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FRAMING FILM FESTIVALS
Documentary
Film Festivals Vol. 1
Edited by
Aida Vallejo · Ezra Winton
Framing Film Festivals
Series Editors
Marijke de Valck
Department of Media and Culture Studies
Utrecht University
Utrecht, The Netherlands
Tamara L. Falicov
University of Kansas
Kansas City, MO, USA
Every day, somewhere in the world a film festival takes place. Most people
know about the festival in Cannes, the worlds’ leading film festival, and
many will also be familiar with other high profile events, like Venice, the
oldest festival; Sundance, America’s vibrant independent scene; and
Toronto, a premier market place. In the past decade the study of film fes-
tivals has blossomed. A growing number of scholars recognize the signifi-
cance of film festivals for understanding cinema’s production, distribution,
reception and aesthetics, and their work has amounted to a prolific new
field in the study of film culture. The Framing Film Festivals series pres-
ents the best of contemporary film festival research. Books in the series are
academically rigorous, socially relevant, contain critical discourse on festi-
vals, and are intellectually original. Framing Film Festivals offers a dedi-
cated space for academic knowledge dissemination.
Documentary Film
Festivals Vol. 1
Methods, History, Politics
Editors
Aida Vallejo Ezra Winton
University of the Basque Country ReImagining Value Action Lab
(UPV/EHU) Lakehead University
Leioa, Spain Thunder Bay, ON, Canada
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub-
lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the
material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu-
tional affiliations.
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Preface: Vol. 1—By Aida Vallejo
and Ezra Winton
This book (indeed books, as there are two volumes that make up this col-
lection) has been elaborated through a long process of hard work and
mutual collaboration. As such, it has evolved significantly through the
progression of bringing new collaborators on board, expanding to a more
accurate, elaborate and thorough engagement with our much-loved topic
of research: documentary film festivals. To those who have met us at con-
ferences and festivals where we made flushed proclamations concerning
the prospective publication, we can at long last say it is in the world, and
do so with a satisfied smile on each of our faces and a feeling of release in
our souls.
The project’s wide scope has made it worthy of two volumes,
Documentary Film Festivals Vol. 1. Methods, History, Politics and
Documentary Film Festivals Vol. 2. Changes, Challenges, Professional
Perspectives, which form a tandem set that tackles key issues at stake in
both Documentary Studies and Film Festival Studies. Both books can be
read separately or together as a single collection, but they don’t require
readers to follow a given order. Nevertheless, the first volume includes
some contributions that help to frame the study of documentary film fes-
tivals in a wider context, namely a review of the literature that brings
together Film Festival Studies and Documentary Studies, an interview
with Bill Nichols about this subject of inquiry and a historical chapter
about documentary at film festivals. While we might say the first volume is
more oriented to the past, the second looks towards the future of docu-
mentary film festivals. Across both volumes, historical and political con-
cerns are complemented by the study of recent changes that have occurred
v
vi PREFACE: VOL. 1—BY AIDA VALLEJO AND EZRA WINTON
Two decades ago I had an epiphany at a small film event, the World
Community Film Festival, in my hometown of Courtenay on Vancouver
Island (British Columbia, Canada), that would irrevocably change the
course of my life. I had read a review of a film that was playing at the fes-
tival, and with a friend headed to the Sid Williams Theatre to whet my
curiosity. At the time, I had little interest in documentary and knew noth-
ing about East Timor, nor media ownership concentration and the trou-
bling collusion between corporate power and media institutions, so it is
fair to say that Manufacturing Consent: Noam Chomsky and the Media
(Mark Achbar and Peter Wintonick, 1992) blew my mind. After the epic
documentary’s credits rolled, I recall leaping to my feet, grabbing my
PREFACE: VOL. 1—BY AIDA VALLEJO AND EZRA WINTON ix
friend by the arm and yelling: “LET’S GO!” As I ran up the aisle past the
mostly middle-aged and elderly audience members, I felt the unique and
rare force of a life-changing, world-view-defining moment take over my
entire being. I burst out into the sleepy streets of my town, and rubbing
my eyes as they adjusted to the late afternoon light, shrieked to my friend
with a kind of a strange zeal that doubly infected and gave him cause for
apprehension: “WE NEED TO DO SOMETHING—NOW!” And off we
went, naively starting an East Timor Alert Network chapter in Courtenay
and telling everyone and anyone we could about the insidious ways main-
stream media was manufacturing our very own consent—without us even
knowing it!
It is important to note that this film was a documentary and that the
space where I encountered the said documentary was formed by a film
festival. Documentary, as fiction film’s naughty and regularly punished
cousin, rarely finds space on commercial cinema screens anywhere, let
alone in Canada’s Hollywood-owned and dominated market.2
Manufacturing Consent certainly wasn’t enjoying a celebrated run at
Courtenay’s local Megaplex alongside Reservoir Dogs, Basic Instinct and
The Crying Game. No, this profound paradigm-shifting moment in my life
occurred because two traditionally marginalized and alternative media
forms and platforms converged in my town to exhibit a film that chal-
lenged the status quo to which I had blithely and ignorantly acquiesced to
until that point. For me, that moment represents the transformative and
explosive potential of the union of socially engaged documentary cinema
and the public-facing film festival. Realizing this meant I would end up
studying, researching and creating projects that interrogate and celebrate
this combustible combination of cultural/political expression with
social space.
With that in mind, in 2003 I co-founded (with Svetla Turnin) what is
now the documentary world’s largest community and campus-based exhi-
bition network, Cinema Politica, a vast circuit in its own right, which runs
parallel to the ever-expanding film festival circuit. As an alternative exhibi-
tion network focused on showcasing political and independent point-of-
view (POV) documentaries, Cinema Politica often collaborates and
interfaces with many documentary festivals. As such, I have had the privi-
lege to attend and work with festivals like Rencontres Internationales du
Documentaire de Montréal (RIDM) and Festival du nouveau cinéma
(FNC) in Montreal, Hot Docs Canadian International Documentary
x PREFACE: VOL. 1—BY AIDA VALLEJO AND EZRA WINTON
scale. For my part, I’m delighted to be along for the ride and hope to be
running up aisles and screaming outside of festival screenings well into
the future.
Notes
1. An initiative of the investor George Soros, who also founded the Central
European University to which the archive is associated.
2. It is estimated, according to Acland (2003), that commercial exhibition
screens in Canada show less than 3% of Canadian cinema outside the prov-
ince of Quebec (where numbers are notably higher).
References
Acland, Charles. 2003. Screen Traffic: Movies, Multiplexes, and Global Culture.
Durham: Duke University Press.
Nichols, Bill. 1991. Representing Reality: Issues and Concepts in Documentary.
Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.
Acknowledgements: Vol. 1
xiii
xiv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: VOL. 1
de Valck, Skadi Loist, María Paz Peirano, Thomas Waugh, Lucas Freeman
and Liz Czach, all of whom shared their experience and knowledge and
helped us with their generous advice. A number of festival organizers,
filmmakers, archivists, television and other institutional representatives
(and other scholars and practitioners) also helped us track, record and
analyse the current state of documentary film festivals worldwide. Over
the years of conducting this research and bringing these two volumes to
light, we frequented several festivals, all of which are mentioned in our
Preface and/or introductions. But needless to say, we are grateful for the
opportunities they have afforded the intrepid and weary researcher balanc-
ing cinephilia with critical inquiry.
Finally, thanks to our families, friends and partners for their support,
patience and help. The time we have stolen from them to bring this proj-
ect to light is not insignificant. In this long process we have seen new
people coming into our life while others left in the process. It is to them
that we owe our deepest gratitude.
Notes
1. Research project on Film and Audiovisual Festivals in the Basque Country,
University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU). Grant number:
EHUA16/31 http://www.ehu.eus/ehusfera/ikerfests/.
2. “Visual Anthropology: a model for creativity and knowledge transference.”
University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU). Grant number:
EHU11/26. http://www.ehu.eus/ehusfera/hautaldea/.
3. “Transnational relations in Hispanic digital cinemas: the axes of Spain,
Mexico, and Argentina.” Grant number: CSO2014-52750-P. The project is
led by Miguel Fernández Labayen and Josetxo Cerdán Los Arcos at
Universidad Carlos III de Madrid (UC3M). https://uc3m.libguides.
com/c.php?g=499893&p=3422753.
Contents
xv
xvi Contents
Index of Festivals265
Index of Subjects273
Index of Films287
Index of Names293
Notes on Contributors
xix
xx NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Formerly a programmer for the festival that was the subject of her thesis
(2008–2011), Jelenković is presently active as an independent curator.
Her current research focuses on the images of conflicts in the Yugoslavian
space.
Christian Jungen is the artistic director of the Zurich Film Festival. He
has worked as a film critic for more than 25 years, covered festivals such as
Cannes, Sundance, Venice, Berlin and Nyon and has served as head of the
culture section of Swiss Sunday newspaper NZZ am Sonntag. He is the
author of the award-winning book Hollywood in Canne$: The History of a
Love-Hate Relationship (2014) and of the biography Moritz de Hadeln:
Mister Filmfestival (2018, Rüffer & Rub). He has won the Prix Pathé for
excellence in film criticism and is a founding member of the Swiss Film
Academy. He lives in Zurich, Switzerland.
Skadi Loist is Visiting Professor of Production Cultures in Audiovisual
Media Industries at the Film University Babelsberg Konrad Wolf in
Potsdam, Germany, and a project leader of “Circulation of Film in
the International Film Festival Network and the Impact of Film
Festivals on Global Film Culture” (BMBF grant funded, 2017–
2020). Loist is the co-founder of the Film Festival Research Network
(FFRN) and a Steering Committee member of the European Network
for Cinema and Media Studies (NECS). Her research interests include
developments in film and media industries, cultural studies and gen-
der/queer studies with a focus on film festivals and queer cinema.
Antía López-Gómez is a tenured professor at the University of Santiago
de Compostela, Spain, where she teaches European audio-visual policies.
She received a PhD in Information Sciences from the Complutense
University of Madrid with a study of advertising. López-Gómez is a mem-
ber of the Estudos Audiovisuais (EA) (Audio-visual Studies) research
group at the University of Santiago de Compostela, Spain, specializing in
the subject “Cinema and Identity.” She has written numerous articles on
communication policies in Europe, primarily focused on the audio-visual
sector.
Eija Niskanen teaches and studies film and animation at the University
of Helsinki’s Film and Television Studies and Japanese Studies. She holds
an MA from UCLA School of Theater, Film and Television. Her research
interests include Japanese cinema and animation, as well as film festi-
vals with an Asian context. She is conducting a study on Japanese
xxii NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
xxiii
xxiv List of Images
xxv
Introduction—Volume 1: Documentary Film
Festivals: Methods, History, Politics
A. Vallejo (*)
University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU), Leioa, Spain
e-mail: aida.vallejo@ehu.eus
E. Winton
Lakehead University, Thunder Bay, ON, Canada
ics and filmmakers who voted for the list, if they hadn’t been shown
at European film festivals.
The study of film festivals has provided critical insights into the inner
dynamics of programming, management, political intervention and film
circulation. From the social space shared by their attendees (Bazin 1955)
and the various roles they assume (Dayan 2000), or their impact in film
historiography (Di Chiara and Re 2011); to commercial aspects, such as
festivals’ effects in the local and global space economy (Stringer 2001),
their repercussion in the value-adding process for films and filmmakers (de
Valck and Soeteman 2010; de Valck 2014; Bosma 2015) or the influence
of festival film funds in shaping world cinema (Ross 2011), the study of
film festivals offers comprehensive analyses that look at these global phe-
nomena as sites where multiple agendas (economic, political, social, cul-
tural, etc.) coexist (Harbord 2002; Turan 2002; de Valck 2007; Wong
2011). The essays in this collection approach these fascinating facets from
a wide range of geographical locations, looking at key aspects that shape
festivals’ histories, political aims and stakeholder (including commer-
cial) effects.
In the field of documentary studies, film festivals have rarely been
addressed. We find some exceptions in recent works, such as David
Hogarth’s reflection on the global dimension of these events (2006,
33–36), Ruby Rich’s recount of their importance in the introduction to
Cinema Journal’s (2010) special issue on documentary, Ana Vicente’s
approach to documentary distribution (2008), Vallejo’s works about the
use of the festival circuit as a production and promotion platform for doc-
umentary (2014, 2015), or Winton’s forthcoming monograph on Hot
Docs. In fact, textual analysis and historical revisionism of documentary
classics prevail in more recent publications (Austin and De Jong 2008;
Winston 2013), while new interactive and collaborative practices have
also been addressed, extending the documentary analysis to contexts of
production and distribution in the digital age (Aston et al. 2017). Internet
platforms have indeed centred many of the debates, while festivals still
remain a mostly unexplored area.
Blind spots do persist: If we look at Ian Aitken’s Encyclopedia of
Documentary Film (2005), only Cinéma du Réel in Paris and IDFA in
Amsterdam have individual entries. Nevertheless, many festivals are men-
tioned throughout the text, and major events such as Cannes, Berlin or
Sundance appear several times, usually in reference to the awards received
by key filmmakers. Other collections devoted to the analysis of documen-
INTRODUCTION—VOLUME 1: DOCUMENTARY FILM FESTIVALS: METHODS… 7
tary films refer to festivals sporadically, and New York, Sundance and
Cannes appear as the most frequently mentioned in this regard.
We have stewarded these two Documentary Film Festivals volumes in an
effort to explore the documentary festival ecosystem as a relatively recent
phenomenon that—as the biological metaphor suggests—creates a space
for the development and nurturance of film cultures within it, while also
creating a mutual dependence. The analysis of historical changes occur-
ring in the exhibition circuit, and political actions fostered within it, are all
key to this study. These central cultural fields serve as thematic axes that
inspire the contributions herein, guiding us in our aim to contribute to a
better understanding of documentary film in its past, present and
future contexts.
genre injects into the experience of each festival that showcases documen-
tary. Following Nichols’s provocation, where documentary for the most
part engages with the world in which we live, and fiction describes and
presents a world imagined by the filmmaker (Nichols 2010, xi), it follows
documentary festivals are engaged in presenting the world on screen.
Regardless of hybridity flourishes or the familiar territorial disputes, “doc-
umentary” remains a category and concept that sketches a (rough) outline
that demarcates the audio-visual recording and representation of actuality.
The documentary festival setting therefore privileges a particular form of
reception in which the viewer is led to expect this representation of reality
and thus reads (and decodes) the films associatively.
Secondly, the socio-political dimension, although not unique to docu-
mentary festivals, is a key aspect of the documentary film festival. As illus-
trated in the section on politics in this volume, documentary’s association
with acts of resisting dominant narratives, upending the status quo and
intermingling with political provocations and social movements is at the
heart of many documentary festivals’ (often activist/advocacy) origins.
Nevertheless, social justice and political activism tend to find hostile com-
pany in business cultures and spaces, and so it is perhaps no surprise that
at mainstream commercial festivals like Cannes, Tribeca and the Toronto
International Film Festival (TIFF) one might search in vain for festival-
related or sanctioned activism, while instead encountering a strong mer-
cantile spirit. As such, the admixture of documentary and festival “presents
an intriguing and unique contact zone that combines the first two founda-
tional, or traditional, festival elements with a third: that is, business, art
and activism” (Winton in Robbins and Saglier 2015). Whereas at grass-
roots and community-oriented festivals such as those found listed in the
Radical Film Network directory,5 or activism-oriented festivals such as the
numerous Human Rights Film Festivals, the second aspect of the docu-
mentary festival triad—socio-political—is omnipresent, examples of ban-
ishment or containment of activism at mainstream festivals abound.6 While
this book doesn’t focus on those festivals whose main aim is bolstering
political action, several chapters address the socio-political dimension of
festivals, including a close reading of institutionalized festivals (such as
Hot Docs, see Ezra Winton this volume), the exploration of grassroots
initiatives led by filmmakers (such as Vikalp in India, see Battaglia this
volume), and an examination of the historic evolution in some festivals
from political commitment to more industrial agendas (such as Nyon, see
Jungen this volume).
10 A. VALLEJO AND E. WINTON
Conclusions
The multi-faceted nature of film festivals is a key aspect of their operation,
and is summarily explored at length in our two volumes. Although in this
book we devote a whole section to historical forays, all chapters in both
volumes are aimed at offering general frameworks that help readers under-
stand the historical context in which each festival has developed, especially
within a specific region and/or socio-cultural context. Equally, politics
appears as a leitmotiv not only in Part III of this volume but also through-
out most chapters of this collection, lending evidence to the specificity of
documentary as a place for activism and social change (whether realized or
not). Aesthetics, although without a section of its own, is key to the dif-
ferent filmic aspects analyzed throughout the text, especially in the frame
of what has been considered a creative turn in documentary film in recent
years. Directors and films mentioned throughout these two volumes
14 A. VALLEJO AND E. WINTON
Notes
1. Read past and current journal articles from Jump Cut here: https://www.
ejumpcut.org/.
2. The entire series, which the University of Minnesota has discontinued, is
featured here: https://www.upress.umn.edu/book-division/series/visible-
evidence. Visible Evidence is also an annual conference that is held through-
out the world and brings together documentary practitioners and scholars.
3. See some references about the oldest documentary festivals in the world in
Vallejo, this volume.
4. After facing censorship from the German Embassy in France—which pro-
posed to withdraw the film from the Cannes Film Festival—French print
media supported the inclusion of the film in the programme.
5. Link: http://radicalfilmnetwork.com/directory/.
6. A recent example at TIFF 2014 involved a Yes Men prank against the
Canadian financial institution Royal Bank of Canada (RBC), incidentally
one of the festival’s main sponsors. The festival reacted by threatening to
cancel screenings of the Yes Men documentary, which was incidentally fea-
tured at the festival that year. For more, see: Winton (2020a).
7. IDFA is mostly addressed in our second volume (Vallejo and Winton 2020).
References
Aitken, Ian. 2005. Encyclopedia of the Documentary Film. London and New York:
Routledge.
Aston, Judith, Sandra Gaudenzi, and Mandy Rose, eds. 2017. I-docs: The Evolving
Practices of Interactive Documentary. London: Wallflower Press and Columbia
University Press.
INTRODUCTION—VOLUME 1: DOCUMENTARY FILM FESTIVALS: METHODS… 15
Austin, Thomas, and Wilma de Jong, eds. 2008. Rethinking Documentary: New
Perspectives, New Practices. New York: Open University Press and McGraw-Hill.
Bazin, André. 1955 [2009]. The Festival Viewed as a Religious Order. In Dekalog
3: On Film Festivals, ed. Richard Porton, 13–10. London: Wallflower Press.
Original version in French: “Du festival considéré comme un ordre,” Les
Cahiers du cinéma, 54–56.
Bosma, Peter. 2015. Film Programming: Curating for Cinemas, Festivals, Archives.
New York: Wallflower Press.
Dayan, Daniel. 2000. Looking for Sundance: The Social Construction of a Film
Festival. In Moving Images, Culture and the Mind, ed. Ib Bondebjerg, 43–52.
Luton: University of Luton Press.
de Valck, Marijke. 2007. Film Festivals: From European Geopolitics to Global
Cinephilia. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.
———. 2014. Film Festivals, Bourdieu, and the Economization of Culture. Revue
Canadienne d’Études Cinématographiques 23 (1): 74–89.
de Valck, Marijke, and Mimi Soeteman. 2010. ‘And the Winner is…’: What
Happens Behind the Scenes of Film Festival Competitions. International
Journal of Cultural Studies 13 (3): 290–307.
Di Chiara, Francesco, and Valentina Re. 2011. Film Festival/Film History: The
Impact of Film Festivals on Cinema Historiography. Il Cinema Ritrovato and
Beyond. Cinémas: revue d’études cinématographiques/Cinémas: Journal of Film
Studies 21 (2–3): 131–151.
Harbord, Janet. 2002. Film Festivals: Media Events and the Spaces of Flow. In
Film Cultures, 59–75. London: Sage.
Hogarth, David. 2006. Realer Than Reel. Global Directions in Documentary.
Austin: University of Texas Press.
Iglesias, Eulàlia. 2020. Positioning Documentaries at the Cannes International
Film Festival: Fahrenheit 9/11 and Beyond. In Documentary Film Festivals Vol.
2. Changes, Challenges, Professional Perspectives, ed. Aida Vallejo and Ezra
Winton, 113–129. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan.
Iordanova, Dina, gen. ed. 2009–2014. Film Festival Yearbook Series. St Andrews:
St Andrews Film Studies.
Iordanova, Dina, and Leshu Torchin, eds. 2012. Film Festival Yearbook 4: Film
Festivals and Activism. St Andrews: St Andrews Film Studies.
Nichols, Bill. 1991. Representing Reality: Issues and Concepts in Documentary.
Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.
———. 2010. Introduction to Documentary, Second Edition. Bloomington:
Indiana University Press.
Nornes, Abé Mark. 2009. Bulldozers, Bibles and Very Sharp Knives: The Chinese
Independent Documentary Scene. Film Quarterly 63 (1): 50–55.
Renov, Michael, ed. 1993. Theorizing Documentary. New York and London:
Routledge.
16 A. VALLEJO AND E. WINTON
Aida Vallejo
A. Vallejo (*)
University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU), Leioa, Spain
e-mail: aida.vallejo@ehu.eus
Aida Vallejo: How did you come to the topic of film festivals as aca-
demic objects of study in your pioneering articles written in
the 1990s?1
Bill Nichols: Well, a few years earlier I had written Representing Reality
and then I was working on Blurred Boundaries. That was a period of time
when I was working quite a bit with Visual Anthropology. I was very inter-
ested in ethnographic questions, and the film festival site just struck me as
one that I was going to often, as well as visiting various countries to give
talks, like China, which was a very vivid example in 1986. The late 1980s
was a very transformative period, when an early wave of western film theo-
rists visited China at a point when most Chinese filmmakers had not seen
western films. And it got me thinking that we used the festival as the site
to import knowledge, as if you are going to a library. I was taking it for
granted, not thinking about what it is like to be in a festival. I was think-
ing: What can I get from the festival? Information, facts, new film titles,
repertoire, meeting people …. And I think that the ethnographic context
I was working in stimulated me to reflect that we need to think about the
festival as a very peculiar kind of culture, like another country, like a
regional or distinct subculture. And then I had a chance to go to the
Toronto International Film Festival that year (1993), and the festival had
chosen to show Iranian films, and I thought: Oh, this is the perfect test-
case! But I think that, particularly in the article published in the East-West
Journal (on the global context), I was trying to think about what the film
festival does to constitute a particular kind of reception, a particular audi-
ence and a culture that is distinct to it and that hasn’t been looked at.
Now, as you say, it’s becoming a “hot topic.”
DEFINING DOCUMENTARY IN THE FESTIVAL CIRCUIT: A CONVERSATION… 21
And what is, in your opinion, the reason for this recent interest from
academia? Why did film festivals become a “hot topic”?
Well, after I wrote those articles I don’t remember much further discussion.
But more recently people were starting groups; informal connections devel-
oped, and books started to come up. You know, it was a little bit of a surprise!
Because it was like: Oh! And what happened for 20 years? I thought that I
myself might do some more with that idea. I remember Jeffrey Ruoff, who was
pursuing some questions about the festival audience and festivals, and apart
from him it didn’t seem to be creating much interest. Part of the reason may be
that festivals themselves have become so plentiful. I’m thinking here in San
Francisco right this week we have the San Francisco International Film Festival,
one of the oldest in the United States. But, almost every week in San Francisco
there is a film festival. It seems that there are festivals spawning everywhere, and
I think that’s part of the stimulus, the festival phenomenon itself.
Given your expertise, I was wondering why you didn’t develop this
interest in festivals also for those specializing in documentary?
And how do you see the influence of film festivals in the creation of a
film canon? To what extent do they influence the inclusion of spe-
cific documentaries in film history?
When you go back to the early 1990s when I wrote those pioneering
books, the main book that I remember that most people referred to in
discussions about documentary was Erik Barnow’s History of Documentary
(1993). And that was based on his personal experience, on the films he
had seen through archives, and on filmmakers. And I don’t think festivals
22 A. VALLEJO
played a very large role. Certainly he doesn’t talk about them, even though
there were documentary festivals during that period. But I think he helped
to set a tone, and it is not a criticism—looking for films that were either
exemplary in their form or speaking to significant issues.
For me, in that period the festival was a kind of support structure, and a
secondary one. I remember back in the 1970s going to the San Francisco
Film Festival. My friends and I watched films from morning to night, but
probably only a handful of documentaries. I remember Painters Painting by
Emile de Antonio (1972), and in the press conference one of the artists in
the film said “stop talking to these people—meaning the press in the room—
they don’t understand what you are doing; you are wasting your time.”
That was almost symbolic of the idea of discussing documentary at all.
Because most film-goers were not interested in documentary. But there was
a strong divide, and the idea was that documentaries are factual, they deal
with the “truth,” with true issues in a real way, and they’re often boring.
And in the late 1980s the appearance of Michael Moore’s Roger and Me
(1989) was like: “Oh my god! There is a film that can play in theatres and
make millions. We have to pay attention to this.” And The Thin Blue Line
(Errol Morris, 1988) came out around the same time, and I think that the
effect of both films was like a flag going up on a pole saying: “From now on,
documentaries are not to be ignored. You have to learn to understand them,
you have to ask about them, and you will need to know something about
them.” And we are having the San Francisco International Film Festival
going on right now, and not only are there quite a number of documenta-
ries in it, but they are highlighted. That would never have happened 20 or
30 years ago. Now some documentaries get more attention than the fea-
tures. The Act of Killing (Joshua Oppenheimer, Anonymous and Christine
Cynn, 2012), like Night and Fog (Alain Resnais, 1956) for similar reasons—
both are dealing with atrocious crimes—has generated that kind of buzz.
And do you think that nowadays festivals are still secondary to the
creation of the canon?
Well, Sundance has always been used as an example. If you get a lot of
exposure at Sundance, maybe you can get a distribution deal. And this is
true for both fiction and documentary. I think that’s one of the roles festi-
vals have played. If you can make a film that catches the attention in the
festival circuit, whether it is the big circuit—Cannes, Berlin, Toronto and
so on—or in a more secondary circuit, maybe New York and San Francisco
… Sundance is somewhere in between …. That is a way to get to the mar-
ketplace. And in that sense, the festivals act as gatekeepers for what films get
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
An Ancient Aboriginal Encampment.
A group of Eskimo on the site of an ancient encampment of the Tooneet, or aborigines of that
country. Tooneet used to build their houses of large stones filled in with moss. They were small
but very strong, and are now, as far as can be known, extinct.
The deer feed in a peculiar manner. Once a pit has been sunk in the snow and
the moss at the bottom is browsed down, the creatures do not attempt to
enlarge the place, but scramble out again, only to dig a fresh hole and sink
shoulder high in it at a little distance, and begin feeding afresh. The herd is
always dogged by a pack of watchful wolves, ever on the qui [41]vive to attack;
but the leaders’ vigilance never slackens, and battle breaks out in the wild at the
first movement of aggression.
There are one or two particularly interesting facts, astronomical and otherwise,
which account for the extraordinary physical phenomena and conditions of life in
the polar regions. To begin with the seasons. The “Arctic” properly so called is
geographically defined by that circle of latitude where the sun on midwinter day
does not rise, and where on midsummer day it does not set. In Arctic countries
the sun is never more than 23½ degrees above the horizon, and their intense
cold is due, in summer, to the sharp obliquity of his rays, and in winter, to his
entire absence. In the latitude of Blacklead Island, on December 25th, the whole
orb of the sun is not visible, only the upper section shows above the horizon
(unless mist or snow overcast the heavens) for a brief ten minutes at midday. On
May 18th, conversely, the sun has been noted as shining for eighteen hours, the
remaining six out of the twenty-four being a bright twilight, scarcely
distinguishable from day.
The whole year round there is little to be seen but rocks and snow. No tilling,
sowing, harvesting, mark the progress of the seasons or call man to the pursuits
which have brought all civilisation in their train in milder climes. These seasons
(which depend, of course, upon the position of the earth in its orbit round the
sun, and upon the inclination of the polar [42]axis to the plane of the ecliptic
giving a six month’s day and six month’s night at the poles), are markedly
defined in Baffin Land. But far more distinctly so on shore than at sea, where
unbroken ice may reign supreme throughout the greater part of the twelve-
month. Winter sets in on the southern coast about the end of September; farther
north a week or two earlier. By this date the hills are getting their snow caps,
which extend downwards every day, and a thin sheet of ice appears upon the
sea at night. A rim of ice along the shore marks the rise and fall of the tide.
Frequent snowstorms now set in, and the ice at sea thickens and strengthens,
until by November it extends as far as the eye can rove. This ice, however, is not
stout or welded enough to bear sleds, except in the fiords and smaller bays, until
nearly Christmas time. The sea freezes when the temperature of the air falls to
about 15° F., and the whole surface of the water becomes covered with a mass
of ice spicules known to polar sailors as Bay Ice, from its forming first in the bays
of the coast. Presently this solidifies and thickens, growing ever whiter and more
translucent in the process, and is broken, even in calm weather, by the action of
gentle swell or the currents beneath into thousands of discs, large and small,
like pans of ice. Sea ice is formed at a temperature of 3° F. below the freezing
point of fresh water. There are many remarkable and interesting physical
distinctions between ice formed on land and ice formed at sea. The latter when
melted is quite drinkable, [43]being not nearly so salt as salt water. The intense
cold, though, of drinking water so obtained tends to inflame the mucous
membrane of the mouth and throat, and its slight salinity still further augments
thirst; so it is never resorted to except of necessity. These pans eventually
freeze together into one great solid floor of “pancake ice,” and the Eskimo, away
hunting in the winter for seal, may camp and live for weeks, miles out from land
on the frozen sea.
The days grow ever shorter and shorter until, in midwinter, there may be only a
few hours or even minutes of daylight left. The long Arctic night lasts from
September to March.
By the end of March, however, the sun is once more high in the heavens; the
sudden spring has begun, and the sound is everywhere heard of water trickling
under the snow. Readers of Alaskan romance will recall many a fine passage
about the ice “going out” on the Yukon, and realise the terrific transformation
undergone by the whole still, silent, rigid, frozen landscape when the iron bonds
of winter at length give way. Springtime in the Arctics is a wonderful time. The
thaw comes from below. The rocks take the heat, and the snow sinks down,
baring more and more of them every day. It grows quite warm; bird sounds
(ptarmigan and snow bunting) enliven all the day; ducks quack at the floe edge.
Sunrise beams upon the Arctic hills until they lie smiling in the full beauty of
sunshine on their mantles of untrodden snow. [44]
At the end of June, summer is come; the sun is really hot, and the long-covered
earth, bared at last to its benign influence, puts forth heather and grass and
flowers. For six months there is no more night. Its place is taken by the pale light
that offers so strange a phenomenon to the dweller from the south. If the sky be
unclouded, shadows will be seen pointing to the south. If clouds cover the
heavens, the landscape stands out without shadow at all, clear and sharp under
this strange illumination. There is no one point from which the light can come; it
comes from everywhere. Owing to the length of this Arctic “day,” the ground has
no time to radiate away the welcome warmth, hence the rapid growth of what
vegetation the region may show. Again, as Nansen says so poetically: “In these
regions the heavens count for more than elsewhere: they give colour and
character … to the landscape … it is flooded with that melancholy light which
soothes the soul so fondly and is so characteristic of the northern night.”
The stars are an open book to the Eskimo. They know all the principal groups,
and use them for the directing of their journeys. They can make a very creditable
chart of the northern heavens. They recognise the Plough, and the Bear (which
is indeed called “Nanook”—the Bear), and they recognise the constellation of
three stars in a straight line and at equal distances from each other, which they
call the “Runners,” and describe as the spirits of three [45]brothers in pursuit. The
arctic hunters are marvellous students of nature generally. They have the lore of
the wild at their finger tips, and all the wisdom of the seasons. It is probable that
this primitive people have preserved nearly all the original instincts—as to the
presence of danger, right direction, etc., etc.—of primaeval man, which are all
but extinct in the over-civilisation of the modern European.
In August autumn begins. Last year’s ice has been broken up and carried far out
to sea. There are frequent showers of rain, and the nights begin again to
encroach more and more on the day. It is about this time that the trading ships
generally arrive and put in at various points along the coast to do business and
refit. They pick up the annual intelligence of the whaling stations, and leave for
home as soon as the new ice begins to form.
Then winter comes down upon the land once more. The sky, like velvet, is
bespangled with stars of incomparable brilliance, burning like opals. The
Northern Lights, like lambent curtains of amazing illumination, swing weirdly
through the sky; the blanched hills and the frozen fiords stand out in ghostly
black and white under the startling moonlight. There is no sound save the sharp
cracking of rock or ice under the strain of the intense frost, the uneasy growl of
dogs, the distant howl of a wolf.
The natives thus name the four seasons: Opingrak, spring; Auyak, summer;
Okeoksak, autumn (i.e., material for winter), and Okeok, winter. The months are
named by the sequence of events—the coming of the ducks, the birth of the
reindeer fawns, the coming of the fish (sea trout), etc., as “the duck month,” “the
fawn month,” “the fish month,” etc. And the days are distinguished as “oblo,” to-
day; “koukpât,” to-morrow; “ikpuksâk,” yesterday; “ikpuksâne,” the day before
yesterday, and so forth. “Akkâgo” means next year, and “akkâne” is last year. [47]
[Contents]
CHAPTER III
Arctic Flora and Fauna
Arctic birds are numerous. Most of them are migratory, but an eagle,
a hawk, some owls and a raven, remain the year round. The most
typical of all Arctic birds, the Snow Bunting (Plectrophenax nivalis), is
the first to arrive and bring news of the spring. He comes about the
same time as the Ptarmigan. Lastly comes the bird that always
seems to greet the explorer on landing, the Purple Sandpiper (Tringa
striata). He comes soon after the ducks—the Eider, the King Eider,
the Pintail and the Harlequin. Between the two, there is a rapid
vernal succession of birds, including sea pigeons and geese.
Eskimo hunters speak of the wild swan, on the south coast and in
the vicinity of Frobisher Bay. The raven is the only arctic bird which
does not change its plumage to match the surroundings. He is
always aggressively, blatantly black. Possibly, being so able a match
for any ordinary foe, this bird has no need to adopt the “protective
resemblance” of white. The writer has watched a raven alight to
secure some tit-bit of offal, and keep even the wolfish Eskimo dog at
a respectful distance, with its huge beak. The bird is cunning to a
degree. It will follow a trapper, note the position of his traps, and
return to visit and despoil them of their bait as soon as the coast is
clear. Then it takes up its stand on some convenient rock [51]just out
of gunshot range, and watches the trapper on his return, just for all
the world as if it relished his comments!
So much for the land birds. At sea there are petrels, gulls, and
skuas. The natives do not recognise pictures of puffins or penguins,
as these birds are not known on their coasts.
Again, the animals of the frozen north form quite a formidable list.
There are three large lakes in Baffin Land (shown on the map at the
end), linked together by rivers and making connection with the sea
by river.
Bears, of course, abound. The female is the only arctic land creature
which hibernates. Then there is the wolf, the white and blue fox, 1 the
ermine, the arctic hare, a tailless snow mouse, or lemming, the musk
ox, and—the most widely distributed of all—the cariboo or reindeer
(Rangifer tarandus). It would be impossible to over-estimate the
value of the last named beautiful creature, alive or dead, to all the
peoples of the arctic countries, east or west. It would be superfluous
here to remark much about it, except to note one interesting
peculiarity. The reindeer differs from all other deer in that both sexes
bear antlers.
The wolves, of course, are the inveterate enemies of the deer. In the
winter, when the latter herds leave the lowlands and go up to pasture
among the hills, where the snow lies less deep and can be more
easily scratched away, they are dogged by the wolves. These hungry
and voracious creatures know well enough that the deer are
sentinelled while feeding by their fighting males, and make no
movement of aggression until one of them chances to stray from
[53]the herd. When this happens, the luckless animal is immediately
headed off towards the shore and hunted down. The wolfish pack
concentrates behind it and draws in on either side, so as to leave but
one avenue of apparent escape. The quarry dashes down and away,
out on towards the ice; but its weight is so great and its hoofs so
sharp that the frozen crust of snow gives way beneath it and sorely
cuts it about the legs. The deer loses blood and slackens in speed,
so that the wolves, skimming easily over the treacherous surface,
close in and soon drag it down.
It is a fact well known to the Eskimo hunter that the actual chase is
put up by the female wolf, the male only coming in at the last, for the
kill. The former do the hustling and placing of the victim, as it were,
and the latter do the fighting and killing at the end.
All the smaller animals take refuge in shallow water inshore at the
approach of a Killer, only to fall a prey there to the native. The Killers
hunt the whalebone whale, which, fast though it is, cannot make
good its escape. The pursuers will leap right out of the water and
crash down upon the head of their victim; or rush upon it and ram it,
until terrified, stunned and exhausted, the whale drops its jaw, when
the Killers tear out huge pieces of the tongue. (The tongue of a
whale is a vast mass of fat, weighing in a full sized animal as much
as a ton.) Finally, the unwieldly carcase is also despatched, and the
Grampuses take themselves off, replete. The male Walrus [55]is too
active and fierce to be beset in this manner, but a female
encumbered with a calf will often be pursued by the Killer. She takes
the young one under her flipper and tries to escape; but the
aggressor rushes in and butts at her. Sometimes he succeeds in
claiming this tender mouthful; sometimes he is killed by the infuriated
mother.
It were too long to linger here with the creatures of the North, since
we shall meet them all, and many more, in dealing with the human
inhabitants of the country. Arctic animals have a fascination all their
own, and of late years a wonderfully sympathetic and intuitive
literature has grown up having them almost exclusively for its
protagonists. Jack London has endeared the powerful, savage,
husky dog to us for all time, in his “White Fang.” [56]
Occasionally the black fox is taken, and the fortunate hunter may receive as
1
much as the equivalent of $100 to $500 for a pair of fine skins, from the
Agent. ↑
[Contents]
CHAPTER IV
The Eskimo
The inhabitants of the Arctic are the Eskimo, also written Esquimaux,
Usquemows, called by themselves Innuit (Innuk s. Innooeet p.) or the “people.”
The word Usquemow is Indian, meaning raw flesh eaters. The English and
Scotch anglicised it to Eskimo. The name “Husky” as applied to the native is
merely slang, a corruption of Eskimo perpetrated by men whose ears and
tongues were untrained to the language—whalers who sometimes employed the
tribesmen in their hunting, and dubbed them with the first jargon name that
came handy. It is still used in this sense in localities where Europeans are
numerous, such as Alaska, and Hudson Bay.
With their outside jackets off, the inner jackets showing the ornamentations of beadwork.
Pure blood Indians do not penetrate so far north as the Eskimo territories, being
denizens of the forest but not of the barrens. The Eskimo are a kindly, intelligent
people, hardy to a degree. They follow the manner of life and the pursuits of
primitive man; but when brought into contact with the whites and with civilisation,
show themselves by no means incapable of assimilating a good deal of
instruction. They have qualities of amiability, hospitality, ingenuity and
[57]endurance, which all travellers have agreed in extolling; although here and
there in the records of the voyages of exploration in the nineteenth century we
also find unfavourable comments passed upon them. They exist in small,
scattered tribes along the sea coasts, whence they derive the bulk of their
subsistence. Owing to the establishment of whaling and other stations, the
geographical areas of the tribes are now more circumscribed and confined than
they used to be, as each station is a centre of trade where most of the
necessaries of life can be obtained.
That immense span of time in the history of the human race known as the Stone
Age, falls into five divisions. There is the Palaeolithic period (Early, Middle and
Late), and the Neolithic period (Transitional and Typical). During the last throes
of the glacial epoch in Europe, the type of human being was that represented by
the relic which has come down to us known as the Neanderthal skull. But the
later [58]Pleistocene period saw a greater diversity in the matter of types, and
one race in particular is represented by a fair number of specimens. They
denote a good-looking, purely human being. Another race of the same period is
represented by a single specimen only. It is known as the Chancelade Race,
and “the skeleton, of comparatively low stature, is deemed to show close
affinities to the type of the modern Eskimo.” (Dr. Marett.) This is exceedingly
interesting as giving us some idea of the antiquity of the stock, and as showing
how glacial conditions in prehistoric times in Europe produced a type which
lingers on amid the races of the modern world in the still existing glacial epoch of
the Arctic.
The “Reindeer men” of prehistoric times lived lives no harder in the bleak climate
and unprogressive conditions of glaciated Europe than those of the Eskimo in
glaciated America to-day. “The races of Reindeer men were in undisturbed
possession of western Europe for a period of at least ten times as long as the
interval between ourselves and the beginning of the Christian era.” (H. G. Wells.)
If we add these periods of time together we may form some estimate of the age
of a civilisation such as the climatic conditions have produced and proscribed in
the modern Arctics.
Perhaps it may be said that in one sense the Eskimo have no history. They are
living the same life, under the same rigorous conditions, in the same way now,
as their forefathers lived it before them, [59]and as far back as human life could
be traced in the Arctic earth. It is wonderful how faithfully this oral tradition of
theirs has been handed down through the generations, for the same adventures
and incidents and stories will be told with little or no alteration by various people
of widely different tribes, and events that took place centuries ago will still be
invariably related with circumstantial precision.
The writer well remembers an account given to him one winter’s night by an
aged hunter, of some stores left by a party of the early explorers. It was during a
journey along the south coast of Baffin Land, and shelter had been sought in the
snow house of an ancient Eskimo couple. The old man was grandfather of the
tribe, and had been a noted hunter in his day, and had fought many a battle with
the savage elements and more savage beasts of the wild. It was after the
evening meal. The old fellow and his equally old wife had been warmed with
some steaming coffee liberally sweetened with molasses, and regaled with
ship’s biscuit. The pipes of both had been filled, and were drawing well. Their
bronzed, lined faces, lined like the shell of a walnut, shone with contentment,
they huddled on their sleeping bench and smoked and dreamed of the
strenuous past. A question or two soon elicited a flood of guttural reminiscences.
The old hunter pictured himself as a youth again, and went over the exploits of
his prime, prompted now and again by the crone at his side, in a shrewd
expectation of further acceptable items. Among other [60]things, he told of the
various “dumps” or “caches” of stores made by the white men who came long
ago, remembering exactly the localities and the contents of every one. Some
had been broken into long since by wandering Eskimo; some had been
destroyed by bears; some remained intact. His memory was as exact and
reliable as if he had seen the things but a week—instead of a lifetime—before.
Perhaps it was an echo, all that time afterwards, of the Franklin tragedy.
These primitive Eskimo inhabit the great archipelago which stretches polewards
from the northern shores of the Canadian continent, from Greenland on the east
to Alaska and the Aleutian islands on the extreme west. There is, too, a
settlement of Eskimo beyond Behring Strait. Some ethnographers hold them to
be of purely American origin with no affinities in Asia, however Mongolian they
may be in appearance. Dr. Rink believes in an Alaskan origin for the Eskimo, as
opposed to an Asian, but another authority, Dr. Boas, thinks the solution of this
racial problem might be obtained by means of an archæological research on the
coast of the Behring Sea.
The original Eskimo stock is now probably extinct. In language and physique,
many of the present day tribes exhibit traits of racial admixture with the Red
Indians. This has occurred in such junction areas as Labrador and Alaska, and
has given rise to the probably quite fallacious idea of an Indian origin for the
Arctic race. This error could not be made in [61]Eskimo lands proper. Those who
have lived for long years with both Indian and Eskimo, and are intimately
acquainted with the language, legends, and characteristics of both peoples, hold
strongly to the opinion that they are entirely distinct. Personally, the writer would
incline to the belief that the Innooeet are of Mongolian stock. He has heard on
good authority of a pure Eskimo sailor being addressed by a Chinaman in
Chinese, under the impression that he was speaking to a fellow-countryman. It is
conjectured that in the remote past some Mongols may have reached the sea
coast in the extreme east, and have crossed by boat from island to island, and
so to the Arctics of North America. Increasing there in numbers, they presently
dispossessed the aboriginals—the “Tooneet”—and drove them to the “back of
the Arctic beyond.” But of this more when we come to Eskimo legends.
Undoubtedly the Eskimo are linked, if not by blood certainly by custom, to the
Arctic peoples of Siberia, to the Lapps and Finns of northern Europe. In historic
times they mixed with the Danes and Norsemen. They are not numerically very
strong. Forty thousand may possibly total the nation, and of those 12,000 are in
Greenland, and rather more in Alaska, leaving some 13,000 souls scattered
along the shores of Baffin Land, Melville Peninsula, Boothia, Victoria Island,
Banks Island and the rest of the bleak, fragmented continent. It is in Baffin Land,
in Boothia, and Victoria that the pure Eskimo race is found. [62]Elsewhere the
type is extremely mixed. It is to be deplored, too, that where the people have
been in contact with vicious and unscrupulous whites, traders, sailors, and the
rest, the introduction not only of alien blood but of the diseases of “civilisation”
have here and there threatened extinction to whole tribes.
The “Central” tribes of Eskimo (i.e., those tribes exclusive of the Greenlanders,
the Alaskans, and all the Labradorians save those on the northern shore of
Hudson’s Strait) number about thirty-two. They have been carefully classified,
enumerated, and geographically located, by the ethnologist, Dr. Boas. Three
communities are found along the northern shore of Hudson’s Strait (the southern
shore of Baffin Land), the Sikkoswelangmeoot at King Cape, the Akuliangmeoot
at North Bluff, and the Quamanangmeoot in the Middle Savage Islands. All
along the coast of Davis’ Strait are scattered another nine tribes, the chief of
which are the Nuvungmeoot, in the neighbourhood of Frobisher Bay, and the
Oqomiut (divided into four territorial groups) all about Cumberland Sound. The
Lake Netselings Eskimo are a branch of these, called the Talikpingmeoot. In the
extreme north of Baffin Land the Tunungmeoot are found at Eclipse Sound, and
the Tununirusirmeoot about Admiralty Inlet.
Even before the advent of Europeans and the trade they brought with them,
there was a certain amount of barter going on among the Arctic folk themselves,
occasioning not a little movement. More driftwood being found in some localities
than in others (chiefly at a place called Tudjadjuak), the tribes came from
everywhere to barter for it with those on the spot. Again, the soapstone or
“potstone,” of which their lamps and cooking utensils were made, is found in a
few places only, such as at Kautag, Kikkerton and Quarmaqdjuin; so that the
natives came long distances to dig or trade for that, too. Pyrites for striking fire
was also a valuable if local production, and flint for arrow head making. On the
whole the relationships of the various tribes were very friendly, and open
hospitality was everywhere observed throughout all the regions where
communication was fairly open and established. Some feuds or tribal reserves
obtained where the peoples were strange to each other, and hence arose some
extraordinary customs as to greetings, which looked very much like
[64]challenges to single combat by the chosen representatives of either group.
There seems to be some evidence that the present day Eskimo were not the
original inhabitants of these regions at all. There are definite traces still
remaining of an earlier folk called the Tooneet. Eskimo tradition speaks