and promoting social inclusion and equality for the Mana social group. 🌍🔍📚

Because of limited budget, my research is focused on just one city administration and one out of ten
areas in the Dawro Zone. I'm looking at all the villages where people live in that area.