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Cultural Heritage and Peripheral

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Tai Wei Lim

Cultural Heritage and Peripheral


Spaces in Singapore
Tai Wei Lim
SIM University, Singapore, Singapore

ISBN 978-981-10-4746-6 e-ISBN 978-981-10-4747-3


https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4747-3

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017940206

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively
licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material
is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse
of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms
or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage
and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar
or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.

The use of general descriptive names, registered names,


trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply,
even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and
therefore free for general use.

The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that
the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and
accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with
respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or
omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral
with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and
institutional affiliations.
Cover Credit: © Carlina Teteris

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature


The registered company is Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd.
The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04
Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore
Contents
1 Introduction:​A Personal Trekking History

2 Southern Singapore:​The Constituency of Tanjong Pagar


and the Surrounding Areas of Marina, Bayfront and Raffles
Place in Southern Singapore

3 A Passion for Heritage and Nature:​A Case Study of the


Mature Tiong Bahru Estate and Surrounding Areas

4 The Pedagogical Contributions of the Peripheral Spaces of


Walks:​Fort Canning and Tiong Bahru
Adrian Kwek

5 Peripheral Land No More?​Fetishisms of Space and Case


Studies of the Green Rail Corridor and Clementi Forest

6 Singapore’s Green Lungs:​The Central Catchment Area and


Its Peripheral Areas

7 Terminal End of Singapore’s North–South Hike:​Fetishisms


of Nostalgia and Rusticity in Northern Singapore

8 Journey to the West:​Hiking Along the Peripheral Spaces


of the Southern Ridges

9 Hiking the East Coast of Singapore

10 Conclusion

Index
List of Figures
Fig. 2.1 A mother hen leading three chicks through Fort Canning.
These are wild junglefowl. The rooster rummages through the
bushes while keeping watch over his family nearby

Fig. 2.2 The author’s camera captures the lone figure of an Indian
Muslim wearing muslin textiles sitting on a stool at the back of a
shophouse taking a break from work, gazing far into the corridors of
Arab Street where the watchtower of the Sultan Mosque stands. He
is an example of the hardworking people in this area who make the
daily commercial activities in Arab Street possible

Fig. 3.1 A beautiful wild stray cat with blue eyes in the Tiong Bahru
area

Fig. 3.2 Mysteriously, a wild red junglefowl, the ancestor of the


farmed chicken, has made Tiong Bahru Park its home. It is often
seen hunting for worms near a drainage canal

Fig. 3.3 A plantain squirrel at the Tiong Bahru park. Plantain


squirrels inhabit the areas between Alexander canal, through Tiong
Bahru Park and into the trees growing along Redhill. They survive
well in an urban environment. The author has seen some wandering
into the nearby housing estates. On 4 September 2016, the author
spotted a plantain squirrel searching for ficus tree nuts. These
squirrels are not threatened and are quite common, and can even be
found near housing estates. This particular squirrel was versatile and
hung upside down while searching for its food
Fig. 3.4 Tiong Bahru was the first consolidated public housing estate
in Singapore. This photo features the Singapore Improvement Trust
buildings from the 1930s

Fig. 4.1 The pair of informational signboards at the beginning of the


fourteenth century Walk

Fig. 4.2 The break at H6: The archaeological dig

Fig. 4.3 The break after H11

Fig. 4.4 The break at H13

Fig. 4.5 The exhibition passageway

Fig. 4.6 Botanical signage intermingled with walk signage

Fig. 4.7 Chang Wei’s “A Portrait”

Fig. 4.8 The trail map reproduced on the top right-hand corner of
every piece of site marker signage

Fig. 4.9 Signage 06 and surrounding Streamline Moderne


architecture
Fig. 4.10 Signage 10 and surrounding international style architecture

Fig. 4.11 Example of site marker signage with road name


information

Fig. 4.12 The informative signboard about Tan Chay Yan

Fig. 4.13 The informative signboard about Tan Kim Cheng

Fig. 5.1 The lush green canopy of the Clementi Forest. Flocks of
birds fly over this area in the late afternoon and evening. The
Clementi Forest has witnessed thunderstorms and a variety of man-
made events, including the smoke particles that were blown into
Singapore from forest fires in the region

Fig. 5.2 A changeable lizard hides in waiting at the Kampong Bahru


end of the Green Rail Corridor

Fig. 5.3 One of the author’s most important visual sightings was that
of a black spitting cobra! It hurriedly avoided the Green Rail path
and slithered away in muddy water when it spotted hikers. When
threatened, the black spitting cobra opens up its hood and can spit
venom accurately at the eyes of a predator up to 2 meters away.
This particular snake is estimated to be around 1.7–2.0 meters long

Fig. 6.1 The rising sun and still waters at MacRitchie Reservoir on 5
March 2016
Fig. 6.2 An alpha male monkey sits at the entrance to the tree top
walk together with its two female companions guarding the entrance
fiercely. Eventually, it leapt at one of the author’s hiking mates and
attempted to chase them off. This was probably one of the most
hostile long-tailed monkeys encountered during the hikes for this
volume. Most long-tailed macaques are inquisitive, playful, shy and
quiet

Fig. 6.3 In the Bukit Panjang area, the author encountered a slightly
venomous banded mangrove snake sleeping curled up in a tree. A
nocturnal creature, it becomes active at night look for small prey

Fig. 6.4 On 29 October 2016, the author spotted a green crested


lizard (bronchocela cristatella) on the Bukit Panjang/Zhenghua Park
trek

Fig. 7.1 The highly toxic pong pong fruit. Its white sap contains
toxins that may affect the heart

Fig. 7.2 A monitor lizard lazes on a wooden deck sunning itself

Fig. 7.3 A monitor lizard sticks its forked tongue out to taste the
water

Fig. 7.4 The crocodile captures visitors’ imagination. The author


spotted a submerged estuary crocodile hiding in the water with only
its eyes above the surface of the water
Fig. 7.5 Arrival at the northern-most point of Singapore. This was the
point beyond which the research team could go no further without a
passport. In the future, Jurong East will be the new site for a train
terminal for the high speed rail system to Malaysia

Fig. 7.6 The tawny coster butterfly found on Coney Island

Fig. 7.7 The majestic brahminy kite soars over Coney Island

Fig. 8.1 Amazingly, the giant red ants form a bridge using their own
bodies so that their compatriots can cross between a signboard and
a leaf, connecting an urban infrastructure with a natural green leaf

Fig. 8.2 Bright orange fungus growing on rotting wooden logs along
the Henderson Waves trail. The same bright orange fungus could
also be found growing on rotting wood along the sloped pathways of
Mount Faber

Fig. 8.3 A picture of the treetop walk starting from the entrance
opposite Hort Park. Visitors walk along the steel pedestrian bridge of
the treetop walk and enjoy a spectacular bird’s eye view from a
vantage point near the peak

Fig. 9.1 The majestic Sultan Mosque with its golden onion dome,
spires and a brown/beige color scheme. When this photo was taken,
the Mosque had just gone through a round of renovation
Fig. 9.2 The former palace grounds of Kampong Glam, which used to
be the residence of the former ruler/Sultan of Singapore

Fig. 9.3 Probably a tripod fish that is not usually valued by anglers
caught on the east coast of Singapore. The organic and laissez faire
gatherings of the community of anglers have their own evaluation
system of prized catches and “trash fish”. Anglers who catch fish
such as the tripod fish throw them back into the sea, sometimes
without harming them by removing the hooks from their mouth.
Another fish that is usually thrown back into the sea is the pufferfish,
commonly found in the east coast marine areas. Pufferfish contain
highly toxic neurotoxins and have a nasty bite that can chew off
chunks of human flesh

Fig. 9.4 Anglers at an east coast jetty string up fish to dry them in
the sun. Traditional ways of preserving food are carried out on the
east coast jetties, creating small communities of food harvesters and
preservers in the peripheral spaces along the coast. These anglers
also help each other out by assisting newbies with the removal of
fish stings in certain species of catch, such as the catfish. It also
provides a subjective feel of nostalgia in terms of communal
activities and spirit when communities used to live in the kampongs
and mangrove areas along the east coast. Sometimes, local parlance
labels such bonding between individuals amorphously as the
“kampong spirit”

Fig. 9.5 When the author was at the East Coast Park on 16 April
2016, the anglers there were excited about a school of mirror fish
swimming near the shorelines and many of them caught this prized
fish, which is active in the waters between Australia and Southeast
Asia
Fig. 9.6 The striated heron hunting for fish in the storm drains of
Bedok Reservoir Park. The striated heron is equally adept in
inhabiting urban and suburban areas. The ecologically friendly areas
of Bedok Reservoir Park provide an environment for these birds to
thrive

Fig. 9.7 An egret hunting for fish in a storm drain in Bedok Reservoir
Park. Peripheral spaces such as storm drains are rich in ecological
diversity and species, attracting a variety of birds, fish and shellfish.
During the author’s walks, he spotted snakes and monitor lizards
thriving in these environments

Fig. 9.8 Spotted at the Kallang basin, this sea poison plant has toxins
that fishermen used to extract to immobilise fish
List of Tables
Table 4.1 Possible conceptual relations between items that are in
sequence on the walk

Table 4.2 Points of interest marked on the trail map

Table 4.3 Various heritage sites along the trail

Table 10.1 Stages in the gentrification of heritage spaces

Table 10.2 Examples of fetishism for natural spaces


© The Author(s) 2017
Tai Wei Lim, Cultural Heritage and Peripheral Spaces in Singapore,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4747-3_1

1. Introduction: A Personal Trekking


History
Tai Wei Lim1
(1) SIM University, Singapore, Singapore

Tai Wei Lim


Email: twlim@unisim.edu.sg

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers who have offered


useful suggestions which have been incorporated in this volume.

Introduction
The author was first drawn to hiking and trekking in Hong Kong,
where it is a popular past-time, when he was stationed there for
more than four years. Hong Kong has a variety mountains, hills and
peaks that are suitable for hiking and areas of coastline that afford
trekking routes. In September 2014, the author returned to
Singapore , taking his passion for walking, hiking and trekking with
him. This writing project started in March 2015 when the author
began documenting his walks throughout Singapore . During his
walks, he noticed a vast amount of space that had either been left in
its natural state, or had been abandoned or crafted into a usable
green space , such as park corridors. In the two years spent working
on this project, he also observed how the use of certain public
spaces was discussed with all public stakeholders. The authorities
took into consideration a wide array of stakeholders using those
spaces. The Green Rail Corridor, Chestnut Drive Park and the Kranji
Marshlands are some examples of these spaces. In encountering the
changing use of natural environmental spaces, the author archived
spatial changes in Singapore selectively, including spaces that had
been gentrified, improved or upgraded and were either under the
purview of urban planning agencies, or had been conserved by the
authorities.
During the author’s hiking activities, he met various groups of
hikers; some walks took place in the southern ridges and MacRitchie
area, and others tackled tougher terrain in the Seletar Forests. The
author also joined other urban trekkers along Ulu Pandan, the East–
West Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) line, the Marina Bay area and the
Civic District. In addition to trekkers, the author also joined heritage
site walkers and enthusiasts to explore cultural and historical
heritage found in several old districts such as Tiong Bahru, Little
India, Arab Street, Chinatown, Beach Road, Joo Chiat, Fort Canning
and other historical community districts. Finally, there were other
trekkers who were interested in nighttime urban treks and cycling
enthusiasts keen to explore the East Coast stretch of coastlines. The
author’s outings were diverse and intriguing, so he decided to put
pen to paper and publish these experiences. As a historian, the
author was interested, first and foremost, in the histories of all the
communities and locations that had been trekked, hiked or walked
through. There were three areas of history that he was interested to
examine and analyze: green spaces; local community histories of the
areas he visited, particularly the ethnically prominent cultural
districts; and, lastly, an integrated history of Singapore as an island
unit. The green corridors, parks and urban infrastructure that
connected the various areas that the author visited gave him the
opportunity to investigate the dynamic island-state from a macro
island-wide point of view.
When these goals are conceptualized together, they constitute a
spatial mapping of Singapore’s historical, cultural and natural sites.
The directions of the treks were sometimes based on memory and
terrain recognition and sometimes the markers that other trekkers
left behind. Sometimes, the trekkers with whom the author was
acquainted shared stories of the ultra-marathoners or trail-runners,
portraying them as the first among equals in the trekking
community. They were able to run through difficult terrains and were
highly organized in sending out advance parties to scout and mark
the tracks through the forests before the runners moved in. While
the author’s trekking informants were not so organized or prepared
to engage in extreme sports, they still “marked” out their territories
by relating the different sections of the forests through milestone
experiences or remembered landmarks. Sometimes, hikers
affectionately named landmarks in the hiking trail using personal
nicknames.
Trekking with a diversity of people also added to the richness of
narratives that the author encountered. Besides people of different
generations, the author also trekked with foreign and local
individuals. Foreigners add interesting perspectives to the narratives
related to trekking experiences. Friends from the Northern
hemisphere remarked how the treks were positively challenging for
them, despite the fact that the distances were much shorter than
they were used to. This was due to the hot and humid weather,
which made them more tired than when trekking in their home
countries. Foreign friends who are used to high elevations in their
home countries remarked how flat the terrain was in Singapore and
this made Singapore’s green spaces accessible and comfortable for
their walking and trekking activities (particularly in terms of pressure
on the knees for the elderly). Singapore’s tallest elevation is Bukit
Timah Hill, which is considered a comparatively small hill by the
mountainous benchmarks found in their home countries. Some of
them also remarked how tropical forests have much larger leaves
(e.g. wild yam leaves) than they were used to in their own forests.
Most of all, they were pleasantly surprised at how a pristine
secondary forest environment co-existed within a highly urbanized
metropolitan city and the large diversity of tropical species that lived
in them. They were also delighted that the green spaces offered
them an alternative source of leisure and entertainment in addition
to constructed tourist places and shopping malls. Regardless of their
nationalities, local or foreign, the vast majority of trekkers and bikers
were cordial, courteous and respectful of each other. When bikers
sped down a ramp or slope, they made their presence known and
the trekkers would shout to alert them to oncoming traffic. Bikers
and trekkers also greeted each other respectfully as a mark of
respect between different users of Singapore’s green trails. Having
briefly discussed the background and origins of this volume, the
chapter will proceed to highlight the author’s objectives and the
methodology used in this writing.

Objectives and Methodology


The thesis statement for the project writing argues that the
stakeholders (walkers, trekkers, etc.) in Singaporean heritage
historical and green spaces interpret the use of these spaces
subjectively—in the process, engaging in a dynamic process of
creating personal narratives about local history. These individual
interpretations and narratives based on nostalgia, emotive and
cognitive experiences eventually form an imagined community of
users and historical interpreters of different sectors of Singapore’s
economic development. The project aims to chronicle and discuss
the concept of nostalgia and the process of interpreting uses of
peripheral, heritage and green spaces. It does this through a
combination of informal observations and interactions with users
combined with research into history and heritage; it observes, as
well as archives and curates, the changing uses of selected green
areas. In collecting and analyzing narratives about Singapore’s
peripheral spaces , Singapore’s nation-building priorities and local
community histories are examined and recorded as part of a people’s
history of rural areas and sites of early industrialization or modernity.
The research that went into this writing is collaborative, and an
extensive collection of photographs presents the reader with
heritage sites, green spaces and peripheral spaces . A high degree of
interpretation of visuals is introduced into this project to complement
textual and documentary information.
Other than visual interpretation and the collection of images for
this volume, the writing includes certain aspects of observation
studies, as the principal author embarked on hiking trips to observe
how experienced local trekkers navigate the routes while listening to
their stories and anecdotes from previous hikes and treks, including
their motivations for embarking on nostalgic trips, idealizations of
rustic kampong village lives found in the secondary forests and also
participation in the various social rituals considered normative and
conventional by the various groups. The observation studies also
involved experiencing some of the activities conducted by
experienced trekkers, including the social practices of co-existing
with other stakeholders of the forest treks (e.g. dirt bikers). The
main social ritual among hikers is the trekking activity itself, which
requires substantial physical endurance, sustainable releases of
energy through carbohydrate loading and disciplined regular
hydration breaks. In other words, the quest for nostalgia is
predicated upon the exertion of physical strength and mental
endurance.
The research objectives in this project are divided into three main
areas. First, through collecting and interpreting visual images, the
author hopes to reconstruct selected heritage and green spaces.
Very often, secondary forests, former squatter farmlands, former
rural villages and abandoned railways tracks are not the focus of
historical narratives and research because they are less accessible
physically and are often only visited by trekkers and walkers who are
hard-core history buffs or natural landscape enthusiasts.
Second, the author argues that rusting railway lines, beaten
tracks, vanished kampong villages and squatter farmlands are
objects of nostalgia for the nation-building pioneer generations—
Singaporeans who grew up during the economic fast-growth period
and Generation X-ers who are reaching middle-age. This project tries
to reproduce some of the nostalgic moments when trekkers and
heritage walkers came across objects or sites that evoked personal
memories.
Third, the project also examines the material history of local
communities through visits to the abandoned temples and altars, the
plants cultivated by communities in the past, the former squatter
farms that were transformed into community gardens and the
recreation of nostalgic lifestyles in gentrified local community areas.
The author collected the material artifacts that were discarded or
were the organic remains of botanical species for further analysis.
For immovable materials or items that are impractical to carry
logistically, photographic images were captured instead. Material
history is a tangible component of the project. If visual
representations are cognitive in nature and memory recollections are
emotively understood, then material objects are the only
components that are examinable, quantifiable and measurable
physically. They may include items such as durian husks from
abandoned durian plantations, aquatic tropical fish from ponds and
canals, discarded pebble markers found on the abandoned railway
tracks or pre-modern porcelain shards as surface finds. These
material artifacts are the objective material existence of the past
but, when they come into the hands of researchers, the
interpretations of their existence become a narrative or a historical
story.
In terms of methodology for this writing, the author employed
three approaches to the collection of data on heritage sites that are
officially conserved or featured in the popular imaginations of the
population in general. First, for archival work, he collected heritage
data from the National Archives, National Library and Urban
Redevelopment Authority (URA) library of Singapore . This collection
consisted of three classes of document, including primary documents
such as policy blueprints, developmental plans, official reports and
conservation briefs. Another category of materials collected for this
project included images, photos, postcards and other visual
materials containing historical information. Finally, the project
analyzed old transcripts of oral historical interviews kept by the oral
historical unit of the National Archives. Contemporary media reports
were also utilized in the research work for the project. These can
inform researchers of both diachronic and synchronic developments
in the region under study.
Besides collecting images, archival materials and secondary
literature, a further methodology deployed in this project was based
on observing heritage sites and how different stakeholders go about
carrying out their trekking , cycling and hiking activities in various
heritage sites and on nature trails. An important source of historical
information comes from the contents of the signage erected by
Singapore’s National Heritage Board (NHB). Because the Civic
District is the oldest area of settlement in Singapore and the Tiong
Bahru trail is the site of the pioneering public housing project,
heritage signs preserving memories of those spaces can be found
more frequently and generate a greater intensity of public interest.
On the Tiong Bahru trail, for example, Kwek points out that the
informative signboards at each of the numbered sites on the trail
often have additional information about the person after whom the
road at the site is named. In addition, there are informative
signboards that, while not belonging to the trail, provide information
on personalities behind road names. Together with the Fort Canning
heritage trail case study, Kwek engages with the more general topic
of the peripheral spaces of walks and shows how the study was
made possible only by attending to the spaces from which displays
and vantage points are presented; spaces that are peripheral and
are overlooked when dominated by the spaces containing the
objects of presentation. Having detailed the origins and methodology
used in writing this volume, the next section will discuss the
significance of the subject matter.

Significance of the Project


The project is significant in that it contributes to understanding
Singapore’s history in three ways. First, most literature on the city-
state’s history tends to highlight the spaces that contributed to
economic development. This volume acknowledges the acute
importance of these areas and also includes the study of green,
peripheral and heritage spaces as part of its historical narrative. For
example, the abandoned parts of the Jurong Railway associated with
Singapore’s industrialization, or the abandoned plantations that used
to drive economic development in early-modern Singapore ,
contribute to the understanding of the spatial use of Singapore’s
heritage sites, green spaces and peripheral areas. Gazing historically
at Singapore from its periphery can help historians better understand
Singaporean history from a non-privileged point of view.
Second, current publications on green areas and spaces in
Singapore include guidebooks written by volunteers, detailed
writings on flora and fauna written by botanists and experts, and the
literature found at the highly accessible heritage spaces for tourists
and local visitors alike. These are all important publications. This
project contributes to the existing literature by examining how
Singaporean individuals who are willing to exert themselves to the
limit of their endurance reach corners of Singapore that are not
easily accessible and then interact with objects, landscapes and
nature found in those areas and, in the process, create a community
of stakeholders in the historically and botanically rich spaces of
Singapore.
Third, it is a project that examines Singapore as a single unit
through its green corridors, park spaces, green areas and park
connectors. This aspect of the project drew his attention as it
conceptualizes Singapore as a single green and heritage unit whose
stakeholders include trekkers, historians, tourists, local history buffs,
botanists, heritage walkers/guides/conservators, park
wardens/rangers, city planning researchers and many others. In
summary, the project attempts to document, through first-hand
experience, the historical, cultural and economic interactions,
changes, motivations and consequences affecting land use in
Singapore . The project engages with the concepts of changing land
use and the resultant effects on communities and discrete
individuals. There is especial concern with nostalgia and the ways in
which subjective discussions and understandings of changing land
use impact the city.
Definitions
Given the volume’s emphasis on peripheral green areas, heritage
sites and abandoned spaces, rainforests become an integral part of
the discussion. Most of the author’s treks in the Central Catchment
Area and Seletar Forests were in secondary rainforests. Rainforests
serve an important function as the lungs of the world and host a
large biodiversity of species. They also absorb vast amounts of
carbon released by the world’s industries. At the same time, they are
depleted due to industrialization. They also provide shade for the
wildlife species that live in them. The treks through these rainforests
and the Catchment Area reveal the rich natural heritage found in
Singapore . Besides natural landscapes and the historical elements,
local community culture was also visible in the author’s trips. By
trekking through former railways and plantations that used to
constitute Singapore’s pre-modern or early-modern economy, one
can better understand the historical changes that took place in local
areas diachronically. It is a historical account of interactions between
communities and their natural environments. Through the treks, the
author is able to experience how untouched primary forests gave
way to cultivated lands such as plantations and traditional
kampongs, or how villages were transformed into public housing and
park connectors were built to fulfill Singaporeans’ desires for greener
lifestyle choices.

Certain Parameters of the Project


This project is not interested in writing about historical or
archeological accuracy. There are existing experts who navigate
these topics based on funded digs and excavations, or who have
access to archival materials. Neither are the writer and researchers
of this volume botanists, ecologists or scientists, so it is not possible
to identify precisely all flora and fauna that were encountered during
the treks. The writing centers on taking note of the elements that
the author and other hikers visualized cognitively, experienced
emotionally and recalled from memory. It is also a story of how they
had a stake in the green areas, heritage locations and cultural
corners of the island which they inhabit. After the visual experience
of a hike or trek, recollections were just as important. Trekkers often
remembered the spots where they first encountered a cobra or saw
a scorpion and the exact circumstances in which these sightings
occurred. When shared with others, these memories become part of
a personal narrative of how the older generations witnessed the
changes in Singapore , from being the backwaters of the developing
world to becoming a world-class financial hub.
Therefore, engaging in trekking enabled participants to tap into
ideas of nostalgia and to re-imagine the worlds in which they lived
and their experiences during Singapore’s nation-building phase. For
them, the austere and humble lifestyles, as well as the simple
kampong village settings, were sometimes associated with
secondary forests and rural treks encountered during hiking. The
sceneries and landscapes were memories of a Singapore that had
disappeared rapidly and faded into the background. Walking and
trekking helped them identify their former lifestyles and habitats the
way they imagined them. In a sense, this is also a tribute to the
unnamed gardeners, park wardens, volunteers, rangers and other
national parks employees who have made it possible for
Singaporeans to access such green spaces. Trekkers, hikers, cyclists,
walkers and others appreciate this. The feeling of nostalgia is strong
among the middle-aged Singaporean residents who utilize the green
spaces of parks, park corridors and secondary forests. There were
also middle-aged trekkers and walkers who recalled how they grew
up in economically fast-growing Singapore during the economic
take-off stages in the 1970s and 1980s. For this group, riding a bike
through the dirt tracks of the Clementi Forests represented the good
old days when digital entertainment was still not widespread. The
commonality that threaded through this group was a sense of
nostalgia. It was an imagined community of individuals united by a
sense of nostalgia for the Singapore of the recent past, a past that
witnessed the disappearance of old-world habitats and lifestyles and
their replacement by a more developed and prosperous Singapore. It
is also a point that unites forest trekkers with heritage walkers, as
they seek to re-imagine Singapore from recollections based on little
corners and community spaces that are still insulated from
development, or that have been preserved for gentrification.
While writing about nostalgia, the author also wishes to state
that he is in favor of sustainable progress. In that sense, the people
behind this volume are not environmentalist tree-huggers; neither
do they wish to impede progress through an excessive focus on
heritage conservation. They also believe in the gentrification of old
heritage spaces and are not against heritage tourism. The author
believes the authorities have optimally carried out the
redevelopment, gentrification and refurbishment of heritage spaces
in Singapore . The author appreciated the presence of park
connectors that allow hikers to connect, almost island-wide, with
various regions of the island and to experience nostalgia in gentrified
heritage spaces, while keeping alive memories of community life in
different heritage areas of Singapore . Singapore’s garden city
approach has also been an inspiration for visitors and locals alike.
While green spaces are also found in other countries, Singapore is a
unique entity as a single city-state with the status of a cosmopolitan
hub and highly urbanized area co-existing with rainforest
environments. The transformation of many areas in which the author
grew up into sustainable and profitable tourism sites for Singapore’s
tourism industry, together with the meticulous attention paid to
preserve local community and multicultural assets, is, in fact, the
exception rather than the norm. The next section presents a
literature review that surveys how other academics, public
intellectuals, journalists and commercial writers have discussed the
concepts of nostalgia, green spaces and development in the context
of Singapore.

Literature Review
Theoretical Framework and Critique
This writing examines several existing works that study narratives of
Singapore history generated by different stakeholders. Different
perspectives provided by an array of stakeholders in writing about
green, peripheral and/or heritage spaces presents a social historical
approach in examining how different groups, including both elite and
non-elite members of a society, discuss the idea of Singapore
history. The author and his research colleagues behind this project
were introduced to Henri Lefebvre’s seminal work The Urban
Revolution, a work that falls within the field of philosophy. A major
difference between Lefebvre’s work and this writing relates to the
former’s ideological contents. Lefebvre witnessed, as well as
engaged, some of his urban revolutionary examples. In this writing,
no social revolutions are mentioned. Instead, the author and his
research colleagues were interested in Lefebvre’s ideas about
nostalgia, heritage, nature and environmental spaces. His ideas on
nature, rural spaces and critiques of urbanization are relevant to this
writing. He was one of the first scholars to acknowledge the
presence and formation of a community in the urban setting with its
own social classes, means of production, economic capabilities and
physical territory.1 Among the intellectuals on the left, particularly in
the 1960s when Lefebvre was most active in this field of research,
the field of urbanism was avoided due to an overwhelming focus on
rurality. There was little acknowledgement of urban lifestyle, value
systems and normative ideas. Ideas about accommodation,
industries and local urban community development were little
discussed. From one perspective, the discourse on urbanism is also a
way to study capitalism from a perspective which had been
neglected; Neil Smith characterizes Lefebvre’s method as trying to
have a “grasp of modern capitalism by squeezing it through the
neglected sieve of space”.2
The diachronic context of Lefebvre’s attempt to understand
urbanism is different from this study of Singapore’s spaces. In
contemporary Singapore , capitalism is highly developed and urban
studies already a well-established discipline. Urban lifestyles are
already well-rooted ways of life in a city-state. What Lefebvre offers
his readers is not a critique of capitalism but, rather, a window of
opportunity to understand the idea of nostalgia or nostalgic
imagination in reconstructing green spaces in highly developed
urban areas. He indicates that urban residents now yearn for spaces
that have disappeared and how social revolutions (not revolts) have
made it possible for environment or green movements, sustainability
advocates, local community advocates and other stakeholders to
mobilize resources to protect unused green spaces or to reconstruct
them. To Lefebvre, space in its inherent nature is in stasis; it is
immobile and rigid, and needs to be liberated from exploitation.3
Lefebvre argues that urban spaces promote social changes at street
level and, in the context of a post-modern society (the concept of
which was not yet in unambiguous existence during Lefebvre’s time),
social agendas for change can also refer to the treatment of nature
and the environment.4
From an economic and capitalistic point of view, unused green
spaces or abandoned spaces that have been retaken by nature are
unproductive, given there is no economic output from them.
However, urbanism’s triumph over rurality means that unused green
spaces have become rarer and commodified indirectly when
condominium projects or office spaces seek to locate themselves in
these green spaces, or tout the development or preservation of
these unused spaces in their marketing campaigns. Lefebvre’s
production of urban spaces is deterministic and is a staged theory,
progressing from rural to mercantile and onto the industrial
urbanized city, finally joining the globalization of the urban.5 This
volume agrees with Lefebvre that it is a deterministic process—but
only to a certain point, when highly advanced forms of urbanization
then revert back cyclically to a fundamental desire for nature,
greenery and outdoor spaces. Determinism for urbanization is
encapsulated within a cyclical mechanism that reverts back to the
basic human cognitive and emotive desires for green natural spaces.
Neil Smith argues that Lefebvre is concerned with the central tenet
or concept that the greatest challenge brought about by capitalism is
no longer industrialization but, rather, a dominant “urban
problematic” (spotting, quite accurately, the idiosyncratic features of
what was then an emerging post-industrial society in the West).6 As
an advanced developing economy, Singapore is shifting from an
industrial economy to an economy based on retail, financial services
and banking (together with other high value-added as well as
knowledge-based sectors such as biotech). It has developed post-
industrial concerns on urban planning for sustainability, efficient
resource usage, low-carbon lifestyles, waste minimization, green
products consumption and so on—in some ways, becoming a world-
class model to export its capabilities overseas.
But Lefebvre also detects a potential wild swing to the green end
of the sociopolitical spectrum when resources, the environment and
the concept of nature enters the ideological realm, and this
“ideological naturalization” can morph into parks, gardens and other
forms of crafted spaces grafted onto urban space to compensate for
the withdrawal of nature due to rapid urbanization.7 A critique of
social revolution and activism to bring about change is criticized as
romantic and idealistic. In many ways, urbanization is an
unstoppable force of historical change and therefore managing it is
probably more pragmatic and practical; therefore, parks and other
constructed green spaces is a coping mechanism for such changes.
Neil Smith argues that certain of Lefebvre’s ideas are critiqued for
being out of touch with reality and premature by assuming that
urbanism has triumphed over the industrial landscape.8 In the case
of Singapore , the environment is highly urbanized; it is a city-state
with little rural farming left. This feature complements Lefebvre’s
ideas about the self-legitimization of the urbanization,
industrialization and economic growth processes, expanding and
proliferating autonomously to cover large tracts of land, including
entire nations9 and also small city-state units such as Singapore.
Industrialization and urbanization are related processes. With the
advent of technologies and the characteristics of high-tech
industries, the nature of industries has changed; from a scenario of
urbanization supplanting industrialization, industrialization can
continue to persist at a high-tech, non-labor-intensive,
environmentally friendly level, co-existing with sustained
urbanization and a shift to a service/retail-based economy. In this
co-existence, the state and non-state groups work together on
common interests. After economic development matures and
urbanization becomes widespread, some people experience a
nostalgic longing for the use of green spaces for their leisure
activities, including activities they have enjoyed in the past. In
Singapore , to satisfy these desires, state and other non-state
initiatives offer the recreation of such spaces in the form of park
corridors and other kinds of green spaces. Lefebvre argues that only
the state has the “hegemony” to absorb and combine rural and
urban areas under its command and allocation.10
One area in which this volume differs from LeFebvre’s work is
that he tends to define urban development and spatial use in terms
of socio-economic class. To him, for example, gentrification is a form
of “embourgeoisement” 11 and it came naturally for him as a Marxist
urban planning critic but, in the post-Cold War context, it is now
difficult to conceptualize urban planning and development in terms
of class struggles or socialism, particularly since ideological struggles
between communism and capitalism are no longer as pronounced in
the post-Cold War world. But the idea of gentrification and its
attraction of promising environmentally sustainable lifestyles and
recreating fashionable hipster trends and lifestyle choices is brought
back into vogue, particularly after Richard Florida’s book on creative
cities linked gentrification with the attraction of human talents.12 In
this study of peripheral spaces , gentrification is not an outcome or
process of class struggle but, rather, an attempt to optimize the use
of heritage and green spaces based on feedback from and
communications with stakeholders. Some spaces may be
transformed into park corridors, or gentrified to facilitate access by
interested users of those spaces. Other chapters look at gentrified
old neighborhoods, enhancing their relevance to contemporary
lifestyle and retail trends while conserving local community histories.
Gentrification’s embourgeoisement is not so much an outcome of
capitalism claiming the space of the proletariat (a zero sum game)
but, instead, a post-modernist counter-reaction to standardization
and ubiquitous mechanistic reproduction of space. Gentrification
does not necessarily kill access to spaces for select groups or
individuals but, rather, hopes to make them more accessible to a
wider audience, particularly the middle- and working-class people
who wish to have their little sanctuaries of nature, cultural space,
museums, hiking trails and bicycling trails at affordable prices, at
least to the vast majority of the residents. Sometimes
embourgeoisement may not even involve materialism; it may be as
simple as self-motivated makeshift gatherings of hikers at a
particular green location, or a gathering of racing car enthusiasts at
a certain isolated spot for track-racing. These are activities which
require a modest investment of finances or time, but they are highly
accessible by all socio-economic groups in Singapore .
The Ministry of National Development’s objective in managing
and building parks and park connectors is to cater to Singaporeans
from all walks of life and from “all ages and interests”.13 Thus, in
terms of policies, states initiatives are highly inclusive. Many of these
parks and park corridors run through public housing estates where
the majority of Singaporeans reside. According to Singapore’s public
housing authority, the Housing & Development Board, over one
million public housing units have been built in a total of 23 towns
and 3 estates nationwide and they house over 80% of Singapore’s
resident population, with some 90% of them owning their
apartments.14 Based on these statistics, most Singaporeans live in
public housing units. Some of the longest and most extensive park
connectors weave through these public housing estates, serving the
needs of residents in those areas. The Park Connector Network is a
country-wide open green space that weaves through parks, nature,
wildlife, local community culture, lush greenery, recreational facilities
and the major public housing estates in Singapore , exemplified by
the 36 km Central Urban Loop that runs through the central region
of Singapore and includes Bishan, Ang Mo Kio, Toa Payoh and
Whampoa, accessing Bishan-Ang Mo Kio Park, Kallang Riverside Park
and Punggol Park (these areas form the so-called heartlands of
Singapore).15
The desire for peripheral freedom from urbanism also arises from
what Lefebvre described as “the uniformization of the grid, visible in
the modernization of old streets, objects (merchandise) taken on the
effects of color and form that make them attractive”.16 The
mechanistic replication of the modern street “becomes the focus of a
form of repression that was made possible by the “real”—that is,
weak, alienated and alienating—character of the relationships that
are formed there”.17 This is a highly critical interpretation of the
hegemonic character of urbanization, urban street formation and the
characters and personalities of residents and pedestrians of those
streets. It charges urbanism with weak and submitting denizens, the
mechanistic reproduction of superficial landscapes, and an
oppressive presence and control over human relationships. While the
logical conclusion appears to be resistance, it is extremist in the
sense that gentrification need not only be superficial in terms of
colors, materialism (“merchandizing”) and physicality (“form”). It is
reductionist by omitting the possibility of authenticity of nostalgia,
not generated by the hegemonic state that monopolizes rural and
urban areas but, rather, by the stakeholders themselves.
In a small city-state space such as Singapore , changes are far
more dynamic than the scenario Lefebvre outlined. Besides
discussing the socio-economic factor in this publication, one of its
major arguments is continuity in use (somewhat correlated with
Lefebvre’s ideas of “continuism” or “a sense of historical continuity
or permanence associated with urban society”)18 and the relativity of
the term “peripheral”. This volume argues that peripherality is
relative, as spaces undergo cyclical phases of use and disuse,
productivity and abandonment, high-density human habitation and
habitual use, and so on. The speed of change is fast in a small city-
state space such as Singapore . Therefore, renewal, gentrification,
urban redevelopment and designing green spaces in consultation
with stakeholders mitigate and prevent spaces being made uniform.
In addition, both state and non-state groups make considerable
efforts to build green spaces and to provide spaces for the recreation
of nostalgia, or to gentrify heritage areas. The combination of local
historical character and new, modern conveniences arises out of
such collaborations. In this study, stakeholders that use heritage and
green spaces—the bikers on the dirt tracks, the hikers on their
walking trails, wildlife conservationists, the history buffs archiving
local history or the photography enthusiasts—are all examples of
self-generated initiatives. Nostalgia, this volume argues, can be
reconstructed authentically without sacrificing development,
conveniences or lifestyles.
This volume argues that preservation does not even need to take
on physical form, colors or shape; preservation can take the form of
archived memories, authentic feelings and recollections, recalled
memories or reconstructed experiences, even if the physical
infrastructure is no longer there. When history enthusiasts or hikers
engage in dialogues and conversations about nostalgia and heritage
sites, they are contributing to the gentrification of a historical,
natural or heritage space. Authenticity does not need to take on an
objective physical or material form; this can take the form of
subjective recollections. Sometimes, by means of its archived
materials, and its access to records and historical documents, the
state becomes a valuable repository of information. Stakeholders,
such as researchers, history buffs, students and other interested
parties, tap into such repositories for their own self-directed learning
and acquisition of historical knowledge. They are not alienated or
weakened by the state’s presence and are, instead, empowered by
access to its storehouse of knowledge.
The socio-economic significance of urban streets that Lefebvre
was concerned with as a philosopher wrestling with the concept of
the class system can be physically divided into the footpaths and
lanes of the proletariat or the pedestrians, which Lefebvre calls the
“hunted”, and the “privileged” motorists in cars, but they traverse
the same route for the common uniform objective of consumption.19
However, in the treks that the research team for this volume
encountered in Singapore , the peripheral spaces became the
reverse of Lefebvre’s observation. Instead of distinguishing between
economic classes, the park spaces, green corridors and gardens
have become class-neutral sites for expatriates, locals, young and
old alike (e.g. hikers and bikers on the nature trails) regardless of
socio-economic class. A crucial difference between Lefebvre’s ideas
and our project and experiences is that Lefebvre’s work was written
in a nascent historical period when the concept of post-modernism
had not appeared. But, in the contemporary context, Singapore’s
gross domestic product per capita is the highest in East Asia,
surpassing most other European and North American economies,
and most of its citizens live in well-designed public housing.
Singapore’s peripheral spaces and green spaces are class-neutral
zones designed for universal access by Singapore .
One of Lefebvre’s major themes that will be continually revisited
in this volume is the concept and idea of nature. Lefebvre argues
that there is a contradiction in the fact that nature is “shrinking”
while “signs of nature and the natural are multiplying, replacing and
supplanting real ‘nature’” at the same time.20 While many East Asian
historians of nature and the environment see the process as a
dialectical struggle between (Wo)Man, Her/His Will and Nature
fought out in spaces, environments and habitats, Lefebvre argues
that urbanization is actually replacing nature with constructed
symbolisms, symbols and reconstructions of nature. The proliferation
of representations of nature at the expense of nature itself is
constantly spotted in our treks and walks. The ideas of park
corridors, world heritage gardens and reservoir spaces are all
examples of representations, or what Lefebvre calls “signs” of
natural spaces (as opposed to actual nature itself). At the point of
this writing, not only are these spaces “multiplying” but the
authorities are also setting up a national network of park corridors,
and gentrifying and developing a Green Rail Corridor (an abandoned
railway space formerly occupied by Keretapi Tanah Melayu) to the
delight of hikers, nature lovers, trekkers, history buffs, urban
landscapers and bikers. The stakeholders in these green spaces are
both benefactors and shapers of those spaces. While the actual
landscaping and physical construction are carried out by the state,
the non-state stakeholders shape their outcome through functional
utilization, innovative forms of usage and intense conceptualization
of their aesthetics. In other words, participants are shaping the
spaces (both cognitively and physically) while developing and
influencing ideas about the outcome of their aesthetics through
feedback mechanisms and expression of opinions in the mass media.
The classless, constructed and symbolic spaces are constantly
shaped by the collective ideas of individual stakeholders and the use
of state resources.
The ironic point that Lefebvre wants to make is that, while nature
is being circumscribed by urbanization, constructed images that
represent nature are multiplying. Lefebvre also added that
ideologically conceptualized ideas about nature are also
proliferating.21 Lefebvre makes a value judgement here that “Parks
and open spaces, the last word in good intentions and bad urban
representation, are simply a poor substitute for nature, the degraded
simulacrum of the open space characteristic of encounters, games,
parks, gardens, and public squares.”22 This is a fair criticism of
constructed green spaces but it may not take into account
technological development enabling better conservation of green
spaces, changes in mindset about sustainability planning in green
spaces and a more equitable civil society–state relationship since
Lefebvre’s time. The subsequent chapters in this volume will
examine development in green spatial planning since the 1960s and
early 1970s. Constructed spaces posed other problems for Lefebvre,
as well. He is turned away by what he has described as the
“imposed homogeneity” of the industrial landscape, or the tendency
of the city to accumulate capital, generate surplus value and
redistribute them.23 The utilitarian function of constructed spaces
appears to take away the spontaneity of nature, the authenticity of
random botanical growth and wildlife survival, and unstructured
human activities.
Lefebvre hints that he is not against the idea of constructed
images of nature but is critical of the kitsch, commercialized,
advertised and commodified ways of doing so, contrasting with the
Chinese and Japanese approach of not saturating the space humans
inhabit by harmonizing their habitat with nature.24 In other words,
harmony with nature negates the vulgar invasion of natural spaces,
especially if it is humble, unassuming and not overwhelmingly
deterministic on urbanization. In this view, he gives the example of
the Japanese tokonoma that emphasizes the existence of a single
chosen object harmonized with the season (an object displayed that
changes with every season) as an example of humility and an
uncluttered approach to reconstructing nature in human habitat.
This is an important qualification of constructed spaces for this
volume. It indicates the limit to Lefebvre’s discourse and critique on
excessive urbanization, mitigating absolutism in his approach by
offering the possibility of harmonizing human habitation with green
spaces if over-commercialization is avoided and respect is given to
the seasons, climate and species, together with the use of
inconspicuously constructed aesthetics. Therein lie the approaches in
contemporary notions of urban planning and constructions of green
corridors take in harmonizing nature with habitation. This volume
will discuss the construction of park corridors and use of peripheral
spaces in the following chapters.
Throughout his works, Lefebvre consistently indicated the
relational nature of spaces. He argued that park and garden spaces
delineated the boundaries of urban spaces. Gardens and parks make
up the margins of urban spaces that are “sensible, visible, and
legible” as non-productive, non-industrial irrational spaces but yet, at
the same time, they are also not inaccessible and still display their
own kind of geometrical, ornamental and artistic logic, unlike wild
natural terrains.25 This volume will reference his ideas in the treks
through peripheral spaces in Singapore covered in the following
chapters, which are divided geographically into regions for the
purpose of analysis. The first section of this volume looks at the Civic
District, or the downtown area. This was where Singapore’s town life
first started in the late pre-modern period. From the downtown area,
the analysis then shifts northwards through the Southern Ridge to
the immediate periphery of the Central Business District (CBD). The
Southern Ridge ends up in Kent Ridge, near Clementi. In addition to
the Southern Ridges, the volume also follows the Green Rail Corridor
running through the central spine of Singapore into the Catchment
Area. On the East Coast of Singapore, this volume’s spatial studies
follow the coastal and adjoining areas from Lavender to Tanah
Merah. Finally, all roads converge in northern Singapore in the
Woodlands and Kranji areas. This volume will only look at mainland
Singapore and not its offshore islands.
The volume utilizes the perspective of an individual perspective in
presenting the individual chapters, which are based on the research
trips, as it is the best way to present the visual and note-taking
materials that the author has gathered on his travels. A participating
observer’s first-hand view also facilitates spatial observations of
heritage and environmental sites. Organizing the chapter’s materials
according to thematic or conceptual categories may also obscure a
local community’s (or local sections of those communities) unique
cultures and idiosyncratic features. Therefore, the volume
documents and archives the natural wildlife and heritage artifacts
studied at specific sections of the green and peripheral spaces
covered in the volume. An exception to this perspective is found in
the introductory section of each chapter that details the research
trip. These introductory sections typically take on a macro
perspective in writing about the history of that area as a whole,
diachronically, without going into details on specific locations within
those local areas or regions. This enables readers to conceptualize
the historical role and function, local economy and community
cultural origins of that area before going on to discover how they
evolved over time and space to become peripheral spaces , green
areas and/or heritage sites. Thereafter, detailed contemporary
images of specific locations and corners within that area are studied
in greater detail.

Review of Other Secondary Sources


In addition to Lefebvre’s ideas and in terms of academic literature on
the environmental history of Singapore , Timothy P. Barnard’s edited
volume Nature Contained: Environmental Histories of Singapore is
probably the most important and updated volume on this subject
matter. It is a story of historical change, as 50% of Singapore’s
native species had vanished by the middle of the nineteenth century,
with tigers a visible victim due to the loss of jungle cover for their
activities.26 Gambier cultivation, for example, was a major
contributor to the demise of original vegetation in pre-modern
Singapore , followed by the expansion of rubber plantations.27 Such
narratives reflect to some extent Lefebvre’s ideas about the dynamic
changing nature of urbanization, which goes in stages from primitive
land to farmland and then to townships before the emergence of
cities. In the case of Singapore, Gambier and rubber probably
represent the accelerated stages of agricultural cultivation that led to
the formation of villages and townships.
During his hikes, the author came across former rubber
plantations which had transformed primary forests into productive
usable land before reverting to secondary forested peripheral land
through disuse. Also, some areas in land-scarce Singapore were
transformed into new towns with public housing projects, beginning
the phase of intense urbanization. But, at the same time, the
authorities brought back green areas in the form of well-planned
park corridors, hiking trails, cycling tracks and jogging paths. In
these examples, which differ from Lefebvre’s analysis, changes are
cyclical rather than deterministic. Primitive land can be utilized for
productive means, but can also be abandoned and revert to its
original natural state, or formerly non-productive spaces can become
high-density residential areas with community facilities. In certain
cases, good planning can transform unsightly or unsanitary areas—
such as storm drains, canals and sewage areas—into biologically
correct, self-cleaning environments such as those found in the Ulu
Pandan and Bishan Park spaces. There is therefore an attempt to re-
introduce nature into man-made objects. The natural contours of
such re-engineered spaces may be comparable to the tokonoma
example cited by Lefebvre.
Lefebvre also argues that human communities’ isolation and
marginalization from the green environment and nature actually
invokes a passionate desire for recreated and reconstructed green
spaces. This volume carefully navigates the interplay between the
works of Lefebvre and Barnard, contextualizing them in the
peripheral (green and heritage) spaces that the author hiked,
trekked and visited. Lefebvre captured the essence of counter-
reactions and addictions to an urban revolution and those counter-
reactions tried to reconstruct what was lost in the process of
urbanization. This volume follows this synchronic moment in time in
the stage of urbanization. It also looks at urban planning to promote
environmental sustainability, the restoration of nature to its pristine
state, and the protection and conservation of local species.
Lost Roads Singapore by Tan Shzr Ee and Desmond Foo is
written in a reader-friendly, non-academic format and takes the form
of a road trip through Singapore with literary musings and a
recollection of precious memories in terms of lost roads and
forgotten spaces in Singapore . The book is filled with interesting
anecdotes and historical gems of information. In that book,
peripheral spaces are conceptualized as lost memories, instead of an
outcome of the urban revolution conceptualized by Lefebvre . Lost
Roads Singapore proved a valuable resource for this project’s
research team as the researchers and author of this volume
consulted the publication for possible locations that may have been
omitted in this volume’s conceptualization of peripheral spaces.
Similarly, the literature review in Lost Roads Singapore reviewed
other books that were useful for reconstructing memories of spaces
covered in this volume. For example, Lynette Wan’s Kindred
Memories: A Flash Fiction Collection provided a touching account of
the Bukit Ho Swee fire which was useful for Chap. 3 on Tiong Bahru.
Bukit Ho Swee is a good example of peripheral spaces that
transformed unsightly and unproductive areas occupied by the
ghettos of illegal squatters into an orderly, low-income public
housing project that provided rationalized and economical shelter to
victims of a great fire and is, once more, transforming into a
peripheral residential space because of its aging residents.
Besides commercial literature, such Wan’s account of a former
squatter’s village, the author also consulted existing collections of
pictorially rich coffee table publications. Fort Canning Hill: Exploring
Singapore’s Heritage and Nature by Melissa Diagana and Jyoti
Angresh is a handsome volume compiled in a coffee table book
format for the general reader. Much knowledge about the Civic
District and also the first habitation of Singapore can be discerned
from this volume. As with many other publications on Singapore’s
green spaces, Fort Canning Hill was written for a commercial
audience rather than academics. However, it was an extremely
valuable reference work for this project as the luminaries and
contributors to that volume offered a rich tapestry of information
that goes beyond most commercial publications. The single-location
focus also meant that the volume had substantial depth in analyzing
one single space in Singapore , the charm and of the volume being
its copious images. Other than coffee table books, there are also
guidebooks on areas in Singapore that can be walked and trekked. A
guidebook for walking activities in Singapore is In Singapore by
Marianne Rogerson. It is written in a fun manner with zany facts and
attractive pictures, and its user-friendly format captures the essential
information required by tourists on a walking tour of Singapore. The
volume served the useful function of helping us locate the areas
frequented by tourists on the walking trails, particularly in the urban
districts of Singapore.
Besides the historical and green environmental site of Fort
Canning Hill, a valuable addition to studying Singapore’s elevated
areas is Shawn Lum and Ilsa Sharp’s publication A View from the
Summit: The Story of Bukit Timah Nature Reserve. As with the Fort
Canning volume, the multi-stakeholders and array of contributors to
the volume make it a useful resource. The volume covers the history
of the Bukit Timah area with an eye to conservation issues,
somewhat similar to the objectives of this volume. Like Shawn Lum’s
volume on the Bukit Timah Campus the narrative in the volume
combines natural history with a systematic classification of natural
species found in that area. The stunning photos in the publication
attract any readers remotely interested in viewing the rich diversity
of natural species in Singapore. Unfortunately, during the two years
of the grant project for the current volume, the Bukit Timah Nature
Reserve was closed for the regeneration of forests so this space
could not be covered in this volume.
Another volume with a commemorative shine and a single-
location focus exploring natural assets is Trees of Bukit Timah
Campus written by Shawn Lum, Hugh Tan and Wee Yeow Chin. This
publication is a natural historical publication of the historical Bukit
Timah Campus of the National University of Singapore. The value of
this volume is in its classification and explanations for the flora and
fauna of the campus and, as it is located so near the Botanical
Gardens, the book is useful for identifying flora and fauna in two
locations that were covered in this project. The book is also
interesting in that it adds cultural and folklorist anecdotes to
explanations of natural wildlife. It is a beautiful volume put together
by an enthusiast with a deep respect for the heritage and traditions
of the campus environment. The contribution made by this volume is
the spatial historical element and the contextualization of the
Botanical Gardens and Bukit Timah not in terms of stand-alone sites
by themselves but, rather, as a component of large park corridor
spaces and green belts in Singapore . Next to the Bukit Timah
Campus, National Parks Singapore published their own guidebook for
identifying tall trees in the Botanical Gardens titled Tall Tales:
Singapore Botanic Gardens Heritage Trees Trail Guide. This
publication included a succinct take on the history of the Gardens.
Its focus on tall trees meant that the publication served a specific
purpose for identifying the major tropical trees in Singapore .
A publication that does not restrict itself to a single location is
Leong, Tzi Ming and James Gan Wan Ming’s Our Fragile Rainforest,
which conceptualizes Singapore’s flora and fauna in a specific genre
of natural environment found in the city state: the rainforests. In
some ways, there are complementarities with the current volume’s
contents in terms of its focus on conservation work, crafted spaces
and green spaces for recreation, all three of which fall under Henri
Lefebvre’s critique and observations in The Urban Revolution. The
publication is intentionally designed to create public awareness of
the issue of climate change. As with the National Parks’ Tall Tales, it
is a splendid illustrated volume. The high-quality professional photos
indicate the extent to which funding from the HSBC Bank helped.
The diversity of wild life in Singapore is carefully captured in the
images in this volume, making it a useful and colorful guide for
identifying the wildlife that we encountered. Another useful
guidebook that specializes mainly on plants is written by Boo Chih
Min, Sharon Chew and Jean Yong titled Plants in Tropical Cities. This
was one of the guidebook resources used as reference material in
the current volume, especially on plant species.
Most of the publications mentioned are written in modern and
contemporary contexts. In terms of the pre-modern history of
Singapore, the most important volume, particularly from an
archaeological material historical point of view, is John N. Miksic’s
Singapore & The Silk Road of the Sea 1300–1800, an outstanding
academic publication of the first order. This book is the stuff of
empire-building and reaches far more deeply into the pre-modern
and medieval history of Singapore than any other previous
publications in the English language and in recent times. The most
important component of this publication is the material evidence on
which the writing is based, therefore lending legitimacy to
synchronic changes over time in historical parts of Singapore,
particularly the Civic District. The story of Singapore is firmly
contextualized in the neighboring great empires surrounding the
small island.
Besides secondary literature sources, the project team for this
volume also consulted policy papers related to heritage and natural
spaces, as well as to their conservation. These papers provided
valuable insights into policy-related matters relevant to the subject
matter. The policy reports indicated the desires and needs of
different local communities in Singapore. For example, the booklet
series Biodiversity Nature Conservation in the Greening of Singapore
written by the Centre for Liveable Cities Ministry of National
Development Singapore and the National Parks Board Ministry of
National Development Singapore notes that residents in dairy farms
resisted initiatives to construct condominiums in the surrounding
secondary forests as this could bring about floods and a loss of
biodiversity.28 This was, in fact, a space that the author hiked almost
every Saturday. Interactions such as this between stakeholders and
the state in relation to various locations throughout the island are
covered in this volume.

Utilitarian and Functional Conservation


Approaches to the Historical and to Heritage
Besides the emotive response to conserved spaces, there is also a
utilitarian angle to the utilization of green and heritage spaces. This
utilitarian and functional approach examines the thesis question
“How does the loss of heritage impact on national identity?” Unlike
philosopher Henri Lefebvre , who conceptualizes spaces as the
deterministic and organic evolution of spaces in a developmental
staged format from wild nature through its transformation into
metropolitan cities by means of an urban revolution, the utilitarian
school and functionalist ideas define history in terms of state goals
including, but not exclusive to, identity formation and economic
productivity. When nature is left fallow or heritage structures are left
in their dilapidated forms, they are peripheral in the sense that they
are left economically unproductive. The functional and utilitarian
values of those spaces emerge when eco-tourism and heritage
tourism are developed by the authorities and the local community.
Perhaps one of the most enlightening and reflective books in the
academic and professional literature of this field is the simply
entitled Heritage written by Kennie Ting for the SG50 Singapore
Chronicle series published by the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS)
through the National University of Singapore (NUS) and the Straits
Times Press. Kennie Ting is the Group Director, Museums and
Development, at the National Heritage Board and he is responsible
for the management of Singaporean museums and for their
corporate development.29 The definition of the term “heritage” as
used in the current volume is clarified in the following narrative:

Heritage refers to legacies of the past conserved in some


fashion in the present to pass on to future generations. Heritage
landscapes are thus the concrete and visible repositories of the
nation’s common memories and traditions, providing threads of
continuity, between past, present and future. […] By
remembering the nation’s past in concrete form, heritage
landscapes provide us with everyday material basis for the on-
going task of nation building. (Peggy Teo et al. 2004, 108)30
In this definition, the idea of “continuity” is highlighted. Like Ting,
this volume also looks at physical landscapes that serve as reminders
of common historical consciousness and this common consciousness,
if archived, can be handed down generationally. In this sense, if
heritage artifacts and structures can be conserved and can exist
without discontinuity, they then become material history that
transcends time. Materiality becomes a visible basis for forging
common memories and consciousness. When there is broad
consensus over heritage policies, there is complementarity of
heritage work with nation-building policies, impulses and activities.
One of Ting’s major arguments, and an innovation to the
heritage narrative, is his postulation that “all Singaporeans are
experts in heritage”.31 The current volume suggests that subjective
personal experiences are important in historical and heritage
conservation. A simple invocation of a place-name such as Tiong
Bahru, Bukit Brown or the Green Rail Corridor conjures up
perceptions of and sentiment regarding a sense of loss of national
“identity and soul”.32 In this sense, the linkage between heritage and
national identity becomes personalized and individual narratives
contribute to a collective grand narrative. While they are subjective
and personalized memories, there is negotiation with the practical
aspects of heritage conservation, including its economic value.
Nostalgia and the preservation of memory are manifestations of
Singapore’s fast economic growth in the 1970s and 1980s, resulting
in heritage conservation efforts.
From micro studies to macro-regional ones, some publications
and policy papers conceptualize the idea of heritage from a regional
ASEAN perspective. Continuing with utilitarian concepts of heritage
and history, besides local implications, heritage tourism and eco-
tourism also take on a regional portfolio in the ASEAN context. Given
changing trends within the tourism industry and also to tap into
intra-ASEAN potential for internal tourism, the terminology adopted
by the organization to encompass heritage, cultural and
environmental tours using local community resources and assets is
“community-based tourism”. The ASEAN website adopts and uses a
non-governmental organization definition of community-based
tourism:

Tourism Concern of the United Kingdom describes community-


based tourism as that which aims to include and benefit local
communities, particularly indigenous peoples and villagers.
Community tourism projects should give local people a fair
share of the benefits/profits of tourism and a say in deciding
how incoming tourism is managed.33

Three points are important here. First, the definition of


community-based tourism indicates emphasis on the needs of local-
born individuals, some of whom may be the most economically
vulnerable individuals still engaged with traditional practices. The
second feature is the idea of the equitable distribution of tourist
revenue from the use of community cultural or natural resources.
The third point is allocation of power and management control to the
denizens at that resource. Inevitably, when it comes to cultural
assets and the preservation of those resources, one has to include
issues of identity formation, sustainability and cultural attachment to
those resources. These three issues give rise to the importance of
conservation. The items to conserve, the selective narratives and
interpretations of local histories behind those material artifacts or
memory-based constructs, are dependent on the conservation
authorities and co-option, resistance or collaboration from the local
community. Working with local communities takes on a new meaning
in a regional landscape as, on 31 December 2016, the ASEAN
Economic Community quietly came into being. At present, within the
ASEAN community, in terms of community-based tourism (CBT),
each ASEAN country has drawn up a list of three heritage spaces
that they wish to promote under CBT.
As this volume also touches on conservation, it would be useful
to present a brief literature review on the connection between the
Singaporean identity and the idea of conservation. The Heritage
Awareness Survey 2006 reported that more than 90% of local
respondents supported heritage preservation and state enhancement
in this area, supported the idea of heritage as a “rooting” factor, and
the augmentation of a sense of belonging—even with globalization,
and that 70% want to be engaged in heritage activities.34 In another
source, the 2008 National Heritage Board drew up the Renaissance
City Plan III Heritage Development Plan and the blueprint described
the connection between heritage and culture in the following
manner:

Heritage and culture are anchors for Singaporeans, instilling


national pride and retaining their sense of identity and
rootedness in the face of rapid globalisation. They enrich the
quality of lives of Singaporeans, contributing towards making
Singapore a great home. Through engendering greater
community participation and engagement in the arena of
heritage and culture, community bonds and attached to
Singapore are strengthened. […] To this end, NHB’s
engagement strategies have been guided by the ethos of social
inclusiveness and community ownership, catering to diverse
needs of our communities.35

There are three important points in this narrative related to the


current volume. First, the idea of “national pride” suggests that,
besides attachment to Singapore, there should also be a sense of
pride rooted in Singapore that is sufficiently resilient not to be
overwhelmed by globalization that can bring about culturally
transformative changes. Strengthening cultural and community
bonds and cultural attachment suggest heritage’s role in identity-
formation. Inclusiveness of different groups within Singapore also
contributes to building these cultural attachments and community
bonds.
The National Heritage Board’s report defined a nation’s heritage
as a “testimony to the collective meaning of a society’s values and
informs the evolution of its culture and lifestyle” but, as early as
2008, the government realized the “rising threat of losing unique
identities and [globalization] diluting traditional culture”.36 The most
popular answers given by respondents to a Mediacorp survey in
2015 asking what made them “proud of Singapore” cited
characteristics such as “safe” (81%), “corruption-free” (50%) and
“recognised world-wide” (57%).37 The survey covered 2000 citizens
and permanent residents between 18 and 65 years of age of all
races and socio-economic classes. It was discovered that social
identity factors scored lower than factors of governance, global
recognition and public security: social identity factors such as
multiculturalism and heritage scored 48 and 30%, respectively.38 An
important component of Singapore’s heritage conservation is
mentioned on the website of the URA:

Conserving and restoring our historic buildings also adds to the


distinctive character and identity of our city. More importantly,
they give us a sense of history and memory even as we move
into the future.39

The conservation of heritage structures highlights the


idiosyncratic character of Singaporeans. This nation-building process
is based on “Retaining a sense of familiarity and home amid a
changing landscape is what roots Singaporeans”.40 It looks at what
Singaporeans consider to be familiar. The URA is keen to promote
the concept of “A Global City, An Endearing Home”, and the
Authority has four strategies for conserving memories and material
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
Fig. 219.—Young of Cyclopterus spinosus, from the Arctic Ocean, natural size.
Liparis.—Body sub-cylindrical, enveloped in a more or less loose
naked skin; head broad, obtuse. The infraorbital bone is styliform
posteriorly, extending backwards to the margin of the præoperculum.
One dorsal fin, with feeble flexible rays. Villiform teeth in the jaws,
none on the palate.
Small fishes from the northern coasts of the temperate zone,
ranging beyond the arctic circle. Eight species are known, of which
two (L. lineatus and L. montagui) occur on the British coasts.

Second Family—Gobiidæ.
Body elongate, naked or scaly. Teeth generally small, sometimes
with canines. The spinous dorsal fin, or portion of the dorsal fin, is
the less developed, and composed of flexible spines; anal similarly
developed as the soft dorsal. Sometimes the ventrals are united into
a disk. Gill-opening more or less narrow, the gill-membranes being
attached to the isthmus.
Small carnivorous littoral fishes, many of which have become
acclimatised in fresh water. They are very abundant with regard to
species as well as individuals, and found on or near the coasts of all
temperate and tropical regions. Geologically they appear first in the
chalk.
Gobius.—Body scaly. Two dorsal fins, the anterior generally with
six flexible spines. Ventral fins united, forming a disk which is not
attached to the abdomen. Gill-opening vertical, moderately wide.
Fig. 220.—Gobius lentiginosus, from New Zealand.
The “Gobies” are distributed over all temperate and tropical
coasts, and abundant, especially on the latter. Nearly three hundred
species have been described. They live especially on rocky coasts,
attaching themselves firmly with their ventrals to a rock in almost any
position, and thus withstanding the force of the waves. Many of the
species seem to delight in darting from place to place in the rush of
water which breaks upon the shore. Others live in quiet brackish
water, and not a few have become entirely acclimatised in fresh
water, especially lakes. The males of some species construct nests
for the eggs, which they jealously watch, and defend even for some
time after the young are hatched. Several species are found on the
British coast: G. niger, paganellus, auratus, minutus, ruthensparri.
Fossil species of this genus have been found at Monte Bolca.
A very small Goby, Latrunculus pellucidus, common in some
localities of the British Islands and other parts of Europe, is
distinguished by its transparent body, wide mouth, and uniserial
dentition. According to R. Collett it offers some very remarkable
peculiarities. It lives one year only, being the first instance of an
annual vertebrate. It spawns in June and July, the eggs are hatched
in August, and the fishes attain their full growth in the months from
October to December. In this stage the sexes are quite alike, both
having very small teeth and feeble jaws. In April the males lose the
small teeth, which are replaced by very long and strong teeth, the
jaws themselves becoming stronger. The teeth of the females remain
unchanged. In July and August all the adults die off, and in
September only the fry are to be found.
There are several other genera, closely allied to Gobius, as
Euctenogobius, Lophiogobius, Doliichthys, Apocryptes, Evorthodus,
Gobiosoma and Gobiodon (with scaleless body) Triænophorichthys.
Sicydium.—Body covered with ctenoid scales of rather small size.
Cleft of the mouth nearly horizontal, with the upper jaw prominent; lips
very thick; the lower lip generally with a series of minute horny teeth.
A series of numerous small teeth in upper jaw, implanted in the gum,
and generally movable; the lower jaw with a series of conical widely-
set teeth. Two dorsal fins, the anterior with six flexible spines. Ventral
fins united, and forming a short disk, more or less adherent to the
abdomen.
Small freshwater fishes inhabiting the rivers and rivulets of the
islands of the tropical Indo-Pacific. About twelve species are known;
one occurs in the West Indies. Lentipes from the Sandwich Islands is
allied to Sicydium.
Periophthalmus.—Body covered with ctenoid scales of small or
moderate size. Cleft of the mouth nearly horizontal, with the upper jaw
somewhat longer. Eyes very close together, immediately below the
upper profile, prominent, but retractile, with a well-developed outer
eyelid. Teeth conical, vertical in both jaws. Two dorsal fins, the anterior
with flexible spines; caudal fin with the lower margin oblique; base of
the pectoral fin free, with strong muscles. Ventral fins more or less
coalesced. Gill-openings narrow.
The fishes of this genus, and the closely-allied Boleophthalmus,
are exceedingly common on the coasts of the tropical Indo-Pacific,
especially on parts covered with mud or fucus. During ebb they leave
the water and hunt for small crustaceans, and other small animals
disporting themselves on the ground which is left uncovered by the
receding water. With the aid of their strong pectoral and ventral fins
and their tail, they hop freely over the ground, and escape danger by
rapid leaps. The peculiar construction of their eyes, which are very
movable, and can be thrust far out of their sockets, enables them to
see in the air as well as in the water; when the eyes are retracted
they are protected by a membranous eyelid. These fishes are absent
in the eastern parts of the Pacific and on the American side of the
Atlantic; but singularly enough one species reappears on the West
African coast. About seven species are known (including
Boleophthalmus), P. koelreuteri being one of the most common
fishes of the Indian Ocean.

Fig. 221.—Periophthalmus koelreuteri.


Eleotris.—Body scaly; eyes of moderate size, lateral, not
prominent. Teeth small. Two dorsal fins, the anterior generally with six
spines. Ventrals not united, though close together, with one spine and
five rays.
About sixty species are known from the tropics, only a few
extending into the temperate zone. As regards form, they repeat
almost all the modifications observed among the Gobies, from which
they differ only in having the ventral fins non-coalescent. On the
whole they are somewhat larger than the Gobies, and rather
freshwater than marine species, some of them being abundant in the
rivulets of the islands of the Indo-Pacific and Atlantic. Others have
even penetrated into the inland-waters of the African continent.
Trypauchen.—Body elongate, covered with minute scales; head
compressed, with a deep cavity on each side, above the operculum.
Teeth small, in a band. One dorsal, the spinous portion composed of
six spines; dorsal and anal fins continuous with the caudal, ventral fins
united.
Small fishes of singular aspect, from the East Indian coasts.
Three species, of which T. vagina is common.
Callionymus.—Head and anterior part of the body depressed, the
rest cylindrical, naked. Snout pointed, with the cleft of the mouth
narrow, horizontal, and with the upper jaw very protractile. Eyes rather
large, more or less directed upwards. Teeth very small, palate smooth.
A strong spine at the angle of the præoperculum. Two dorsal fins, the
anterior with three or four flexible spines; ventrals five-rayed, widely
apart from each other. Gill-openings very narrow, generally reduced to
a foramen on the upper side of the operculum.
The “Dragonets” are small, and generally beautifully coloured
marine fishes, inhabitants of the coasts of the temperate zone of the
Old World; the minority of species live in tropical parts of the Indo-
Pacific; and these seem to descend to somewhat greater depths
than the littoral species of the northern hemisphere. Secondary
sexual characters are developed in almost all the species, the
mature males having the fin-rays prolonged into filaments, and the
fin-membranes brightly ornamented. On the British coast one
species (C. draco) is very common, and locally called “Skulpin.”
About thirty species are known, many of which have the
præopercular spine armed with processes or barbs. Vulsus is allied
to Callionymus.
Other genera belonging to this family are—Benthophilus from the
Caspian Sea; Amblyopus, Orthostomus, Platyptera, Luciogobius,
Oxymetopon, and, perhaps, Oxuderces.

Tenth Division—Acanthopterygii Blenniiformes.


Body low, sub-cylindrical or compressed, elongate. Dorsal fin
very long; the spinous portion of the dorsal, if distinct, is very long, as
well developed, as the soft, or much more; sometimes the entire fin
is composed of spines only; anal more or less long; caudal fin
subtruncated or rounded, if present. Ventral fins thoracic or jugular, if
present.

First Family—Cepolidæ.
Body very elongate, compressed, covered with very small cycloid
scales; eyes rather large, lateral. Teeth of moderate size. No bony
stay for the angle of the præoperculum. One very long dorsal fin,
which, like the anal, is composed of soft rays. Ventrals thoracic,
composed of one spine and five rays. Gill-opening wide. Caudal
vertebræ exceedingly numerous.
The “Band-fishes” (Cepola) are small marine fishes, belonging
principally to the fauna of the northern temperate zone; in the Indian
Ocean the genus extends southwards to Pinang. The European
species (C. rubescens) is found in isolated examples on the British
coast, but is less scarce in some years than in others. These fishes
are of a nearly uniform red colour.

Second Family—Trichonotidæ.
Body elongate, sub-cylindrical, covered with cycloid scales of
moderate size. Eyes directed upwards. Teeth in villiform bands. No
bony stay for the angle of the præoperculum. One long dorsal fin,
with simple articulated rays, and without a spinous portion; anal long.
Ventrals jugular, with one spine and five rays. Gill-opening very wide.
The number of caudal vertebræ much exceeding that of the
abdominal.
Small marine fishes, belonging to two genera only, Trichonotus
(setigerus) from Indian Seas, with some of the anterior dorsal rays
prolonged into filaments; and Hemerocoetes (acanthorhynchus) from
New Zealand, and sometimes found far out at sea on the surface.

Third Family—Heterolepidotidæ.
Body oblong, compressed, scaly; eyes lateral; cleft of the mouth
lateral; dentition feeble. The angle of the præoperculum connected
by a bony stay with the infraorbital ring. Dorsal long, with the spinous
and soft portions equally developed; anal elongate. Ventrals
thoracic, with one spine and five rays.
Fig. 222.—Scale from the
lateral line of Hemerocœtes
acanthorhynchus, with lacerated
margin.

Fig. 223.—Chirus hexagrammus, from Japan.


Small shore-fishes, characteristic of the fauna of the Northern
Pacific, some of the species occurring on the American as well as
Asiatic side. They have been referred to several genera, as
Chirus, which is distinguished by the presence of several lateral
lines;
Ophiodon, with one lateral line only, cycloid scales, and slightly
armed præoperculum;
Agrammus, with one lateral line only, ctenoid scales, and unarmed
præoperculum; and
Zaniolepis, with one lateral line and minute comb-like scales.
Fourth Family—Blenniidæ.
Body elongate, low, more or less cylindrical, naked or covered
with scales, which generally are small. One, two, or three dorsal fins
occupying nearly the whole length of the back, the spinous portion, if
distinct, being as much developed as the soft, or more; sometimes
the entire fin is composed of spines; anal fin long. Ventrals jugular,
composed of a few rays, and sometimes rudimentary or entirely
absent. Pseudobranchiæ generally present.
Littoral forms of great generic variety, occurring abundantly in all
temperate and tropical seas. Some of the species have become
acclimatised in fresh water, and many inhabit brackish water. With
very few exceptions they are very small, some of the smallest fishes
belonging to the family of “Blennies.” One of the principal
characteristics of the Blennies is the ventral fin, which is formed by
less than five rays, and has a jugular position. The Blennies have
this in common with many Gadoids, and it is sometimes difficult to
decide to which of these two families a fish should be referred. In
such doubtful cases the presence of the pseudobranchiæ (which are
absent in Gadoids) may be of assistance.
In many Blennies the ventral fins have ceased to have any
function, and become rudimentary, or are even entirely absent. In
others the ventral fins, although reduced to cylindrical stylets,
possess a distinct function, and are used as organs of locomotion,
by the aid of which the fish moves rapidly over the bottom.
The fossil forms are scarcely known; Pterygocephalus from
Monte Bolca appears to have been a Blennioid.
Anarrhichas.—Body elongate, with rudimentary scales; snout
rather short; cleft of the mouth wide; strong conical teeth in the jaws,
those on the sides with several pointed tubercles; a biserial band of
large molar teeth on the palate. Dorsal fin long, with flexible spines;
caudal separate. Ventrals none. Gill-openings wide.
The “Sea-wolf,” or “Sea-cat” (A. lupus), is a gigantic Blenny,
attaining to a length of more than six feet. With its enormously strong
tubercular teeth it is able to crush the hardest shells of Crustaceans
or Mollusks, on which it feeds voraciously. It is an inhabitant of the
northern seas, like two other allied species, all of which are
esteemed as food by the inhabitants of Iceland and Greenland. Two
other species of Sea-wolves occur in the corresponding latitudes of
the North Pacific.

Fig. 224.—Teeth of the Wolf-fish, Anarrhichas lupus.


Blennius.—Body moderately elongate, naked; snout short. A
single dorsal, without detached portion; ventrals jugular, formed by a
spine and two rays. Cleft of the mouth narrow; a single series of
immovable teeth in the jaws; generally a curved tooth behind this
series in both jaws, or in the lower only. A more or less developed
tentacle above the orbit. Gill-opening wide.
About forty species of Blennius (in the restricted generic sense)
are known from the northern temperate zone, the tropical Atlantic,
Tasmania, and the Red Sea. But in the tropical Indian Ocean they
are almost entirely absent, and replaced by other allied genera.
Three species, found near the Sandwich Islands, are immigrants into
the Pacific from the American Continent. They generally live on the
coast, or attach themselves to floating objects, some species leading
a pelagic life, hiding themselves in floating seaweed, in which they
even propagate their species. All species readily accustom
themselves to fresh water, and some (B. vulgaris) have become
entirely acclimatised in inland lakes. British species are B.
gattorugine (growing to a length of twelve inches), B. ocellaris, B.
galerita, and B. pholis, the common “Shanny.”
Chasmodes is a genus allied to Blennius, from the Atlantic coasts
of temperate North America.

Fig. 225.—Petroscirtes bankieri, from Hong-Kong.


Petroscirtes.—Body moderately elongate, naked. Snout
generally short. A single dorsal fin; ventrals composed of two or three
rays. Cleft of the mouth narrow; a single series of immovable teeth in
the jaws; a strong curved canine tooth behind this series, that of the
lower jaw much stronger than that of the upper. Head sometimes with
tentacles. Gill-opening reduced to a small fissure above the root of the
pectoral.
Thirty species, from the tropical Indo-Pacific, of small size.

Fig. 226.—Dentition of the same,


enlarged.
Salarias.—Body moderately elongate, naked; snout short, with
transverse cleft of the mouth; a series of numerous small teeth in the
jaws, implanted in the gum and movable; generally a curved canine
tooth on each side of the lower jaw, behind the series of small teeth.
Dorsal fin continuous, sometimes divided into two portions by a more
or less deep notch without a detached anterior part. Ventral fins with
two or three rays. A tentacle above the orbit. Gill-openings wide.
Sixty species are known from the tropical zone, extending
northwards to Madeira, southwards to Chile and Tasmania. In certain
individuals of some of the species a longitudinal cutaneous crest is
developed; all young individuals lack it, and in some other species it
is invariably absent. Singularly enough this crest is not always a
sexual character, as one might have supposed from analogy, but in
some species at least it is developed in both sexes. Mature males,
however, have generally higher dorsal fins and a more intense and
variegated coloration than females and immature males, as is also
the case in Blennius.
Clinus.—Body moderately elongate, covered with small scales;
snout rather short; a narrow band or series of small teeth in the jaws
and on the palate. Dorsal fin formed by numerous spines and a few
soft rays, without a detached anterior portion; anal spines two.
Ventrals with two or three rays. A tentacle above the orbit. Gill-
opening wide.
Thirty species, from the coasts of tropical America and the
southern temperate zone. Three other genera are closely allied to
Clinus, viz. Cristiceps and Cremnobates, in which the three anterior
dorsal spines are detached from the rest of the fin; and Tripterygium,
with three distinct dorsal fins, of which the two anterior are spinous.
The species of these genera are as numerous as those of Clinus,
occurring in many parts of tropical seas, in the Mediterranean, and
being especially well represented in South Australia and New
Zealand.
Stichæus.—Body elongate, covered with very small scales; lateral
line more or less distinct, sometimes several lateral lines. Snout short;
very small teeth in the jaws, and generally on the palate. Dorsal fin
long, formed by spines only. Ventrals with two or three rays. Caudal fin
distinct. Gill-openings rather wide.
Small fishes, peculiar to the coasts near the arctic circle, ranging
southwards to the coasts of Japan and Scandinavia. Ten species.
Blenniops.—Body moderately elongate, covered with very small
scales; lateral line none. Snout short; small teeth in the jaws, none on
the palate. Dorsal fin long, formed by spines only. Ventrals with one
spine and three rays. Caudal distinct. Gill-openings of moderate width,
the gill-membranes coalescent across the isthmus.
A fine but not common kind of Blenny (B. ascanii), from the
British and Scandinavian coasts.
Centronotus.—Body elongate, covered with very small scales;
lateral line none. Snout short; very small teeth in the jaws. Dorsal fin
long, formed by spines only. Ventrals none or rudimentary; caudal
separate. Gill-openings of moderate width, gill-membranes
coalescent.
Ten species are known from the northern coasts; southwards the
genus extends to the coasts of France, New York, California, and
Japan. C. gunellus, or the “Gunnel-fish” or “Butter-fish,” is common
on the British coasts. Apodichthys is allied to Centronotus, but the
vertical fins are confluent; and a very large, excavated, pen-like
spine lies hidden in a pouch in front of the anal fin. This spine is
evidently connected in some way with the generative organs, as a
furrow leads from the orifice of the oviduct to the groove of the spine.
One species from the Pacific coast of North America. Xiphidion is
another closely allied genus from the same locality.
Cryptacanthodes.—Body very elongate, naked, with a single
lateral line. Head with the muciferous system well developed. Eye
rather small. Conical teeth in the jaws, on the vomer and palatine
bones. One dorsal formed by spines only; caudal connected with
dorsal and anal. Ventrals none. Gill-opening of moderate width, with
the gill-membranes joined to the isthmus.
One species (C. maculatus) from the Atlantic coasts of North
America.
Patæcus.—Body oblong, elevated anteriorly; snout short, with
subvertical anterior profile; minute teeth in the jaws and on the vomer.
Dorsal fin with the anterior spines strong and long, continuous with the
caudal; ventrals none. Gill-openings wide.
Fig. 227.—Patæcus fronto.
Three species of this singular form are known from South and
West Australia.
Zoarces.—Body elongate, with the scales rudimentary; conical
teeth in the jaws. Dorsal fin long, with a depression on the tail, which
is formed by a series of spines much shorter than the rays. No other
fin-spines. No separate caudal fin. Ventrals short, formed by three or
four rays. Gill-openings wide.
Two species are known, one from the European, and the other
from the North American side of the Atlantic. The former, Z.
viviparus, is well known by the name of “Viviparous Blenny;” as is
signified by this name it produces its young alive. These are so
matured at the time of their birth that on their first exclusion they
swim about with the utmost agility. No fewer than from two to three
hundred young are sometimes produced by one female, and the
abdomen of the mother is so distended before parturition that it is
impossible to touch it without causing them to be extruded. Full
grown individuals are about twelve inches long, but the American
species (Z. anguillaris) attains to a length of two or three feet.
Other genera of the family of Blennoids are:—Blennophis,
Nemophis, Plagiotremus, Neoclinus, Cebidichthys, Myxodes,
Heterostichus, Dictyosoma, Lepidoblennius, Dactyloscopus,
Gunellichthys, Urocentrus, Stichæopsis, Sticharium, Notograptus,
Pholidichthys, and Pseudoblennius.
Fifth Family—Acanthoclinidæ.
Body elongate, low, compressed, covered with small scales. One
dorsal fin, occupying nearly the whole of the back, and chiefly
composed of spines. Anal fin long, with numerous spines. Ventrals
jugular, composed of a few rays only.
Of this family one fish only is known (Acanthoclinus littoreus), a
small Blenny abundant on the coast of New Zealand.

Sixth Family—Mastacembelidæ.
Body elongate, eel-like, covered with very small scales. Mandible
long, but little moveable. Dorsal fin very long, the anterior portion
composed of numerous short isolated spines; anal fin with spines
anteriorly. Ventrals none. The humeral arch is not suspended from
the skull. Gill-openings reduced to a slit at the lower part of the side
of the head.
Freshwater-fishes characteristic of and almost confined to the
Indian region. The structure of the mouth and of the branchial
apparatus, the separation of the humeral arch from the skull, the
absence of ventral fins, the anatomy of the abdominal organs,
affords ample proof that these fishes are Acanthopterygian eels.
Their upper jaw terminates in a pointed moveable appendage, which
is concave and transversely striated inferiorly in Rhynchobdella, and
without transverse striæ in Mastacembelus: the only two genera of
this family. Thirteen species are known, of which Rh. aculeata, M.
pancalus and M. armatus are extremely common, the latter attaining
to a length of two feet. Outlying species are M. aleppensis from
Mesopotamia and Syria, and M. cryptacanthus, M. marchei, and M.
niger, from West Africa.

Fig. 228.—Mastacembelus argus, from Siam.


Eleventh Division—Acanthopterygii Mugiliformes.
Two dorsal fins more or less remote from each other; the anterior
either short, like the posterior, or composed of feeble spines. Ventral
fins with one spine and five rays, abdominal.

First Family—Sphyrænidæ.
Body elongate, sub-cylindrical, covered with small cycloid scales;
lateral line continuous. Cleft of the mouth wide, armed with strong
teeth. Eye lateral, of moderate size. Vertebræ twenty-four.
This family consists of one genus only, Sphyræna, generally
called “Barracudas,” large voracious fishes from the tropical and sub-
tropical seas, which prefer the vicinity of the coast to the open sea.
They attain to a length of eight feet, and a weight of forty pounds;
individuals of this large size are dangerous to bathers. They are
generally used as food, but sometimes (especially in the West
Indies) their flesh assumes poisonous qualities, from having fed on
smaller poisonous fishes. Seventeen species.
The Barracudas existed in the tertiary epoch, their remains being
frequently found at Monte Bolca. Some other fossil genera have
been associated with them, but as they are known from jaws and
teeth or vertebræ only, their position in the system cannot be exactly
determined; thus Sphyrænodus and Hypsodon from the chalk of
Lewes, and the London clay of Sheppey. The American Portheus is
allied to Hypsodon. Another remarkable genus from the chalk,
Saurocephalus, has been also referred to this family.[44]

Second Family—Atherinidæ.
Body more or less elongate, sub-cylindrical, covered with scales
of moderate size; lateral line indistinct. Cleft of the mouth of
moderate width, with the dentition feeble. Eye lateral, large or of
moderate size. Gill-openings wide. Vertebræ very numerous.
Small carnivorous fishes inhabiting the seas of the temperate and
tropical zones; many enter fresh water, and some have been entirely
acclimatised in it. This family seems to have been represented in the
Monte Bolca formation by Mesogaster.
Atherina.—Teeth very small; scales cycloid. The first dorsal is
short and entirely separated from the second. Snout obtuse, with the
cleft of the mouth straight, oblique, extending to or beyond the anterior
margin of the eye.
The Atherines are littoral fishes, living in large shoals, which habit
has been retained by the species acclimatised in fresh water. They
rarely exceed a length of six inches, but are nevertheless esteemed
as food. From their general resemblance to the real Smelt they are
often thus misnamed, but may always be readily recognised by their
small first spinous dorsal fin. The young, for some time after they are
hatched, cling together in dense masses, and in numbers almost
incredible. The inhabitants of the Mediterranean coast of France call
these newly hatched Atherines “Nonnat” (unborn). Some thirty
species are known, of which A. presbyter and A. boyeri occur on the
British coast.
Atherinichthys, distinguished from Atherina in having the snout
more or less produced; and the cleft of the mouth generally does not
extend to the orbit.
These Atherines are especially abundant on the coasts and in the
fresh waters of Australia and South America. Of the twenty species
known, several attain a length of eighteen inches and a weight of
more than a pound. All are highly esteemed as food; but the most
celebrated is the “Pesce Rey” of Chile (A. laticlavia).
Tetragonurus.—Body rather elongate, covered with strongly
keeled and striated scales. The first dorsal fin is composed of
numerous feeble spines, and continued on to the second. Lower jaw
elevated, with convex dental margin, and armed with compressed,
triangular, rather small teeth, in a single series.
This very remarkable fish is more frequently met with in the
Mediterranean than in the Atlantic, but generally scarce. Nothing is
known of its habits; when young it is one of the fishes which
accompany Medusæ, and, therefore, it must be regarded as a
pelagic form. Probably, at a later period of its life, it descends to
greater depths, coming to the surface at night only. It grows to a
length of eighteen inches.

Third Family—Mugilidæ.
Body more or less oblong and compressed, covered with cycloid
scales of moderate size; lateral line none. Cleft of the mouth narrow
or of moderate width, without or with feeble teeth. Eye lateral, of
moderate size. Gill-opening wide. The anterior dorsal fin composed
of four stiff spines. Vertebræ twenty-four.
The “Grey Mullets” inhabit in numerous species and in great
numbers the coasts of the temperate and tropical zones. They
frequent brackish waters, in which they find an abundance of food
which consists chiefly of the organic substances mixed with mud or
sand; in order to prevent larger bodies from passing into the
stomach, or substances from passing through the gill-openings,
these fishes have the organs of the pharynx modified into a filtering
apparatus. They take in a quantity of sand or mud, and, after having
worked it for some time between the pharyngeal bones, they eject
the roughest and indigestible portion of it. The upper pharyngeals
have a rather irregular form; they are slightly arched, the convexity
being directed towards the pharyngeal cavity, tapering anteriorly and
broad posteriorly. They are coated with a thick soft membrane, which
reaches far beyond the margin of the bone, at least on its interior
posterior portion; this membrane is studded all over with minute
horny cilia. The pharyngeal bone rests upon a large fatty mass,
giving it a considerable degree of elasticity. There is a very large
venous sinus between the anterior portion of the pharyngeal and the
basal portion of the branchial arches. Another mass of fat, of
elliptical form, occupies the middle of the roof of the pharynx,
between the two pharyngeal bones. Each branchial arch is provided
on each side, in its whole length, with a series of closely-set gill-
rakers, which are laterally bent downwards, each series closely
fitting into the series of the adjoining arch; they constitute together a
sieve, admirably adapted to permit a transit for the water, retaining at
the same time every other substance in the cavity of the pharynx.
The lower pharyngeal bones are elongate, crescent-shaped, and
broader posteriorly than anteriorly. Their inner surface is concave,
corresponding to the convexity of the upper pharyngeals, and
provided with a single series of lamellæ, similar to those of the
branchial arches, but reaching across the bone from one margin to
the other.
The intestinal tract shows no less peculiarities. The lower portion
of the œsophagus is provided with numerous long thread-like
papillæ, and continued into the oblong-ovoid membranaceous cœcal
portion of the stomach, the mucosa of which forms several
longitudinal folds. The second portion of the stomach reminds one of
the stomach of birds; it communicates laterally with the other portion,
is globular, and surrounded by an exceedingly strong muscle. This
muscle is not divided into two as in birds, but of great thickness in
the whole circumference of the stomach, all the muscular fasciculi
being circularly arranged. The internal cavity of this stomach is rather
small, and coated with a tough epithelium, longitudinal folds running
from the entrance opening to the pyloric, which is situated opposite
to the other. A low circular valve forms a pylorus. There are five
rather short pyloric appendages. The intestines make a great
number of circumvolutions, and are seven feet long in a specimen
thirteen inches in length.
Fig. 229.—Mugil proboscideus.
Some seventy species of Grey Mullets are known, the majority of
which attain to a weight of about four pounds, but there are many
which grow to ten and twelve pounds. All are eaten, and some even
esteemed, especially when taken out of fresh water. If attention were
paid to their cultivation, great profits could be made by fry being
transferred into suitable backwaters on the shore, in which they
rapidly grow to a marketable size. Several species are more or less
abundant on the British coasts, as Mugil octo-radiatus (Fig. 105, p.
254), M. capito, M. auratus (Fig. 106, p. 254), and M. septentrionalis
(Fig. 107, p. 254), which, with the aid of the accompanying figures,
and by counting the rays of the anal fin, may be readily distinguished
—M. octo-radiatus having eight, and M. capito and M. auratus nine
soft rays. A species inhabiting fresh waters of Central America (M.
proboscideus) has the snout pointed and fleshy, thus approaching
certain other freshwater and littoral Mullets, which, on account of a
modification of the structure of the mouth, have been formed into a
distinct genus, Agonostoma. Myxus comprises Mullets with teeth
more distinct than in the typical species.
This genus existed in the tertiary epoch, remains of a species
having been found in the gypsum of Aix, in Provence.

Twelfth Division—Acanthopterygii Gastrosteiformes.


The spinous dorsal is composed of isolated spines if present; the
ventrals are either thoracic or have an abdominal position in
consequence of the prolongation of the pubic bones which are
attached to the humeral arch. Mouth small, at the end of the snout
which is generally more or less produced.

First Family—Gastrosteidæ.
Body elongate, compressed. Cleft of the mouth oblique; villiform
teeth in the jaws. Opercular bones not armed; infraorbitals covering
the cheek; parts of the skeleton forming incomplete external mails.
Scales none, but generally large scutes along the side. Isolated
spines in front of the soft dorsal fin. Ventral fins abdominal, joined to
the pubic bone, composed of a spine and a small ray.
Branchiostegals three.

Fig. 230.—Gastrosteus noveboracensis.


Of “Sticklebacks” (Gastrosteus) about ten species are
satisfactorily known, one of which (G. spinachia) lives in salt and
brackish water, whilst the others inhabit principally fresh waters,
although they all are able to exist in the sea. They are confined to
the Temperate and Arctic zones of the northern hemisphere. The
British freshwater species are the Three-spined Stickleback (G.
aculeatus), which sometimes, especially in Central Europe, lacks
scutes, sometimes has a series of scutes along the side of the body;
the Four-spined Stickleback (G. spinulosus) and the Nine-spined
Stickleback (G. pungitius). The commonest North American species

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