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Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
OX F O R D M O D E R N L A N G UAG E S A N D
L I T E R AT U R E M O N O G R A P H S
Editorial Committee
c. duttlinger n. gardini a. kahn
i. maclachlan c. seth
j. thacker w. williams
Derrida and the Legacy
of Psychoanalysis
PAU L E A R L I E
1
1
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Acknowledgements
For convenience and consistency, I have used James Strachey’s Standard Edition of the
Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud throughout, although I have cited Freud’s
German in cases where Strachey’s rendering is inadequate to the context or might other-
wise lead to confusion. In keeping with standard practice, I have made a small number of
silent modifications to Strachey’s Freud: ‘psycho-analysis’ has been changed to ‘psychoa-
nalysis’; ‘instinct’ has been altered to ‘drive’ (Trieb); ‘cathexis’ has been kept for Besetzung
(‘occupation’, ‘investment’), while Bahnung, given as ‘facilitation’ by Strachey, has been
translated as ‘breaching’ to preserve the word’s spatial connotations, for reasons detailed in
Chapter 2.
Abbreviated page references are given in brackets in the main text. For works by Jacques
Derrida, these refer first to the French text, then to its English translation. Where quota-
tions marks are not used, the translation is my own. Works by Derrida and Freud are not
repeated in the final Bibliography. To aid readability, I have also provided abbreviations for
books cited more than once (‘Other Works’).
ET ‘Et cetera . . . (and so on, und so weiter, and so forth, et ainsi de suite, und so über-
all, etc.)’ in Marie-Louise Mallet and Ginette Michaud, eds, Jacques Derrida
(Paris: Editions de l’Herne, 2004), 21–34; ‘Et Cetera’. Trans. Geoffrey Bennington
in Nicholas Royle, ed., Deconstructions: A User’s Guide (Basingstoke: Palgrave,
2000), 282–305.
F ‘Fors. Les mots anglés de Nicolas Abraham et Maria Torok’ in Nicholas Abraham
and Maria Torok, Cryptonymie: Le Verbier de l’Homme aux Loups (Paris: Aubier-
Flammarion, 1976), 7–73; ‘Fors: The Anglish Words of Nicolas Abraham and
Maria Torok’. Trans. Barbara Johnson in Nicolas Abraham and Maria Torok, The
Wolf Man’s Magic Word: A Cryptonymy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 1986), xi–xli.
FAA ‘Le futur antérieur de l’archive’ in Nathalie Léger, ed., Questions d’archives (Paris:
Éditions de l’IMEC, 2002), 41–50.
FS Foi et Savoir (Paris: Seuil, 2000); ‘Faith and Knowledge: The Two Sources of
“Religion” at the Limits of Reason Alone’. Trans. Samuel Weber in Acts of
Religion, ed. Gil Anidjar (London: Routledge, 2002), 40–101.
G De la grammatologie (Paris: Seuil, 1967); Of Grammatology. Trans. Gayatri
Chakravorty Spivak (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997; rev. edn.).
GGGG Genèses, généalogies, genres et le génie. Les secrets de l’archive (Paris: Galilée,
2003); Geneses, Genealogies, Genres and Genius: The Secrets of the Archive. Trans.
Beverley Bie Brahic (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2006).
Gl Glas (Paris: Galilée, 1974); Glas. Trans. John P. Leavey, Jr. and Richard Rand
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986).
GS (with Maurizio Ferraris) Le Goût du secret. Entretiens 1993–1995, ed. Andrea
Bellantone, Arthur Cohen, and Pauline Iarossi (Paris: Hermann, 2018); A Taste
for the Secret. Trans. Giacomo Donis, ed. Giacomo Donis and David Webb
(Malden: Polity, 2001).
HPTF ‘L’histoire de la psychanalyse et la théorie freudienne: Entretien avec Jean
Birnbaum’, Les chemins de la connaissance, France Culture, 24 March 2000.
HQEH Heidegger: la question de l’Être et l’Histoire. Cours de l’ENS-Ulm 1964–1965, ed.
Thomas Dutoit with Marguerite Derrida (Paris: Galilée, 2013); Heidegger: The
Question of Being and History. Trans. Geoffrey Bennington, ed. Thomas Dutoit
with Marguerite Derrida (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016).
IOG L’Origine de la géométrie de Husserl (Paris: Presses universitaires de France,
1990); Edmund Husserl’s Origin of Geometry: An Introduction. Trans.
John P. Leavey, Jr. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989).
JD (with Geoffrey Bennington) Jacques Derrida (Paris: Seuil, 1991); Jacques Derrida.
Trans. Geoffrey Bennington (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1993).
K Khôra (Paris: Galilée, 1993); ‘Khōra’. Trans. Ian McLeod in On the Name, ed.
Thomas Dutoit (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), 89–130.
LMI Limited Inc (Paris: Galilée, 1990); Limited Inc. Trans. Jeffrey Mehlman and
Samuel Weber (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1988).
LNFP ‘Let Us Not Forget—Psychoanalysis’. Trans. Geoffrey Bennington and Rachel
Bowlby. Oxford Literary Review, 12, 1, 3–8.
xii A Note on Translations and Abbreviations
PR Parages (Paris: Galilée, 2003; rev. edn.); Parages. Trans. John P. Leavey et al.
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010).
PS Points de suspension: Entretiens (Paris: Galilée, 1992); Points . . . Interviews,
1974–1994. Trans. Peggy Kamuf et al., ed. Elisabeth Weber (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 1995).
R Résistances de la psychanalyse (Paris: Galilée, 1996); Resistances of Psychoanalysis.
Trans. Peggy Kamuf, Pascale-Anne Brault, and Michael Naas (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 1996).
SM Spectres de Marx. L’État de la dette, le travail du deuil et la nouvelle Internationale
(Paris: Galilée, 1993); Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning,
and the New International. Trans. Peggy Kamuf (London: Routledge, 2006).
TA ‘Le temps des adieux: Heidegger (lu par) Hegel (lu par) Malabou’, La Revue
Philosophique, 1, 3–47; ‘A Time for Farewells: Heidegger (read by) Hegel (read
by) Malabou’. Trans. Lisabeth During in Catherine Malabou, The Future of Hegel:
Plasticity, Temporality and Dialectic (London: Routledge, 2005), vii–xlvii.
TAIA Trace et archive, image et art. Suivi de Pour Jacques Derrida par Daniel Bougnoux
et Bernard Stiegler (Paris: INA Éditions, 2014).
TP Théorie et pratique. Cours de l’ENS-Ulm 1975–1976, ed. Alexander García Düttmann
(Paris: Galilée, 2017); Theory and Practice. Trans. David Wills, ed. Geoffrey
Bennington and Peggy Kamuf (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2019).1
V Voyous. Deux essais sur la raison (Paris: Galilée, 2003); Rogues: Two Essays
on Reason. Trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 2005).
VEP La Vérité en peinture (Paris: Flammarion, 1978); The Truth in Painting. Trans.
Geoffrey Bennington and Ian McLeod (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987).
VM La vie la mort (1975–76), ed. Pascale-Anne Brault and Peggy Kamuf (Paris: Seuil,
2019); Life Death. Trans. Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas, ed. Pascale-
Anne Brault and Peggy Kamuf (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2020).
VP La Voix et le phénomène. Introduction au problème du signe dans la phénoménologie
de Husserl (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1967); Voice and Phenomenon:
Introduction to the Problem of the Sign in Husserl’s Phenomenology. Trans.
Leonard Lawlor (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 2011).
1 The French edition of this text erroneously dates the seminar to the academic year 1975–1976; it
BWF Briefe an Wilhelm Fliess, 1887–1905, ed. Jeffrey Masson, Michael Schröter, and
Gerhard Fichtner (Frankfurt am Main: F. Fischer, 1986).
GW Gesammelte Werke: Chronologisch Geordnet, 18 vols., ed. Anna Freud et al.
(London: Imago Publishing, 1940–1952).
LSF Letters of Sigmund Freud 1873–1939. Trans T. and J. Stern, ed. E. L. Freud.
(London: Hogarth Press: 1961).
LWF The Complete Letters of Sigmund Freud to Wilhelm Fliess, 1887–1904. Trans. and
ed. Jeffrey Moussaieff Masson (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University
Press, 1985).
NP Marie Bonaparte, Anna Freud, and Ernst Kris, eds, La Naissance de la psychana-
lyse [Aus den Anfängen der Psychoanalyse], lettres à Wilhelm Fliess, notes et plans,
1887–1902. Trans. Anne Berman (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1956).
SA Studienausgabe, 11 vols., ed. Alexander Mitscherlich, Angela Richards, and
James Strachey (Frankfurt am Main: F. Fischer, 1969–1975).
SE The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, 24
vols. Trans. James Strachey with H. Freud, A. Strachey, and A. Tyson, ed. James
Strachey (London: Hogarth Press, 1953–1974).
Other Works
CES Edmund Husserl, The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Pheno
menology. Trans. David Carr (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1970).
CPO Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political. Trans. George Schwab (New
Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1976).
CPP Auguste Comte, Oeuvres d’Auguste Comte, Tome 1, Cours de philosophie positive,
Vol. 1, Les préliminaires généraux et la philosophie mathématique (Paris: Editions
Anthropos, 1968); Introduction to Positive Philosophy. Trans. Frederick Ferré
(Indianapolis: Hackett, 1988).
DI Paul Ricoeur, De l’interprétation: Essai sur Freud (Paris: Seuil, 1965); Freud and
Philosophy: Essay on Interpretation. Trans. Denis Savage (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1970).
ECR Jacques Lacan, Écrits (Paris: Seuil, 1966); Écrits: The First Complete Edition in
English. Trans. Bruce Fink, in collaboration with Héloïse Fink and Russell Grigg
(London: W. W. Norton & Company, 2006).
EG Melanie Klein, Envy and Gratitude and Other Works, 1946–1963 (New York: The
Free Press, 1975).
EN Nicolas Abraham and Maria Torok, L’Écorce et le noyau (Paris: Flammarion,
1987); The Shell and the Kernel: Renewals of Psychoanalysis I. Trans. Nicolas Rand
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994).
FD Michel Foucault, Folie et déraison. Histoire de la folie à l’âge classique (Paris: Plon,
1961); History of Madness. Trans. Jonathan Murphy and Jean Khalfa (London:
Routledge, 2006).
A Note on Translations and Abbreviations xv
On 12 June 1900, from his summer residence at the Schloss Belle Vue near
Vienna, Sigmund Freud wrote a letter to Wilhelm Fliess in which he described a
recurring phantasy. ‘Do you suppose’, he asked, ‘that someday one will read on a
marble tablet on this house:
The story has by now achieved mythic status. On the night of 23–24 July 1895, at
the same address, Freud was visited by the dream of ‘Irma’s Injection’, later to
become the specimen dream of The Interpretation of Dreams, the key that would
unlock the secret of unconscious desire as the fulfilment of a wish.
Freud’s correspondent, Fliess, was a Berlin nose and throat doctor and a source
of moral and intellectual support during Freud’s early years of professional wil-
derness. The letter he received was despondent: ‘[s]o far’, Freud wrote of his
dreams of fame and fortune, seven long months after The Interpretation of Dreams
first appeared in print, ‘there is little prospect of it’ (LWF, 417). In the months
following the book’s publication, Freud still held high hopes that it would make
his name. He had not yet experienced the twin disappointments of lacklustre
sales (only 351 copies were sold in the book’s first six years) and a tepid reception
on the part of the scientific community. In the face of such setbacks, Freud
remained stoic, holding fast to his enthusiasm for a book that would be one of the
few revised constantly throughout his career. Mulling over his discovery of
24 July 1895 years later, he would write: ‘Insight such as this falls to one’s lot but
once in a lifetime’ (SE, IV, xxxii).
Habent Sua Fata Libelli. In one sense, the fate of Freud’s book seems
well-known: greedily imbibed by the artistic and intellectual avant-garde in the
early twentieth century, The Interpretation of Dreams defined an age in which the
shock of modernism emerged from the turbulence of accelerated social and
technological change. And yet, when attempting to clarify the book’s more precise
influence on thought today, we are faced with a strangely frustrating task. One
means of tabulating the book’s undeniable impact on contemporary culture might
Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis. Paul Earlie, Oxford University Press (2021). © Paul Earlie.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198869276.003.0001
2 Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
be found in the auction room. A first edition of Die Traumdeutung (one of only
600 copies) can expect to fetch upwards of $16,000,1 by no means a negligible
sum for ‘[t]he last revolution in science to be made public in a printed book rather
than a paper in a scientific journal’.2 There is nonetheless something vaguely
disappointing in this figure, if not distorting, given the handsome sums paid at
the same auction for the first edition of another ‘epoch-defining’ book: Darwin’s
Origin of Species, which commanded a sum well over ten times that of Freud’s
Interpretation ($194,500).
Another way of calculating Freud’s influence on modern culture would be to
look to an enterprise mentioned in his letter to Fliess: the installation of a com-
memorative plaque at the Freud family’s summer home. Although Freud would
not live to see it, in 1977 a marble tablet was duly cut and mounted near the
Schloss Belle Vue, where it still stands as a monument to the time and place of
Freud’s discovery of the unconscious. Less intrepid tourists may prefer the
Sigmund Freud Museum at 19 Berggasse, central Vienna, where a similar plaque
commemorates Freud’s primary residence and the consulting rooms in which he
conducted many of his most famous analyses. The majestic views of the Berggasse
trump the quiet suburbia of 20 Maresfield Gardens, London, the house to which
an ailing Freud arrived in 1939 to spend the final months of his life—as he told
the BBC—‘in freedom’.3 Freud carried the traces of his life in Vienna to England,
requesting the apartment his family had occupied for five decades be recon-
structed using the furnishings (including his famous divan) they had brought
with them. Although Freud became a Londoner only in and only for the final year
of his life, the Maresfield Gardens museum houses the vast bulk of his private
effects, including his celebrated collection of anthropological artefacts, tangible
proof of the inspiration he took from the cultures of ancient Greece, Rome, and
Egypt and of the influence his work would later exert on fields such as classics,
anthropology, and art history.4 The museum also houses an archive and a library
containing some of Freud’s most treasured books, authors he read and reread
throughout his life and who indisputably shaped his concept of the human mind,
such as Goethe and Shakespeare, Heinrich Heine and Anatole France.5 The
famous blue plaque affixed to the building stands as a reminder that although
Freud was resident in England for only a short period of time, his fascination with
English culture was abiding, from his visit to the industrial Manchester of Marx
1 http://www.christies.com/lotfinder/Lot/freud-sigmund-1856-1939-die-traumdeutung-leipzig-
and-5084158-details.aspx [accessed August 2020].
2 I. Bernard Cohen, Revolution in Science (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), 356.
3 Élisabeth Roudinesco, Sigmund Freud: En son temps et dans le nôtre (Paris: Seuil, 2014), 509;
Sigmund Freud: In His Time and Ours. Trans. Catherine Porter (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
2016), 411.
4 Edwin Wallace, Freud and Anthropology: A History and Reappraisal (New York: International
Universities Press, 1983).
5 Graham Frankland, Freud’s Literary Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
Introduction 3
and Engels at the age of 19 to his early, formative translation of John Stuart Mill
into German.6
The gentle rivalry of the Vienna and London museums should not lead us to
forget that Freud was born neither in Austria nor in England, but in the town of
Příbor [Freiburg] in what was then Moravia (now the Czech Republic). Although
Freud was unable to attend the unveiling of a plaque and memorial to the house
of his birth on 25 October 1931, he was able to comment on the occasion in a let-
ter read aloud by Anna Freud at the ceremony. In the letter, Freud recognizes the
vastness of the time and space separating him from his early years in the town, a
distance broached by fragile yet ‘indelible’ memory traces: ‘deeply buried within
me,’ he wrote, ‘there still lives the happy child of Freiburg, the first-born son of a
youthful mother, who received his indelible impressions from this air, from this
soil’ (SE, XXI, 259). The plaque and decorative key which accompanies it seem to
mark another natural beginning of Freud’s journey, although similar testimonial
traces can be found in many other countries: at Clark University in Massachusetts,
for example, where Freud personally introduced psychoanalysis to the United
States, or near Diocletian’s Palace in Croatia, where he holidayed in September
1898. A handful of commemorative tablets can also be found in Paris, where
Freud famously spent a brief but intellectually crucial period as a student of Jean-
Martin Charcot at the Salpêtrière.
What can be learned from this steady proliferation of plaques devoted to the
origin and influence of Freud’s genius? If such concretized traces mark moments
or places of formative value, their multiplication suggests a more uncomfortable
fact: that there may be many more Freuds than there are plaques, statues, or
museums to commemorate him. The steady growth of artefacts and monuments
recalling Freud’s achievement suggests that the true beginning of his journey may
be impossible to fix in a single time and space, if it ever existed in the first place.
Has any scholar, after all, ever succeeded in fastening psychoanalysis to an origin
that definitively satisfied the curiosity of all those searching for the ‘truth’ of
Freud’s legacy? Even today the question remains open, despite the many affirma-
tive responses proposed by scholars since Freud’s death. Is the origin of psycho
analysis to be found in Freud’s scientific culture, for instance, as Frank Sulloway
argues?7 Or is it located in his classical gymnasium education, in his life-long
thirst for antiquity?8 Can it be attributed to Freud’s singular psychological devel-
opment, as critics and defenders have asserted?9 Or was it Freud’s Jewish upbringing
6 Aner Govrin, ‘Some Utilitarian Influences in Freud’s Early Writings’, Psychoanalytic History, 6,
1, 5–21.
7 Frank J. Sulloway, Freud, Biologist of the Mind: Beyond the Psychoanalytic Legend (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1992).
8 Jacques Le Rider, Freud, de l’Acropole au Sinaï. Le retour à l’Antique des modernes viennois (Paris:
Presses universitaires de France, 2002).
9 On the former, see Jean-Pierre Vernant’s ‘Oedipe sans complexe’ in Jean-Pierre Vernant and
Pierre Vidal-Naquet, Mythe et tragédie en Grèce ancienne (Paris: La Découverte, 2005), 75–98;
4 Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
‘Oedipus without the Complex’. Trans. Janet Lloyd in Jean-Pierre Vernant and Pierre Vidal-Naquet,
Myth and Tragedy in Ancient Greece (New York: Zone Books, 1988), 85–112. On the latter, see Didier
Anzieu’s L’Auto-analyse de Freud et la découverte de la psychanalyse (Paris: Presse universitaires de
France, 1998); Freud’s Self-Analysis. Trans. Peter Graham (London: Hogarth Press, 1986).
10 See instead several excellent studies attending to the complexity of these exchanges: René Major,
Lacan avec Derrida (Paris: Flammarion, 2001); Andrea Hurst, Derrida vis-à-vis Lacan: Interweaving
Deconstruction and Psychoanalysis (New York: Fordham, 2008); Michael Lewis, Derrida and Lacan:
Another Writing (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2008); and Isabelle Alfandary, Derrida—
Lacan: L’écriture entre psychanalyse et déconstruction (Paris: Hermann, 2016).
Introduction 5
about Derrida’s own engagement with Freud. A key text in understanding Lacan’s
famous ‘return to Freud’ is his lecture ‘La chose freudienne, ou Sens du retour à
Freud en psychanalyse’ (‘The Freudian Thing or the Meaning of the Return to
Freud in Psychoanalysis’), delivered at the Vienna Neuropsychiatric Clinic in
November 1955. The lecture opens with Lacan’s description of a ‘scandale’ (‘scan-
dal’) in the psychoanalytic community. This scandal relates not to his own frac-
tious relationship with the International Psychoanalytic Association, but to a
more mundane dispute over a commemorative plaque affixed to 19 Berggasse, ‘où
Freud élabora son oeuvre héroïque’ (‘in which Freud pursued his heroic work’)
(ECR, 401/334). The scandal is that the plaque (‘ce monument’) was commis-
sioned by Freud’s fellow Viennese citizens and not by the International
Psychoanalytic Association he helped found in 1910. Lacan takes this snub as
symptomatic of a larger malaise in the global psychoanalytic community, where
matters have degraded to such a point that his own return to Freud is viewed as a
‘renversement’ (‘reversal’) of the meaning of Freud’s legacy (ECR, 401–2/334–5).
In contrast to the errancy of Freud’s message in the United States and United
Kingdom, Lacan praises Vienna as the eternal time and place of Freud’s discovery,
a city ‘à jamais [ . . . ] liée à une révolution de la connaissance à la mesure du nom
de Copernic’ (‘forever more [ . . . ] associated with a revolution in knowledge of
Copernican proportions’) (ECR, 401/334). The return to Vienna as origin figures
Lacan’s own project of a return to Freud, the meaning of which is nothing but a
return to Freud’s meaning, a return to the universal message of his discovery and
to ‘le sens premier que Freud y préservait par sa seule présence et qu’il s’agit ici
d’expliciter’ (‘the original meaning Freud preserved in it by his mere presence,
which I should like to explain here’) (ECR, 403/336).11 So powerful is this sens
that Lacan portrays himself as its mere vessel (ECR, 404/337) in a séance which
finally allows Freud’s spectre to speak after decades of abuse by feckless
inheritors.12
The strange prosopopoeia of this passage exemplifies two aspects of Derrida’s
account of the origin that are central to the current book. The first is that the
absence of origin is caught up with an irreducible, structural passion. What
11 Lacan’s image of the denaturing of Freud’s message as it crossed the Atlantic contrasts with
Derrida’s argument, in ‘Géopsychanalyse “and the rest of the world” ’ (PIA, i, 327–52/318–43), for the
need to reshape Freud’s metropolitan legacy in the light of ‘local’, non-European contexts.
12 The importance Lacan accords to the metaphor of the voice in this passage is not unrelated to
the emphasis he elsewhere places on so-called parole pleine (‘full speech’) (ECR, 256/213), in which
the analysand’s speech articulates the transparent truth of their unconscious desire. Given Derrida’s
interrogation of the privilege of speech over writing in the metaphysical tradition (discussed in
Chapter 2), it is not surprising that his earliest criticisms of Lacan in an interview with Jean Houbedine
stress the implication of Lacan’s work in a tradition that always views living speech as closer to Truth
than the deathliness of writing (P, 113/114, n. 33/87, n. 44); this criticism of Lacan’s phonocentrism,
taken up in ‘Le Facteur de la vérité’, recurs in Derrida’s late essay, ‘Pour l’amour de Lacan’. For a detailed
discussion of Derrida’s criticisms of Lacan’s phonocentrism, see the chapter ‘La parole dite pleine’ in
Isabelle Alfandary’s Derrida—Lacan, 113–73.
6 Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
Derrida calls our mal d’archive, our archive fever, is an untreatable burning with a
passion for the archive (MA, 142/91). In Mal d’archive, the structural absence of
archē (origin, beginning) is legible in the heated disputes which Freud’s legacy has
and continues to provoke. Lacan, for example, represents his own engagement
with Freud’s work as an unobjectionable return (sens should also be understood
here in the sense of ‘direction’) to the origin of psychoanalysis: the linguistic intu
itions of The Interpretation of Dreams and the Psychopathology of Everyday Life.
The need for this return is predicated on what Lacan dismisses, often with irony
and sometimes with palpable hostility, as the mangled vision of Freud proposed
by the American ‘ego-psychologists’ or by Anna Freud’s defence-oriented
approach (the latter articulated from the topological authority of the Freud family
home at Maresfield Gardens). As Derrida suggests in Mal d’archive, it is no coinci-
dence that those who, like Lacan, desire to be ‘le premier après Freud’ (‘the first
after Freud’) (MA, 90/56) invoke the exclusivity of their return to the familial
topos of Freud’s archives, to the site of a pure and undivided legacy, the reawaken-
ing of which will supposedly bring an end to our passion for its secret.13 If this
secret is more structural than contingent, as Derrida claims it is, then there can be
no cure for our affective involvement with an archive whose archē is never quite
within our grasp.
Lacan’s call for a return to origin also conceals a more or less violent appropri
ation of the past’s singularity. This structure of appropriation always proceeds
according to the same logic: an origin is imposed on Freud’s legacy which estab-
lishes this legacy as original in a specific way and then constructs a myth to con-
vey this originality. This process of mythologization facilitates the assertion of
authority over past, present, and future interpretations of the traces of Freud’s
legacy. One can see such a structure at work in Lacan’s linguistic revisioning of
Freud, for example, but it also recurs in the work of figures as diverse as Jean-Paul
Sartre, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Michel Foucault, and Paul Ricoeur, as I argue in
Chapter 1. Each of these thinkers attempt, albeit in their own idiom, to appropri-
ate Freud’s legacy in the name of an urgent demand of the present, and they do so
precisely by means of their own psychoanalytic creation myths.
The concept of origin is not in itself a necessarily negative one. For Derrida,
there are many instances in which we are required to act as if (comme si, a
favourite Derridean locution) an origin were in fact simple, stable, non-plural, as
we do with respect to the meaning of words in ordinary language. Although
Freud’s seemingly simple use of the word ‘pleasure’ (Lust) in Beyond the Pleasure
Principle conceals a series of contradictions, as Derrida shows (CP, 398/424), this
does not mean that the concept of pleasure cannot achieve results that are them-
selves positive, including success in clinical treatment. This example is a useful
13 On the co-implication of topos and ontology, see Derrida’s discussion of ‘ontopologie’ (‘ontopol-
ogy’) in Spectres de Marx (SM, 137/102).
Introduction 7
reminder that Derrida’s criticism of terms such as ‘origin’ and ‘presence’ is not
directed at the use of the concepts themselves, since it would be impossible to do
entirely without them. It is directed rather at the lack of reflection that their usage
often shelters. This lack of reflexivity is frequently accompanied by effects which
are more or less negative, even violent, as Derrida’s reading of the work of the
Jewish historian of psychoanalysis, Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, makes clear (a sub-
ject returned to in Chapter 4).
For his part, Derrida does not always escape the kinds of appropriating ges-
tures he finds in the texts of Yerushalmi and Lacan. Like any of Freud’s readers,
Derrida is susceptible to a certain blindness, particularly at those moments when
his insight into the theoretical apparatus of psychoanalysis seems most penetrat-
ing. To take one example: in the opening paragraphs of his essay ‘Freud et la scène
de l’écriture’, Derrida firmly rejects the analogy between Freud’s concept of repres-
sion and his own account of the repression of writing in the history of philosophy.
In the case of the latter, he notes, ‘ce qui représente une force en l’espèce de
l’écriture—intérieure et essentielle à la parole—a été contenu hors de la parole’
(‘that which represents a force in the form of the writing interior to speech and
essential to it has been contained outside speech’) (ED, 293/247). In Freudian
psychoanalysis, however, repression (refoulement) ‘ne repousse, ne fuit ni n’exclut
une force extérieure, il contient une représentation intérieure’ (‘neither repels, nor
flees, nor excludes an exterior force; it contains an interior representation’) (ED,
293/246–7). In repression, an unacceptable signifier is locked in the ‘interior’
psychical space of the unconscious; what Derrida calls the metaphysics of pres-
ence, by contrast, always associates writing with what lies outside the ‘purity’ of
the psyche’s interiority, with the finitude of the external world. Although his
engagement with Freud’s theory of space is otherwise well attuned to its com-
plexities, in this passage Derrida attributes to Freud a naïve opposition between
interior and exterior space. In fact, as early as 1894, a nuanced theory of space
already informed Freud’s concept of ‘projection’, the means by which an anxious
psyche endangered by too much internal excitation (i.e. excitation originating in
the drives) behaves as if that danger were coming from without (SE, III, 112). In
projection, the interior repression of the psyche is displaced onto apparently
unrelated dangers in the exterior world. This complex interplay of interior and
exterior resonates more than Derrida is willing to concede with his own account
of the exclusion (or ‘projection’) by metaphysics of a threat that is in fact interior
to it (its own deconstruction). For Derrida, metaphysics always works to displace
the interior threat of deconstruction by projecting it into the external world, that
is, onto writing in its conventional sense, a constant scapegoat throughout the
Western philosophical tradition.14
14 A more nuanced understanding of the relationship between interior and exterior space in Freud
is provided in Derrida’s later text, Le Toucher, Jean-Luc Nancy, which explores Freud’s elliptical asser-
tion that ‘Psyche is extended, knows nothing about it’ (see Chapter 2, Section 2.1).
8 Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
symptomatic of Hanold’s desire to reawaken the past at the precise moment when
Gradiva’s footprint was not yet detached from its source, at the point when spatial
and temporal distance had not yet intervened to trouble the reawakening of her
footsteps. Rather than searching for a woman who lives, Hanold is searching for
her surviving traces, for ‘l’unicité de l’impression et de l’empreinte, de la pression
et de sa trace, à l’instant unique où elles ne se distinguent pas encore l’une de
l’autre, faisant à l’instant un seul corps du pas de Gradiva’ (‘the uniqueness [ . . . ] of
the impression and the imprint, of the pressure and its trace in the unique instant
where they are not yet distinguished the one from the other, forming in an instant
a single body of Gradiva’s step’) (MA, 152/99).
One of the ways in which Derrida designates the structural impossibility of
satisfying such desire for reawakening—which for him is indistinguishable from
desire tout court (G, 206/143)—is the neologism ‘différance’, an irreducible
spatio-temporal difference from, and deferral of, the past’s presence in the present
(MP, 8/7–8). According to the ‘logic’ of différance (a logic which also consists in
pushing logic to its limits), even if Hanold were to succeed in rediscovering
Gradiva’s traces, it would be impossible for him to reawaken the moment of
Gradiva’s demise ‘as it was’, that is, in a moment of singular presence. Such ‘pres-
ence’ is only ever the phantasmic effect of the difference (or différance) between
the trace of a past that was never present and the trace of a future that will never
arrive. The unbridgeable temporal and spatial gap, or what Derrida elsewhere
calls spacing (espacement), insurmountably separates us from the singularity of
Pompeii before its fall. In this introductory chapter, this differential structure can
provisionally be characterized as that which both renders presence possible
(albeit as an ‘effect’ and not a plenitude) at the same time that it forecloses the
possibility of any fixity of meaning in a determined time or place.
17 For reasons of space, Derrida’s lecture was in fact moved to the Courtauld Institute of Art; my
thanks to Dany Nobus for clarification on this point.
10 Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
18 Derrida’s most extensive treatment of ‘aporie’ (‘aporia’) is provided in Donner la mort, where ‘Je
ne peux répondre à l’appel, à la demande, à l’obligation, ni même à l’amour d’un autre sans lui sacrifier
l’autre autre, les autres autres’ (‘I cannot respond to the call, the demand, the obligation, or even the
love of another without sacrificing the other other, the other others’) (DM, 98/69); see also comments
on the irreducibility of justice and responsibility to determinable rules in Voyous (V, 123–4/83) and
the discussion of responsibility towards the dead and the non-yet-born in Spectres de Marx (SM,
16/xiv).
19 Contrary to Simon Critchley’s argument that ‘ethics is the goal, or horizon, towards which
Derrida’s work tends’ in The Ethics of Deconstruction: Derrida and Levinas (Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press, 2014; 3rd edition), 2.
Introduction 11
20 Sherry Turkle, Psychoanalytic Politics: Jacques Lacan and Freud’s French Revolution (New York:
Free Association Books, 1992), xxvi. Lacan plays a similarly heliocentric role in the second volume of
Élisabeth Roudinesco’s Histoire de la psychanalyse en France, 1925–1985, evidenced in the title of the
book’s English translation: Jacques Lacan & Co: A History of Psychoanalysis in France, 1925–1985.
Trans. Jeffrey Mehlman (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990). A one-volume edition of
Roudinesco’s history of psychoanalysis in France, together with her biography of Lacan, is available as
L’histoire de la psychanalyse en France—Jacques Lacan (Paris: Livre de Poche, 2009), the version
referred to here.
12 Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
21 On the accusation of plagiarism levelled against Ricoeur by Lacan, see Roudinesco, Histoire de la
psychanalyse, 1091–101. Lacan’s turbulent relationship with Derrida, symptomatic of a concern for
originality and priority, is explored in Chapter 1 (Section 1.3) and in the Conclusion to the current book.
22 Geoffrey Bennington (Interrupting Derrida [London: Routledge, 2000], 95) speculates that
Derrida has made more ‘declarations’ on psychoanalysis than on any other discourse. Of Derrida’s
texts on Freud, the most commented upon have been: ‘Freud et la scène de l’écriture’ (1967); La Carte
postale (1980); Mal d’archive (1995); Résistances de la psychanalyse (1996); and États d’âme de la psy-
chanalyse (2000). There are also a significant number of shorter works on Freudian themes, including
‘Télépathie’ (1981), ‘Géopsychoanalyse’ (1981), ‘Let Us Not Forget—Psychoanalysis’ (1990), and sev-
eral unpublished texts and seminars (see ‘Translations and Abbreviations’). Derrida’s most extensive
texts on Lacan are ‘Le Facteur de la vérité’ (1975), a shorter essay, ‘Pour l’amour de Lacan’ (1991), and
a chapter of L’animal que donc je suis: ‘Et si l’animal répondait?’ (2006, first published in 2004 in the
Derrida volume of Cahiers de l’Herne). On Nicholas Abraham and Maria Torok’s work, see ‘Fors. Les
mots anglés de Nicolas Abraham et Maria Torok’ (1976) and ‘Moi—la psychanalyse’ (1979); com-
pressed but illuminating remarks on Melanie Klein can be found in ‘Freud et la scène de l’écriture’
(1967) and in the Grammatologie (1967).
23 With the recent exception of Elizabeth Rottenberg’s excellent For the Love of Psychoanalysis: The
Play of Chance in Freud and Derrida (New York: Fordham, 2019).
Introduction 13
although this book will have occasion to return to it at several points, Lacan’s
vision of Freud’s discovery will not be a constant touchstone in what follows.
In contrast to the strict calculations entailed by the concept of indebtedness,
legible in Lacan’s frequent accusations of intellectual thievery, in Mal d’archive
Derrida refers to what he calls ‘l’impression freudienne’ (‘the Freudian impres-
sion’). The latter evokes the indelible yet nebulous influence that psychoanalysis
continues to exert on thinking today. The Freudian impression can be read as a
response to the aporias attendant on any imposition of an origin on Freud’s leg-
acy, whether this origin be medical, cultural, ethnological, religious, or linguistic.
A late dialogue between Derrida and Élisabeth Roudinesco, ‘Éloge de la psychan-
alyse’ (‘In Praise of Psychoanalysis’, though éloge also suggests a funeral oration),
exemplifies the problem différance represents for any attempt to impose an origin
(archē) and thus an order (archē) on Freud’s legacy. In contrast to the polarizing
tendency to mythologize Freud, exemplified by Freud’s supporters and detractors
alike, Derrida describes his own relationship to psychoanalysis as one of qualified
friendship. Although he is a friend (‘ami’) of psychoanalysis, friendship by defin
ition involves a degree of distance. If it implies a certain unconditional affi rm
ation, it also involves ‘la réserve ou le retrait nécessaires à la critique, à la
discussion, au questionnement réciproque’ (‘the reserve, withdrawal, or distance
necessary for critique, for discussion, for reciprocal questioning’) (DQD,
271/167). While the Freudian impression is ‘ineffaçable’ (‘ineffaceable’), it is also
frustratingly amorphous, signalling that deconstruction’s ‘debt’ to psychoanalysis,
however undeniable it may seem, is ultimately incalculable. Yet to deny such a
debt would be just as much an attempt to calculate deconstruction’s intellectual
arrears, to disavow what is for Derrida the unconditional nature of our inherit-
ance of psychoanalysis. Alluding to Michel Foucault’s concept of épistémè as the
place from which we think (‘nous pensons en ce lieu’), Derrida remarks that
Freud’s revolution ‘a déjà marqué et devrait continuer de marquer, toujours autre-
ment, l’espace dans lequel nous habitons, pensons, travaillons, écrivons, ensei-
gnons, etc.’ (‘has already marked and should continue to mark, always otherwise,
the space in which we live, think, work, write, teach, etc’) (DQD, 272/167–8).
Noteworthy in this characterization is that, while Derrida concedes the inefface-
ability of Freud’s influence, he remains unwilling to ascribe a definitive historical
beginning (archē) or end (telos) to the significance of psychoanalysis. This unwill-
ingness is important, since the emphasis Derrida places on the openness of
Freud’s work to reinterpretation is a key part of his de-mythologizing of the ‘legend
of Freud’ (in Samuel Weber’s phrase), his refusal to reduce Freud’s work to a s ingle
ideal meaning that can be reawakened at all times and in all places.24 What is
indeed most characteristic of Derrida’s position in this dialogue is a firm desire to
avoid attributing to psychoanalysis a future that would be circumscribed or
24 Samuel Weber, The Legend of Freud (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000; expanded edn.).
14 Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
foreseeable in advance. As he puts it, ‘la psychanalyse a eu lieu sans avoir encore
eu lieu’ (‘psychoanalysis has taken place without having yet taken place’) (DQD,
272/168).
The view of psychoanalysis as a discourse past its sell-by date is, at the same
time, a recurrent theme of Derrida’s and Roudinesco’s discussion, notably as it
concerns Freud’s metapsychological modelling of the mind. On the one hand,
Derrida concedes that Freud’s metapsychology—his figural mapping of the mind
as a series of overlapping agencies, including consciousness, the unconscious, and
the preconscious—had a vital role to play in questioning the dominance of positivist
psychology’s reduction of the psyche to localizable anatomical space. He doubts,
however, that the theoretical bases of Freud’s models can survive in their current
form. Freud’s concepts are here merely ‘armes provisoires’ (‘provisional weapons’)
in a struggle that is itself in a state of constant transformation. While these con-
cepts retain a certain strategic theoretical value, as ‘outils rhétoriques bricolés contre
une philosophie de la conscience, de l’intentionalité transparente et pleinement
responsable’ (‘rhetorical tools cobbled together to be used against a philosophy
of consciousness, of transparent and fully responsible intentionality’) (DQD,
280/172), Derrida also calls for a return to Freud’s obscurer analyses, to his specula-
tive stabs in the dark, as a way of drawing out the ‘puissance révolutionnaire’
(‘revolutionary force’) (DQD, 280/172) that his texts still conceal and which we
are always in danger of forgetting.25 Although we must take account of the his-
torical situation of Freud’s breakthrough, the context (‘le champ’, field) in which
Freud’s ideas flourished is no longer the same as our own. Abandoning certain
psychoanalytic insights is nonetheless ‘angoissante’ (‘anguishing’) because it
risks—the notion of the future is alway equated in Derrida with a certain risk in
the face of the unforeseeable—joining with those who wish to destroy psycho
analysis. This risk is irreducible, however, in any attempt to ensure the vitality of
Freud’s breakthrough. As we saw earlier, the survival of a legacy such as psycho
analysis involves both the affirmation of our inheritance of it and an affirmation
of its openness towards novelty and thus towards change: ‘[o]n ne déconstruit pas
simplement en progressant, sans risques. Il faut toujours réaffirmer quelque chose
du passé pour éviter une rechute encore pire’ (‘[O]ne does not deconstruct simply
by progressing, without risks. One must always reaffirm something of the past in
order to avoid a relapse into something worse’) (DQD, 285/175). The impossibil-
ity of ever reconciling these demands, save through the violence of a decision
which will betray one side or another, is why psychoanalysis always remains for
Derrida an impossible legacy.
I.2 In Debt
28 Geoffrey Bennington, for instance, has highlighted the ‘brittle and tense’ tone of Derrida’s dis-
missal of these analogies (Interrupting Derrida, 97), while Robert Trumbull has discerned an uncon-
scious ‘resistance’ (p. 76) on Derrida’s part towards the influence of Freud (see his ‘Deconstruction
and Psychoanalysis: “A Problematic Proximity’”, Derrida Today, 5, 1, 69–91).
29 Maud Ellmann, ‘Deconstruction and Psychoanalysis’, in Nicholas Royle, ed., Deconstructions: A
User’s Guide (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000), 214; 234.
30 Ellmann, ‘Deconstruction and Psychoanalysis’, 216 (my italics).
31 On Derrida’s reservations regarding periodization or historical ‘coupures’ (‘breaks’) in intellec-
tual history, see his L’oreille de l’autre (OA, 115/84).
32 Ellmann, ‘Deconstruction and Psychoanalysis’, 233.
33 Alan Bass, ‘The Double Game: An Introduction’, in M. Smith and W. Kerrigan, eds, Taking
Chances: Derrida, Psychoanalysis, and Literature (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press,
1984), 76.
Introduction 17
34 Jonathan Culler, The Pursuit of Signs: Semiotics, Literature, Deconstruction (Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 2002), 14–15. This affinity has also been noted by Christopher Norris, Derrida
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988), 184.
35 Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, ‘Translator’s Preface’, in Jacques Derrida, Of Grammatology
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), pp. ix–lxxxviii, xxi. For accuracy and ease of refer-
ence, I have preferred the first revised edition of Of Grammatology to the more recent Of
Grammatology: Fortieth Anniversary Edition (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016),
‘newly revised’ by Spivak, though with the ‘Translator’s Preface’ left unchanged.
18 Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
‘borrowing’ from Freud’s concept of the dream-work) and the assertiveness of his
critique of Freud elsewhere in his work. Unable to resolve this contradiction,
Spivak, like others, has recourse to a quasi-psychoanalytic interpretation, remarking
that Derrida ‘is clearly not willing to assume the responsibility for what might
seem a psychoanalytic schema’ (G, lxxxii).
The complexity of Derrida’s thinking of inheritance should also caution us
against interpreting psychoanalysis as an incipient form of deconstruction,
with Freud cast in the role of an obliging proto-Derridean. For Derrida, we
have seen, the meaning of the ‘past’ is never in a state of unequivocal self-
identity but is continually unsettled by the structure of différance. This cease-
less movement of deferral and differentiation entails a continual risk of
retrojecting the concerns of the contemporary onto the traces of the past in a
way that does violence to the singularity of these traces. Although this retro-
jective structure of ‘experience’ is irreducible, responsible reading, if such a
thing were possible, might consist in an awareness of the way in which the
contemporary continually preforms our perception of the past. To claim that
‘for Derrida, Freud becomes a Derridean avant la lettre’36 is to misconstrue the
relationship Derrids himself envisages between this après coup structure of dif-
férance and our simultaneous—and therefore aporetic—responsibility towards
the singularity of the trace as legacy.
The danger is again one of reducing the ‘essence’ of Freud’s breakthrough to a
nascent form of deconstruction, a reduction which gives rise to descriptions of
Freud’s work in which it is difficult to determine where psychoanalysis ends and
deconstruction begins.37 It is vital to avoid overstating the deconstructive creden-
tials of psychoanalysis because this risks re-mythologizing Freud at the precise
point when Derrida’s work calls such mythologizing into question. This remains
the case even if Derrida himself does not always avoid such a gesture. To take an
example to which we shall return: ‘Freud et la scène de l’écriture’ (ED, 314/266)
reads Freud’s concept of the Nachträglichkeit (afterwardness or ‘l’après-coup’) of
unconscious trauma as an interruption of the classically metaphysical notion of a
transcendental, self-present consciousness. The text overplays the subversive
qualities of Nachträglichkeit, however, by portraying it as referring to an experi-
ence that was never experienced in the first place, that is, as a present that was
never present. Such a reading misconstrues the complex character of Freud’s own
account of temporality, which describes not the provisionality of the event per se
but rather the provisionality of its meaning. If Derrida’s reading of Nachträglichkeit
were accurate, Freud would not have agonized over the ‘truth’ of the Wolf Man’s
I.3 Inherit
38 See the project, ‘Derrida’s Margins’, currently in development at Princeton University; https://
derridas-margins.princeton.edu/[accessed August 2020].
20 Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
40 Several recent studies have begun to explore the relevance of Derrida’s thought for this ‘new’
materialism. On Derrida and materialist theology, see Clayton Crockett’s Derrida after the End of
Writing: Political Theology and New Materialism (New York: Fordham University Press, 2018); on
deconstruction and ecology, see Philippe Lynes, Futures of Life Death on Earth: Derrida’s General
22 Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
Ecology (London: Rowan & Littlefield, 2018); Derrida’s recently published seminar, La vie la mort
(VM), which engages with the work of the geneticist François Jacob, provides the impetus for
Francesco Vitale’s Biodeconstruction: Jacques Derrida and the Life Sciences. Trans. Mauro Senatore
(Albany: SUNY, 2018) and Dawne McCancee’s The Reproduction of Life Death: Derrida’s La vie la mort
(New York: Fordham University Press, 2019).
Introduction 23
41 Derrida’s most extensive discussion of the latter takes place in an unpublished seminar, Critique
littéraire et psychanalyse, which pursues a parallel reading of Freud’s Beyond the Pleasure Principle and
The Uncanny. Session 4 (CLP) provides a useful précis of Derrida’s early interest in the uncanny: (i) it
signals the structural ambivalence of the signifier, in particular the signifier of castration as the
‘dérobement du signifié, de l’origine, du plein, etc’ (flight or theft of the signified, of the origin, of the
full, etc); (ii) as doubling and repetition, the uncanny indicates an analytically problematic doubleness
Introduction 25
at the origin, (iii) while blurring both the reality–imagination distinction; (iv) and the distinction
between life (or reality) and fiction. On the undecidability of the uncanny in Derrida, see Nicholas
Royle’s The Uncanny (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), especially pp. 24–6, and
Anneleen Masschelein’s account of ‘La double séance’ in The Unconcept: The Freudian Uncanny in
Late-twentieth-century Theory (Albany: SUNY Press, 2011), 112–23.
42 On the fetish, see Geoffrey Bennington’s ‘Fetishism in Glas’, Other Analyses: Reading Philosophy
(Bennington Books, 2004), pp. 183–202 [published as an ebook: http://bennington.zsoft.co.uk/index.
html#OtherAnalyses], as well as Sarah Kofman’s rich but not entirely unproblematic ‘Ça cloche’ in
Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe and Jean-Luc Nancy, eds, Les fins de l’homme (Paris: Galilée, 1981), 89–116.
43 On the many studies of the possibility-impossibility of half-mourning in Derrida and Freud, the
most lucid are: Joan Kirkby, ‘ “Remembrance of the Future”: Derrida on Mourning’, Social Semiotics,
16, 3, 461–72; and Geoffrey Bennington, Not Half No End: Militantly Melancholic Essays in Memory of
Jacques Derrida (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010), especially the chapter ‘Half-life’. See
also the thought-provoking introduction to the English translation of Chaque fois unique, la fin du
monde: Pascale-Anne Brault and Michael Naas, ‘To Reckon with the Dead: Jacques Derrida’s Politics
of Mourning’ (CFU, 1–30).
44 For Derrida’s involvement with psychoanalysis as an institution, see Peggy Kamuf, To Follow:
The Wake of Jacques Derrida (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2012), 178–86, and Ginette
Michaud, ‘Lui—la psychanalyse’, in Marie-Louise Mallet and Ginette Michaud, eds, Jacques Derrida
(Paris: Cahiers de l’Herne, 2004), 416–21. A more historical overview is provided by Roudinesco in
L’histoire de la psychanalyse en France, 1399–405 and 2046–8. In a 2000 interview with Jean Birnbaum,
Derrida regrets that his reading of Freud too often marginalizes the ‘essentiel’ (essential) issue of psy
choanalytic technique (HPTF); I regret that the current book largely reproduces this imbalance,
although it does touch on some implications of Derrida’s thought for psychoanalytic practice (see, e.g.
Chapter 4).
1
Creation Myths
Freud in France
Claude Lévi-Strauss begins a lesser known work, La Potière jalouse, with a puzzle.
‘Que peut-il y avoir de commun entre un oiseau—l’Engoulevent—l’art de la poterie,
et la jalousie conjugale?’ (‘What can a bird—the Goatsucker—the art of pottery,
and conjugal jealousy have in common?’) (PJ, Prière d’insérer). The puzzle itself
presents few difficulties for a structural anthropologist at the height of his powers,
though the procedure leading to its resolution proves somewhat trickier. Starting
with a series of creation myths passed down by the South American Jivaro tribes,
La Potière jalouse traces a recurring association of birds, pottery, and marriage in
tribal cultures across the globe. The universality of this association allows
Lévi-Strauss to reveal the latent ‘armature’ of these myths, the logical infra-
structure that renders them meaningful to the human mind. Myths, he argues,
‘n’acquièrent une signification que dans la mesure où s’établissent entre eux des
rapports’ (‘acquire a signification only to the degree that relations are established
among them’) (PJ, 258/197). It is precisely these rapports which explain the
compulsive repetition of images of birds, pots, and jealous partners in cultures
otherwise separated by vast geographical and historical distances.
Of the diverse methodological issues addressed in Lévi-Strauss’s book, one
issue is particularly pressing: the debt of anthropology to psychoanalysis. Where
the earlier Tristes tropiques identified Freud as a key formative influence,1 La
Potière jalouse is more confrontational. The anthropologist and the psychoanalyst
approach myth in ways that are ultimately irreconcilable. Unlike the psychoanalyst,
who pursues an Oedipal master-code lying beneath the surface of every myth or
dream, the structural anthropologist refuses to recognize any final ‘truth’ of myth.
Myths cannot be deciphered using a universal key because they operate according
to a non-hierarchical sequence of plural codes (PJ, 246/186). The Oedipal trajectory
is thus just one more addition to an ever-growing archive of myths, one which
already includes Sophoclean (Oedipus the King), Shakespearean (Hamlet), and
Labichean (Un chapeau de paille d’Italie) ‘versions’.2
Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis. Paul Earlie, Oxford University Press (2021). © Paul Earlie.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198869276.003.0002
Creation Myths: Freud in France 27
At the level of structural laws, the purpose of such ‘myths’ is to provide ‘un
modèle logique pour résoudre une contradiction (tâche irréalisable, quand la
contradiction est réelle)’ (‘a logical model capable of overcoming a contradiction
(an impossible achievement if, as it happens, the contradiction is real)’).3 Myths
have an intrinsically therapeutic value in that they provide a yield of pleasure in
a world where contradiction is always experienced as unpleasurable. Yet if
Lévi-Strauss implicitly shares Freud’s view of the therapeutic or pleasure-giving
value of myth, how does he reconcile this affinity with his elsewhere critical attitude
towards psychoanalysis? The aim of La Potière jalouse’s painstaking structural
analyses of Sophocles, Freud, and Eugène Labiche is to discredit Freud’s status as
a code-breaker by revealing him to be just another code-maker amongst many
others. By rejecting the psychoanalyst’s resort to ‘explications passe-partout’ (‘all-
purpose interpretations’), ‘toutes sortes de considérations sur la petite enfance’
(‘all sorts of ideas about early childhood’) (PJ, 231/174), Lévi-Strauss risks becom-
ing like the jealous potter of his title, defending the originality of his own method
in the face of competing approaches.4 These difficulties lead La Potière jalouse
into a curious rearguard action. Although certain anthropologists do succeed in
applying psychoanalytic concepts, Lévi-Strauss argues that the question of
psy choanaly sis’s originality has no pertinence. While certain surface-level
similarities do exist between psychoanalytic and Jivaro cultures, such as the
repetition of Oedipal triangles in Jivaro mythology or the emphasis the latter
places on images of orality and anality, it is not because psychoanalytic notions
have been projected onto the experiences of the Jivaro tribe. These similarities exist
because psychoanalysis was already known to these tribal peoples: ‘nous avons
rencontré sous forme parfaitement explicite des notions et des catégories—
telles celles de caractère oral et de caractère anal—que les psychanalystes ne
pourront prétendre avoir découvertes: ils n’ont fait que les retrouver’ (‘At almost
every step we have encountered perfectly explicit notions and categories—such as
oral character and anal character—that psychoanalysts will no longer be able
to claim they have discovered. All they have done is to rediscover them’) (JP,
243/185, my italics). This conclusion appears to satisfy Lévi-Strauss’s double
play, Hamlet, and Freud’s developmental complex—to ‘une certaine unité du noyau sémantique ou
thématique auquel [Freud] donne précisement le nom d’Oedipe’ (a certain unity of the semantic or
thematic kernel to which [Freud] gives the name Oedipus) (PT, Session 2). Although this ‘écrasement’
(crushing) of formal singularity in favour of universal law suggests a proximity between Freud’s
approach and structural anthropology, the irreducibility of formal differences between these instances
also points to ‘une certaine complication de l’Oedipe lui-même, une complication du contenu séman-
tique lui-même, dans sa plus grande généralité’ (a certain complication of the Oedipus story itself, a
complication of the semantic content itself, in its greatest generality).
3 Claude Lévi-Strauss, Anthropologie structurale (Paris: Plon, 1958), 254; Structural Anthropology.
Trans. by Claire Jacobson and Brooke Grundfest Schoepf (New York: Basic Books, 1963), 229.
4 As noted, for instance, by Wendy Doniger in her New York Times review (‘Shrinks and Shrunken
Heads’, 22 May 1988) of The Jealous Potter.
28 Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
1.1 Aporia
For Lévi-Strauss, myth has a function that is both epistemological and thera
peutic. It is essential to primitive thought (la pensée sauvage) because it imposes
cognitive order on a world otherwise plagued by unpredictable contradiction.
Although later marginalized by scientific rationality which, unlike myth, provides
a concrete means of attaining mastery over incalculability, myth endures today
because it promises what the uncertainties of science can never deliver: ‘total
understanding’ of the world (MM, 6). The illusion of mastery provided by myth is
one reason why myth is, in Lévi-Strauss’s formulation, a ‘totalitarian’ form of
thinking. This neutralization of contradiction or difference has obvious political
5 The distinction between this quasi-transcendental structure and the empirical and transcenden-
tal claims of Lévi-Strauss’s structuralist anthropology is broached in ED, 189, n. 1/404–5, n. 46. The
term ‘quasi-transcendental’ is used to describe the possible-impossible conditions of transcendental
thought in Rodolphe Gasché’s The Tain of the Mirror: Derrida and the Philosophy of Reflection
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986), though the term ‘quasi transcendental’ is used by
Derrida from Glas onwards (Gl, 183/151–62).
30 Derrida and the Legacy of Psychoanalysis
resonances, particularly in those cases where ‘myth becomes history’ (the title of
a key chapter of Lévi-Strauss’s Myth and Meaning). Examining the role of mythic
thought in historical narratives, Lévi-Strauss concludes that both myth and his-
tory function by assembling the fragmentary into a coherent, linearized whole.
One can view this coherence either as a consistency restored (as some mythog
raphers and historians do, or as Lacan does in his call for a return to Freud’s sens)
or as a coherence imposed après coup, as Lévi-Strauss does. Traditional creation
myths, ‘cosmological and cosmogonic myths’, are striking examples of this retro-
active application of linear narrative because they are most often placed at the
beginning of published collections of myths, a linearization which Lévi-Strauss
argues reflects not so much the past as the present’s understanding of it (MM, 16).
Lévi-Strauss’s own distaste for linearizing approaches—and his broader attempt
in the Mythologiques to de-linearize the study of myth by privileging synchronic
relation over diachrony or chronology—is a key driver in his well-known criti-
cisms of Sartre’s Critique de la raison dialectique.6
Lévi-Strauss shares with Derrida a suspicion of the complicity between linear
ization and idealization, a complicity we will explore in more detail in Chapter 2.
In the context of the current chapter, Lévi-Strauss’s claim that the narrativization
of history as myth can be used to validate ‘territorial’ or ‘political claims’ (MM,
16) provides useful grist for our discussion of the fractious politics of Freud’s
French inheritance. Lévi-Strauss’s problematization of the myth–history distinc-
tion is nonetheless difficult to reconcile with his attempt, in La Potière jalouse, to
locate the ‘origin’ of Freud’s discovery in the Jivaro tribes, whose vivid creation
myths entirely (‘tout entier’) rob Freud’s Totem and Taboo of any claim to origin
ality (PJ, 243/185). For Derrida, it is important to note, such inconsistencies do
not necessarily mark a failure of rigour on Lévi-Strauss’s part, although they do
point to a deeper aporia in his relationship to Freud. Despite the oddly passionate
protestations of La Potière jalouse, it is impossible to guarantee that Freud’s influ-
ence is ever entirely absent from Lévi-Strauss’s discourse on myth because psy
choanalysis forms, as we saw earlier, an irreducible part of the language in which
Lévi-Strauss’s disavowal of psychoanalysis is articulated.
This problematic structure is exemplified in a later essay by Derrida on Freud’s
place in Foucault’s Folie et déraison. Although this text, ‘ “Être juste avec Freud”:
L’histoire de la folie à l’âge de la psychanalyse’ (R, 89–146/70–118), simulates a
certain rapprochement with the work of his former teacher, it also maintains a
clear distance from Foucault’s theoretical apparatus, and notably from his concept
of epistémè. To show how the epistémè—defined here in spatializing terms as that
6 For Sartre, the ‘myth’ of the French Revolution is a founding moment in the ‘pure’ history of dia-
lectical reason; for Lévi-Strauss, this interpretation is a typical example of the present linearizing and
thus univeralizing the meaning of the past, making Sartre’s book a preeminent example of modern
myth (on this subject, see his La pensée sauvage [Paris: Plon, 1962], 336–8; The Savage Mind [Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1966], 254–6).
Creation Myths: Freud in France 31
They left Allardyce, Inc., balanced on the extreme edge of the kerb
of Henrietta Street, staring after their departing chariot. As they
drove off to luncheon at the Ladies Imperium, Lady Violet said, “My
child, I rather think you’ve clicked.”
Mame felt rather that she had. The happy feeling was confirmed,
moreover, a little later in the week when a second letter from Elmer
P. was delivered in Half Moon Street. In it, that now famous man
positively undertook to be at the Savoy Hotel on February 10, always
providing the Olympic in which he had booked a passage came in on
time. He hoped to stay a fortnight in London. But that, he feared,
must be his limit. For just now he was living a forty-eight-hour day in
New York.
“You can bet your life that’s so,” was Mame’s approving comment.
LIII
ELMER came and saw London, England. And the ancient burg gave
him a real good time. He went here, there and everywhere; his
photograph was in all the papers; columns were written about his
book. There was a brilliant luncheon at the Savoy. Lady Violet kept
her promise. Big-wigs attended it, including her father’s old friend the
Prime Minister, who seized the occasion to deliver a most significant
address on the Value, Etc., which was cabled verbatim all over the
English-speaking world.
No young author, since the art of writing was invented, ever had a
more generous reception in the great metropolis. A modest, rather
shy, young man, he was inclined at first to be overwhelmed by it. But
the undefeated Mame, who met him at Euston, who took him to his
hotel, who gave him continual advice, saw to it that he wasn’t. For
the honour of Cowbarn, Iowa, he must stand right up to his job. It
was her task to see that he did so without flinching and she duly
performed it. She mothered him through receptions and tea parties;
she toted him around; and the bewildered and breathless Elmer
hardly knew whether to be more impressed by the storm his coming
had aroused or by the manner in which Mame rode it.
Nothing in the whole of London astonished him quite so much as
Mame’s transformation from her chrysalis Cowbarn period. Her
clothes, her style, her English accent fairly tickled him to death. Then
the friends she had made! She appeared to hob-nob with half the
swells in Britain and to have them feeding from the hand.
Elmer had many surprises in these crowded and glorious days. But,
shrewd and cool American citizen that he was, he managed to keep
a perfectly level head. For the life of him he couldn’t imagine what all
the fuss was about; or at least if he had an inkling of the reason for it,
he could not understand how Mame had contrived it all. She had
evidently had the luck to strike some very powerful backers.
Even before landing in England, he had surmised that such was the
case. The mysterious Celimene, of the weekly news-letter, had
proved to be so highly informed in social matters that her value had
been clearly demonstrated in New York. Her name had been given
him in confidence before he came over; and he was mighty keen to
meet her.
They might be said to challenge each other’s curiosity. But their
meeting not only fulfilled their hopes of one another; it was the
beginning of a friendship. One could not help liking the author of
Prairie City. He was a well-set-up young man; and behind the dry
shrewdness and the determination to get there, qualities
characteristic of Mame herself, were genuine kindliness and
modesty. His rise to fame had been less sudden than it seemed. It
had been prepared for and earned. He owned to thirty-one years of
life. They had not been easy years, but they had made him the man
he was.
Lady Violet was glad that Elmer answered fully to Mame’s
description of him as “a regular fellow.” There was something about
him that inspired confidence. Whether it was a certain slowness of
speech which implied depth of mind, a vein of real grit, or the
charming air of diffidence with which he wore the fame that so
deservedly was his, she instinctively felt that here was what Mame
called a he-man.
This was well. She had a plan in that sagacious mind of hers. But the
carrying out of it depended upon Elmer P. himself. Unless he could
pass the test, and a pretty severe one, that a thorough woman of the
world felt bound to impose, the fine scheme was doomed from the
outset. His bearing, however, in those crowded days in which they
saw a good deal of each other, convinced this friend that rumour had
not over-painted him. Undoubtedly the young man deserved the
position his talents had won. Beneath a surface a little stiff and
formal at first, and, the critic thought, none the worse for that, was a
warmth of heart and a balance of nature which enabled him to pass
his examination with flying colours.
As much time as Elmer could spare from his exceedingly numerous
engagements was devoted to Half Moon Street. From the first
afternoon he went there to drink tea, with reviewers and people of
influence in the world of letters, he took a great liking to the place.
For one thing he was made to feel so much at home. The presence
of Mame guaranteed that. She was quite unspoiled in spite of the
English accent, which to Elmer’s secret delight was apt to wear a
little thin in places. He was no end of an observer, the author of
Prairie City. Back in the Cowbarn days there was something in
Mame that had appealed to him; and in this new orientation she was
still the Mame he had liked, smiled at just a little, and yet admired.
Wonderful how she had been able to get away with it; yet he was not
really surprised. He had always known that his little stenographer
had a lot in her.
Everybody was so friendly in Half Moon Street. They seemed to take
quite a personal pride in his success; they seemed to treat it almost
as a part of their own. During the hours he spent there Mame and
her friend Lady Violet were always devising fresh schemes for
Prairie City. The boom was growing daily. But it must get bigger and
bigger. Had he been their own brother they could not have done
more.
One afternoon, when Elmer had been in London a week, he came
rather early and happened to catch Lady Violet alone. Mame had
gone, at the call of duty, to the première of a new play. In this rather
providential absence, which yet did not owe quite so much to
providence as appeared on the surface, Lady Violet seized the
chance to have a private talk.
“So you are leaving us a week to-day?”
Elmer confessed that was his intention.
“If you find us all as complacent as our perfectly absurd newspapers
you won’t be sorry.”
Elmer had the tact to ignore the vexed question of the British
newspaper. “I’ll be sorry enough,” he said with simple sincerity. “You
are just giving me the time of my life.”
“Your book is so delightful. Every fresh reader is one friend more for
the man who has written it.” Lady Violet yielded to none in point of
tact. Over that course few could live with her. “But I do hope you
realise,” she went laughingly on, “that, although you are your own
best asset, as of course every true author has to be, you have also
had a very clever and enthusiastic friend to pull the strings over
here.”
Elmer realised that.
“One doesn’t say your success might not have been as great without
her; but it could hardly have come so soon.”
Yes, Elmer was sure.
“The way that dear child has worked for you has simply been
splendid. Had she written the book herself, I don’t think she could
have been prouder of it. She literally bullied your publishers into
boosting you—you know what even the best publishers are!—she
bullied me into corralling the Prime Minister—it was a rare bit of luck
getting him to come and make that speech—and it was her idea,
wasn’t it, that you should come over here and let us see you?”
Elmer felt all this was true. But gallantly he wanted to include Lady
Violet herself in the big bill of his gratitude.
“Please keep it all for Mame. That good child deserves every bit. She
has worked for you like a demon. As good as gold, as true as steel.
And she is quite cast down that you are leaving us next week.”
Unluckily there was no help for it. But Elmer P., like most people of
true genius, was simple at heart. He responded to the piping. Mame
Durrance—in the mouth of her former employer the accent fell upon
the first syllable of her surname rather than upon the second—
deserved all the luck there was in the world. She was as real as they
made them; and she was able to think of others.
Lady Violet drove that right home. “I, of all people, have reason to
know it. She is capable of big things, that dear child. Some day,
when you come and see us again, as of course you will, I may tell
you a little story about her.”
Elmer could not help a feeling of subtle flattery. It is difficult for rising
young men to resist such a feeling when they find themselves tête-à-
tête with an accomplished woman of the world. Lady Violet was quite
as intriguing as any of the Fifth Avenue queens, with one or two of
whom he was beginning to get acquainted. Mame had had amazing
luck to put herself in so solid with this fascinating woman. It was true
that Elmer personally owed a lot to Mame, a peerless little go-getter,
but it was also true that Mame for her part owed much to this brilliant
daughter of a famous statesman who in his day had done a great
deal for the English-speaking world.
The clock ticked pleasantly on to five o’clock and then quite as
pleasantly to 5:15. But no Mame. Lady Violet feigned surprise. Then
she glanced at an imposing array of cards on the chimneypiece. Oh,
yes, she remembered! This was the at-home day of the wife of an
influential editor. Mame had evidently kept it in mind even if Lady
Violet herself had forgotten. “She’s gone there to boost Prairie City,”
said her friend with a smile. “Wherever she goes now she boosts
Prairie City; and at night she boosts it in her dreams.”
A quarter past five already! Elmer Pell Dobree rose with a start. At
5:30—Lady Violet must really excuse him—he was due in Aldwych
to orate to the Journalists’ Circle on the Coming of the American
Novel. He was sorry to go, but Mame had fixed that on him at about
twelve hours’ notice, and as his good fairy declared it would mean
another edition, he supposed he must stand up, a hero, and face it.
“You must.” Lady Violet had what Elmer privately described as a
Gioconda smile. Here was guile, here was subtlety or the author of
Prairie City was not a judge of such matters. How intriguing she was.
Gee! she had a power of making your blood course quicker.
“I’ve one favour to ask, Lady Violet.” Elmer was moving to the door.
“Can you and Mame spare to-morrow evening to dine with me
quietly at the Savoy?”
Lady Violet took up a little red book from the writing table. A glance
revealed that by the courtesy of providence to-morrow night was
free. She could not answer for Mame, but to the best of her
recollection there was reason to think the little go-getter would not be
in action that evening.
So then it was arranged, a little dinner, just the three of them, for the
next evening, which was so providentially free, at the convenient
hour of eight. Unless, of course, Mame, which somehow Lady Violet
felt was hardly likely, telephoned him to the contrary.
LIV
THE little dinner was capital. In every small but considered detail it
could not have been nicer. Elmer P., as the world looks for in one of
his eminence, was growing to be a judge of food and wine. Also the
shrewd dog knew how to choose his company. On his right sat Lady
Violet, on his left was Mame. Over and beyond this pair of friends
and boosters was vacancy, the limitless inane, at least so far as
those three minds were concerned, although at other tables sat
persons not without importance in their way.
In return for delicate food and dry champagne Elmer received high
entertainment from the lively tongues of his charming guests. Both
were observers of the human comedy, yet they observed it in the
right way. There was nothing in their talk that was spiteful or
backstairs, or beneath the dignity of human nature. Their aptness,
wit, and general information, their opinions upon books, plays, music
and the world at large gave the host a mental punch from the hors
d’œuvres to the comice pear and the crème de menthe, for which
crude liqueur both ladies confessed a partiality.
Elmer had had his triumphs, in the last week or so particularly, but
frankly he doubted whether he had ever enjoyed a meal like this. It
was so gay. And there was the glamour of new experience. His life
had suddenly been touched to newer and finer issues.
When the coffee appeared, at the end of the meal, Lady Violet drank
hers quickly. Then quite unexpectedly she rose. She would have to
fly. There was a musical party she had promised to attend. A stupid
affair, but it was the call of duty.
Mame and Elmer were pressing in their entreaties for their amusing
friend to remain, but she was not to be seduced from the true path.
Besides, as she laughingly said, it was a perfect night of stars. And
this being a sufficiently rare occurrence for London, she hoped that
Elmer—if she might use his Christian name?—would walk with
Mame through Trafalgar Square, along Pall Mall, up the Haymarket,
across the Circus and down the full length of Piccadilly. She
ventured to prescribe that route, because a little bird had whispered
that if Elmer duly followed it he might look for a very pleasant
surprise, for which Mame was alone responsible.
This was all so enigmatic that Elmer might have been tempted to
disbelieve Lady Violet. But he knew she was no trifler. Emphatically
she was one of the people who did not make promises unless they
were able to deliver the goods.
“We’ll go along and try it, anyway,” conceded Elmer the polite. And
being something of an altruist into the bargain: “But you’ll come with
us, won’t you? We can’t lose you!”
Lady Violet’s refusal was amusingly definite. She was late already;
she must fly. Besides, there was an even more cogent reason. That,
however, she was careful not to disclose to Elmer P. Dobree. As that
homme du monde moved a bit ahead of her to the restaurant door to
see her into her cloak and her taxi, she bent to Mame’s ear and
whispered urgently, “My child, if you don’t put one over on him to-
night I’ll never speak to you again.”