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Tai Wei Lim
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Cover Credit: © Carlina Teteris
10 Conclusion
Index
List of Figures
Fig. 2.1 A mother hen leading three chicks through Fort Canning.
These are wild junglefowl. The rooster rummages through the
bushes while keeping watch over his family nearby
Fig. 2.2 The author’s camera captures the lone figure of an Indian
Muslim wearing muslin textiles sitting on a stool at the back of a
shophouse taking a break from work, gazing far into the corridors of
Arab Street where the watchtower of the Sultan Mosque stands. He
is an example of the hardworking people in this area who make the
daily commercial activities in Arab Street possible
Fig. 3.1 A beautiful wild stray cat with blue eyes in the Tiong Bahru
area
Fig. 4.8 The trail map reproduced on the top right-hand corner of
every piece of site marker signage
Fig. 5.1 The lush green canopy of the Clementi Forest. Flocks of
birds fly over this area in the late afternoon and evening. The
Clementi Forest has witnessed thunderstorms and a variety of man-
made events, including the smoke particles that were blown into
Singapore from forest fires in the region
Fig. 5.3 One of the author’s most important visual sightings was that
of a black spitting cobra! It hurriedly avoided the Green Rail path
and slithered away in muddy water when it spotted hikers. When
threatened, the black spitting cobra opens up its hood and can spit
venom accurately at the eyes of a predator up to 2 meters away.
This particular snake is estimated to be around 1.7–2.0 meters long
Fig. 6.1 The rising sun and still waters at MacRitchie Reservoir on 5
March 2016
Fig. 6.2 An alpha male monkey sits at the entrance to the tree top
walk together with its two female companions guarding the entrance
fiercely. Eventually, it leapt at one of the author’s hiking mates and
attempted to chase them off. This was probably one of the most
hostile long-tailed monkeys encountered during the hikes for this
volume. Most long-tailed macaques are inquisitive, playful, shy and
quiet
Fig. 6.3 In the Bukit Panjang area, the author encountered a slightly
venomous banded mangrove snake sleeping curled up in a tree. A
nocturnal creature, it becomes active at night look for small prey
Fig. 7.1 The highly toxic pong pong fruit. Its white sap contains
toxins that may affect the heart
Fig. 7.3 A monitor lizard sticks its forked tongue out to taste the
water
Fig. 7.7 The majestic brahminy kite soars over Coney Island
Fig. 8.1 Amazingly, the giant red ants form a bridge using their own
bodies so that their compatriots can cross between a signboard and
a leaf, connecting an urban infrastructure with a natural green leaf
Fig. 8.2 Bright orange fungus growing on rotting wooden logs along
the Henderson Waves trail. The same bright orange fungus could
also be found growing on rotting wood along the sloped pathways of
Mount Faber
Fig. 8.3 A picture of the treetop walk starting from the entrance
opposite Hort Park. Visitors walk along the steel pedestrian bridge of
the treetop walk and enjoy a spectacular bird’s eye view from a
vantage point near the peak
Fig. 9.1 The majestic Sultan Mosque with its golden onion dome,
spires and a brown/beige color scheme. When this photo was taken,
the Mosque had just gone through a round of renovation
Fig. 9.2 The former palace grounds of Kampong Glam, which used to
be the residence of the former ruler/Sultan of Singapore
Fig. 9.3 Probably a tripod fish that is not usually valued by anglers
caught on the east coast of Singapore. The organic and laissez faire
gatherings of the community of anglers have their own evaluation
system of prized catches and “trash fish”. Anglers who catch fish
such as the tripod fish throw them back into the sea, sometimes
without harming them by removing the hooks from their mouth.
Another fish that is usually thrown back into the sea is the pufferfish,
commonly found in the east coast marine areas. Pufferfish contain
highly toxic neurotoxins and have a nasty bite that can chew off
chunks of human flesh
Fig. 9.4 Anglers at an east coast jetty string up fish to dry them in
the sun. Traditional ways of preserving food are carried out on the
east coast jetties, creating small communities of food harvesters and
preservers in the peripheral spaces along the coast. These anglers
also help each other out by assisting newbies with the removal of
fish stings in certain species of catch, such as the catfish. It also
provides a subjective feel of nostalgia in terms of communal
activities and spirit when communities used to live in the kampongs
and mangrove areas along the east coast. Sometimes, local parlance
labels such bonding between individuals amorphously as the
“kampong spirit”
Fig. 9.5 When the author was at the East Coast Park on 16 April
2016, the anglers there were excited about a school of mirror fish
swimming near the shorelines and many of them caught this prized
fish, which is active in the waters between Australia and Southeast
Asia
Fig. 9.6 The striated heron hunting for fish in the storm drains of
Bedok Reservoir Park. The striated heron is equally adept in
inhabiting urban and suburban areas. The ecologically friendly areas
of Bedok Reservoir Park provide an environment for these birds to
thrive
Fig. 9.7 An egret hunting for fish in a storm drain in Bedok Reservoir
Park. Peripheral spaces such as storm drains are rich in ecological
diversity and species, attracting a variety of birds, fish and shellfish.
During the author’s walks, he spotted snakes and monitor lizards
thriving in these environments
Fig. 9.8 Spotted at the Kallang basin, this sea poison plant has toxins
that fishermen used to extract to immobilise fish
List of Tables
Table 4.1 Possible conceptual relations between items that are in
sequence on the walk
Introduction
The author was first drawn to hiking and trekking in Hong Kong,
where it is a popular past-time, when he was stationed there for
more than four years. Hong Kong has a variety mountains, hills and
peaks that are suitable for hiking and areas of coastline that afford
trekking routes. In September 2014, the author returned to
Singapore , taking his passion for walking, hiking and trekking with
him. This writing project started in March 2015 when the author
began documenting his walks throughout Singapore . During his
walks, he noticed a vast amount of space that had either been left in
its natural state, or had been abandoned or crafted into a usable
green space , such as park corridors. In the two years spent working
on this project, he also observed how the use of certain public
spaces was discussed with all public stakeholders. The authorities
took into consideration a wide array of stakeholders using those
spaces. The Green Rail Corridor, Chestnut Drive Park and the Kranji
Marshlands are some examples of these spaces. In encountering the
changing use of natural environmental spaces, the author archived
spatial changes in Singapore selectively, including spaces that had
been gentrified, improved or upgraded and were either under the
purview of urban planning agencies, or had been conserved by the
authorities.
During the author’s hiking activities, he met various groups of
hikers; some walks took place in the southern ridges and MacRitchie
area, and others tackled tougher terrain in the Seletar Forests. The
author also joined other urban trekkers along Ulu Pandan, the East–
West Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) line, the Marina Bay area and the
Civic District. In addition to trekkers, the author also joined heritage
site walkers and enthusiasts to explore cultural and historical
heritage found in several old districts such as Tiong Bahru, Little
India, Arab Street, Chinatown, Beach Road, Joo Chiat, Fort Canning
and other historical community districts. Finally, there were other
trekkers who were interested in nighttime urban treks and cycling
enthusiasts keen to explore the East Coast stretch of coastlines. The
author’s outings were diverse and intriguing, so he decided to put
pen to paper and publish these experiences. As a historian, the
author was interested, first and foremost, in the histories of all the
communities and locations that had been trekked, hiked or walked
through. There were three areas of history that he was interested to
examine and analyze: green spaces; local community histories of the
areas he visited, particularly the ethnically prominent cultural
districts; and, lastly, an integrated history of Singapore as an island
unit. The green corridors, parks and urban infrastructure that
connected the various areas that the author visited gave him the
opportunity to investigate the dynamic island-state from a macro
island-wide point of view.
When these goals are conceptualized together, they constitute a
spatial mapping of Singapore’s historical, cultural and natural sites.
The directions of the treks were sometimes based on memory and
terrain recognition and sometimes the markers that other trekkers
left behind. Sometimes, the trekkers with whom the author was
acquainted shared stories of the ultra-marathoners or trail-runners,
portraying them as the first among equals in the trekking
community. They were able to run through difficult terrains and were
highly organized in sending out advance parties to scout and mark
the tracks through the forests before the runners moved in. While
the author’s trekking informants were not so organized or prepared
to engage in extreme sports, they still “marked” out their territories
by relating the different sections of the forests through milestone
experiences or remembered landmarks. Sometimes, hikers
affectionately named landmarks in the hiking trail using personal
nicknames.
Trekking with a diversity of people also added to the richness of
narratives that the author encountered. Besides people of different
generations, the author also trekked with foreign and local
individuals. Foreigners add interesting perspectives to the narratives
related to trekking experiences. Friends from the Northern
hemisphere remarked how the treks were positively challenging for
them, despite the fact that the distances were much shorter than
they were used to. This was due to the hot and humid weather,
which made them more tired than when trekking in their home
countries. Foreign friends who are used to high elevations in their
home countries remarked how flat the terrain was in Singapore and
this made Singapore’s green spaces accessible and comfortable for
their walking and trekking activities (particularly in terms of pressure
on the knees for the elderly). Singapore’s tallest elevation is Bukit
Timah Hill, which is considered a comparatively small hill by the
mountainous benchmarks found in their home countries. Some of
them also remarked how tropical forests have much larger leaves
(e.g. wild yam leaves) than they were used to in their own forests.
Most of all, they were pleasantly surprised at how a pristine
secondary forest environment co-existed within a highly urbanized
metropolitan city and the large diversity of tropical species that lived
in them. They were also delighted that the green spaces offered
them an alternative source of leisure and entertainment in addition
to constructed tourist places and shopping malls. Regardless of their
nationalities, local or foreign, the vast majority of trekkers and bikers
were cordial, courteous and respectful of each other. When bikers
sped down a ramp or slope, they made their presence known and
the trekkers would shout to alert them to oncoming traffic. Bikers
and trekkers also greeted each other respectfully as a mark of
respect between different users of Singapore’s green trails. Having
briefly discussed the background and origins of this volume, the
chapter will proceed to highlight the author’s objectives and the
methodology used in this writing.
Literature Review
Theoretical Framework and Critique
This writing examines several existing works that study narratives of
Singapore history generated by different stakeholders. Different
perspectives provided by an array of stakeholders in writing about
green, peripheral and/or heritage spaces presents a social historical
approach in examining how different groups, including both elite and
non-elite members of a society, discuss the idea of Singapore
history. The author and his research colleagues behind this project
were introduced to Henri Lefebvre’s seminal work The Urban
Revolution, a work that falls within the field of philosophy. A major
difference between Lefebvre’s work and this writing relates to the
former’s ideological contents. Lefebvre witnessed, as well as
engaged, some of his urban revolutionary examples. In this writing,
no social revolutions are mentioned. Instead, the author and his
research colleagues were interested in Lefebvre’s ideas about
nostalgia, heritage, nature and environmental spaces. His ideas on
nature, rural spaces and critiques of urbanization are relevant to this
writing. He was one of the first scholars to acknowledge the
presence and formation of a community in the urban setting with its
own social classes, means of production, economic capabilities and
physical territory.1 Among the intellectuals on the left, particularly in
the 1960s when Lefebvre was most active in this field of research,
the field of urbanism was avoided due to an overwhelming focus on
rurality. There was little acknowledgement of urban lifestyle, value
systems and normative ideas. Ideas about accommodation,
industries and local urban community development were little
discussed. From one perspective, the discourse on urbanism is also a
way to study capitalism from a perspective which had been
neglected; Neil Smith characterizes Lefebvre’s method as trying to
have a “grasp of modern capitalism by squeezing it through the
neglected sieve of space”.2
The diachronic context of Lefebvre’s attempt to understand
urbanism is different from this study of Singapore’s spaces. In
contemporary Singapore , capitalism is highly developed and urban
studies already a well-established discipline. Urban lifestyles are
already well-rooted ways of life in a city-state. What Lefebvre offers
his readers is not a critique of capitalism but, rather, a window of
opportunity to understand the idea of nostalgia or nostalgic
imagination in reconstructing green spaces in highly developed
urban areas. He indicates that urban residents now yearn for spaces
that have disappeared and how social revolutions (not revolts) have
made it possible for environment or green movements, sustainability
advocates, local community advocates and other stakeholders to
mobilize resources to protect unused green spaces or to reconstruct
them. To Lefebvre, space in its inherent nature is in stasis; it is
immobile and rigid, and needs to be liberated from exploitation.3
Lefebvre argues that urban spaces promote social changes at street
level and, in the context of a post-modern society (the concept of
which was not yet in unambiguous existence during Lefebvre’s time),
social agendas for change can also refer to the treatment of nature
and the environment.4
From an economic and capitalistic point of view, unused green
spaces or abandoned spaces that have been retaken by nature are
unproductive, given there is no economic output from them.
However, urbanism’s triumph over rurality means that unused green
spaces have become rarer and commodified indirectly when
condominium projects or office spaces seek to locate themselves in
these green spaces, or tout the development or preservation of
these unused spaces in their marketing campaigns. Lefebvre’s
production of urban spaces is deterministic and is a staged theory,
progressing from rural to mercantile and onto the industrial
urbanized city, finally joining the globalization of the urban.5 This
volume agrees with Lefebvre that it is a deterministic process—but
only to a certain point, when highly advanced forms of urbanization
then revert back cyclically to a fundamental desire for nature,
greenery and outdoor spaces. Determinism for urbanization is
encapsulated within a cyclical mechanism that reverts back to the
basic human cognitive and emotive desires for green natural spaces.
Neil Smith argues that Lefebvre is concerned with the central tenet
or concept that the greatest challenge brought about by capitalism is
no longer industrialization but, rather, a dominant “urban
problematic” (spotting, quite accurately, the idiosyncratic features of
what was then an emerging post-industrial society in the West).6 As
an advanced developing economy, Singapore is shifting from an
industrial economy to an economy based on retail, financial services
and banking (together with other high value-added as well as
knowledge-based sectors such as biotech). It has developed post-
industrial concerns on urban planning for sustainability, efficient
resource usage, low-carbon lifestyles, waste minimization, green
products consumption and so on—in some ways, becoming a world-
class model to export its capabilities overseas.
But Lefebvre also detects a potential wild swing to the green end
of the sociopolitical spectrum when resources, the environment and
the concept of nature enters the ideological realm, and this
“ideological naturalization” can morph into parks, gardens and other
forms of crafted spaces grafted onto urban space to compensate for
the withdrawal of nature due to rapid urbanization.7 A critique of
social revolution and activism to bring about change is criticized as
romantic and idealistic. In many ways, urbanization is an
unstoppable force of historical change and therefore managing it is
probably more pragmatic and practical; therefore, parks and other
constructed green spaces is a coping mechanism for such changes.
Neil Smith argues that certain of Lefebvre’s ideas are critiqued for
being out of touch with reality and premature by assuming that
urbanism has triumphed over the industrial landscape.8 In the case
of Singapore , the environment is highly urbanized; it is a city-state
with little rural farming left. This feature complements Lefebvre’s
ideas about the self-legitimization of the urbanization,
industrialization and economic growth processes, expanding and
proliferating autonomously to cover large tracts of land, including
entire nations9 and also small city-state units such as Singapore.
Industrialization and urbanization are related processes. With the
advent of technologies and the characteristics of high-tech
industries, the nature of industries has changed; from a scenario of
urbanization supplanting industrialization, industrialization can
continue to persist at a high-tech, non-labor-intensive,
environmentally friendly level, co-existing with sustained
urbanization and a shift to a service/retail-based economy. In this
co-existence, the state and non-state groups work together on
common interests. After economic development matures and
urbanization becomes widespread, some people experience a
nostalgic longing for the use of green spaces for their leisure
activities, including activities they have enjoyed in the past. In
Singapore , to satisfy these desires, state and other non-state
initiatives offer the recreation of such spaces in the form of park
corridors and other kinds of green spaces. Lefebvre argues that only
the state has the “hegemony” to absorb and combine rural and
urban areas under its command and allocation.10
One area in which this volume differs from LeFebvre’s work is
that he tends to define urban development and spatial use in terms
of socio-economic class. To him, for example, gentrification is a form
of “embourgeoisement” 11 and it came naturally for him as a Marxist
urban planning critic but, in the post-Cold War context, it is now
difficult to conceptualize urban planning and development in terms
of class struggles or socialism, particularly since ideological struggles
between communism and capitalism are no longer as pronounced in
the post-Cold War world. But the idea of gentrification and its
attraction of promising environmentally sustainable lifestyles and
recreating fashionable hipster trends and lifestyle choices is brought
back into vogue, particularly after Richard Florida’s book on creative
cities linked gentrification with the attraction of human talents.12 In
this study of peripheral spaces , gentrification is not an outcome or
process of class struggle but, rather, an attempt to optimize the use
of heritage and green spaces based on feedback from and
communications with stakeholders. Some spaces may be
transformed into park corridors, or gentrified to facilitate access by
interested users of those spaces. Other chapters look at gentrified
old neighborhoods, enhancing their relevance to contemporary
lifestyle and retail trends while conserving local community histories.
Gentrification’s embourgeoisement is not so much an outcome of
capitalism claiming the space of the proletariat (a zero sum game)
but, instead, a post-modernist counter-reaction to standardization
and ubiquitous mechanistic reproduction of space. Gentrification
does not necessarily kill access to spaces for select groups or
individuals but, rather, hopes to make them more accessible to a
wider audience, particularly the middle- and working-class people
who wish to have their little sanctuaries of nature, cultural space,
museums, hiking trails and bicycling trails at affordable prices, at
least to the vast majority of the residents. Sometimes
embourgeoisement may not even involve materialism; it may be as
simple as self-motivated makeshift gatherings of hikers at a
particular green location, or a gathering of racing car enthusiasts at
a certain isolated spot for track-racing. These are activities which
require a modest investment of finances or time, but they are highly
accessible by all socio-economic groups in Singapore .
The Ministry of National Development’s objective in managing
and building parks and park connectors is to cater to Singaporeans
from all walks of life and from “all ages and interests”.13 Thus, in
terms of policies, states initiatives are highly inclusive. Many of these
parks and park corridors run through public housing estates where
the majority of Singaporeans reside. According to Singapore’s public
housing authority, the Housing & Development Board, over one
million public housing units have been built in a total of 23 towns
and 3 estates nationwide and they house over 80% of Singapore’s
resident population, with some 90% of them owning their
apartments.14 Based on these statistics, most Singaporeans live in
public housing units. Some of the longest and most extensive park
connectors weave through these public housing estates, serving the
needs of residents in those areas. The Park Connector Network is a
country-wide open green space that weaves through parks, nature,
wildlife, local community culture, lush greenery, recreational facilities
and the major public housing estates in Singapore , exemplified by
the 36 km Central Urban Loop that runs through the central region
of Singapore and includes Bishan, Ang Mo Kio, Toa Payoh and
Whampoa, accessing Bishan-Ang Mo Kio Park, Kallang Riverside Park
and Punggol Park (these areas form the so-called heartlands of
Singapore).15
The desire for peripheral freedom from urbanism also arises from
what Lefebvre described as “the uniformization of the grid, visible in
the modernization of old streets, objects (merchandise) taken on the
effects of color and form that make them attractive”.16 The
mechanistic replication of the modern street “becomes the focus of a
form of repression that was made possible by the “real”—that is,
weak, alienated and alienating—character of the relationships that
are formed there”.17 This is a highly critical interpretation of the
hegemonic character of urbanization, urban street formation and the
characters and personalities of residents and pedestrians of those
streets. It charges urbanism with weak and submitting denizens, the
mechanistic reproduction of superficial landscapes, and an
oppressive presence and control over human relationships. While the
logical conclusion appears to be resistance, it is extremist in the
sense that gentrification need not only be superficial in terms of
colors, materialism (“merchandizing”) and physicality (“form”). It is
reductionist by omitting the possibility of authenticity of nostalgia,
not generated by the hegemonic state that monopolizes rural and
urban areas but, rather, by the stakeholders themselves.
In a small city-state space such as Singapore , changes are far
more dynamic than the scenario Lefebvre outlined. Besides
discussing the socio-economic factor in this publication, one of its
major arguments is continuity in use (somewhat correlated with
Lefebvre’s ideas of “continuism” or “a sense of historical continuity
or permanence associated with urban society”)18 and the relativity of
the term “peripheral”. This volume argues that peripherality is
relative, as spaces undergo cyclical phases of use and disuse,
productivity and abandonment, high-density human habitation and
habitual use, and so on. The speed of change is fast in a small city-
state space such as Singapore . Therefore, renewal, gentrification,
urban redevelopment and designing green spaces in consultation
with stakeholders mitigate and prevent spaces being made uniform.
In addition, both state and non-state groups make considerable
efforts to build green spaces and to provide spaces for the recreation
of nostalgia, or to gentrify heritage areas. The combination of local
historical character and new, modern conveniences arises out of
such collaborations. In this study, stakeholders that use heritage and
green spaces—the bikers on the dirt tracks, the hikers on their
walking trails, wildlife conservationists, the history buffs archiving
local history or the photography enthusiasts—are all examples of
self-generated initiatives. Nostalgia, this volume argues, can be
reconstructed authentically without sacrificing development,
conveniences or lifestyles.
This volume argues that preservation does not even need to take
on physical form, colors or shape; preservation can take the form of
archived memories, authentic feelings and recollections, recalled
memories or reconstructed experiences, even if the physical
infrastructure is no longer there. When history enthusiasts or hikers
engage in dialogues and conversations about nostalgia and heritage
sites, they are contributing to the gentrification of a historical,
natural or heritage space. Authenticity does not need to take on an
objective physical or material form; this can take the form of
subjective recollections. Sometimes, by means of its archived
materials, and its access to records and historical documents, the
state becomes a valuable repository of information. Stakeholders,
such as researchers, history buffs, students and other interested
parties, tap into such repositories for their own self-directed learning
and acquisition of historical knowledge. They are not alienated or
weakened by the state’s presence and are, instead, empowered by
access to its storehouse of knowledge.
The socio-economic significance of urban streets that Lefebvre
was concerned with as a philosopher wrestling with the concept of
the class system can be physically divided into the footpaths and
lanes of the proletariat or the pedestrians, which Lefebvre calls the
“hunted”, and the “privileged” motorists in cars, but they traverse
the same route for the common uniform objective of consumption.19
However, in the treks that the research team for this volume
encountered in Singapore , the peripheral spaces became the
reverse of Lefebvre’s observation. Instead of distinguishing between
economic classes, the park spaces, green corridors and gardens
have become class-neutral sites for expatriates, locals, young and
old alike (e.g. hikers and bikers on the nature trails) regardless of
socio-economic class. A crucial difference between Lefebvre’s ideas
and our project and experiences is that Lefebvre’s work was written
in a nascent historical period when the concept of post-modernism
had not appeared. But, in the contemporary context, Singapore’s
gross domestic product per capita is the highest in East Asia,
surpassing most other European and North American economies,
and most of its citizens live in well-designed public housing.
Singapore’s peripheral spaces and green spaces are class-neutral
zones designed for universal access by Singapore .
One of Lefebvre’s major themes that will be continually revisited
in this volume is the concept and idea of nature. Lefebvre argues
that there is a contradiction in the fact that nature is “shrinking”
while “signs of nature and the natural are multiplying, replacing and
supplanting real ‘nature’” at the same time.20 While many East Asian
historians of nature and the environment see the process as a
dialectical struggle between (Wo)Man, Her/His Will and Nature
fought out in spaces, environments and habitats, Lefebvre argues
that urbanization is actually replacing nature with constructed
symbolisms, symbols and reconstructions of nature. The proliferation
of representations of nature at the expense of nature itself is
constantly spotted in our treks and walks. The ideas of park
corridors, world heritage gardens and reservoir spaces are all
examples of representations, or what Lefebvre calls “signs” of
natural spaces (as opposed to actual nature itself). At the point of
this writing, not only are these spaces “multiplying” but the
authorities are also setting up a national network of park corridors,
and gentrifying and developing a Green Rail Corridor (an abandoned
railway space formerly occupied by Keretapi Tanah Melayu) to the
delight of hikers, nature lovers, trekkers, history buffs, urban
landscapers and bikers. The stakeholders in these green spaces are
both benefactors and shapers of those spaces. While the actual
landscaping and physical construction are carried out by the state,
the non-state stakeholders shape their outcome through functional
utilization, innovative forms of usage and intense conceptualization
of their aesthetics. In other words, participants are shaping the
spaces (both cognitively and physically) while developing and
influencing ideas about the outcome of their aesthetics through
feedback mechanisms and expression of opinions in the mass media.
The classless, constructed and symbolic spaces are constantly
shaped by the collective ideas of individual stakeholders and the use
of state resources.
The ironic point that Lefebvre wants to make is that, while nature
is being circumscribed by urbanization, constructed images that
represent nature are multiplying. Lefebvre also added that
ideologically conceptualized ideas about nature are also
proliferating.21 Lefebvre makes a value judgement here that “Parks
and open spaces, the last word in good intentions and bad urban
representation, are simply a poor substitute for nature, the degraded
simulacrum of the open space characteristic of encounters, games,
parks, gardens, and public squares.”22 This is a fair criticism of
constructed green spaces but it may not take into account
technological development enabling better conservation of green
spaces, changes in mindset about sustainability planning in green
spaces and a more equitable civil society–state relationship since
Lefebvre’s time. The subsequent chapters in this volume will
examine development in green spatial planning since the 1960s and
early 1970s. Constructed spaces posed other problems for Lefebvre,
as well. He is turned away by what he has described as the
“imposed homogeneity” of the industrial landscape, or the tendency
of the city to accumulate capital, generate surplus value and
redistribute them.23 The utilitarian function of constructed spaces
appears to take away the spontaneity of nature, the authenticity of
random botanical growth and wildlife survival, and unstructured
human activities.
Lefebvre hints that he is not against the idea of constructed
images of nature but is critical of the kitsch, commercialized,
advertised and commodified ways of doing so, contrasting with the
Chinese and Japanese approach of not saturating the space humans
inhabit by harmonizing their habitat with nature.24 In other words,
harmony with nature negates the vulgar invasion of natural spaces,
especially if it is humble, unassuming and not overwhelmingly
deterministic on urbanization. In this view, he gives the example of
the Japanese tokonoma that emphasizes the existence of a single
chosen object harmonized with the season (an object displayed that
changes with every season) as an example of humility and an
uncluttered approach to reconstructing nature in human habitat.
This is an important qualification of constructed spaces for this
volume. It indicates the limit to Lefebvre’s discourse and critique on
excessive urbanization, mitigating absolutism in his approach by
offering the possibility of harmonizing human habitation with green
spaces if over-commercialization is avoided and respect is given to
the seasons, climate and species, together with the use of
inconspicuously constructed aesthetics. Therein lie the approaches in
contemporary notions of urban planning and constructions of green
corridors take in harmonizing nature with habitation. This volume
will discuss the construction of park corridors and use of peripheral
spaces in the following chapters.
Throughout his works, Lefebvre consistently indicated the
relational nature of spaces. He argued that park and garden spaces
delineated the boundaries of urban spaces. Gardens and parks make
up the margins of urban spaces that are “sensible, visible, and
legible” as non-productive, non-industrial irrational spaces but yet, at
the same time, they are also not inaccessible and still display their
own kind of geometrical, ornamental and artistic logic, unlike wild
natural terrains.25 This volume will reference his ideas in the treks
through peripheral spaces in Singapore covered in the following
chapters, which are divided geographically into regions for the
purpose of analysis. The first section of this volume looks at the Civic
District, or the downtown area. This was where Singapore’s town life
first started in the late pre-modern period. From the downtown area,
the analysis then shifts northwards through the Southern Ridge to
the immediate periphery of the Central Business District (CBD). The
Southern Ridge ends up in Kent Ridge, near Clementi. In addition to
the Southern Ridges, the volume also follows the Green Rail Corridor
running through the central spine of Singapore into the Catchment
Area. On the East Coast of Singapore, this volume’s spatial studies
follow the coastal and adjoining areas from Lavender to Tanah
Merah. Finally, all roads converge in northern Singapore in the
Woodlands and Kranji areas. This volume will only look at mainland
Singapore and not its offshore islands.
The volume utilizes the perspective of an individual perspective in
presenting the individual chapters, which are based on the research
trips, as it is the best way to present the visual and note-taking
materials that the author has gathered on his travels. A participating
observer’s first-hand view also facilitates spatial observations of
heritage and environmental sites. Organizing the chapter’s materials
according to thematic or conceptual categories may also obscure a
local community’s (or local sections of those communities) unique
cultures and idiosyncratic features. Therefore, the volume
documents and archives the natural wildlife and heritage artifacts
studied at specific sections of the green and peripheral spaces
covered in the volume. An exception to this perspective is found in
the introductory section of each chapter that details the research
trip. These introductory sections typically take on a macro
perspective in writing about the history of that area as a whole,
diachronically, without going into details on specific locations within
those local areas or regions. This enables readers to conceptualize
the historical role and function, local economy and community
cultural origins of that area before going on to discover how they
evolved over time and space to become peripheral spaces , green
areas and/or heritage sites. Thereafter, detailed contemporary
images of specific locations and corners within that area are studied
in greater detail.
Second Family—Gobiidæ.
Body elongate, naked or scaly. Teeth generally small, sometimes
with canines. The spinous dorsal fin, or portion of the dorsal fin, is
the less developed, and composed of flexible spines; anal similarly
developed as the soft dorsal. Sometimes the ventrals are united into
a disk. Gill-opening more or less narrow, the gill-membranes being
attached to the isthmus.
Small carnivorous littoral fishes, many of which have become
acclimatised in fresh water. They are very abundant with regard to
species as well as individuals, and found on or near the coasts of all
temperate and tropical regions. Geologically they appear first in the
chalk.
Gobius.—Body scaly. Two dorsal fins, the anterior generally with
six flexible spines. Ventral fins united, forming a disk which is not
attached to the abdomen. Gill-opening vertical, moderately wide.
Fig. 220.—Gobius lentiginosus, from New Zealand.
The “Gobies” are distributed over all temperate and tropical
coasts, and abundant, especially on the latter. Nearly three hundred
species have been described. They live especially on rocky coasts,
attaching themselves firmly with their ventrals to a rock in almost any
position, and thus withstanding the force of the waves. Many of the
species seem to delight in darting from place to place in the rush of
water which breaks upon the shore. Others live in quiet brackish
water, and not a few have become entirely acclimatised in fresh
water, especially lakes. The males of some species construct nests
for the eggs, which they jealously watch, and defend even for some
time after the young are hatched. Several species are found on the
British coast: G. niger, paganellus, auratus, minutus, ruthensparri.
Fossil species of this genus have been found at Monte Bolca.
A very small Goby, Latrunculus pellucidus, common in some
localities of the British Islands and other parts of Europe, is
distinguished by its transparent body, wide mouth, and uniserial
dentition. According to R. Collett it offers some very remarkable
peculiarities. It lives one year only, being the first instance of an
annual vertebrate. It spawns in June and July, the eggs are hatched
in August, and the fishes attain their full growth in the months from
October to December. In this stage the sexes are quite alike, both
having very small teeth and feeble jaws. In April the males lose the
small teeth, which are replaced by very long and strong teeth, the
jaws themselves becoming stronger. The teeth of the females remain
unchanged. In July and August all the adults die off, and in
September only the fry are to be found.
There are several other genera, closely allied to Gobius, as
Euctenogobius, Lophiogobius, Doliichthys, Apocryptes, Evorthodus,
Gobiosoma and Gobiodon (with scaleless body) Triænophorichthys.
Sicydium.—Body covered with ctenoid scales of rather small size.
Cleft of the mouth nearly horizontal, with the upper jaw prominent; lips
very thick; the lower lip generally with a series of minute horny teeth.
A series of numerous small teeth in upper jaw, implanted in the gum,
and generally movable; the lower jaw with a series of conical widely-
set teeth. Two dorsal fins, the anterior with six flexible spines. Ventral
fins united, and forming a short disk, more or less adherent to the
abdomen.
Small freshwater fishes inhabiting the rivers and rivulets of the
islands of the tropical Indo-Pacific. About twelve species are known;
one occurs in the West Indies. Lentipes from the Sandwich Islands is
allied to Sicydium.
Periophthalmus.—Body covered with ctenoid scales of small or
moderate size. Cleft of the mouth nearly horizontal, with the upper jaw
somewhat longer. Eyes very close together, immediately below the
upper profile, prominent, but retractile, with a well-developed outer
eyelid. Teeth conical, vertical in both jaws. Two dorsal fins, the anterior
with flexible spines; caudal fin with the lower margin oblique; base of
the pectoral fin free, with strong muscles. Ventral fins more or less
coalesced. Gill-openings narrow.
The fishes of this genus, and the closely-allied Boleophthalmus,
are exceedingly common on the coasts of the tropical Indo-Pacific,
especially on parts covered with mud or fucus. During ebb they leave
the water and hunt for small crustaceans, and other small animals
disporting themselves on the ground which is left uncovered by the
receding water. With the aid of their strong pectoral and ventral fins
and their tail, they hop freely over the ground, and escape danger by
rapid leaps. The peculiar construction of their eyes, which are very
movable, and can be thrust far out of their sockets, enables them to
see in the air as well as in the water; when the eyes are retracted
they are protected by a membranous eyelid. These fishes are absent
in the eastern parts of the Pacific and on the American side of the
Atlantic; but singularly enough one species reappears on the West
African coast. About seven species are known (including
Boleophthalmus), P. koelreuteri being one of the most common
fishes of the Indian Ocean.
First Family—Cepolidæ.
Body very elongate, compressed, covered with very small cycloid
scales; eyes rather large, lateral. Teeth of moderate size. No bony
stay for the angle of the præoperculum. One very long dorsal fin,
which, like the anal, is composed of soft rays. Ventrals thoracic,
composed of one spine and five rays. Gill-opening wide. Caudal
vertebræ exceedingly numerous.
The “Band-fishes” (Cepola) are small marine fishes, belonging
principally to the fauna of the northern temperate zone; in the Indian
Ocean the genus extends southwards to Pinang. The European
species (C. rubescens) is found in isolated examples on the British
coast, but is less scarce in some years than in others. These fishes
are of a nearly uniform red colour.
Second Family—Trichonotidæ.
Body elongate, sub-cylindrical, covered with cycloid scales of
moderate size. Eyes directed upwards. Teeth in villiform bands. No
bony stay for the angle of the præoperculum. One long dorsal fin,
with simple articulated rays, and without a spinous portion; anal long.
Ventrals jugular, with one spine and five rays. Gill-opening very wide.
The number of caudal vertebræ much exceeding that of the
abdominal.
Small marine fishes, belonging to two genera only, Trichonotus
(setigerus) from Indian Seas, with some of the anterior dorsal rays
prolonged into filaments; and Hemerocoetes (acanthorhynchus) from
New Zealand, and sometimes found far out at sea on the surface.
Third Family—Heterolepidotidæ.
Body oblong, compressed, scaly; eyes lateral; cleft of the mouth
lateral; dentition feeble. The angle of the præoperculum connected
by a bony stay with the infraorbital ring. Dorsal long, with the spinous
and soft portions equally developed; anal elongate. Ventrals
thoracic, with one spine and five rays.
Fig. 222.—Scale from the
lateral line of Hemerocœtes
acanthorhynchus, with lacerated
margin.
Sixth Family—Mastacembelidæ.
Body elongate, eel-like, covered with very small scales. Mandible
long, but little moveable. Dorsal fin very long, the anterior portion
composed of numerous short isolated spines; anal fin with spines
anteriorly. Ventrals none. The humeral arch is not suspended from
the skull. Gill-openings reduced to a slit at the lower part of the side
of the head.
Freshwater-fishes characteristic of and almost confined to the
Indian region. The structure of the mouth and of the branchial
apparatus, the separation of the humeral arch from the skull, the
absence of ventral fins, the anatomy of the abdominal organs,
affords ample proof that these fishes are Acanthopterygian eels.
Their upper jaw terminates in a pointed moveable appendage, which
is concave and transversely striated inferiorly in Rhynchobdella, and
without transverse striæ in Mastacembelus: the only two genera of
this family. Thirteen species are known, of which Rh. aculeata, M.
pancalus and M. armatus are extremely common, the latter attaining
to a length of two feet. Outlying species are M. aleppensis from
Mesopotamia and Syria, and M. cryptacanthus, M. marchei, and M.
niger, from West Africa.
First Family—Sphyrænidæ.
Body elongate, sub-cylindrical, covered with small cycloid scales;
lateral line continuous. Cleft of the mouth wide, armed with strong
teeth. Eye lateral, of moderate size. Vertebræ twenty-four.
This family consists of one genus only, Sphyræna, generally
called “Barracudas,” large voracious fishes from the tropical and sub-
tropical seas, which prefer the vicinity of the coast to the open sea.
They attain to a length of eight feet, and a weight of forty pounds;
individuals of this large size are dangerous to bathers. They are
generally used as food, but sometimes (especially in the West
Indies) their flesh assumes poisonous qualities, from having fed on
smaller poisonous fishes. Seventeen species.
The Barracudas existed in the tertiary epoch, their remains being
frequently found at Monte Bolca. Some other fossil genera have
been associated with them, but as they are known from jaws and
teeth or vertebræ only, their position in the system cannot be exactly
determined; thus Sphyrænodus and Hypsodon from the chalk of
Lewes, and the London clay of Sheppey. The American Portheus is
allied to Hypsodon. Another remarkable genus from the chalk,
Saurocephalus, has been also referred to this family.[44]
Second Family—Atherinidæ.
Body more or less elongate, sub-cylindrical, covered with scales
of moderate size; lateral line indistinct. Cleft of the mouth of
moderate width, with the dentition feeble. Eye lateral, large or of
moderate size. Gill-openings wide. Vertebræ very numerous.
Small carnivorous fishes inhabiting the seas of the temperate and
tropical zones; many enter fresh water, and some have been entirely
acclimatised in it. This family seems to have been represented in the
Monte Bolca formation by Mesogaster.
Atherina.—Teeth very small; scales cycloid. The first dorsal is
short and entirely separated from the second. Snout obtuse, with the
cleft of the mouth straight, oblique, extending to or beyond the anterior
margin of the eye.
The Atherines are littoral fishes, living in large shoals, which habit
has been retained by the species acclimatised in fresh water. They
rarely exceed a length of six inches, but are nevertheless esteemed
as food. From their general resemblance to the real Smelt they are
often thus misnamed, but may always be readily recognised by their
small first spinous dorsal fin. The young, for some time after they are
hatched, cling together in dense masses, and in numbers almost
incredible. The inhabitants of the Mediterranean coast of France call
these newly hatched Atherines “Nonnat” (unborn). Some thirty
species are known, of which A. presbyter and A. boyeri occur on the
British coast.
Atherinichthys, distinguished from Atherina in having the snout
more or less produced; and the cleft of the mouth generally does not
extend to the orbit.
These Atherines are especially abundant on the coasts and in the
fresh waters of Australia and South America. Of the twenty species
known, several attain a length of eighteen inches and a weight of
more than a pound. All are highly esteemed as food; but the most
celebrated is the “Pesce Rey” of Chile (A. laticlavia).
Tetragonurus.—Body rather elongate, covered with strongly
keeled and striated scales. The first dorsal fin is composed of
numerous feeble spines, and continued on to the second. Lower jaw
elevated, with convex dental margin, and armed with compressed,
triangular, rather small teeth, in a single series.
This very remarkable fish is more frequently met with in the
Mediterranean than in the Atlantic, but generally scarce. Nothing is
known of its habits; when young it is one of the fishes which
accompany Medusæ, and, therefore, it must be regarded as a
pelagic form. Probably, at a later period of its life, it descends to
greater depths, coming to the surface at night only. It grows to a
length of eighteen inches.
Third Family—Mugilidæ.
Body more or less oblong and compressed, covered with cycloid
scales of moderate size; lateral line none. Cleft of the mouth narrow
or of moderate width, without or with feeble teeth. Eye lateral, of
moderate size. Gill-opening wide. The anterior dorsal fin composed
of four stiff spines. Vertebræ twenty-four.
The “Grey Mullets” inhabit in numerous species and in great
numbers the coasts of the temperate and tropical zones. They
frequent brackish waters, in which they find an abundance of food
which consists chiefly of the organic substances mixed with mud or
sand; in order to prevent larger bodies from passing into the
stomach, or substances from passing through the gill-openings,
these fishes have the organs of the pharynx modified into a filtering
apparatus. They take in a quantity of sand or mud, and, after having
worked it for some time between the pharyngeal bones, they eject
the roughest and indigestible portion of it. The upper pharyngeals
have a rather irregular form; they are slightly arched, the convexity
being directed towards the pharyngeal cavity, tapering anteriorly and
broad posteriorly. They are coated with a thick soft membrane, which
reaches far beyond the margin of the bone, at least on its interior
posterior portion; this membrane is studded all over with minute
horny cilia. The pharyngeal bone rests upon a large fatty mass,
giving it a considerable degree of elasticity. There is a very large
venous sinus between the anterior portion of the pharyngeal and the
basal portion of the branchial arches. Another mass of fat, of
elliptical form, occupies the middle of the roof of the pharynx,
between the two pharyngeal bones. Each branchial arch is provided
on each side, in its whole length, with a series of closely-set gill-
rakers, which are laterally bent downwards, each series closely
fitting into the series of the adjoining arch; they constitute together a
sieve, admirably adapted to permit a transit for the water, retaining at
the same time every other substance in the cavity of the pharynx.
The lower pharyngeal bones are elongate, crescent-shaped, and
broader posteriorly than anteriorly. Their inner surface is concave,
corresponding to the convexity of the upper pharyngeals, and
provided with a single series of lamellæ, similar to those of the
branchial arches, but reaching across the bone from one margin to
the other.
The intestinal tract shows no less peculiarities. The lower portion
of the œsophagus is provided with numerous long thread-like
papillæ, and continued into the oblong-ovoid membranaceous cœcal
portion of the stomach, the mucosa of which forms several
longitudinal folds. The second portion of the stomach reminds one of
the stomach of birds; it communicates laterally with the other portion,
is globular, and surrounded by an exceedingly strong muscle. This
muscle is not divided into two as in birds, but of great thickness in
the whole circumference of the stomach, all the muscular fasciculi
being circularly arranged. The internal cavity of this stomach is rather
small, and coated with a tough epithelium, longitudinal folds running
from the entrance opening to the pyloric, which is situated opposite
to the other. A low circular valve forms a pylorus. There are five
rather short pyloric appendages. The intestines make a great
number of circumvolutions, and are seven feet long in a specimen
thirteen inches in length.
Fig. 229.—Mugil proboscideus.
Some seventy species of Grey Mullets are known, the majority of
which attain to a weight of about four pounds, but there are many
which grow to ten and twelve pounds. All are eaten, and some even
esteemed, especially when taken out of fresh water. If attention were
paid to their cultivation, great profits could be made by fry being
transferred into suitable backwaters on the shore, in which they
rapidly grow to a marketable size. Several species are more or less
abundant on the British coasts, as Mugil octo-radiatus (Fig. 105, p.
254), M. capito, M. auratus (Fig. 106, p. 254), and M. septentrionalis
(Fig. 107, p. 254), which, with the aid of the accompanying figures,
and by counting the rays of the anal fin, may be readily distinguished
—M. octo-radiatus having eight, and M. capito and M. auratus nine
soft rays. A species inhabiting fresh waters of Central America (M.
proboscideus) has the snout pointed and fleshy, thus approaching
certain other freshwater and littoral Mullets, which, on account of a
modification of the structure of the mouth, have been formed into a
distinct genus, Agonostoma. Myxus comprises Mullets with teeth
more distinct than in the typical species.
This genus existed in the tertiary epoch, remains of a species
having been found in the gypsum of Aix, in Provence.
First Family—Gastrosteidæ.
Body elongate, compressed. Cleft of the mouth oblique; villiform
teeth in the jaws. Opercular bones not armed; infraorbitals covering
the cheek; parts of the skeleton forming incomplete external mails.
Scales none, but generally large scutes along the side. Isolated
spines in front of the soft dorsal fin. Ventral fins abdominal, joined to
the pubic bone, composed of a spine and a small ray.
Branchiostegals three.