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Nadine Deslauriers-Varin
Craig Bennell Editors
Criminal
Investigations
of Sexual
Offenses
Techniques and Challenges
Criminal Investigations of Sexual Offenses
Nadine Deslauriers-Varin • Craig Bennell
Editors
Criminal Investigations
of Sexual Offenses
Techniques and Challenges
Editors
Nadine Deslauriers-Varin Craig Bennell
School of Social Work and Criminology Department of Psychology
Université Laval Carleton University
Quebec, QC, Canada Ottawa, ON, Canada
ISBN 978-3-030-79967-0 ISBN 978-3-030-79968-7 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79968-7
© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of
the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation,
broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information
storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the
editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional
claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Acknowledgments
In addition to acknowledging our contributors for preparing excellent chapters and

meeting our deadlines despite the personal and professional challenges presented by
the COVID-19 pandemic, there are numerous other people that we must thank.
First, we would like to express our appreciation to the team at Springer for provid-
ing us with assistance throughout the editing process. Special thanks to Judith
Newlin, Amelie von Zumbusch, Pradheepa Vijay, Gomathi Mohanarangan, and the
editing and production team. Thank you, Judith, for your always helpful input
throughout this journey. Second, we would like to recognize the hard work of
Miranda Elliot who painstakingly formatted all the chapters, which significantly
improved the overall appearance and flow of the book. Finally, we would like to
thank our families. Completing this book was one more challenge in what has
proved to be a very “interesting” year for both of our families, one full of numerous
COVID-19 lockdowns and a lot of home schooling, and we truly appreciate the
patience, support, and love they showed us throughout the process.
v
Contents
1 Introduction�� 1
Nadine Deslauriers-Varin and Craig Bennell
Part I Suspect Prioritization and Identification Techniques

2 Sexual Crime Investigation and Offender’s
Decision-Making: Rationality, Achievement, and Expertise�� 7
Eric Beauregard and Julien Chopin
3 Psychological Profiling and Sex Offenders:
A Review of the Research and Recommendations
for Police Investigations�� 17
Bryanna Fox, Jacquelyn Burckley, and Alexandria Corona
4 The Modus via of Sex Offenders and the Use
of Geographical Offender Profiling in Sex Crime Cases�� 33
Jasper J. van der Kemp
5 The Use of Crime Linkage in Sexual Offense Cases�� 49
Jessica Woodhams and Kari Davies
Part II Investigative Interviewing

6 Interviewing Adult Complainants in Sexual Assault Cases �� 67
Kate Chenier, Rebecca Milne, Kevin Smith, and Brent Snook
7 Investigative Interviewing of Children in Sex Abuse Cases �� 85
Kathleen Coulborn Faller
8 Suspect Interviews and Confessions in Sex Crime Cases�� 99
Nadine Deslauriers-Varin and Andréanne Bergeron
9 On the Synergy Between Pretext Caller and Police Interrogator �� 115
Deborah Davis, Richard A. Leo, Tyler N. Livingston,
and Peter O. Rerick
vii
viii Contents
Part III Operational Challenges and Issues

10 Inconsistency, Omissions, and Confidence as Indicators
of the Accuracy of Sexual Assault Victim’s Recollections�� 133
Ronald P. Fisher, Martine B. Powell, and Haley R. Dawson
11 Lie Detection in Sex Crime Investigations �� 147
Aldert Vrij
12 True and False Allegations of Rape�� 163
André De Zutter
13 Expert Biases in Criminal Investigations of Sexual Offenses�� 179
Ching-Yu Huang
14 The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: A Review of Research
on Investigative Decision-Making by Police Officers
in Sex Offense Cases�� 193
Jason Roach and Ashley Cartwright
Part IV Investigation of Specific Types of Sex Crimes

15 Challenges and Opportunities in Investigations
of Online Sexual Exploitation of Children: Old Networks,
Dark Web, and Proactive Response�� 217
Francis Fortin, Sarah Paquette, and Stephanie Gagné
16 Sexual Homicide and Its Investigation: New Perspectives
to Improve Police Practices �� 235
Julien Chopin and Eric Beauregard
Part V Concluding Thoughts and Remarks

17 Sexual Offense Investigations: Rethinking the Gateway
to the Criminal Justice System �� 255
D. Kim Rossmo
Conclusion�� 261
Index�� 263
About the Editors
Craig Bennell earned his Ph.D. in Psychology in 2002 from the University of
Liverpool (UK). He is currently a Professor in the Department of Psychology at
Carleton University with a cross-appointment to the School of Linguistics and
Language Studies. He is the Director of Carleton’s Police Research Lab and the
Forensic Psychology Research Centre. He is past-President of the Society of Police
and Criminal Psychology and previous Editor of the Journal of Police and Criminal
Psychology. He is a founding member of the Crime Linkage International Network,
sits on the Research Advisory Committee of the Canadian Association of Chiefs of
Police, and serves on the editorial boards of several leading forensic/police psychol-
ogy journals. His research focuses on evidence-based policing, with a particular
emphasis on improving de-escalation and use of force training, and on validating
psychologically based investigative techniques such as crime linkage analysis.
Nadine Deslauriers-Varin is an Associate Professor of criminology and the

Associate Chair for Criminology Undergraduate Programs at the School of Social
work and Criminology at Université Laval, QC, Canada. She earned her Ph.D. in
Criminology in 2014 from Simon Fraser University (BC, Canada). She is a researcher
at the International Center of Comparative Criminology (ICCC/CICC), for which
she also acts as the head of the ICCC-Université Laval division, a Regional Champion
for the International Investigative Interviewing Research Group (iIIRG), a collabora-
tor for the Canadian Society of Evidence-Based Policing (CAN-SEBP), and an asso-
ciate member of the Crime Linkage International NetworK (C-LINK). Most of her
research projects are carried out in collaboration with local, provincial, or federal
police forces and aim at developing sound investigative practices (e.g., suspect iden-
tification and prioritization for sexual, violent and serial crimes, and police interroga-
tion practices) and better understanding of the crime-commission process. Her work
has been published in top tier peer-reviewed journals in her field and has been the
subject of many scientific papers, book chapters, and presentations.
ix
About the Authors
Eric Beauregard is a Professor in the School of Criminology at Simon Fraser

University. He has published over 100 peer-reviewed articles in the field of sexual
violence, especially on the crime-commission process, classifications, decision-
making, and the criminal investigation.
Andréanne Bergeron is a Ph.D. candidate in criminology at the University of

Montreal. Her research interests include police investigation, cybercrime, sexual
offenders, and the intersection between these three. She has also actively partici-
pated in organizing several conferences on police investigation such as the
Conference on Police Investigation Research, the Open Source Investigation
Conference, and the Society for Police and Criminal Psychology conference.
Jacquelyn D. Burckley is a master’s degree candidate in the Department of

Criminology at the University of South Florida. She is the Managing Editor of the
Journal of Crime and Justice, and her research interests include control theories of
crime, sexual violence, and miscarriages of justice. She is currently engaged in
research on morality in a rational choice context, the relationship between employ-
ment and willingness to offend for an inmate population, and the disparity of bail
amounts set for a Florida Department of Corrections population.
Ashley Cartwright is a Senior Lecturer in Criminology and Policing at the

University of Huddersfield, UK. Ashley continues to conduct and publish research
in different areas of crime and policing including maintaining police well-being,
crime prevention, and police and offender decision-making.
Kate Chenier has worked for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police at the detach-
ment level since 2006. She is a Ph.D. student at the University of Portsmouth, study-
ing historical child sexual abuse cases in a northern Canadian territory. Her Masters
work on perceptions and practices of officers conducting victim and witness inter-
views in northern Canada is published in the Journal of Police and Criminal
Psychology.
xi
xii About the Authors
Julien Chopin is a senior postdoctoral researcher in the School of Criminology at

Simon Fraser University. His research focuses on the victimization process of chil-
dren and the elderly, violent juvenile offenders, sexual homicide and, more broadly,
extra-familial sexual delinquency.
Alexandria Corona is a research analyst with IDEA Analytics which supports law
enforcement agencies working on justice reform, crime reduction, and data-driven
policing strategies. She holds a bachelor’s in criminology and psychology and a
master’s in psychology from the University of South Florida. Her combination of
psychology and criminal justice research backgrounds provide unique perspectives
to guide solutions for organizations on crime patterns, criminal behavior, community-
police engagement, and victimization. Her research can be found in outlets includ-
ing Social Development and Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department Foundation
magazine.
Kathleen Coulborn Faller is Marion Elizabeth Blue Professor Emerita at the

University of Michigan. She is also Co-Director of the Family Assessment Clinic in
Ann Arbor, Michigan. She has conducted over 300 juried conference presentations
at international, national, and state conferences and provided over 250 workshops.
She is the author, editor, or co-editor of 10 books related to child sexual abuse.
Kari Davies currently works as a Research Fellow at the University of Birmingham

and at UCL’s Institute for Global City Policing, and as a Lecturer (Teaching) at
UCL’s Institute of Education. Her recent work has looked at how analysts conduct
behavioral crime linkage in practice, and how the process of linkage differs between
countries. Much of her work has been conducted through secondments into practi-
tioners’ workplaces, and she has collaborated with both the Home Office and sev-
eral police forces in the UK, as well as law enforcement in Belgium, Switzerland,
and Singapore.
Deborah Davis is Professor of Psychology at the University of Nevada Reno. She

publishes and testifies in court on issues of memory, interrogation and confession,
and sexual consent communications.
Haley Dawson is a Legal Psychology graduate student working under Ronald

Fisher at Florida International University. She received her B.A. in Psychology and
B.S. in Biology from the University of Michigan-Flint. Her primary research inter-
ests include memory, investigative interviewing, and applying legal psychology
principles to other disciplines. Haley is currently developing her master’s thesis,
which explores how the expectation of disbelief can influence the strategies and
deceptive cues displayed by interviewees.
About the Authors xiii
Nadine Deslauriers-Varin is an Associate Professor of Criminology and the

Associate Chair for Criminology Undergraduate Programs in the School of
Social Work and Criminology at Université Laval, QC, Canada. Her research
focuses on criminal investigations and investigative practices, particularly on
suspect investigative interviewing and the crime-commission process related to
serial and sexual crimes.
André De Zutter is a legal psychologist who works as an assistant professor at the

Vrije Universiteit (VU) Amsterdam, The Netherlands. He conducts research in the
field of Psychology and Law with a focus on sexual assault. He works as an expert
witness for the courts and is a supervisor in the Dutch Reasonable Doubt Project.
Ronald Fisher is currently a Professor of Psychology at Florida International

University. Ron co-developed the Cognitive Interview technique (with Ed
Geiselman) to enhance witness recall. He has conducted many training workshops
on the Cognitive Interview with investigative agencies such as the FBI and the
National Transportation Safety Board. Ron has also worked with several federal
investigative and law enforcement agencies both in the USA and abroad, including
NASA, the US Army and Navy, British and Australian Police, and the Israeli Air
Force. Ron served on the Planning and Technical Working Groups of the US
Department of Justice to develop national guidelines on collecting eyewitness evi-
dence. His current research also examines alternative methods to detect deception
and interpreting inconsistent witness testimony.
Francis Fortin is a professor at the School of Criminology of the University of

Montreal and a researcher at the International Centre for Comparative Criminology
(ICCC/CICC). He has extensive experience as an expert with the Sûreté du Québec,
including as a criminal intelligence analyst and team leader in cybersurveillance. In
his capacity as a criminal intelligence analyst, he has contributed to hundreds of
investigations involving sexual exploitation of children, hacking, and other cyber-
crimes. His research focuses on cybercrime, intelligence, data mining, and forensic
analysis.
Bryanna Fox is an Associate Professor in the Department of Criminology at the

University of South Florida, and Faculty Affiliate in the Florida Mental Health
Institute. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Cambridge and is a former
FBI Special Agent. She is Co-Director of the Center for Justice Research & Policy
at USF, and Co-Editor of Justice Quarterly. Her research focuses on evidence-based
policing, crime prevention, and the developmental and psychological risk factors
for offending. She has published 4 books and over 40 articles in outlets to include:
Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, Justice Quarterly, Law & Society
Review, Social Forces, Psychological Bulletin, and the American Journal of
Preventive Medicine.
xiv About the Authors
Stéphanie Gagné is a master's student at the School of Criminology of the

University of Montreal. With a bachelor's intervention-oriented degree in criminol-
ogy from University Laval, she is now interested in security issues. Her research
goals focus on cybercrime and cyberthreats against individuals.
Ching-Yu Huang holds a Ph.D. in Social and Developmental Psychology from the
University of Cambridge. She is currently a Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in
Forensic and Developmental Psychology at Keele University. Her research includes
investigative interviews in vulnerable populations, sexual abuse, as well as cogni-
tive factors influencing investigative decision-making.
Richard A. Leo is the Hamill Family Professor of Law and Psychology at the
University San Francisco, and one of the leading experts in the world on police
interrogation practices, the impact of Miranda, psychological coercion, false con-
fessions, and the wrongful conviction of the innocent. Dr. Leo has authored more
than 100 articles in leading scientific and legal journals as well as several books,
including the multiple award-winning Police Interrogation and American Justice
(Harvard University Press, 2008). Dr. Leo has won numerous individual and career
achievement awards for research excellence and distinction.
Tyler N. Livingston is a social psychologist specializing in research and teaching

in psychology and the law. His work related to suspect interrogation and juror deci-
sion-making is intended to optimize legal procedure and advance social psychologi-
cal theory.
Becky Milne main focus of work over the past 20 years has concerned the exami-
nation of police interviewing and investigation. Jointly with practitioners, she has
helped to create procedures that improve the quality of interviews of witnesses,
victims, intelligence sources, and suspects of crime across many countries. She was
given the Tom Williamson award for her outstanding achievements in the field of
investigative interviewing by the UK National Police Chiefs Council in April 2009.
In 2020, she was the sole awardee of the British Psychology Society Award for
Excellence in Forensic Psychology Research.
Sarah Paquette works as a researcher and specialist in sexual offending at Sexual

Offenders Coordination Division of the provincial police of Quebec, Canada. She is
also an affiliate professor at the School of Social Work and Criminology at Université
Laval. Her research focuses on the factors associated with on- and offline sexual and
violent offending. She currently leads the PRESEL research project that aims to
help develop best police practices in order to prevent child exploitation and to elab-
orate efficient intervention strategies and systematic case prioritization tools.
About the Authors xv
Martine Powell is Professor of Psychology and full-time scholar in the Griffith

Criminology Institute (Griffith University, Brisbane Australia). Her research focuses
on expanding knowledge on the “how to” of obtaining accurate and detailed infor-
mation from people about events to assist decision-making. Martine is also Founding
Director of the Centre for Investigative Interviewing which supports one of the larg-
est groups of trainers and researchers in investigative interviewing across the globe.
Peter O. Rerick is a graduate student at the University of Nevada, Reno. His

research interests include psychology and law-related topics, especially those relat-
ing to sexual consent.
Jason Roach is Professor of Psychology and Policing and Director of the Applied
Criminology and Policing Centre at the University of Huddersfield, UK. Jason has
researched and published extensively in areas including criminal investigation,
offender and police decision-making, homicide and violent crime, terrorism, crime
prevention, and Self-Selection Policing. Jason is also editor for The Police Journal:
Theory, Practice and Principles (Sage)
Kim Rossmo is the University Endowed Chair in Criminology and the Director of
the Center for Geospatial Intelligence and Investigation in the School of Criminal
Justice and Criminology at Texas State University. He is a member of the IACP
Advisory Committee for Police Investigative Operations and was formerly the
Detective Inspector in charge of the Vancouver Police Department’s Geographic
Profiling Section. He has researched and published in the areas of criminal investi-
gations and the geography of crime.
Kevin Smith is the National Vulnerable Witness Adviser for the National Crime
Agency in the UK. His work involves the development of operational interview
strategies and plans for witnesses with challenging communication needs. He holds
a Ph.D. and is a Chartered Psychologist.
Brent Snook is a Professor of Psychology at Memorial University of Newfoundland.

His research examines the reliability and validity of policing practices (e.g., inter-
viewing, deception detection). He is currently exploring ways to enhance adult and
youth understanding of interrogation rights and is developing and testing investiga-
tive interviewing techniques (e.g., note-taking, sketching).
Jasper van der Kemp is a legal psychologist and investigative criminologist at the
VU School of Criminology at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. His Ph.D. is on
fine-tuning geographical offender profiling. His research focuses on investigative
decision-making and decision support tools.
xvi About the Authors
Aldert Vrij is Professor of Applied Social Psychology, University of Portsmouth

(UK). His main research interest is deception, resulting in almost 600 publications.
He works closely with practitioners (police, security services, and insurers) in terms
of conducting research and disseminating its findings. In 2016, he received the
International Investigative Interviewing Research Group (iIIRG) Lifetime
Achievement Award in recognition of his significant contribution to investigative
interviewing.
Jessica Woodhams is a Health and Care Professions Council-registered forensic

psychologist and Professor of Forensic Psychology at the University of Birmingham,
UK. She is an international expert in crime linkage and founder of the Crime
Linkage International NetworK (C-LINK). She co-edited Crime Linkage: Theory,
Research, and Practice, a handbook of contributions from expert academics and
practitioners, and she has authored many other papers and chapters on the use of
crime linkage with interpersonal and volume crimes.
Chapter 1
Introduction
Nadine Deslauriers-Varin and Craig Bennell
Sexual offenses are among the most heinous of crimes that can be committed. It is
thus startling to realize how many sexual crimes go unreported every year, world-
wide. In the United States (US), for example, the Federal Bureau of Investigation
(FBI) and the US Justice Department estimate that only a third of all rapes will be
reported to the police (FBI, 2015; Truman, & Langton, 2015). Although based on
different legal and judicial definitions, Canadian statistics from the General Social
Survey on Victimization are much lower, indicating that only 5% of sexual assaults
are brought to the attention of the police (Perreault, 2015). In their study based on
over 90 empirical studies from Australia, Canada, England and Wales, Scotland,
and the US on the legal response to rape and sexual assault from 1970 to 2005, Daly
and Bouhours (2009) found an average victim report rate of 14%.
All these numbers become even more critical when we realize that most sexual
assaults that are reported to the police will not be cleared by arrest (Hazelwood &
Burgess, 2017). In fact, of the sexual assaults reported to police, only a small per-
centage (as low as 5% in some cases) will result in the conviction of the offender
(FBI, 2015; Perreault, 2015; Spohn et al., 2015). Despite the increased focus on
criminal investigations of sexual offenses in more recent years, these numbers have
been relatively stable over the past four decades or so (Hazelwood & Burgess, 2017).
Despite this, research on the investigation of sexual offenses has been relatively
slow to emerge, which may partially explain the stability of the numbers reported in
the previous paragraph for over four decades. While there has been a gradual growth
in the field of research on sexual victimization, such growth has not been matched
in terms of the police response to such victimization. The gaps between the current
knowledge on sexual victimization and the police response to it can translate into a
N. Deslauriers-Varin (*)
Université Laval, Québec, QC, Canada
e-mail: nadine.deslauriers-varin@tsc.ulaval.ca
C. Bennell
Carleton University, Ottawa, ON, Canada
© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 1

N. Deslauriers-Varin, C. Bennell (eds.), Criminal Investigations of Sexual
Offenses, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79968-7_1
2 N. Deslauriers-Varin and C. Bennell
feeling of dissatisfaction towards the police, miscommunication and misunder-

standing about police work in this area, as well as misguided responses and prac-
tices by the police.
Given these issues, it is crucial to conduct research that will allow the criminal
justice system to improve its response to sexual offenses. Research is required on
many topics, including studies that can improve the effectiveness of investigative
interviews, the collection of police evidence, the accurate identification and priori-
tization of suspects and, ultimately, the prosecution of sexual assault and rape cases.
To make progress with regards to investigative practices, it also appears crucial that
scholars look more closely at challenges related to current practices. But this body
of knowledge, while crucial, is useless if not shared with and supported by police
agencies.
Unfortunately, the bridge between scientific knowledge of investigative practices
and the application of those practices is rarely crossed by researchers, and the con-
tribution of such scientific knowledge to the modernization of police practices
remains very modest. Careful analysis of the scientific literature shows that crimi-
nological and psychological research, among other types of research, often claims
to have practical implications for police work, but studies having a genuine, direct,
and valuable impact on police practices are in fact relatively infrequent. Conducting
applied research that advances policing practices beyond common sense, traditions,
experience, and flair, towards truly evidence-based practices, still remains a chal-
lenge. The current divide between academic researchers and police organizations
probably explains, at least in part, this finding.
This divide is sometimes inherently supported by personal biases and ideological
considerations, but also prejudices and stereotypes. The police environment, how-
ever, has undergone considerable transformation over the past several decades, pav-
ing the way for the development of collaborations with academia. Indeed, in recent
years, we have been noticing a willingness of police forces to be more proactive
(rather than traditionally reactive) and efficient in their response to crimes being
committed and to lean towards evidence-based practices. Directly related to this, we
are witnessing an increase in empirical studies aimed at providing advice and sup-
port to police forces with the hope that this will improve the efficiency and effec-
tiveness of their practices by using an evidence-based policing approach.
While research related to investigations of sexual offenses is beginning to
emerge, there is currently limited work showcasing the collective efforts of research-
ers studying this topic. Indeed, most of the books published so far on police investi-
gations, and police investigations of sex crime cases more specifically, tend to focus
on the forensic aspects of the criminal investigation, as well as on the analysis and
contribution of physical evidence. In the case of limited physical evidence, other
methods must be used by police forces based on the behavioral and social sciences,
but books covering empirical knowledge about investigative techniques from these
perspectives, and their related challenges, are few.
When we started to discuss this book project, Craig and I were envisioning an
edited book that would start to fill this void by providing a forum where interna-
tional scholars from various academic backgrounds could present the current state
1 Introduction 3
of empirical knowledge related to investigative techniques used in sex crime inves-

tigations, and the operational challenges that surface in such cases. We wanted to
publish a book that would be of interest to police agencies, police practitioners, and
policymakers whose work involves the understanding of criminal investigations and
the police response to sex offending. We also wanted the book to be used by
academic researchers and students (from various backgrounds) who study aspects
of sex crimes. Thanks to the hard work of our contributors, we think we have
accomplished this.
This book includes 16 chapters, which are divided into five sections. The first
section includes four chapters related to suspect prioritization and identification
techniques. Effective identification and prioritization of suspects is pivotal to ensure
investigative efficiency (e.g., narrowing the sometimes-overwhelming number of
potential suspects) while reducing the direct and collateral costs associated with an
investigation (e.g., length of the investigation, number of police officers working on
the case). When the identity of the offender in unknown, or the police lack a confes-
sion, an eyewitness, or forensic evidence, other methods must be used to assist
police investigators in identifying potential suspects and prioritizing them. In Chap.
2, Beauregard and Chopin discuss important notions related to offender rationality,
criminal expertise, and decision-making during the crime-commission process.
This first chapter lays the foundation for the three following chapters, which review
techniques that can assist investigators in identifying and prioritizing suspects: psy-
chological profiling (Chap. 3, Fox & colleagues), geographic profiling (Chap. 4,
Van der Kemp), and crime linkage analysis (Chap. 5, Woodhams & Davies).
Establishing if a crime occurred and, ultimately, proving guilt can be accom-
plished in one of three ways: by witness/victim statements, by physical evidence, or
by confession (Rossmo, 2009). The successful interviewing of suspects, victims,
and witnesses is therefore of great importance for the investigations and prosecution
of sex offenses. The second section of the book includes four chapters that review
current empirical efforts in the field of investigative interviewing: interviewing adult
complainants (Chap. 6, Chenier & colleagues), child victims (Chap. 7, Coulborn
Faller) and suspects (Chap. 8, Deslauriers-Varin & Bergeron) in sex abuse and
assault cases, and the use of pretext callers in suspect interviews (Chap. 9, Davis &
colleagues).
Despite the progress that has been made with respect to research related to the
above topics, many challenges remain for investigators in charge of investigating
sexual offenses. In the third section of the book, several of these challenges are
discussed: witness memory and the importance and influence of the complainant’s
testimony on case prosecution (Chap. 10, Fisher & colleagues), verbal lie detection
(Chap. 11, Vrij), allegations of rape and the possibility to distinguish between true
and false allegations (Chap. 12, De Zutter), expert biases (Chap. 13, Huang), and
police officers’ decision-making (Chap. 14, Roach & Cartwright).
In the last decade or so, we have seen a growth of research focusing on emerging
forms of sexual offenses and extreme cases of sexual violence. In the fourth section
of the book, research related to the investigation of specific types of sex crimes are
4 N. Deslauriers-Varin and C. Bennell
reviewed: online sexual exploitation of children (Chap. 15, Fortin & colleagues) and
sexual homicide investigations (Chap. 16, Chopin & Beauregard).
Finally, in the last formal chapter of the book (Chap. 17), Rossmo provides con-
cluding thoughts and remarks about the future of sexual offense investigations and
ways to improve public safety.
We hope this book, by providing reviews of the current state of knowledge on so
many aspects of sexual crime investigations, will be as informative as intended and
will help to stimulate collaborations and partnerships between police practitioners
and academic researchers in order to improve investigative practices and the crimi-
nal justice system’s response to sexual offenses.
References
Daly, K., & Bouhours, B. (2009). Doing justice for victims of sexual assault: Reform and radical
innovations. Final Report. Australian Institute of Family Studies.
Federal Bureau of Investigation. (2015). National incident-based reporting system, 2012–2014.
Hazelwood, R. R., & Burgess, A. W. (2017). Practical aspects of rape investigation: A multidisci-
plinary approach (5th ed.). CRC Press.
Perreault, S. (2015). Criminal victimization in Canada, 2014. Juristat. Statistics Canada Catalogue
no. 85–002-X.
Rossmo, D. K. (2009). Criminal investigative failures. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.
Spohn, C., Tellis, K., & O’Neal, E. N. (2015). Policing and prosecuting sexual assault: Assessing
the pathways to justice. In H. Johnson, B. S. Fisher, & V. Jaquier (Eds.), Critical issues in
violence against women: International perspectives and promising strategies (pp. 93–103).
Routledge.
Truman, J. L., & Langton, L. (2015). Criminal victimization, 2014. U.S Department of Justice:
Bureau of Justice Statistics.
Part I
Suspect Prioritization and Identification
Techniques
Chapter 2
Sexual Crime Investigation and Offender’s
Decision-Making: Rationality,
Achievement, and Expertise
Eric Beauregard and Julien Chopin
2.1 Introduction
“Not all crimes are solvable. In some circumstances, even solvable crimes are not
cleared because of incompetence, misfeasance, nonfeasance, resources problems,
or simple bad luck” (Rossmo, 2009, p. 3). This helps to explain why the police are
often blamed for not acting quickly enough during an investigation or for not being
able to find a suspect in a sexual assault case. If it is not the failure of the police to
identify, apprehend, and charge an offender responsible for a sexual crime, then the
circumstances of the case are used to explain how “bad luck” led to the offender
avoiding detection. Interestingly, the offender is rarely identified as the reason why
an investigation was not successful. This is suggesting that among all the factors
associated with the solving of a crime – sexual or not – offenders are often consid-
ered as having only a marginal role to play in their ability to avoid police detection.
We consider that a criminal investigation typically opposes two main players: the
offender, who must take precautions to avoid leaving human (i.e., witnesses) or
physical (e.g., fingerprints, semen) evidence likely to lead to his identification and
arrest, and criminal investigators, who must act in light of the evidence at their dis-
posal and who are doomed to fail in the absence of witnesses or conclusive evidence
(Brodeur, 2005; James & Beauregard, 2020). Contrary to what has been shown in
the research on crime solving, some studies have demonstrated that sex offenders
are capable of adopting certain behaviors to thwart the criminal investigation with
the ultimate goal of avoiding police detection (e.g., Beauregard & Martineau, 2014;
Chopin et al., 2019; Stefanska & Carter, 2019). Although successfully engaging in
criminality does not require special skills, as evidenced by the lack of premeditation
involved in most crimes, this apparent absence in decision-making is not an indica-
tion of lack of skills and planning. Rather, it demonstrates that some offenders have
E. Beauregard (*) · J. Chopin

Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, BC, Canada
e-mail: ebeaureg@sfu.ca

8 E. Beauregard and J. Chopin
developed in-depth knowledge and skills to assess various situations and opportuni-
ties – also known as criminal expertise. The notion of expertise in crime is directly
linked to rational choice theory (RCT), as offenders develop skills to assess and
respond to crime opportunities through practice. While assessing the risks and
rewards associated with committing the crime, offenders will decide to act a certain
way to improve the rewards (maximization of payoffs) while reducing the risks of
getting caught (minimizing the costs), as suggested as well in the criminal achieve-
ment literature. In this chapter, we argue that several theoretical frameworks may be
useful to understand the dynamic between sex offenders and the criminal investiga-
tors. The chapter begins with a brief overview of RCT and how sex offenders should
be considered as decision-makers who are capable of a certain cost-benefit analysis
during the crime-commission process. The criminal achievement perspective is
complementary to RCT and focuses on the success aspect of the offender, which is
typically presented on one hand as the maximization of payoffs (e.g., sexual gratifi-
cation) and on the other hand, as the minimization of costs (i.e., police detection).
Finally, the concept of criminal expertise is introduced to discuss how certain
offenders develop skills that will make them good at what they do by helping them
to achieve their goal while avoiding police detection. We conclude this chapter by
discussing how these various mechanisms may impact the investigations of sex-
ual crimes.
2.2 Rational Choice Theory (RCT)
Applied to the decision-making process of offenders, RCT (Cornish & Clarke,

1986, 1987) provides a framework to understand how criminals make decisions and
suggests that rationality and self-interest are core principles (Clarke & Cornish,
1985). According to RCT, offenders make decisions to gain more than what it costs
to commit the crime (Cornish & Clarke, 1986, 1987). In a cost-benefit analysis, the
expected benefits should be greater than the costs associated with committing the
crime. Although it may seem counter-intuitive, several studies have shown that sex
offenders adopt rational reasoning to commit their crimes and to achieve their
objectives (e.g., Beauregard & Leclerc, 2007; Beauregard et al., 2007a, 2007b;
Chopin et al., 2019; Pedneault et al., 2017). RCT includes two levels of decision:
while the macro level consists of deciding to commit a crime or not – according to
the various parameters known by offenders and the outcome of the cost-benefit
analysis – the micro level concerns all decisions made by offenders to achieve their
goal (e.g., target a victim, choose a location, determine a method of approach, etc.)
(Cornish & Clarke, 1986, 1987).
Cornish (1994) proposed the concept of a crime script to facilitate the analysis of
the entire crime-commission process and help to identify the decisions and actions
made by offenders at each step of their crimes (i.e., preparation, target selection, the
commission of the act, escape, and aftermath), as well as the situational variables
that must be taken into account during the criminal activity. Despite the focus on
2 Sexual Crime Investigation and Offender’s Decision-Making: Rationality… 9
this rational cost-benefit analysis, research has shown that this rational decision-
making is a subjective concept that can be constrained by limits of time, ability, and
the availability of relevant information (Cornish & Clarke, 1986, 1987). Moreover,
offenders abilities can be affected by cognitive limitations as well as emotional
arousal (Kaufman, 1998; Simpson, 2000). Although often presented as limited
rationality (Simon, 1957), Gigerenzer and Selten (2002) suggested that this
“bounded” rationality should not be seen as limited. Instead, they suggested that this
bounded rationality represents an adaptation allowing people to maximize success-
ful outcomes under typical constraints. As demonstrated by empirical studies (see
Gigerenzer & Selten, 2002, for a review), offenders are more likely to use heuristics
to make their decisions instead of a thorough cost–benefit analysis as implied in the
original RCT.
2.2.1 Criminal Achievement
In the context of sexual offending, RCT suggests that offenders will try to maximize
the payoffs associated with the crime, while minimizing the costs that may result
from committing the crime, a mechanism that is the focus of the criminal achieve-
ment perspective. The concept of criminal achievement has its roots mostly in the
study of economic and market crimes. It focuses on whether crime pays, what the
payoffs are, and for whom. Underlying the concept of criminal achievement is per-
formance and efficiency in securing something valuable to the perpetrator (i.e.,
money, goods, status, etc.). Illegal income has often been used as a performance
measure of criminal achievement (e.g., McCarthy & Hagan, 2001; Tremblay &
Morselli, 2000; Wilson & Abrahamse, 1992). At first glance, the idea of an offender
contemplating the idea of pursuing his criminal career for monetary gains, goods,
status, and prestige could not be more remote than the one involving an offender
contemplating the idea of committing a sex crime. While the concepts of career and
achievement are perhaps more intuitively suited for the study of economic and
market-type offences, their application is also suited for sexual offending (Lussier
et al., 2011). Just like market offences (e.g., Morselli & Tremblay, 2004), sex crimes
provide a variety of benefits to the offender, including psychological benefits such
as intimacy, self-esteem, excitement (thrill), power, control, and retribution
(Baumeister et al., 2002; Felson, 2002; Groth, 1979; Knight & Prentky, 1990;
Lussier et al., 2005).
The inspection of sex offender’s criminal behavior has led researchers to con-
clude that they make a series of rational decisions – just like other criminals – to
achieve their goal (i.e., sexual gratification) through illicit means, such as victim
selection, determining crime location, planning victim transport to the crime site,
and choosing a method of attack (e.g., Beauregard et al., 2007a, 2007b; Deslauriers-
Varin & Beauregard, 2014). The rational and strategic sex offender (Beauregard &
Leclerc, 2007) may use deception, manipulation, alcohol/drugs, coercion, threat
and/or physical violence to obtain sexual gratification (e.g., Koss et al., 1987;
Leclerc et al., 2009). As observed by Tremblay and Morselli (2000), criminal

achievement “does not depend so much on the kind of crime(s) ones commit but
how one goes about doing it” (p. 645).
The study by Lussier et al. (2011) was the first to operationalize the criminal
achievement of sex offenders as being twofold: the ability to maximize payoffs (i.e.,
sexual gratifications) and the ability to avoid police detection. Their findings showed
that the most productive offenders were older, in a stable relationship with an adult
partner, involved in a high number of sexual crime events, and they tended to limit
their number of victims targeting mainly children, including their own. Most impor-
tantly, “successful” sex offenders were more efficient at delaying detection (up to
40 years), which was partly explained by their ability to avoid the use of serious
physical violence combined with their victim selection and crime specialization
(see also Deslauriers-Varin & Beauregard, 2014). The study further showed that
offending productivity, when defined in terms of crime events, was unrelated to
sentencing, suggesting that the successful sex offender is not really detected, even
after being convicted for some offenses, nor is he handled in a way that may deter
him from sexually reoffending in the future.
As highlighted by the RCT, and more specifically by the criminal achievement
perspective, sex offenders – just like all other offenders – are driven to commit
crimes by two inter-dependent purposes: maximizing their payoffs (e.g., sexual
gratification, power), while minimizing the costs (police detection). To achieve this,
we argue that offenders must have developed skills and abilities, which may be
thought of as a form of expertise.
2.2.2 Criminal Expertise
Whatever the domain – from chess players, pilots, and doctors (e.g., Vicente &
Wang, 1998) to criminals (e.g., Jacobs, 1996; Nee & Meenaghan, 2006; Topalli,
2005; Wright et al., 1995) – expertise is defined as the acquisition of cognitive pro-
cesses and behaviors based on experience that prove more effective when compared
to those who are new to a given field (Nee & Ward, 2015). That is, these cognitive
processes and behaviors may be faster, less demanding cognitively, and more read-
ily available in relevant situations (Ericsson, 2006b). Thus, expert decision-making
is characterized by the absence of explicit deliberation, a greater speed of perfor-
mance, as well as the capacity to multi-task, whereas novices need explicit instruc-
tion, tend to be slower and are easily distracted whenever experiencing new tasks
(see Palmeri et al., 2004). As decision-making becomes more automatic and uncon-
scious, this enables a person to free up cognitive resources for other deliberations
and problem-solving tasks (Logan & Etherton, 1994). It has been suggested that, in
any given domain – criminal or non-criminal – the achieved level of expertise should
be seen as a continuum rather than as a present/absent dichotomy (Nee & Ward,
2015) and is obtained as a result of deliberate practice as opposed to innate ability
(e.g., Ericsson, 2006). However, it appears that the skills associated with expertise
are context bound (see Ericsson & Charness, 1994), suggesting that if an offender is
successful at avoiding detection during a series of sexual assault, he may not be as
successful at avoiding detection during the course of a robbery – and vice versa.
Moreover, it is important to consider that even experts’ performance may be
impaired under certain circumstances (Ó Ciardha, 2015), as observed through cog-
nitive biases (e.g., tunnel vision; see Dror, 2011), errors in judgment (e.g., overesti-
mation of ability in a new situation; Chi, 2006) or risky decision making (e.g., due
to the effects of drug use; Weinborn et al., 2013).
Despite the interest of criminal expertise for criminology in general and criminal
investigations in particular, it has mainly been discussed in relation to burglary (see
Nee, 2015). For instance, studies have shown that expert burglars are capable of
discriminating between good and bad targets using environmental cues (such as
occupancy and accessibility, see Bennett & Wright, 1984) and have a more efficient
and automatic memory for these environmental cues (Logie et al., 1992).
Burglars are not the only offenders having to worry about getting caught. In fact,
at some point, all offenders will have to assess risks associated with apprehension.
When examining various types of crimes, research has shown that experienced
offenders may develop a set of skills designed to reduce the risks of police detection
(e.g., Cherbonneau & Copes, 2005; Copes & Cherbonneau, 2006; Gallupe et al.,
2011; Holt et al., 2014). For example, arsonists will select an isolated area to set a
fire, rely on accomplices to acquire specific items needed to set the fire (e.g., petrol),
and show an awareness of Closed-Circuit Television (CCTV; Butler & Gannon,
2015). In terms of expertise, a greater level would be displayed if the offender
involved the accomplice in purchasing the petrol at a location where no CCTV can
actually capture the purchase, guaranteeing some distance between the offender and
the crime if arrested and questioned by the police about the incident (Butler &
Gannon, 2015). Moreover, it has been suggested that experts will engage in more
strategies associated with avoiding detection than a novice offender. Similarly,
Jacobs (1996) identified three specific strategies used by drug dealers to avoid police
detection. With environmental positioning, the offender focuses on scanning the
environment for anything suspicious or threatening. Drug dealers will also take a
safe position – even if temporarily – so they are not easily identified by the police.
Finally, with transactional mediation, drug dealers may use props, geography, or
people to camouflage drug-dealing activity, thereby eliminating or at least obscur-
ing hand-to hand exchanges of money for drugs. Interestingly, avoiding police
detection and the concept of expertise have been mainly applied to property crimes,
almost as if violent criminals such as sex offenders were not capable of expertise
due to the impulsivity involved in these crimes.
Ward (1999) was the first to apply the concept of expertise – a dysfunctional
expertise (Nee & Ward, 2015) – to sex offenders. For instance, exposure to pornog-
raphy and networking with other offenders (e.g., online sexual offenders against
children) were suggested to serve as knowledge that could then be applied to their
behavioral strategies when offending (see Fortin et al., 2018). Even masturbation to
deviant sexual fantasies could provide a form of mental rehearsal for sex offenders
(Bourke et al., 2012). As to avoiding police detection specifically, Ward (1999)
suggested that some sex offenders had developed a certain expertise and adopted
specific strategies such as taking precautions with offense locations, being able to
regulate their emotional state, deceiving people close to them, and conducting con-
stant risk appraisal that increase their chances of avoiding detection. These various
strategies are assumed to be incorporated in multiple cognitive scripts about differ-
ent elements of an offense (Bourke et al., 2012; Ward, 1999). According to Ward
(2000), these cognitive scripts would help individuals process incoming informa-
tion in order to explain, understand and predict others’ thoughts – including those of
their victims – as well as to plan and execute their sexual offences. These scripts
therefore guide decision-making and the pursuit of objectives, and ultimately con-
tribute to better modulations of an individual’s own behaviors, thus revealing a cer-
tain expertise.
Although avoiding police detection is an important step of the crime-commission
process for some offenders, the concept of expertise is not limited to this ability to
thwart the criminal investigation. Some offenders will plan extensively for the exit
of the crime and will even take precautions during the crime that will prevent their
potential identification. However, offenders have also to focus on the main reason
why they are there in the first place – that is to commit a crime. As alluded to by
Ward (1999), another important component of the offender’s expertise is the ability
to get the maximum payoffs from the crime. Recently, Chopin et al. (2021) pro-
posed to focus on a new approach to investigate behavioral indicators of expertise
rather than focusing only on the cognitive processes for stranger rapists. Their find-
ings showed that stranger rapists who demonstrated sophistication in their modus
operandi were also more likely to use forensic awareness strategies. They identified
that the number of forensic awareness strategies used by a stranger rapist is an indi-
cator of his expertise whereas the type of forensic awareness strategies represents an
adaptation to the situational constraints related to the crime.
2.3 Conclusion and Future Directions
A criminal investigation typically opposes two main protagonists: the offender and
the investigator. While the investigator should use all the means at their disposal to
identify and apprehend the suspect, the offender will attempt to maximize his pay-
offs (e.g., sexual gratifications, power) while minimizing the costs (i.e., police
detection) during the crime-commission process. Most studies have focused on
police work to explain why some crimes were not solved, neglecting to consider
that offenders may have developed a criminal expertise to successfully achieve their
goal, while avoiding police detection. This confrontation between the police and the
offender has been highlighted in the study by James and Beauregard (2020).
Considering both the investigation and the offenders, their findings showed that the
skills of sex offenders and investigators may influence the duration of the
investigation. More importantly, the results indicated that the offenders’ behaviors
(e.g., premeditation) and the characteristics of the criminal investigation (e.g.,
debatable decisions by investigators, such as failure to conduct a neighborhood can-
vas) contributed equally to the explanation of whether the offender would go on to
commit a series of crimes. Based on these findings, James and Beauregard (2020)
proposed a theoretical classification of the solvability of the case based on the inter-
actions between the offenders and the investigators. Thus, an unskilled offender
being investigated by a skilled investigative team has a low probability of signifi-
cantly delaying his identification or avoiding arrest. In contrast, a skilled offender
has a low probability of being arrested, regardless of the skill of the investigators.
Finally, the most uncertain balance of power occurs when both the offender and the
investigative team are unskilled. In this situation, although both parties have compa-
rable skills, the offender possesses a significant advantage as it is the investigators’
responsibility to solve the crime. Therefore, the offender in this scenario is more
likely to avoid police detection, unless a factor external to the investigation (e.g., use
of a new technology) – what the police calls a “stroke of luck” – saves the day for
investigators.
Despite the apparent impulsivity involved in sexual crimes, sex offenders are
capable of rational decision-making to a point where some of them will even develop
expertise that will not only allow them to obtain what they want, but also to do it
while avoiding police detection. Although some studies have shown that certain
offenders’ behaviors may contribute to avoiding detection (e.g., forensic awareness
strategies), future studies need to focus on behaviors that are indicative of expertise
in sex offenders. Moreover, studies need to go beyond police data and interview
offenders to learn about their expertise – the strategies they use in different situa-
tions to commit the crime successfully, maximize their payoffs, while avoiding
detection. Finally, more studies comparing investigators and sex offenders are
needed to fully appreciate the dynamics between these two players. Only then will
we be in a good position to assess which expertise is most effective – the investiga-
tor’s or the offender’s.
Key Points
• Sex offenders may adopt behavior that will help them avoid police detection
• Sex offenders are capable of rational decision-making, proceeding to a cost-
benefit analysis before committing a crime
• Sex offenders – just like other offenders – attempt to maximize their payoffs
while minimizing their costs
• The criminal achievement perspective may be applied to sex offending, not only
to market crimes
• Some sex offenders will develop skills and abilities as to how to commit their
crimes, leading them to develop criminal expertise
• Criminal expertise will help some sex offenders to maximize their payoffs such
as sexual gratification and power, while limiting the costs associated with the
crime-commission, such as police detection
Recommended Readings
Beauregard, E. (2017). The reasoning sex offender. In W. Bernasco, W. Elffers, & J.-L. van
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Chopin, J., & Beauregard, E. (2020). Sex offenders’ forensic awareness strategies to avoid police
detection. In B. Fox, J. A. Reid, & A. Masys (Eds.), Science informed policing (pp. 39–55).
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James, J., & Beauregard, E. (2018). How sexual murderers thwart police investigations. In
J. Proulx, E. Beauregard, A. Carter, A. Mokros, R. Darjee, & J. James (Eds.), Routledge inter-
national handbook of sexual homicide studies (pp. 574–594). Routledge.
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Chapter 3
Psychological Profiling and Sex Offenders:
A Review of the Research
and Recommendations for Police
Investigations
Bryanna Fox, Jacquelyn Burckley, and Alexandria Corona
3.1 Introduction
Despite the many technological advances in policing over the past few decades,
such as the advent and widespread use of DNA analysis, crime linkage and analysis
software, improvements to interviewing and interrogation tactics, and more, it is
disheartening to find that clearance rate, or the percentage of reported cases that are
deemed solved, for sex offenses has been declining in recent years (Avdija & Akgul,
2020). Specifically, research using data from the FBI’s National Incident-Based
Reporting System (NIBRS), which contains all reported offenses (not just the most
serious, as is the case for the Uniform Crime Reports), found that sex offenses have
the lowest average national clearance rates of all persons crimes, at just 33% (Avdija
& Akgul, 2020). Moreover, this rate has been steadily decreasing over time, as 36%
of all non-forcible sex offenses were cleared on average in 2011, 33% on average
were cleared in 2016, and just 26% of all reported sex offenses were cleared in 2018
(Avdija & Akgul, 2020). Given that nearly 75% of all reported sex offense cases on
average remain unsolved across the nation, even as forensics, technology, and polic-
ing strategies have advanced, it is abundantly clear that we need to identify new,
effective, strategies for solving sex offense cases (Chan, 2019).
3.2 Offender Profiling
One such strategy, which can be used to prioritize existing leads, and illuminate new
investigative strategies that may lead investigators closer to forensic evidence, wit-
nesses, or the responsible offender so the crime may be solved, is offender profiling
B. Fox (*) · J. Burckley · A. Corona

University of South Florida, Tempa, FL, USA
e-mail: bhfox@usf.edu

18 B. Fox et al.
(OP: Fox & Farrington, 2012). Specifically, OP is a method used to identify key
personality, behavioral, and demographic characteristics of an offender based upon
an analysis of crime scene behaviors (Douglas & Burgess, 1986; Fox & Farrington,
2015; Ormerod, 1996). OP can be used to generate or narrow down the range of
possible suspects based upon the established links between the type of crime com-
mitted, and the characteristics of offenders who commit those types of crimes (Fox
& Farrington, 2018).
There are several approaches used in OP, each utilizing a different methodology
to develop profiles for various offenses. For instance, most of the early offender
profiles, such as those proposed by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)’s
Behavioral Science Unit (BSU), utilize a clinical approach to OP, where the profiles
are developed on a case-by-case basis by a “profiler” with considerable training,
experience, and practice in the field; however, no consistent process or empirical
methodology is utilized (Fox & Farrington, 2018, see also Douglas & Burgess,
1986; Holmes & Holmes, 1996). More recently, profiles have been developed using
more objective, replicable, and scientific methods in sub-fields such as investigative
psychology (Canter, 1995, 2011) and evidence-based offender profiling (Farrington
& Lambert, 2000; Fox & Farrington, 2012, 2015, 2018; Fox et al., 2020).
To this end, a recent meta-analysis and systematic review by Fox and Farrington
(2018) found that out of the 62 publications which proposed specific offender pro-
files for various crime types in the past four decades, 19% were based on descriptive
statistics (n = 12), while 65% were developed using an inferential or advanced sta-
tistical analysis (n = 40), and the remainder (n = 10, 16%) used no statistics or data
to develop their profiles. This methodological dichotomy roughly corresponds to
the two most common approaches to profile development: clinical (i.e., developed
using more subjective, descriptive, and experiential methods) and statistical (i.e.,
developed using more objective and sophisticated quantitative analyses). Predictably,
these different approaches also yield different results in terms of the number and
type of profiles identified for each offense (Fox & Farrington, 2018). This has an
impact on our academic understanding of criminal behavior and its link to offender
features, and has a major impact on the effectiveness of OP as applied to unsolved
cases in law enforcement investigations, given the very different methodologies and
subsequent findings (Fox et al., 2020).
Therefore, a goal of this chapter is to review the various profiles developed for
sex offenses, focusing on the validity of extant profiles, based upon the context and
methodology used in their development, as well as common themes in recurring
profiles using varied samples and designs, as these are likely the most reliable for
use in law enforcement investigations.
3.2.1 Offender Profiles for Sex Offenses
In the past four decades, there has been incredible growth not only in the number of
offender profiles that have been proposed, but also in the methodological advance-
ments in the field of OP (Fox & Farrington, 2018). This has yielded considerable
3 Psychological Profiling and Sex Offenders: A Review of the Research… 19
heterogeneity in existent profiles, which can be very difficult for both academics
and practitioners to sort through, as it can lead to confusion regarding which profile
to use, and how valid/accurate it may be. To address this, we will review the extant
literature that has proposed offender profiles for sex offenses, particularly focusing
on sexual homicide and sexual assault. We then discuss recurring themes in these
profiles, and how these overall themes can be used by law enforcement in the 75%
of sex offenses that go unsolved when no other forensic or credible evidence to
identify an offender exists.
As noted, a recent meta-analysis and systematic review by Fox and Farrington
(2018) aimed to identify all existing profiles developed for various offenses from
1976, when the first offender profile was proposed, through 2016. Results of this
study indicate that there have been over 420 publications written on OP in those 40
years, of which 62 have proposed offender profiles for one of six major crimes:
homicide, sexual assault, burglary, robbery, arson, and other offenses (Fox &
Farrington, 2018). A notable proportion of these profiles (45%; n = 28) were devel-
oped for sexual offenses, with 16 profiles proposed for sexual assault and 12 pro-
posed for sexual homicide. These profiles, shown in Table 3.1 below, and their
etiology will be described in the sections to follow.
Table 3.1 Offender profiles proposed for sex offenses 1976–2016

# of
Study Location N Profiles All proposed profile types
Sexual homicide
Ressler et al. (1986) USA 118 2 Organized; disorganized
Ressler et al. (1988) USA 36 3 Organized; disorganized; mixed
Keppel and Walter USA 4 4 Power-assertive; power-reassurance;
(1999) anger-retaliatory; anger-excitation
Kocsis (1999) Australia 86 4 Predator; perversion; fury; rape
Beauregard and Canada 36 2 Sadistic; anger
Proulx (2002)
Beech et al. (2005) UK 28 3 Grievance; sexually motivated; silence victims
Last and Fritzon USA 82 4 Moderate expressiveness (planned); high
(2005) expressiveness; low expressiveness; moderate
expressiveness (unplanned)
Salfati and Taylor UK 74 3 Exploit; control; violent
(2006)
Gerard et al. (2007) Belgium 33 2 Opportunistic-impulsive; sadistic-calculator
Beauregard and Canada 10 2 Avenger; sexual predator
Proulx (2007)
Schlesinger (2007) USA 0 2 Catathymic; compulsive
Beauregard and Canada 85 3 Organized; disorganized; mixed
Field (2008)
Kerr et al. (2013) 3 Anger; sexual sadism; silence victims
Sewall et al. (2013) Canada 82 3 Competitively disadvantaged; psychopathic/
slashers; sadistic
Balemba et al. Canada 350 3 Sloppy/reckless; violent/sadistic;
(2014) forensically-aware
(continued)
20 B. Fox et al.
Table 3.1 (continued)

# of
Study Location N Profiles All proposed profile types
Stefanska et al. UK 129 3 Deviance driven; grievance driven; sexually
(2015) driven
Sexual assault
Canter and Heritage UK 66 5 Sexuality; violence; impersonal; criminality;
(1990) intimacy
Warren et al. (1991) USA 41 4 Power-assertive; power-reassurance;
anger-retaliatory; anger-excitation
House (1997) Canada 60 4 Aggression; criminality; intimacy; sadism
Warren et al. (1999) USA 108 2 Increasers; non-increasers
Hazelwood and USA 0 2 Impulsive; reactive, ritualistic
Warren (2000)
Kocsis et al. (2002) Australia 62 4 Brutal; intercourse; chaotic; ritual
Canter et al. (2003) UK 112 4 Hostility; control; theft; involvement
Häkkänen et al. Finland 100 3 Hostility, involvement; theft
(2004)
Deslauriers-Varin Canada 361 6 Home (intrusion, invited); Outdoor (non-
and Beauregard coercive, coercive); social (onsite, offsite)
(2010)
Deslauriers-Varin Canada 361 4 Victim’s home; neighborhood; shopping
and Beauregard center; offender’s home
(2013)
Deslauriers-Varin Canada 72 4 Typical; opportunistic; explosive; chronic
and Beauregard
(2014)
Goodwill et al. Serbia 150 3 Violence and control; attempt; persuasion and
(2014) sexual
Note: Total proposed sex offender profiles published from 1976 to 2016 n = 28
3.2.2 Offender Profiles for Sexual Homicide
While sexual homicides are typically rare, at 0.2% of all murders in the United
States (U.S. Department of Justice, 2012), these offenders make up a distinct and
unique subcategory of sexual offenders requiring their own profiles and examina-
tion. Specifically, sexual homicide is unlike other forms of sexual offenses (e.g.,
rape) in that it carries no tangible legal definition. Instead, it has been generally
characterized as a homicide that includes some form of “sexual element, motiva-
tion, relationship, or perversion” (Flowers, 2001), or a homicide in which the
offender finds the killing itself sexually gratifying (Schlesinger, 2003). Some
instances of sexual homicide may present with an explicitly sexual element, such as
the penetration or assault of sexual organs, while others may not show any evidence
of this sort, but still have underlying sexually driven motivations or show sexual
elements despite lacking an apparent sexual motivation for the offense (Chan, 2015;
Koenraadt, 2010). Unfortunately, without a clear and universal definition of sexual
homicide, our classification, counts, and data on these cases are typically based
upon the interpretation of police officers and investigators working the cases.
Nevertheless, given the severity and impact of sexual homicides, developing
offender profiles to better understand, solve, and prevent these heinous crimes
is vital.
Research examining 37 years of the FBI’s Supplementary Homicide Report
(SHR) data suggests that the vast majority of sexual homicide offenders in the
U.S. are male and White, nearly three quarters are between the ages of 18–35, and
over 90% are under age 40 (Myers et al., 2017). In terms of victim features, about
80% of sexual homicide victims are female, approximately two thirds are White,
and most victims have a “friend/acquaintance/other known” relationship with their
killer. More nuanced profiles of sexual homicide offenders have been developed
based upon the crime scene behavior and victim features, and associated psycho-
logical and social characteristics of the responsible offenders.
For instance, in one of the first offender profiles ever proposed by the FBI’s BSU,
Ressler et al. (1986) examined 118 sexual homicide victims, and identified two
(now infamous) profiles: organized and disorganized offenders. The organized
offender is one who plans the offense, is methodical, and diligent in maintaining
control, while the disorganized offender is often impulsive, opportunistic, and care-
less in the method used to commit the crime. Organized offenders were expected to
be of higher intelligence, employed in a skilled occupation, more likely to stalk or
know their potential victim(s), survey their prospective crime scene(s), more likely
to use extreme force on their victims, be under pressure or experience stress around
the time of their offense, more likely to leave their crime scene free of evidence, and
make attempts to evade apprehension. Conversely, disorganized offenders are more
likely to be more chaotic in their crimes and personal lives, reside alone, be more
frightened or confused when committing their crimes, more likely to have been
abused as a child, and come from a family whose father had unstable employment
(Chan, 2015). Disorganized offenders are also more likely to perform sadistic and/
or postmortem sexual acts on their victims, position and depersonalize them, leave
their weapon at the crime scene, make few attempts to clean or hide evidence as
their crimes tend to lack planning and preparation, and are more likely to commit
their offenses near familiar surroundings. The organized/disorganized profile was
refined by Ressler et al. (1988), when they clinically analyzed cases of 36 of the
most notorious serial killers, and noted that a third profile, mixed, exists and is
essentially a combination of the features in the organized and disorganized profiles.
The famed disorganized/organized profiles for sexual murderers have received
considerable attention both in academia, policing, and pop culture (e.g., The Silence
of the Lambs, Criminal Minds), and have received some support in empirical
research using more statistical approaches to profile development. For instance,
Beauregard and Field (2008) focused their analyses on the body disposal patterns of
85 sexual murderers in Canada and found that they fit into three latent categories
based upon their features and behaviors: organized, disorganized, and mixed.
Gerard et al. (2007) analyzed crime scene and offender data on 33 Belgian sexual
murderers using multidimensional scaling (MDS) analysis and proposed two
22 B. Fox et al.
profiles: the opportunistic-impulsive offender, akin to Ressler et al.’s (1986) disor-

ganized offender, and the sadistic-calculator type, which is most similar to the orga-
nized offender. Further, Beauregard and DeLisi (2018) conducted a logistic
regression on data from 616 Canadian sexual homicide offenders, and found that
organized offenders generally exhibit higher levels of self-control than disorganized
offenders, as the FBI profilers had predicted from their clinical assessment of the
sexual homicide cases. This consistency in features is encouraging for the validity
and generalizability of these profiles when used to aid investigators in understand-
ing and apprehending sexual homicide offenders.
However, more recent studies have expanded on these profiles, often by focusing
on certain specific elements of the offending behavior, or by using more sophisti-
cated and advanced statistical analyses and scientific techniques. For example, a
growing body of research has aimed to explicate the motivations that drive sexual
homicide offenders. Understanding these motivations is important for law enforce-
ment, forensic professionals, and the general public, as the ability to understand the
etiology of sexual homicide, in combination with uncovering distinctive offender
characteristics, allows us to best assess which potential victims (and offenders)
might be most vulnerable or high-risk for this behavior.
One of the earliest motivational and behavioral based profiles for sexual homi-
cide was proposed by Keppel and Walter (1999), who built upon profiles for sexual
assault and proposed the following profiles for sexual homicide: power-assertive,
power-reassurance, anger-retaliatory, and anger-excitation. Power-assertive
offenders are motivated by their own (hidden) insecurity and need to “confirm their
manhood” by using the rape to dominate the victim and restore their sexual self-
confidence. These offenders typically feel entitled to sex despite the victim’s lack of
consent, often act on impulse, and will blame the victim for their behavior. Similarly,
power-reassurance offenders offend due to their insecurity and need to restore con-
fidence, but often want to pretend that they are in a relationship with the victim,
even trying to show “respect” to the victim during the offense. Power-reassurance
offenders are predicted to be romantically and socially inept, select the victim in
advance, take a trophy from the victim, and feel inadequate with women. In con-
trast, anger-retaliatory offenders tend to feel rage and hatred towards women, are
more violent, and use sex to dominate, humiliate, and punish the victim. They are
emotional, brutal, and may even be high or drunk during the offense. The final type,
anger-excitation, receives sexual gratification from the victim’s suffering, and enjoy
inflicting physical and psychological pain on the victims. This type generally
intends to kill the victim in advance and carefully plans it out, and often appear
charming and trustworthy to entice the victim before the brutal and premeditated
offense.
Kocsis (1999) expanded on these profiles using 86 cases of sexual homicide from
Australia, where he identified four sub-types: predator, perversion, fury, and rape.
The rape sub-type is most similar to Keppel and Walter’s (1999) power-assertive
offenders, the fury sub-type is most similar to the anger-retaliatory offenders, the
predators are akin to the anger-excitation offenders, and perversion would be simi-
lar to the power-reassurance offenders. In contrast, Beech et al. (2005) developed
profiles of sexual homicide offenders based upon their motivations using their inter-
views with 28 convicted sexual murderers in the United Kingdom (UK): offenders
with a grievance, those who are sexually motivated, and offenders who kill to silence
their victim(s). Kerr et al. (2013) found three similar motivations for sexual homi-
cide: anger, sexual sadism,1 and killing for the purpose of silencing their victim.
Beauregard and Proulx (2002) expanded on the features of offenders in each of
these profiles, using data collected from semi-structured interviews with 36 sexual
murders. Based upon their research, offenders in the anger, fury, and grievance cat-
egories are likely to experience problems with loneliness, feel rejection prior to the
offense, do not preselect their victims or plan their crime, are more likely to sur-
render themselves to authorities and take responsibility for their crimes than sadistic
offenders. Conversely, sadistic sexual homicide offenders are also likely to have
experienced rejection, have pre-existing sexual fantasies, be in a positive mood
prior to their crime, pre-select their victim(s), and are much more likely than their
angered counterparts to utilize restraints as well as mutilate, humiliate, and dismem-
ber their victim(s) postmortem. These motivational profiles were replicated and
expanded upon by Stefanska et al.’ (2015) study of 129 sexual homicide offenders
in the UK, who identified three sub-types: sexually driven, grievance driven, and
deviance driven offenses, where they classified offenders as committing the crimes
out of pursuit of sex, anger/perceived grievance, or another antisocial or illegal
motivation, respectively.
Profiles have been developed of sexual homicide offenders using features from
the crime scene alone. For instance, Balemba et al. (2014) employed a latent class
analysis of 350 Canadian sexual homicides and identified three categories of
offender crime patterns: sloppy/reckless, violent/sadistic, and forensically-aware.
All three profiles occur at a similar frequency, despite the variations in behavior and
crime manifestation. In the sloppy/reckless sub-type, most cases have a high clear-
ance rate due to the offender engaging in vaginal or anal intercourse with their vic-
tim, and the corresponding higher probability of their semen being found at the
crime scene. Sloppy/reckless offenders are less likely to plan their crime or make
attempts to avoid detection. The primary motivation for their offense is sexual, and
they tend to use less excessive force if possible. The violent/sadistic profile offenses
also have a high clearance rate. Due to their need to inflict pain upon their victims,
torture is often used as a means to inflict suffering and in doing so, physical or trace
evidence is often left behind by offenders. Offenders in the forensically-aware class
are more difficult to apprehend, due to the level of consideration put into not leaving
evidence behind at their crime scenes.
Finally, research has focused on unique sub-categories of sexual homicide
offenders such as those who target children, strangers, the elderly, or same-sex
victims. For example, Stroud and Pritchard (2001) analyzed 10 years of data in the
1
Sexual sadism is a paraphilia where an individual achieves sexual arousal based upon fantasies or
actions of inflicting pain, suffering, or humiliation on another human-being (American Psychiatric
Association, 2000).
24 B. Fox et al.
UK and found that those who commit sexual homicide of children are most often a
male stranger to the victim, who is often a young girl, and often plan their offense
in advance. Heide et al. (2009) conducted a systematic review of child sexual mur-
derers and concluded that the motivations to commit these crimes are that children
represent easier, more accessible targets than adults, and/or the offender may have
an explicit sexual interest in children. In contrast, male offenders who target same-
sex victims are likely motivated by sex, followed by financial gain (e.g. to rob a
victim; Chan & Li, 2020) or to gain power and control over their victims (Chan,
2015). The victims of same-sex sexual homicide tend to be significantly older than
the victims of opposite-sex sexual homicides.
Researchers have also distinguished between serial and non-serial sexual homi-
cide offenders. Using data collected from 1836 international sexual murderers,
serial sexual murderers are more likely to display psychosexual issues such as the
early onset of coercive sexual behavior, as well as compulsive masturbation and
sadistic sexual fantasies, while non-serial sexual murderers exhibit traits such as
hostile attitudes and impulsivity (James & Proulx, 2014). The developmental and
psychopathological profiles of non-serial and serial sexual murderers, respectively,
correspond to the profiles of angry and sadistic sexual murderers by Beauregard and
Proulx (2002). James and Proulx also posit that serial sexual murderers experience
a range of internal conflicts such as experiencing feelings of isolation, rejection, and
humiliation, and seeking refuge in compulsive masturbation and paraphilias (e.g.,
fetishism, voyeurism, exhibitionism). Alternatively, non-serial sexual murderers
tend to experience low self-esteem, grievances against women, emotional detach-
ment, and hostility (James & Proulx, 2014).
Finally, it is important to note that James and Beauregard (2018) conducted an
analysis on the statistical correspondence between the crime scene behavior and
motivations among 62 Canadian sexual homicide offenders, and concluded that the
modus operandi can be complex and does not necessarily explain the reasoning or
motivation behind their crime(s). In addition, researchers have not clearly deter-
mined whether sexual homicide is truly distinct from other forms of sexual aggres-
sion (e.g., rape) or if it is instead an unfortunate endpoint on a continuum of violent
sexual aggression (Kerr et al., 2013) As such, it is difficult to definitively or confi-
dently state that researchers and law enforcement know all there is to know about
sexual homicide and its offenders. As with all areas and subsets of crime, confound-
ing variables may play a role, and most information is taken from those offenders
who have been caught. As such, our understanding may only reach so far and may
not be representative of all sexual homicide offenders. Indeed, there may be some
usefulness in conducting case study interviews to ultimately uncover more specific
details around an offender’s rationale or motivation. However, it cannot go without
noting that there are clear and distinct differences between types of sexual homicide
offenders. Further understanding of how these offenders ultimately progress to mur-
der, either developmentally or socially, is of the utmost importance to determine
potential methods of intervention for the prevention of future crimes.
3.2.3 Offender Profiles for Sexual Assault
While sexual homicide is a relatively rare phenomenon, sexual assault is far more
prevalent. Sadly, the high rate of sexual assault has continued to increase in the last
several years in the US, while the reporting rate to the police has decreased, and the
clearance rate for sexual assaults is among the lowest of all major offenses (Morgan
& Oudekerk, 2018). Due to the severity and prevalence of this highly unsolved
offense, it is vital to develop approaches that can help police apprehend offenders.
This includes investigative techniques such as OP to identify the responsible offend-
ers before they strike again.
Canter and Heritage (1990) first sought to develop profiles of the behaviors of
sex offenders using a sample of 66 rapists from the UK. Results of their early use of
MDS indicated five distinct themes: sexuality (engaging in vaginal intercourse, fel-
latio), violence and aggression (used as a means of control along with verbal abuse),
impersonal, sexual gratification (unresponsiveness to victim reactions, use of sur-
prise attack), criminality (use of bindings and gags, use of a weapon), and interper-
sonal intimacy (conversational, apologizes to victim). Several of these profiles were
largely replicated by House’s (1997) analysis of 60 rapes from Canada using
Smallest Space Analysis (SSA), a form of MDS, where he identified four offense
sub-types: aggression, criminality, intimacy, and sadism. Aggression rapes are char-
acterized by the presence of physical and/or verbal abuse on the victim, while the
criminality and intimacy types replicate the profiles of the same name developed by
Canter and Heritage (1990). The final profile, sadistic offenses, is characterized by
sadistic acts engaged in during the offense such as physical and psychological tor-
ture. While these characteristics help create a more heterogeneous understanding of
sexual assault behaviors, illuminating the need to better understand sub-types of
offenders who commit these crimes.
To address this, Warren et al. (1991) used discriminant analyses on data from 41
serial rapists, and classified rapes into one of four types: power-assertive, power-
reassurance, anger-retaliatory, and anger-excitation, which were replicated by
Keppel and Walter (1999) in their analysis of sexual murderers. In a follow up study,
Warren et al. (1999) identified two new profiles of sexual assault from a sample of
108 cases in the US: increasers and non-increasers. Increasers escalate their use of
force from the beginning of the attack to the end, while non-increasers keep their
level of force virtually consistent throughout the offense. Increasers commit sexual
assault almost exclusively, while non-increasers are highly versatile. Increaser rapes
tend to be premeditated and occur indoors, and often involve foreign object penetra-
tion, while non-increasers are more sporadic and impulsive in nature (Warren et al.,
1991). Hazelwood and Warren (2000) later proposed two profiles for sex offenses
using a clinical approach, which share many features of the increasers and non-
increasers. First, impulsive rapists tend to be opportunist, spend little or no time in
planning the offense, and use verbal abuse and violence to control their victims,
while reactive-ritualistic sex offenders are motivated by power and control, and the
use of verbal abuse, physical force, and brutal sexual violence to achieve these
26 B. Fox et al.
goals. Sexual fantasies are the center of this offender’s behavior; analyzing these
behaviors can help investigators gain insight to the psychological profile of the
offender and predict their next move (Hazelwood & Warren, 2000). It is important
to note, however, that features of the impulsive and ritualistic offenders are not
mutually exclusive. In fact, they share similar characteristics, especially verbal
abuse and violence.
Kocsis et al. (2002) sought to uncover the nuances of violence during a sexual
offense in order to distinguish violent patterns and help create more specific offender
profiles. Using a sample of 62 sexual assault cases in Australia, these scholars iden-
tified four patterns in violent behavior using MDS. The intercourse pattern is very
similar to the intimacy profile proposed in prior work (Canter & Heritage, 1990;
Warren et al., 1991), where the offender aims to engage in sexual intercourse, not
violence or control, and relies on conversations to establish intimacy. The chaotic
profile is categorized by impulsive and violent acts, which can be cruel and some-
times lethal, but not meant to be torturous, and these cases most align with power-
reassurance rapists. The brutality profile represents extreme violence to achieve
total dominance and degrade or humiliate the victim, and are most similar to the
anger-excitation or violence profiles. The final profile, similar in violence exhibited
in the brutality profile, is the ritual profile. This offense type commonly involves
binding, gagging, and torturing the victim, is indicative of paraphilic behavior, and
a formulated plan of abuse. Both the brutality and ritual profiles align with the sadis-
tic and increaser profile features.
The way an offender interacts with, views, and selects their victim can help point
investigators in the right direction in terms of the type of responsible offender. To
this end, Canter et al. (2003) used SSA to analyze the victim features identified from
112 rapes in the UK, and identified four profiles: hostility, control, theft, involve-
ment. Based upon their MDS analysis of 100 stranger rapes in Finland, Häkkänen
et al. (2004) almost perfectly replicated these offense themes. The first type, hostil-
ity offense, is similar to previous profiles in which physical violence and aggression
is used in the commission of the offense. The involvement theme is most representa-
tive of cases where an offender is looking for the intimacy and a “relationship” with
the victim (Canter & Heritage, 1990; House, 1997). The theft profile is almost iden-
tical to Canter and Heritage’s (1990) criminality profile. The replication of these
offender types is encouraging for researchers and investigators hoping to use this
information to apprehend sexual assault offenders.
In short, while many studies have investigated sexual assault offenders in order
to develop offender profiles using a variety of methods, samples, and measures,
there is still work to be done. True, many profiles overlap with ones identified by
other scholars, which is encouraging for researchers and investigators. However,
evaluating case studies may help scholars develop profiles that are more specific and
complete.
3.3 Conclusion and Future Directions
Over the last 40 years, a host of offender profiles have been proposed to aid investi-
gators in the apprehension of sex offenders. Both academics and practitioners have
placed considerable emphasis on profiling sex offenders, as they are often repeat
offenders with distinct behavioral patterns (Deslauriers-Varin & Beauregard, 2010,
2014; Kocsis et al., 2002; Warren et al., 1999), and these crimes typically have the
lowest clearance rates of all serious offense types, making the need for effective
investigative strategies all the more important. From this analytical review, it is clear
that among these profiles, there is both heterogeneity and patterns of consistency
regarding the characteristics of the proposed profiles for sexual assault and sexual
homicide. It is therefore important to synthesize the information to visualize a
potential recurring theme in the profiles for each type of sex offender.
To this end, Fig. 3.1 details the most representative and consistently replicated
offender profiles for sex offenders to date. Notably, these profiles have been identi-
fied in multiple studies, drawing upon varied samples, measures, and approaches,
increasing confidence in the validity, reliability, and applicability of the resultant
profiles (see Beauregard & Field, 2008; Beech et al., 2005; Canter et al., 2003;
Deslauriers-Varin & Beauregard, 2014; Gerard et al., 2007; Hazelwood & Warren,
Criminal Sexual
Organized Opportunistic Disorganized
Sadistic Power/ Violence/ Anger/

Control Hostility Fury
Key:
Sexual Homicide Profiles
Sexual Assault Profiles
Fig. 3.1 Overlap in offender profiles for sexual assault and sexual homicide
28 B. Fox et al.
2000; Häkkänen et al., 2004; House, 1997; Kerr et al., 2013; Kocsis, 1999; Kocsis
et al., 2002; Ressler et al., 1986, 1988; Stefanska et al., 2015).
The first sex offender profile consistently identified, the organized sub-type, was
identified in numerous publications spanning nearly three decades (Beauregard &
Field, 2008; Ressler et al., 1986, 1988) and overlaps considerably in the core fea-
tures with the ritual (Hazelwood & Warren, 2000; Kocsis et al., 2002) and “forensi-
cally aware” profiles (Balemba et al., 2014) The organized profile for sexual assault
and homicide is characterized by the methodical, premeditated, and ritualistic
nature of the offenses, and overlaps with several related recurring psychological
profiles, which further distinguish the varied behaviors and motivations for the sex-
ual offending. For instance, many organized sex offenders are motivated by power
(e.g., power-assertive, power-reassurance; Hazelwood & Warren, 2000; Keppel &
Walter, 1999; Warren et al., 1991) and need for control (Canter et al., 2003). Others
are motivated by sadism, which is the urge to use extreme and premeditated vio-
lence to achieve total dominance and/or torture and humiliate the victim to achieve
sexual gratification (Gerard et al., 2007; House, 1997; Kerr et al., 2013; Ressler
et al., 1986), while some have a “criminal” motive such as theft or silencing a vic-
tim/witness (Beech et al., 2005; Canter & Heritage, 1990; Canter et al., 2003;
Häkkänen et al., 2004; House, 1997; Kerr et al., 2013; Stefanska et al., 2015).
Organized offenses are more difficult to solve, due to the preparation, “professional-
ism”/experience, and effort put into evading law enforcement and preventing evi-
dence being left at their crime scenes.
The second most common offender profile across sexual assaults and homicides
is the disorganized sub-type (Beauregard & Field, 2008; Ressler et al., 1986, 1988),
which shares many features to the chaotic (Kocsis et al., 2002) and sloppy/reckless
(Balemba et al., 2014) style sexual offense. Each is distinguished by impulsive,
careless, risky, and unplanned criminal behavior. Disorganized/chaotic offenders
are often motivated by anger (anger-retaliatory, anger-excitation; Beauregard &
Proulx, 2002; Keppel & Walter, 1999; Kerr et al., 2013; Warren et al., 1991) and
fury (Kocsis, 1999); two sub-types consistently identified in the literature. Anger
offenders are likely to feel rejection and loneliness prior to offending, and may have
psychological issues that lead them to be more disorganized in their crime scene
behavior (Beauregard & Proulx, 2002). Some commit sex offenses in line with the
sexual, intimacy, and “involvement” profiles (Beech et al., 2005; Beauregard &
Proulx, 2002; Canter & Heritage, 1990; Canter et al., 2003; Häkkänen et al., 2004;
Stefanska et al., 2015). Specifically, while most sex offenders are not motivated by
sex, some (who often have psychological issues and align with disorganized/chaotic
style offenses) may try to mimic a romantic relationship (which is clearly untrue)
and use conversation and apologies to “increase intimacy” with their victim (Kocsis
et al., 2002; Warren et al., 1991). Disorganized offenders across motivational sub-
types are less likely to plan their crime or attempt to avoid detection by police (e.g.,
engaging in unprotected intercourse), making these the most likely to result in
apprehension.
The third most common profile of sex offenses was the opportunistic sub-type
(Deslauriers-Varin & Beauregard, 2014; Gerard et al., 2007; Keppel & Walter,
1999), characterized by high levels of impulsivity and little premeditation, in line

with disorganized offense. However, opportunistic offenses lack several defining
features of the disorganized profile, as they are less chaotic or motivated by anger/
fury and sexual intimacy. Instead, opportunistic offenses share several features of
organized style sex crimes in that they often take steps to avoid apprehension and
may be largely motivated by excitement/thrill-seeking or hostility, perhaps due to
high levels of substance use or antisocial tendencies (Hazelwood & Warren, 2000).
To that end, the final recurring sub-type of sex offenses were those characterized by
high levels of violence/aggression (Canter & Heritage, 1990; House, 1997) and
hostility (Canter et al., 2003; Häkkänen et al., 2004), as indicated by excessive force
and violence, loss of control, and verbal and/or physical abuse of their victims
(Balemba et al., 2014).
Together, these findings suggest that there are several reliably identified profiles
for both sexual assault and sexual homicide, which are similar in type and charac-
teristics, that may be beneficial for investigators to apprehend responsible offenders.
While the overlap of these profiles may hinge on minutia, such as the specific way
an offender interacts with, views, and selects their victim, these profiles can help
point investigators in the right direction in terms of the most likely features and
behaviors of the responsible offender. Still, the replication of these offender types is
encouraging for researchers and investigators hoping to use this information to
apprehend sexual assault offenders.
To that end, the ongoing study of heterogeneity and unique offender profiles
among sex offenders is critical both to understanding the etiology and development
of these offenders, and for formulating the most effective and customized interven-
tions to prevent sexually-motivated crimes. As sex offense clearance rates have
declined in recent years, it is more important than ever to ensure law enforcement
officials are equipped with the appropriate tools to have the greatest likelihood of
apprehending offenders. Indeed, much remains to be learned concerning this topic.
A closer assessment of contributing factors, demographic characteristics (specific
both to offender and victim), and offender lifestyle choices may be one way to
ensure greater effectiveness and efficiency of OP. It is also essential that researchers
continue to utilize statistical methods to determine sound results and conclusions
that can be replicated in future studies in this rapidly advancing field of OP.
Key Points
• Sex offenses are extremely prevalent, harmful/dangerous, and among the least
solved of all major offenses around the globe, making the need for effective
investigative strategies all the more important (Chan, 2019)
• Sex offenders are often repeat offenders with distinct behavioral patterns
(Deslauriers-Varin & Beauregard, 2010, 2014; Kocsis et al., 2002; Warren
et al., 1999)
• There is both heterogeneity and consistency in the characteristics comprised in
extant profiles for sexual homicide and sexual assault, with a few recurring
themes in the profiles for each type of sex offender
30 B. Fox et al.
• The most commonly identified profiles for sex offenses are the organized and
disorganized sub-types, though these overlap and share features of several other
commonly proposed profiles. For instance, sadistic offenders are a type of orga-
nized offender and often assert extreme power/control over their victims.
Contrarily, sexually motivated offenders are typically disorganized, while oppor-
tunistic and violent sub-types display features of both organized and disorga-
nized style sex offenses.
• These recurring themes represent the most consistent and reliable profiles for sex
offenses, which may be beneficial for investigators to apprehend the responsible
offenders
Recommended Readings
Fox, B., & Farrington, D. P. (2018). What have we learned from offender profiling? A systematic
review and meta-analysis of 40 years of research. Psychological Bulletin, 144, 1247–1274.
Fox, B., Farrington, D. P., Kapardis, A., & Hambly, O. (2020). Evidence-based offender profiling.
Springer.
Goodwill, A. M., Lehmann, R. J. B., Beauregard, E., & Andrei, A. (2016). An action phase
approach to offender profiling. Legal and Criminological Psychology, 21, 229–250.
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leány miatt. A rá váró itéletnek szigorát is talán enyhíteni fogja, ha
most ezt a másikat fölemeli a porból. Ha lesz még órája ama két
piros ajak csókjai s azoknak a lágy karoknak ölelései közt a multnak
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győzni őket, hogy életének legsötétebb napján sem szíve volt a
hibás. Ime e szív most, a régihez hasonló esetben, egy pillanatig
sem kétkedik, hogy mit kelljen tennie; de minő iszonyu kényszer
vaskeze zsibbasztotta meg akkor és forgatta ki önmagából! Hasonló
helyzetben? Szereti-e hát Ilonát? (Béla egy könnyű kézmozdulattal
odázza el magától a kérdést, mely ily határozott alakban tolakodott
lelke elé. A húrok, melyeket érint, oly hárfán vannak, mely szomorú
hangjait csak akkor hallatja, mikor emlékeinek fuvallata belekap.)
Érzi, hogy a magányt e rideg épületben nem tudja kiállani. Érzi, hogy
emelkedőben van; de önerejéből nem tudja leszaggatni magáról a
szilaj kétségbeesés rongyait, – egy mentő kézre lenne szüksége.
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nappal sulyosabb s az esküvel, melylyel ő tartozik, kétszer annyit ad,
ha gyorsan adja.
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tegnapelőtt. Rideg és erkölcstelen közönyének sarából tisztább
habok kezdtek felszínre kerülni. Fogékony, minden benyomásra
engedő lelkét a nagy rázkódás, mely egy boldogtalan ember
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szemeibe. A mit csillagnak néz, az könnyen lehet gyarló mécsvilág;
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érezte: gyöngédség, feláldozás, lelkiismeret, kötelesség
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ez a mosoly megelégedést jelent.
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vagy elmesélésébe fogni merjek.
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parancsainak mindenkor kész engedelmeskedni.
– Hozta isten, tiszteletes úr, – nyujtotta Béla kezét az érkezett
elé, kit Ilona könnyű főhajtással üdvözölt. – Kedvesem, a mi
lelkészünk: tiszt. Molnár Ábrahám úr. Nagyon örülök, hogy ily
gyorsan engedett meghivásomnak s bocsánatot kérek, ha netalán
zavartam. De igen fontos ügyben kérettem, melyet nem igen
szívesen halasztanék tovább. Olyan dologban, melynél a pap a
háznak legfontosabb és legszivesebben látott vendége. Kérem,
foglaljon helyet. Istók, itt vannak az írószekrény kulcsai. Légy szíves
kivenni azt az iratot, melyet a középső fiókban legfelül találsz.
A mentor még nem feledte el (hogyan is feledte volna!) az utolsó
szomoru alkalmat, mikor abban a szekrényben kutatott mélyen
tisztelt barátjának végrendelete után s ránczos homloka körül egy
makacs árnyat kergetve, végzé megbizatását.
– Így, – mondá Béla. Nyujtsd át a tiszteletes úrnak. Én ez órában
össze akarok esküdni menyasszonyommal. Az ott fölmentvény a
hirdetések alól. Azt hiszem, nincsen semmi akadály?
Molnár Ábrahám úr arczának dús tüskebokrai közt a
meglepetésre, melyet a fölhivás magában foglalt, egyszerre kinyílt a
hivatalos mosolygásnak egy roppant napraforgó-virága. De mi volt
ez a mentor elragadott öröméhez! Gazdája szavaira vén, kerek fején
akkorát lódított előre, hogy egy perczre méltán lehetett félteni annak
a vállakkal való okvetlenül szükséges összeköttetését. Bélához
rohant, kezeit szorongatta, majd Ilonáét óhajtotta tiszteletteljes
csókjaival elárasztani és töredezett szavakkal biztosított mindenkit, a
vőlegényt, a menyasszonyt, a papot, az író-szekrényt, az öreg órát
és mindent, mindent, hogy ő most képtelen ugyan hosszabb üdvözlő
beszédre, de meg lehetnek győződve róla, hogy nála jobbakat már
senki nem kivánhat.
– Ha tehát nincsen semmi kifogása ellene… – fordult Béla a
paphoz, ki a mentor örömkitörései alatt azzal a hazafias
bizalmatlansággal kezdte vizsgálgatni az ujjai közt forgatott okiratot,
mely az akkori hatóságoknak minden kibocsátványával szemben
szerinte nagyon helyén volt. Nem tagadhatom, hogy bizonyos
önérzetes kicsinylés is vegyült e birálgatásba a felett, hogy nem
jobban elvégezte volna-e ő az egészet a kathedráról.
Miután sem a pecsét, sem az aláirás, sem a tartalom ellen alapos
kifogást emelni nem tudott, a napraforgót ismét Béla felé irányozva,
kijelentette, hogy neki legalázatosabb üdvözletén kivül egyéb szava
nincs.
– Eszerint készen van a tiszteletes úr? – kérdé az ifjú házi úr,
széke mögött álló jegyesének kezét gyöngéden a magáéba fogva.
– Hogy készen vagyok-e? – felelt a pap, fölkelve székéről s
emeltebb hangon folytatva: – Engedje meg nagyságod, hogy
kifejezzem egy részben sajnálkozásomat, mivel nem kis
templomomnak juttatja a szerencsét, hol jövendő boldogságaért
gyülekezetem egyszerű fohászkodásával egyesíthetném a
magamét. De hisz így is jól van az; mert mindenütt jelen van az úr, a
hol ketten-hárman együtt vannak az övéi közül. És protestáns
kánonaink is megengedik a háznál való csöndes esketéseket. A mi a
készenlételt illeti, egy ilyen magamszőrű vén pap (de bízony,
esedezem, eljár az idő!) minden ujjából már tuczatszám rázhatja ki
az imádságot. Az igazi lelkipásztornak minden pillanatban, minden
adandó alkalomra készen kell lennie, mert sohasem tudhatja, mikor
szólítják valamely haldokló atyjafiához, a kinek nincs ideje megvárni,
míg imádságra készül; vagy teszem: marakodó házasfelekhez, kik
kárt is tehetnének egymásban, ha rögtön kéznél nincs az oktatás.
Készen vagyok, nagyságos uram. És a két tanu?
– Itt van az egyik mindjárt: István úr, – válaszolt Béla. A másik
meg… Ugyan Istók, kit is kellene még beszólítanunk?
– Készen van a tiszteletes úr? – kérdé az ifju házi úr
jegyesének kezét gyengéden a magáéba fogva.
A mentor azonban már nem volt a kanczelláriában s így a kért

tanácscsal sem szolgálhatott. A mint megütötte füleit a szó, hogy
neki még szerep, s még pedig fontos szerep is jut az esküvőn,
hármasokat ugorva rohant le a lépcsőn s odalenn – hogy annál
könnyebben menjen – kulcsának fogantyújával kezdte ostromolni a
prior-szoba ajtó-zárát. Miután ez a legdühösebben ismételt
támadásokra sem akart engedni, a siettében kétségbeesett Istók
tanácstalanul lármázva kezdett föl s alá nyargalni a folyosón,
mignem Kata asszony segítségére jött a konyhából.
A termetes úrnő, megértvén a baj okát s tisztességesen
leszólván valamennyi szeleburdi ifjú legényt, természetes józan
eszével csakhamar megoldotta a már-már kibonthatatlannak tetsző
csomót. Ámde azért volt nő, hogy a bódult nyargalászásban, a
fennakadás furcsaságában, a pillanatra sem pihenő
nyugtalanságban, a lángoló szemekben, az egész neki-bolondult
emberben valami figyelemre méltó titok nyomát sejtse, minélfogva
érdemesnek is tartotta csipőre tett kezekkel figyelő állást foglalni a
szobának tárva-nyitva hagyott ajtaja előtt. Miután azonban nem látott
egyebet, mint hogy Pallér úr, minden tekintet nélkül az ő női
illemérzetére, kipkedve-kapkodva, fenyegető gyorsasággal
vetköződni kezd, a kritikus pillanatban az ajtót fözőkanalával
becsapta, sarkon fordult és nagy mérgesen indult vissza árván
hagyott fazekaihoz.
Odafönn már épen csöngetni akartak Palkónak, hogy nézzen
Pallér ur és az ispán után, midőn a kastély elé egy könnyű kis kocsi
hajtatott. Nagy szuszogva szállt ki belőle egy köpczös uri ember,
hátán rettenetes bárány-bundát viselvén, melynek fölhajtott vörös
gallérjában valami özönvizelőtti vastagbőrű tarajos állatnak látszott.
A mint az ember, a bunda, meg a taraj szerencsésen a földön voltak,
a kocsistól egy mindenekfelett úrias kézlegyintéssel akart elbúcsuzni
az érkezett s a szörnyű báránybőr-sátort egyik válláról a másikra
dobálgatván, befelé indult. A kocsis azonban, ki a búcsuval (mint
Béla, Ilona és a pap az ablakból könnyen észrevehették) sehogysem
volt megelégedve, megragadta a menekülő tarajat, mire hosszas és
izgatott eszmecsere kezdődött, mely azonban szerencsére
tettlegességen nem végződött, annál kevésbbé pedig azon, hogy a
vendég – a fuvaros zaklató követelésére – zsebébe és tárczájába
nyult volna. Az özönvízelőtti tarajos szörny Vincze bácsi volt.
– Legjobbkor! – kiálta letekintve s a bekászolódóra ráismerve
Béla. Nem kell már küldeni senkiért; az öreg megérzi, mikor kell
helyt állani neki. Csak Istók után nézzetek, hogy hova tünt
egyszerre. Itt jön Varjú Vincze úr Karámosról. Ő lesz majd a második
tanu.
– Leszek, szerelmes öcsém, leszek, – döczögött Vincze bácsi, ki
Béla szavaiból homályosan még a folyosón értesült a rá váró
szerepről, miután Istók előbb leirt lerándulásának rohamában az
ajtók betevésére legkisebb gondot sem fordított. – Csak ezt a ménkű
nagy sátort hadd keritem le a nyakamból. Így ni. (A vén gavallér
megpödörgeti bajuszát és a híres vörös mellényt lehető előnyös
világításba helyezi. Azt a módos komplimentet meg, melyet Ilona
előtt vágott, látni kellett volna a mai ásítozó fiataloknak!) Ezerszer
csókolom picziny kacsóit, kisasszony. Adjon isten minden jót, lelki
atyám; egy kis szabad lélekzetet a magyar embernek. Nos, szép
öcsém, hát ide a keblemre! Én beteglátogatni jövök egy méregdrága
fuvarossal, és ime egy egészségtől ragyogó ficzkót találok.
Ragyogsz, ha mondom. Hát egy kis keserű, valami szilvóriumféle
nincsen kéznél? Palkó, Palkó! Már az igaz, hogy ilyen nyalka egy
legényt, mint ez a Palkó, keresni kell.
A vigyori inassal, ki ugyancsak régen volt már nyalka és legény,
Istók is megjelent egészen ünnepélyes színben. Az elragadtatás
apró manóit, melyek ajkait, orrát, szemöldeit nem szüntek meg
ránczigálni, földszinti magányában elhessegette s egészen úgy
jelent meg, mint egy boldog filozófushoz illett, ki nem adta magát át
a divatos reménytelenségnek, hanem inkább derült tudományának
egy fényes bizonyságával állott elő. A tisztelet, melylyel e kastély és
lakói iránt viseltetett, nem engedte, hogy a foltos kabátban teljesítse
tisztét: a régi módi kettős ujju atillában pompázott ismét, ritka
bajusza ragyogott a kenőcstől, csizmája tükörré volt kefélve s az
egész mentor megjelenésének dísze ellen a legkisebb kifogást sem
lehetett volna emelni, ha a temetés óta nem használt kalpagjáról egy
végetlen hosszúságu s a mai alkalomhoz kevéssé illő gyászfátyol
nem csüng alá és csizmahúzóit betürni el nem feledi.
Vincze bácsi nagy lármával és csodálkozással üdvözölte e nem
mindennapi díszt s erőt merítvén a három üveg szilvóriumból és
nagy karéj kalácsból, melylyel a páratlanul nyalka Palkó szolgált
neki, új fogadkozásban tört ki:
– Leszek tanu, szerelmes szép öcsém, leszek. Ham, ham. (A
kalácskaréj utolsó falatja a torkán akad.) Leszek. Ham. Még olyan
rendíthetetlen tanu nem volt, mint a milyen én leszek annak a
hasonlíthatatlan gavallérnak öcscse és örököse mellett. Leszek,
pajtás. De hát mire legyek?
Béla mosolyogva s menyasszonya kezét simogatva válaszolt:
– Erre az órára határoztam esküvőmet s ha nincs ellenedre…?
– Hogy nincs-e ellenemre? – kurjantott tenyerébe csapva a
vendég. – Hát kinek a szerencséje volt nekem valaha ellenemre?
No, még ilyen véletlen öröm az életben sohasem dagasztotta a
szívemet, annyi bizonyos. E szerint násznép vagyok én itt és az az
akasztófáravaló fuvaros nem hogy becsületnek tartotta volna, hogy
násznépet hoz… hanem most már az én szekerem is a násznéphez
tartozik, úgye bizony? Soha ilyen fölséges meglepetést! Túltesz,
akármi legyek, ha túl nem tesz a boldogulton még úri fogásokban is!
Hanem talán már el is kellene hallgatnom? Lelki atyám, talán
kezdeni akarja a szertartást?
Molnár Ábrahám ur fülei már rég süketek valának e hiábavaló
beszédekre. Kövér kezei össze voltak kulcsolva atilláján s tövises
szemei haragosan fordítva az ég felé, mintha valami váddal akart
volna föllépni valaki ellen. Pedig csupán szent-lélekért áhitozott a
rögtönzéshez.
Béla is csöndesen, egy kissé nehezen fölemelkedett székéből s
ennek támlájához dőlt. Ilona kihevűlt, égő arczczal állt mellette s
fényes szemeit a földre sütötte, mig Vincze ur az egyik sunyi
pillantást a másik után vetette reá.
A pap, Vincze és Istók az ünnepélyesség kedveért egyet
köhécseltek, az ajtók betétettek, a téli nap legszebb arany szőnyegét
teríté a jegyesek lábai alá, egy rövid életű fattyu-czinege az ablakot
verdeste s víg fütytyel minden jót kivánt nekik, Istók gyanusan
dörzsölte szemeit s megkezdődött a szertartás.
Megkérdeztetett Kálozdy Bélától, akarja-e hitvesének a hajadon
leányt, kit jobbján tart?
Akarja.
Megkérdeztetett Pallér Ilonától, akarja-e férjének a férfiut, kit
jobbján tart?
Akarja.
Az utóbbi kérdésre azonban kevésben mult, hogy egy kéretlen
válasz is nem adatott. Mikor Istók meghallotta igazi nevét a
menyasszonynak, (kire nézve becsületes elméje egy pillanatig sem
volt kétségben az iránt, hogy a szinlap teljesen összevág a
keresztelő levéllel,) azt a nevet, melyet ő maga is büszkén viselt, ugy
elképedt, mintha tiszt. Molnár Ábrahám ur egyszerre hozzá fordult s
neki tette volna fel amaz, egész életre szóló kérdést. De már egy
percz mulva a szó legszorosabb értelmében csak az imádság
tartotta, hogy oda ne rohanjon a kastély jövő urnőjéhez,
felvilágosítást kérni tőle, hogy az égből, vagy a Tiszán túlról
csöppent-e ide?
– Nos, öreg barátom, – mondá az esketés, a kézfogások és
ölelkezések végén Béla a mentorhoz, ki eközben ismét a szájtátó
ámélkodás stádiumába esett vissza, – a te számodra kettős
meglepetést tartogattam. Az egyik s talán a nagyobb, nőm valódi
neve, melyet eddig nem akartam fölfedezni neked. Igen öreg; Ilona a
te nevedet viseli, kinek a mai napon rokonoddá lettem.
A megzavarodott mentor a kézcsók után egy kissé fölemelte a
szép csuklóról a hitetlenül tétovázó szemeit – ki gondolatoknak
soha, de sohasem volt szükében, bátortalan hangon életében
először lebbent el ajakáról a vallomás, hogy:
– Alig… igazán alig tudom, hogy mit gondoljak. De vajjon… igen,
vajjon a Pallérossi Pallérok közül-e?
– Épen azok közül, bátyám, – felelt könnyű sóhajjal a
menyecske.
– De hát vajjon… igenis, vajjon azok közül a bizonyos Pallérossi
Pallérok közül-e, kiknek ősi czimere a féllábú gólya? – folytatta
kérdezősködéseit Istók, még mindíg csak félig-meddig mervén
habozó szemeit új rokonára emelni.
Ilona szivesen válaszolt neki:
– Az én szegény nevelő-atyámnak volt egy nagy, piros
pecsétnyomó gyürűje. Minha csak most is ott látnám rajta sántikálni
a féllábú gólyát!
– Nos, megkövetem, az a gólya mindíg igen díszesen nézett ki, –
rebegte Istók, egy galamb epéjével és egy hidalgó büszkeségével.
Egész lelke fel volt zavarva. Annak az ismeretlen rokonvilágnak
szélén, melyről csak dicsekvő atyja homályos meséiből tudott
egyetmást, de melylyel közelebbről megismerkedni egész életében
fő vágya volt: a mentort valósággal reszkető öröm fogta el. A helyzet
különössége, az új atyafiság, egy kis lélekfurdalás, (hogy ugyan
valamikor a tiszántúliakról nem talált-e többet kiszalasztani, mint a
mennyi most majd igaznak bizonyul?) valami csalódásfélének
sejtelme, (hogy nem feneketlen mélységek voltak-e azok, hova
életének egy-két keserűbb perczében horgonyát kivetni
próbálgatta?) mind ez úgy össze-vissza zavarta fejét, hogy egészen
eltüntek szemei elől az elégedetten mosolygó Béla, meg a fölfútt
képeiket egymás ellen szegezve vitatkozó pap és Vincze úr. Csak a
napsütötte nagy falakat látta, telidesteli a szeszélyes Tisza furcsa
kék vonalaival, a mint szobájában odalenn az ablak mellé akasztott
füstös, poros térképen olykor el szokta nézegetni. Családi álmainak
e kanyargó és csalékony jelvonalain kivül csupáncsak Ilonát látta
még, ki sokszorosan sugárzott előtte a nevezetes család fényétől, és
úgy tetszett neki, mintha egyszerű kék selyem ruhája egészen teli
lenne himezve csupa büszkébbnél büszkébben sántikáló féllábú
gólyákkal.
Ama bizonyos névtelen filozófnak rendíthetetlen nyugodalmától
mindenesetre igen messze volt reszkető hangja, mikor utolsó
kételyének eloszlatására vetette föl a kérdést.
– És a Tiszán túlról…?
– Onnan onnan, bátyám. Ejnye, mintha csak nem örömest
fogadna be a családba s szeretne kirostálni belőle! – enyelgett az új
asszony, kit azonban e kedélyeskedés nem tett elragadóbbá. Mi sem
volt már meg benne a gyermekből, ki a gondok végetlen
oczeánjának egész bizodalommal megy neki egy csillogó kagylóval,
hogy eltünteti ebben. Mi sem abból, ki mosolyában és tréfájában
egész őszinte valóját és tapasztalatlan ártatlanságát mutatja be.
Csak az ilyen tréfa ér valamit!
– Isten őrizz! Nem mondhatok egyebet, mint hogy: isten őrizz! –
szabódott a szegény mentor, mélyen és ügyetlenül hajtogatván
magát s abban az arányban szedegetvén össze innen-onnan régi
eszméit, a melyben a viszonyok képe tisztult előtte. – Soha nagyobb
tisztesség nem ért az életben, mint e mai napon! Tiszta szivemből
mondhatom, bármilyen világos elmével tekintsek is végig fejtörő
munkában eltöltött és e kitünő család folytonos bizodalmával
koszoruzott életemen, hogy még nagyobb tisztesség nem ért. Ha
meggondoltam eddig, hogy ime öreg napjaimban hosszú
szolgálatomnak boldogító elismerése és személyemnek megtisztelő
figyelembe vétele mellett törvényes, rendes és szabályos
nyugalomba vagyok helyezve… (ki ne bocsátaná meg neki, hogy
elfoglalt állásának e rövid szavakkal való körvonalozását, a pap és
Vincze felé tekintve, jónak látta még egyszer ismételni?) törvényes
rendes és szabályos nyugalomba vagyok helyezve, ha ezt így
elgondoltam, mindíg azt hittem, már nincs több várni valóm az
emberek kegyességétől. Ha most még ehhez hozzáveszem a mai
ünnepi napot, melyen az általam végnélküli kegyelettel tisztelt
Kálozdy-család, nem elégedvén meg eddigi jótéteményeivel, még
saját kebelébe emelt, valósággal óhajtanám visszanyerni munkabíró
ifjúságomat, hogy újolag neki szentelhessem életemet!
A mentegetőző kis felszólalást ama legkülönfélébb hangulatok,
melyek Istók lelkében folyton folyvást egymás sarkában voltak,
egész rövid szónoklattá kerekítették, melyben a fősuly ismét arra a
mindig szivesen emlegetett két dologra volt fektetve: életének
kifogástalan munkásságára és szivének hálás voltára. Az utóbbira
nézve épen annyira elragadtatta magát, mintha Bélának Ilona nőül
vételére semmi egyéb oka nem lett volna a világon, mint hogy e
furfangos fogással neki utat szerezzen a Kálozdy-családba.
Alig végezte azonban a szónoklatot, kellemetlenül érezni kezdte,
hogy ama bizalmas hang folytán, melylyel a tiszántuliakat emlegetni
szokta, ha most nem lesz képes némi részletekkel előállni, Bélában
nem alaptalan kételyek támadhatnak ama viszony iránt, melyben ő a
sokat emlegetett virágzó familiához áll. E gondolat aztán arra a
kényelmetlen tudatra ébresztette, hogy ő arról a bizonyos virágzó
családról tulajdonképen semmivel sem tud többet, mint az
Eszterházy herczegekről. Atyja, a kit forrásul idézhetne, régen nincs
az élők között s az esztendők is, melyeknek hosszu sora – isten
tudja, hogyan, – egyet-mást a fejébe vert, hűtlenül eltüntek mellőle s
ő gyámoltalanul magában áll itt, hogy hallgatása által
megszégyeníttessék. A percz sürgette. Nehéz verítékcsöppeket
törölt le homlokáról s utóljára is el kellett szánnia magát. Lesütött
fejjel indult a rohamra s a csatakiáltást úgy intézte, hogy Béla – noha
tőszomszédjában ült – csak némi töredékeket hallhatott belőle.
– Kérem kegyes grácziáját, nagyságos hugom asszony, – kezdé
s ugyancsak akadozva folytatta: – Ugyan mi lett abból a… abból a…
ugyan hogy is hivták csak?… abból a hires, hires katona Pallérból?
Katona körülbelül minden családban van.
– Nem, nem volt az hires katona, bátyám, – felelt egy kissé
elmélázva a kérdett. – Csak becsületes ember volt. Tönkrejutott,
semmivé lett, sirba szállt.
– Isten nyugosztalja szegényt! – sóhajtott egy kissé
megkönnyebbülve Istók. – Tudom, tudom, maga volt a példás
becsületesség. De így jár, a ki az emberek rosszaságával számot
nem vet! Hát ugyan az a… az a… ejnye, mindig ennyi bajom van ám
nekem a nevekkel!… Az a hires… mi is volt csak? Igen, az a hires,
hires prókátor?
Prókátor is volt minden familiában legalább három. A között hires
is csak akad.
– Azt nem ismertem. De tudom, hogy mind igen-igen szegény
emberek voltak, egyik se tudott semmire menni s az egész családból
ma magam vagyok.
A bánatos árnyalat, melylyel Ilona e feleletet adta, a végén
bizonyos elégedett lendületet vett, mint mikor porló romokon át egy
ujdonatuj kastélyra esik tekintetünk.
Istók nagyot lélegzett. Bár kétségtelenül rosszul esett neki, hogy
homályos álmainak ily kevéssé felel meg a valóság, örült, hogy a
pillanatnyi nehéz helyzetből kiszabadult. Azt nem állította soha, hogy
a tiszántuliakkal összeköttetésben áll s – negyven esztendő nagy
idő, mely alatt az ő tudtán kivül sok történhetett.
– Eszerint, – mondá, – ha meggondolom… hát én lennék a
családfő.
A menyecske szives mosolylyal rázta meg kezeit; ép ilyennel
fogadta a cselédek köszöntését, kik között futó tűz gyanánt terjedt el
a rögtönzött esküvő hire; ilyennel tekintett mindenkire a menyegzői
lakoma alatt; és ilyennel hallgatta végig Vincze bácsinak, a papnak
és Istóknak virágos felköszöntéseit. A mentor következőleg végezte
a magáét:
– Mindezek után pedig, mélyen tisztelt Béla öcsém, az én
örömeimnek csordultig tölt poharát tetézd még abbeli kegyes
engedelmeddel, hogy ez uri házat, melynek közel húsz esztendeje
mintegy szellemi őriző pásztora vagyok, hadd én adjam át
nagyságos hugomasszonynak. Szives bizodalmadat erre nézve
annál bátrabban, bár teljes tisztelettel, kérem ki, mert
meggondolván, hogy a Pallérossi Pallérok, miután mind rendkivül
becsületes emberek voltak, már elpusztultak ez álnok világról, mai
napon én vagyok az egykor virágzó családnak érdemetlen feje.
Vivát!
Hogy ne adatott volna meg az engedelem?! A mentor azonban
nyilván mesterkedett valamiben, mert rendkivül nyugtalan volt s alig
várta, hogy ebéd végén egyedül kaphassa egy ablakmélyedésben
Bélát s ragyogó szemekkel odasughassa neki a következőket:
– Itt az idő, Béla, hogy tartozásomnak egy csekély részét lerójam
irántad. Oktatást szándékozom adni a te érdekedben az én
nagyságos hugomnak, mert azt hiszem, hogy most már a te familiád
az, melyet a világon legjobban tisztelek. Örül a szivem, ha
meggondolom, hogy a rokonság megengedi egynémely dolognak
őszinte elmondását, melyet a te boldogságod érdekében
szükségesnek tartok. El fogok mondani mindent keményen és hiven,
hogy soha el ne feledje, a mit egy tökéletes asszony felől lelkemben
hordok. A legpompásabb módját találtam ki s azért kértem tőled ama
bizonyos engedelmet. Szép hegedüszóban mondom el, mintha
valami névtelen historikus lennék, a ki régi családi történeteket
beszél. Csak bízd rám Béla és engedd, hogy tiszteletteljesen
megöleljelek.
A férfiak együtt maradtak az ebédlőben, mikor Istók megkezdte
körutját Ilonával. Az oktatás a képes szála számára volt fenntartva.
Mikor ide beléptek, a bucsuzó nap vöröses fénybe borította az egész
nagy termet családi képeivel. Az ősök nyakig be voltak gombolkodva
vagy csipkézve; senkinek nem néztek a szeme közé, mintha
nehezteltek volna, hogy nekik már ilyen kevés szavuk van a családi
dolgokba. Még pedig nemcsak a legközelebbi gazdag ősök, hanem
azok is, kiknek százötven esztendeig egy kis városvégi házban
kellett meghuzniok magukat, mignem Péter ur uj virágzásra emelte
nemzetségét s a katakombákból ők is napfényre kerültek. Egyetlen
egy sem fogadta közülök barátságosan a jövevényt, s az asszonyok
úgy belehuzták magukat aranyos főkötőikbe és mentéikbe, a férfiak
meg kucsmáikba, mintha egyáltalában ki akarnák kerülni a
megszólíttatást. Ha a nagy, fakó keretek vizszintesen feküsznek,
minden esetre a legtulsó sarokba zsugorodnak. Ilona azonban nem
sokat látszott törődni mogorvaságukkal; valami kihivóan lenéző
tekintettel futott végig a hosszu soron, valami öntudatos
kaczérsággal, mintha szivéből lemosolyogná e vén figurákat, kik holt
ránczaikkal ellenségeskedést mernek indítani az élő mosoly ellen.
Istók elsőben is egy sárga képü, aszott matróna előtt tartott
állomást, kinek vékony nyakán széles gallér puffadozott;
szinehagyott, sárga ruhája oly bő volt, hogy a képnek három
negyedrészét foglalta el; kezében egy vörös szélü, disznóbőrbe
kötött imádságos könyvet tartott s szemeit alázatosan lesütvén,
mitsem engedett látni belőlük, úgy, hogy ha valami nevezetes szerep
jut annak idején részére, a történetirók bizonyára mai napig sem
lennének tisztában vele, hogy kékek voltak-e vagy feketék?
Istók kegyeletesen megilletődve, e sárga urhölgy előtt kezdte el
oktatásait.
– Nagyságos hugomasszony, nem fogja rossz néven venni
tőlem, ha egynémely jelesebb erényü matrónával régi hirű
családjából meg fogom ismertetni. Ez itt Hadonay Rebeka, a
nevezetes Kálozdy Áronné. Lehetetlen, hogy ne hallotta volna hirét.
Nagy jótevő, nagy keresztyén és nagy tudományu urhölgy. Saját
költségén nyomatta ki Ezsaiás prófécziáját; a Luthert és Kalvinust
követő theologusok között nagy disputát tartatott, mely az
utóbbiaknak fényes győzedelmével végződött; iskolákat építtetett,
szegényeket segített és nyelvem gyönge elmondani egész fényes
pályáját. Tündökölt a keresztyéni erényekben, melyek minden
boldog családi életnek alapját képezik. (A mentor itt fölemelte szavát
s erősen hunyorgatott, mintha a legkeményebb feddést mondaná.)
Idején és bölcsen meggondolta, hogy a világi fény és pompa milyen
keveset ér és milyen mulandó!
Miután Istóknak ekként tökéletesen sikerült belehelyezkedni egy
háromszáz éve nyugvó urhölgy gondolatvilágába, természetes, hogy
még sokkal könnyebben ment neki az egész, mikor a mult század
végére jutott. Egymás mellé voltak függesztve a kis, keskeny, finom
arczu grófné, nagy bóbítás fejdiszszel s a csontos, durva képü
Ádámné asszony. Amannak egy rózsa pihent vékony ujjai között,
ennek a keze ökölre volt szorítva, mintha egyenesen rá akart volna
rohanni a festőre. Ilona jóizüen mosolygott a furcsa szomszédság
fölött. Egész sereg tréfás gondolata támadt s alig figyelt az
ünnepélyes előadásra, mely így folyt tovább:
– Az ott Kálozdy Péterné, a család ujrateremtőjének mély
tiszteletre érdemes neje. Grófi születés volt, finom, világ csodálta
dáma! Egész Bécs városa forgolódott körülötte annak idejében,
bárók, grófok, herczegek, sőt választó princzek is; de ő meg tudta
gondolni, (itt a mentor ujólag a feddés magaslatára emelkedett,)
hogy még egy grófnéra nézve sem közönséges szerencse, ha olyan
ősi, tiszta magyar familia tárja ki előtte karjait, mint a Kálozdyak.
Megbecsülte a kinálkozó szerencsét s a választó princzek
seregének daczára Péter urat választotta, kinek mindvégig csak
tisztességet szerzett.
Istók köhécselt s egy kis ideig maga is néma tisztelettel tekintett
a képre, mely most esetleg trónusok fölött is függhetne. Azután
folytatta:
– Ez itt Béla nagyanyja. A jó hirü Mátéfi család gyermeke, Ádám
ur neje. Ha elgondolom, hogy a szekrények a kastélyban mai napig
az ő szövette vászonnal vannak tele, hogy egész életében
megelégedett két köpönyeggel és egy selyem szoknyával, hogy
milyen hiven kezére járt férjének a takarékoskodás nagy
munkájában, hogy csak egy ilyen tökéletes asszony kezébe tehető
le a férfi által egész bizodalommal a család sorsa: (a szónok ismét
neki hevül és éles kezd lenni) a régi magyar gazdasszonyok
utolérhetetlen példányképeinek egyikét kell látnom benne, kit bár
minden feleség szívéből követni óhajtana.
Az alkony már egészen leborult. Nagy jót tett Istókkal, mert
eltakarta előle Ilona szép, szórakozott arczán a jeleket, hogy milyen
kevés hatással voltak rá az itt leirt előadások és a többiek. A
némaságot, melylyel lépteit az uj asszony követte,
meghatottságának tulajdonította s a hogy visszatértek a
kanczelláriába, büszkén sugta oda Bélának:
– Minden jól van már. Olyan aranyszabályokat mondtam el előtte,
hogy egész életében lehetetlen elfelejtenie. Ha hallottad volna, Béla,
milyen kemény és mégis milyen óvatos voltam, megelégedve
nyujtanád kezedet. Köszönöm, köszönöm.
Míg távol jártak, a fiatal házigazda és Vincze bácsi között egy
fontos ügy is legszerencsésebben intéztetett el. A vén gavallér – a
hogy a tiszteletes bucsut vett tőlük s betette maga után az ajtót –
egy kissé szótalanná lett, izgett-mozgott, pöfékelt, fészkelődött s
csak nagy nehezen kezdte el nyögni, a mi lelkét nyomta:
– Tudom, Béla, nem szivesen hallod, sőt hallani sem akarsz róla,
a mivel én ez alkalommal kirukkolni kénytelen vagyok. De hiába,
kénytelen vagyok vele. Mert a tiszta, szeplőtelen és mocsoktalan
becsület a legeslegelső ezen a világon!
– Ha becsület dolga, csak ki vele bátyám, – biztatta Béla.
– Nem, nem valami fontos az egész; de hát előbb-utóbb csak el
kell végeznünk, mert örökkön örökké mégsem nyomhatja a lelkemet.
Tudod, az a két átkozott bugyelláris, a mit akkor este azzal a bolond
Arturral rám biztatok. No no, ne jőjj azért mindjárt indulatba! Semmi
okod szégyenleni magadat, mert e leggavallérosabb bravúrral
szorítottad sarokba az ellenfeledet. Ha már te nem nyerted meg, –
mert november 30-ka régen elmult, – legalább a szemtelen
kérdezősködést is a torkába fojtod. Valami ez! Úgy-e hallani sem
akarsz a bugyellárisokról? Jól van, jól; nem hozom többet elő soha.
Hadd szorítsam meg a kezedet, Béla!
Mikor már menni akart, még egyszer visszafordult az ajtóból!
– Hát hogy el ne felejtsem, az én szekerem csakugyan
násznépnek számít, úgy-e? És e szerint minden a te gondod?
Pompásan van. Nojszen csak követeljen még rajtam valamit az az
akasztófáravaló!
Az nap este természetesen nagy volt a lárma és nevetség a
Fekete Sas-ban. Vincze bácsi előadta az esküvő részleteit, melyeket
az asztalvégi vándorszerkesztő nem mulasztott el jegyzőkönyvébe
iktatni. Dacsó Artur kimondhatatlan sokat nevetett, minduntalan egy-
egy köhögési rohammal küzdött és szomszédjait hol ölelgette, hol
meg gorombáskodott velök. Alig hallgatott a vén korhelyre, mikor ez
ravasz hunyorgatással férkőzött mellé s megszólította:
– Artur, egy szóra!
– No, mi baj?
– Hát már most a ti fogadástokkal mi lesz? Az igaz, hogy ilyen
veszekedett furcsa esetet még nem értem. A kisasszony most
nagyságos asszonynyá lett; te csak nem tudakozódhatol Bélánál,
vagy micsoda. Eszerint a nélkül, hogy voltaképen vesztettél volna,
sajátképen nem is nyertél.
– Nohát nem nyertem! – kiáltott az öregre a víg czimbora. – Baj
az?
Vincze bácsi csillapítva kezdette veregetni a vállait.
– Ne heveskedjél, Artur, – mondá. – Az isten szerelmeért ne
heveskedjél, mert a heveskedés nem illik igazi gavallérhoz. Se nem
nyertél, se nem vesztettél: ez az eredmény. Mint hasonlíthatatlan uri
ember adod meg magadat és én olyat tapsolok neked, hogy még
olyat nem hallottál. A bugyellárisokról ilyen körülmények közt persze
hallani sem akarsz? Jól van, jól; az életben soha nem hozom többet
elő, ne félj. Muki, a jobb fajta somlaiból egy hónaljjal; de ne legyen
megolvasva!
XIX. FEJEZET.
Szürkület, ébredés után.
Nem hiába, a fiatalok csak nagyobb tervezők, mint az öregek!

Lám szegény Benedek ur, – mikor a vén kolostor uj öltözetén
gondolkodott, melyet a mostani toldott-foldott csuha helyett Béla és
Ágnes nászának ünnepére föl kell öltenie, – mindössze is csak annyi
ujítást tudott kiforralni, hogy a képes szobából erkélyt nyittat, mint a
Péterfiéké, a kormosodó falakat majd befesteti sárgára vagy zöldre s
a sötét folyosókra még valahogyan, a világosság kedveért, egypár
ablakot töret. A sors azonban úgy intézte a dolgot, hogy az a
bizonyos nap be ne következzék a napoknak végeiglen soha. Az
ódon kastély e szerint még ama szerény javításokra sem
számíthatott volna, melyek öreg gazdájának szük
képzelőtehetségében megszülettek, ha Benedek urral időközben a
halottak tréfás építőmesterének dolga nem akad.
A régi épület kormánya fiatal kezekbe került, melyek miveltebb,
termékenyebb és követelőbb fantáziának szolgáltak. S a kastélyra
nem sokára olyan fény várakozik, minőről sem a hajdani zárdafőnök,
sem Bernininek az a méltatlan olasz tanítványa nem álmodott, kinek
sivár lelke előtt ez az iromba kőhalmaz először jelent meg.
Az a termékenyítő, de kegyeletet, kiméletet nem ismerő förgeteg,
melynek forgásából az ócska kolostornak ékítményektől terhes
homlokzattal, diszesen és méltóságosan előrekönyöklő erkélylyel,
karcsu oszlopsorral, gazdag lépcsőházzal, csinos ablakkoronákkal,
nehéz kőfüzérekkel és minden kigondolható pompával ujra kell
születnie, már zúg és rombol körülötte. A ki e szép tavaszi napokon
az átellenes hegy nyergéről alátekint a völgybe, nem igen tudná
megmondani, hogy ott a falun túl azok a magas-magas falak, melyek
körül száz munkás sürög, rom-e, vagy félig kész épület? A kőmives
állások durva hálója itt-ott két-háromszorosan szövi körül, s folyton
folyvást munkában vannak az emelő kötelek, hogy az uj diszeket a
régi, magas, idő megviselte vállakig fölhuzzák. Fiatal menyecskék
víg énekszóval hordják a meszet és csapót s a kőfaragók
kalapácsainak egyhangu, durva zaját, reggeltől estig verik vissza a
zöld hegyek köröskörül. Az udvar, hátul a kis borongó fenyves, a
kertnek jókora része csupa felfordulás. Roppant kőkoczkák, nagy
téglarakások, végetlen fenyőszálak, csákányok, csapókanalak,
fejszék hevernek szerteszét, meszes-gödrök ásítoznak mindenütt a
járó-kelőkre s a falu fiatalságának különös bámulását vivják ki ama
furcsa, faragott fél-leányok, kik fájdalmukban kővé válva, várják a
befalaztatást. A nagy rendetlenségben szives-örömest forgolódik a
pap s a többi kálozdi kaputos ember s meg-megtöltögetve pipáikat,
olyan gyönyörüséggel lopják a napot, mintha a parokhia, a falu háza,
vagy a maguk düledező kuriája épülne ilyen szép szerrel. A paraszt
gyerekeknek ez időszerint legkedvesebb mulatsága az elszóródott
törmelékből – sajátkezüleg gyártott sár segítségével – apró
kastélyokat építeni, melyek hihetetlen mennyiségben borítják el az
utczákat s a hazatérő csordának esténkint rendesen áldozatul
esnek. A vályogvető czigány is beszerezte az építéshez rajkóját, a
kis Pupos Jancsit, ki a téglahordás fárasztó munkáját minden
kinálkozó alkalommal siet fölcserélni repedt hegedüjével, melyből a
napszámos-sereg mulattatására vigabbnál vigabb nóták kerülnek. A
pallér és felügyelők harsány káromkodásai ügyesen vezetik a
munkát, melyből rövid hónapok mulva Karámos vármegye
legdiszesebb épületének kell napfényre kerülnie.
A cselédek mind kiszorultak a kastélyból s a szomszédházak
egyikében-másikában ásitozva töltik a napokat. Kata asszony
egészen falubeli ismeretségeinek él; délutánonkint ellátogat ide is
oda is, fejét rázza egy és más fölött s nem akar ugyan semmit
mondani az uj nagyságos asszonyra és Ágnes kisasszony pártjára
kelni sem érez magában semmi különös kedvet, de úgy gondolja,
hogy minden jobb véget érne, ha az öreg Benedek úr még ott ülne a
kanczelláriában és botjával el-elpáholná a léhütő férficselédeket. A
kényes és pletyka ispánné meg Bárándy Gáspár urnak vén,
emberszóló gazdasszonya mindig élvezettel hallgatják előadásait,

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Criminal Investigations of Sexual

Offenses 2nd Edition Nina Simon

Practical Military Ordnance Identification Practical

International Criminal Investigations Law and Practice

DiMaio's Forensic Pathology, 3rd Edition (Practical

Memory and Sexual Misconduct Psychological Research for

Reiki for Dummies, 2nd Edition Nina L. Paul

Fundamentals of Criminal Practice 2nd Edition Thomas E.

New Investigations in Ophthalmology 2nd Edition Tanuj

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ISBN 978-3-030-79967-0 ISBN 978-3-030-79968-7 (eBook)

In addition to acknowledging our contributors for preparing excellent chapters and

Part I Suspect Prioritization and Identification Techniques

Part II Investigative Interviewing

Part III Operational Challenges and Issues

Part IV Investigation of Specific Types of Sex Crimes

Part V Concluding Thoughts and Remarks

Nadine Deslauriers-Varin is an Associate Professor of criminology and the

Eric Beauregard is a Professor in the School of Criminology at Simon Fraser

Andréanne Bergeron is a Ph.D. candidate in criminology at the University of

Jacquelyn D. Burckley is a master’s degree candidate in the Department of

Ashley Cartwright is a Senior Lecturer in Criminology and Policing at the

Julien Chopin is a senior postdoctoral researcher in the School of Criminology at

Kathleen Coulborn Faller is Marion Elizabeth Blue Professor Emerita at the

Kari Davies currently works as a Research Fellow at the University of Birmingham

Deborah Davis is Professor of Psychology at the University of Nevada Reno. She

Haley Dawson is a Legal Psychology graduate student working under Ronald

Nadine Deslauriers-Varin is an Associate Professor of Criminology and the

André De Zutter is a legal psychologist who works as an assistant professor at the

Ronald Fisher is currently a Professor of Psychology at Florida International

Francis Fortin is a professor at the School of Criminology of the University of

Bryanna Fox is an Associate Professor in the Department of Criminology at the

Stéphanie Gagné is a master's student at the School of Criminology of the

Tyler N. Livingston is a social psychologist specializing in research and teaching

Sarah Paquette works as a researcher and specialist in sexual offending at Sexual

Martine Powell is Professor of Psychology and full-time scholar in the Griffith

Peter O. Rerick is a graduate student at the University of Nevada, Reno. His

Brent Snook is a Professor of Psychology at Memorial University of Newfoundland.

Aldert Vrij is Professor of Applied Social Psychology, University of Portsmouth

Jessica Woodhams is a Health and Care Professions Council-registered forensic

Nadine Deslauriers-Varin and Craig Bennell

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 1

feeling of dissatisfaction towards the police, miscommunication and misunder-

of empirical knowledge related to investigative techniques used in sex crime inves-

Eric Beauregard and Julien Chopin

E. Beauregard (*) · J. Chopin

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 7

2.2 Rational Choice Theory (RCT)

Applied to the decision-making process of offenders, RCT (Cornish & Clarke,

2.2.1 Criminal Achievement

Leclerc et al., 2009). As observed by Tremblay and Morselli (2000), criminal

2.2.2 Criminal Expertise

2.3 Conclusion and Future Directions

Cornish, D. B., & Clarke, R. V. (1987). Understanding crime displacement: An application of

Bryanna Fox, Jacquelyn Burckley, and Alexandria Corona

3.2 Offender Profiling

B. Fox (*) · J. Burckley · A. Corona

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 17

3.2.1 Offender Profiles for Sex Offenses

Table 3.1 Offender profiles proposed for sex offenses 1976–2016

Table 3.1 (continued)

3.2.2 Offender Profiles for Sexual Homicide

profiles: the opportunistic-impulsive offender, akin to Ressler et al.’s (1986) disor-

Part I Suspect Prioritization and Identification Techniques

Part II Investigative Interviewing

Part III Operational Challenges and Issues

Part IV Investigation of Specific Types of Sex Crimes

Part V Concluding Thoughts and Remarks

2.2 Rational Choice Theory (RCT)

2.2.1 Criminal Achievement

2.2.2 Criminal Expertise

2.3 Conclusion and Future Directions

3.2 Offender Profiling

3.2.1 Offender Profiles for Sex Offenses

3.2.2 Offender Profiles for Sexual Homicide

3.2.3 Offender Profiles for Sexual Assault

3.3 Conclusion and Future Directions