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Entrepreneurial Finance,
Innovation and Development
Duc Khuong Nguyen is Professor of Finance and Deputy Dean for Research at
IPAG Business School (France). He is also a visiting professor at International School,
Vietnam National University (Hanoi, Vietnam). He is the Co-Founder of the Paris
Financial Management Conference (PFMC) and Vietnam Symposium in Banking and
Finance (VSBF).
List of figuresviii
List of tablesx
Acknowledgmentsxii
Editors’ biographiesxiii
Authors’ biographiesxv
Prefacexxiii
PART A
Entrepreneurial finance in DETEs: regional approach1
PART B
Entrepreneurial finance in DETEs: country approach95
PART C
Entrepreneurial finance, gender, and poverty189
PART D
International comparisons and lessons253
Index332
Figures
We would like to thank, first and foremost, the contributors of this book.
Together, we developed this collective project with strong commitments and
high-quality outputs.
Our special thanks go to Ms. Kristina Abbotts, Senior Editor in Economics,
Finance and Accounting, and Ms. Christiana Mandizha, Editorial Assistant:
Economics, at Routledge for their kind and effective support during the entire
production process.
Financial support from Vietnam National Foundation for Science and Tech-
nology Development (NAFOSTED) under Grant Number 502.02–2017.10 is
gratefully acknowledged.
Editors’ biographies
References
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to growth: Does firm size matter? Journal of Finance, 60(1), 137–177. https://doi.org/
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Part A
Entrepreneurial finance
in DETEs
Regional approach
1 Digital finance and SMEs
in Southeast Asia
An overview
Nhung Nguyen and Vi Dung Ngo
1. Introduction
In recent years, developing economies in the Southeast Asian region become
important partners of many larger multinationals in developing new products
or serving new markets owing to their greater flexibility and productivity
(Google, Temasek and Bain, 2018). These economies actively participate in
the global value chain and strongly contribute to the global economy (Bosma
et al., 2020). Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) account for up to
99% of business establishments in key sectors, contribute to more than 50% of
Southeast Asian countries’ GDPs, and employ more than 80% of the workforce
(ADB, 2020). However, like SMEs around the world, SMEs in this region face
many constraints such as access to information, skills, technology, finance, trade
facilitation, and connectivity (IFC, 2017). About half of the formal SMEs in
Southeast Asia do not have access to formal credit, with a widening financing
gap when micro and informal enterprises are included (Wyman, 2017). SMEs
are underserved by traditional bank-based institutions, and alternative finance
sources for SMEs include informal channels that may charge significantly higher
interest rates and use the less-scrupulous business practices of unregulated play-
ers. Limited access to credit further exacerbates the disadvantages of SMEs as
well as Southeast Asian economies to integrate into global value chains.
On the other hand, new forms of entrepreneurial finance are emerging for
firms, especially SMEs (Cumming et al., 2019). These companies are often
called “Fintechs” or “technology platforms” and provide direct financing or
enable financing by other financial institutions (Gomber et al., 2017). Owing
to advanced technology and digitization, these financial services are gaining
popularity among SMEs such as marketplace lending, supply chain financing,
non-cash merchant payments, alternative data, advanced analytics, and under-
writing process automation. Southeast Asia is one the fastest-growing economic
regions in the world, and this creates strong fundamentals for SMEs to acceler-
ate business digitization across platforms (Google, Temasek and Bain, 2018).
The growing online population, both consumers and SMEs, motivates the sup-
ply side: about 94% of internet users have adapted to digital services. Further-
more, it was suggested that the level of digital literacy is opening more reliable
DOI: 10.4324/9781003134282-2
4 Nhung Nguyen and Vi Dung Ngo
alternative financing sources for Southeast Asian entrepreneurs (Vandenberg,
2020). Continued regulatory support for innovation, established financial ser-
vices and consumer players, and continuous infrastructure improvement create
a strong digital economy outlook (Google, Temasek and Bain, 2020).
Digital finance, or Fintech, is a new research field that is lacking both theo-
retical and empirical bases (Gomber et al., 2017). Gomber et al. (2017) provided
a comprehensive framework called “the digital finance cube” which constitutes
three dimensions to review the progress of the field. The first dimension is the
business function, claimed to be the most important and the most commonly
applied in the cube. The second dimension is technologies and technological
concepts. Regarding the institution dimension, Gomber et al. (2017) claimed
Fintech has disruptive power in its competition with traditional services pro-
viders. These institutions provide digital finance and banking services but with
limited uptake. Nevertheless, the digital finance cube does not include the
regulatory dimension of digital finances and Fintech, which should play a criti-
cal role in the development of this entrepreneurial phenomenon. In addition,
Gomber et al.’s (2017) review did not pay attention to digital finance and Fin-
tech in different regions and countries around the world.
This chapter aims to fill these gaps by providing an overview of digital finance
in nine Southeast Asian countries: Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia,
Lao PDR, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. We
plan to review different dimensions of digital finance and Fintech in this region
and the key regulatory conditions of digital finance and Fintech in these coun-
tries. A special attention is devoted to SMEs because of their role, as well as
financial constraints in this region. The rest of this chapter is organized as fol-
lows: The next section presents the background of SMEs and SME finance
in the region. The third section discusses the various dimensions of digital
finance, followed by one missing dimension in the fourth section. The last sec-
tion summarizes digital finance in Southeast Asia from a regulatory perspective.
Brunei Wholesale and retail trade sector 5.1% of employment and 3.4% of
Darussalam (38.5%); manufacturing (11.9%); gross business revenue in 2017
and professional, technical,
administrative, and support
services (8%) in 2017 (OECD/
ERIEA, 2018a)
Cambodia Agriculture and industrial sector: 72% of enterprises are family-run
food, apparel, and household businesses with one to three
goods for domestic consumption employees in 2009 (The Asia
Foundation, 2013)
Indonesia Wholesale and retail trade sector Since 2010: 99.99% enterprises
(63.5 %), manufacturing sector are SMEs (International Labor
(16.7%), transportation and Office, 2019)
communication sector (7.3%)
Lao PDR Agriculture and manufacturing In 2018: 99.8% of enterprises are
sector: food, apparel, and SMEs (Lao National Chamber of
household goods for domestic Commerce and Industry, 2018)
consumption
Malaysia Service sector: mostly retail, motor 65% total employment
vehicles, lodging, restaurants, (Chin & Lim, 2018)
personal services, health,
education and social services,
recreational services (Bosma, 2020)
The Wholesale and retail trade, repair of 99.5% total enterprises, 62.4%
Philippines motor vehicles and motorcycles, of total employment (The
accommodation and food service Philippines Department of
activities, manufacturing Trade & Industry, 2018)
Singapore Manufacturing sector: 5% in 2007, 44.7% total enterprise nominal
service, transportation, wholesale value added in 2019
(Government of Singapore, 2020)
Thailand Wholesale and retail trade sectors Out of 2.7 million enterprises,
and automobile repair (42.37%), 99.7% of enterprises are SMEs
service sector (37.87%), (OSMEP, 2015).
manufacturing sector (18%),
agriculture (1.1%) (OSMEP, 2015)
Vietnam Agriculture and industrial sector: Start-ups and SMEs contribute up
food, apparel, and household to 50% of employment across the
goods for exporting country (OECD/ERIEA, 2018b)
Source: Author’s illustration (2021)
for 1.1%. SMEs across the region are heavily involved in indirect exporting.
Vietnamese SMEs make up more than an 80% share of total export firms,
mostly due to their foreign-owned suppliers; the main export activities are
industrial production of clothing, plastic goods, and wooden furniture, as well
as transportation and wholesale machinery (OECD, 2021). Vietnamese SMEs
are indirectly integrated into global value chains (GVCs) because they spe-
cialize in non-critical segments of the production process (The World Bank,
2017). For domestic SMEs that mainly provide for the local market, they
Digital finance and SMEs in Southeast Asia 7
manufacture food, apparel, and household goods. There are no international
standards required for the informal sector to enter these domestic market-ori-
ented industries. According to Uchikawa and Keola (2009), Laos and Cambo-
dia follow suit.
Low investment in R&D impedes innovation of capability and technology
readiness in Southeast Asia. A survey with the six core ASEAN markets of
Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam showed
that digitization is relatively new to SMEs (EYGM Limited, 2019). They are
required to leverage new tools and applications, digital talent, new ways of
working, and ecosystem connectivity to deliver enhanced products and services
and pursue new markets and customers. With risks intensifying alongside digi-
tal adoption, they also need to consider new dimensions of security challenges
such as cyber threats and vulnerabilities. Innovations and productivity devel-
opment are currently held back by a lack of technology. Thailand is slow to
absorb foreign practice or investment of domestic R&D spending. Only 0.25%
of the GDP was reported to be invested in 2007, which is significantly less than
China’s or India’s investment (OECD, 2011).
Although many SMEs have limited access to finance, it is often unclear
whether credit represents a binding constraint on firm growth. Few studies
have explicitly tested the positive link between access to finance and the growth
of small firms in the long run. Stein (2013) reported 17 million firms (60% of
SMEs worldwide) report that their financial needs are unmet, with more than
half of these (9 million firms) in Asia. As SMEs have more difficulty in access-
ing finance partly because of their small size, the lack of creditworthiness adds
to the inefficiency of credit markets (Wignaraja & Jinjarak, 2015). Accordingly,
smaller firms lack the resources and experience required to attain scale and to
finance for new investment. Southeast Asian SME participation in the GVC
takes place through participation (both forward and backward) in the produc-
tion of the exports of larger firms (López-González, 2017). SMEs face consid-
erable constraints in engaging in international markets. Southeast Asian SME
participation in the GVC takes place through indirect contributions to the
production of the exports of larger firms – or indirect exporting (Piacentini &
Fortanier, 2015; Fortanier & Miao, 2016).
3.1. Methods
A systematic literature review includes objective identification, research selec-
tion, and assessment (Creswell, 2013; Li et al., 2021). This section applies the
digital finance cube of Gomber et al. (2017) to review digital finance and Fin-
techs in Southeast Asian countries. The three different categories/dimensions
of digital finance will be investigated: technologies, business functions, and
institutions. This chapter aims to create an overview and generate awareness of
the uncertainties of Fintech regulation as an opportunity for SME financing.
Hence, studies that relate to Fintech and SMEs financing are identified. The
8 Nhung Nguyen and Vi Dung Ngo
first Fintech to provide peer-to-peer (P2P) lending for SMEs, Funding Socie-
ties was launched in Singapore in 2015. The search covers the literature that
was published up to 2021.
Moreover, the data sources were obtained from online resources such as the
Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia, ResearchGate, AIS,
Springer, SSRN, EconPapers, Taylor & Francis, and Semantic Scholar data-
bases via Google Scholar. The search methods were determined by the relevant
keywords or a search for alternative words as follows: (1) “digital finance,” (2)
“fintech,” (3) “benefit of fintech,” (4) “advantage of fintech,” (5) “challenge of
SMEs financing,” (6) “risk of digital finance,” (7) “issue in traditional banks,”
(8) “risk of digital finance,” (9) “prospect of digital finance”. Furthermore, the
article searches were in English and involved the specified term related to “fin-
tech” presented in the full text of the articles.
3.2. Results
First, the increased usage of data analytics allows Fintech to digitally gener-
ate client profiles, which leads to more informed lending decisions (Bendana
et al., 2020). The unbanked have an advantaged because they can submit
behavioral data, historical payment data, and a digital footprint for credit-
worthiness evaluation. For instance, Trusting Social is the largest provider of
credit risk profiles in Asia. By 2020, it expects to create and manage 1 bil-
lion credit risk profiles across India, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Viet-
nam. Trusting Social provides its clients with two scores: a credit score and
Digital finance and SMEs in Southeast Asia 9
a fraud score. It evaluates the borrower’s creditworthiness using only their
phone numbers and telecommunications data. Their clients include under-
banked consumers, real-time underwriting, and minimizing credit and fraud
risks. The company also provides personalized product offerings to maximize
profitability and market share (Trust IQ Pte. Ltd., 2021). Similarly, another
popular service provider is Ayannah, founded in the Philippines, which also
uses artificial intelligence to assess behavioral data. Ayannah’s profile scoring
provider, KayaCredit, connects borrowers to established lending institutions
through an online lender marketplace, which opens opportunities for SMEs
and their potential financing sources overseas. Ayannah made the Top 100
Fintech Southeast Asia Influencers for 2019 out of 11,000 Fintech start-ups
worldwide (LATTICE80, 2019).
BLOCKCHAIN TECHNOLOGIES
The informal sector of SMEs in Southeast Asia, also known as the unbanked,
can also utilize the advantages of blockchain technologies. Transactions such as
paying bills, buying load credits, and sending and receiving money can be done
without a bank account. For example, Coins.ph, founded in the Philippines,
uses blockchain technology to store, transfer, and convert cryptocurrencies like
bitcoins and Ethereum to pesos and vice versa. Because of its convenience, it
currently serves over 10 million clients nationwide after starting in 2014. It has
also built the largest cash distribution network in the Philippines, operating via
33,000 partner locations domestically and over 500,000 locations worldwide.
The customized services for SMEs also include assisting in the cryptocurrency
trading process (Coins.ph, 2020).
Modern peer-to-peer lending effectively and timely functions with the help
of an automated credit analytics system. Moreover, it helps minimize human
error in the process and benefits from the regularities in data discovered by
credit analytics (IFC, 2017). However, crowdfunding and P2P lending tech-
nology remain at a nascent stage in Southeast Asia. Less than 0.1% of all loans
originate from P2P lenders (Vidal-Abarca, 2017). According to the same
research by BBVA, there are 54 P2P lenders in the ASEAN region, com-
prising 8% of the Fintech market. Nevertheless Vandenberg (2020) refers to
crowdfunding as a potential aspect of Fintech in Southeast Asia. These online
platforms refer to innovative financial instruments where a large and selec-
tive pool of individuals are looking for capital raising. These include market-
place/peer-to-peer consumer lending, P2P business lending, invoice trading,
equity-based crowdfunding, reward-based crowdfunding, and donation-based
crowdfunding. In the case of donation-based crowdfunding, donors provide
funding to individuals, projects, or companies based on philanthropic or civic
motivations with no expectation of monetary or material return. Probably the
10 Nhung Nguyen and Vi Dung Ngo
biggest donation-based crowdfunding platform in the world is the US-based
gofundme.com. On a reward-based crowdfunding platform, backers provide
funding to individuals, projects, or companies in exchange for non-monetary
rewards or products, such as Kickstarter (Fintechnews Singapore, 2017).
DIGITAL PAYMENT
The adoption of digital payments and the stages of maturity vary across coun-
tries. For example, Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam
developed national plans for the adoption of digital payments, whilst Singa-
pore and Thailand have moved further into national and bilateral interoper-
ability (Hopped et al., 2018). Barriers to adoption of digital payment have
been lowered by the COVID-19 pandemic, so it is expected to become a
lasting habit for Southeast Asian countries (Google, Temasek and Bain, 2020).
Ascend Money, Thailand’s leading payment services and micro-loans provider,
was funded by China’s Ant Financial with a 20% stake for expanding the digi-
tal payments business by the end of 2016 (Vidal-Abarca et al., 2017). Ascend
Money and its digital wallet platform brand, TrueMoney Wallet, had made
their active user base four times bigger by the end of 2017. Besides a digital
wallet, the firm offers many services, ranging from mobile top-up, digital con-
tent, and P2P to retail payments. As the first Southeast Asian Fintech company
licensed in the region’s digital money financial services market, Ascend Money
claims to enable its agents domestically and regionally so that both digital and
unbanked SMEs have the opportunity to access innovative financial services
(Ascend Money, 2018). Also, Chinese investor Elang Mahkota Teknologi (part-
nered with Alibaba) launched Dana, a mobile wallet running on Blackberry
Messenger (ILO, 2019). Telkomsel, Singapore-based ride-hailing service Grab,
and popular Indonesian e-commerce site Tokopedia – all of which have their
own e-payment platforms – are also perceived as emerging banking competi-
tors. As a result of the early introduction of digital financial services across the
region, payment, the most used business function, makes up only a small por-
tion, about 20% gross transaction value (account-to-account is 18%, e-wallet is
1%), while cash transactions dominate (Google, Temasek and Bain, 2020). For
Vietnam, the use of non-cash payments has been promoted since 2016 under
a scheme that aims to enhance infrastructure for electronic transactions. By
2020, the creation of an automatic payment center by the State Bank of Viet
Nam had connected leading banks, service providers, retailers, and customers
in an ecosystem across the country. Leading players include pure Fintechs like
MoMo, VNPay, and Payoo; consumer technology platforms such as Grab with
Moca and SEA with AirPay; and established consumer companies like retailer
Vingroup with their own respective digital wallet offering, VinID Pay, and
Viettel with Viettel Pay (Fintechnews Vietnam, 2020).
Digital finance and SMEs in Southeast Asia 11
DIGITAL MONEY
Initial coin offerings (ICOs) consist of the creation of digital tokens by Fintech
and their distribution to investors in exchange for fiat currency or, in most
cases, mainstream cryptocurrencies (Bitcoin or Ether). ICOs are enabled by the
use of blockchain technologies, which facilitate the exchange of value without
the need for a government or a bank, that is, decentralization. This form of
online transaction gains players the benefit of disintermediation. Tokens are
cryptographically secured and benefit from the inherent characteristics of the
distributed ledger technology on which they are built, such as transparency,
security, and immutability of the ledger given its distributed nature. The ICO
ecosystem is a complex environment extending beyond SMEs launching ICOs
and individuals or institutions wishing to participate, whether they are investors
or investees. It comprises digital exchange venues; trading platform operators;
digital wallet providers; increasingly emerging financial and technical advisors;
participants in regulated markets where tokens are underlying or referenced
assets; and investment funds or other collective schemes investing in tokens,
custodians, and regulators (OECD, 2020).
There are few countries in Southeast Asia with developed digital money
exchange markets because the most challenging issue for SME financing is the
lack of fixed assets and networks (ILO, 2019). The emergence of Fintech can
move this business function forward in the 2020–2030 period. Bigger shifts that
taken place include the introduction of digital and AI-backed underwriting
for larger, more complex loans that today are done manually in most coun-
tries; the use of blockchain and smart contracts that drive efficiency in the area
of securitization; the introduction of cryptocurrencies for lending loan reim-
bursement, broadening the financial ecosystem, challenging the exclusiveness
of traditional financial institutions (Sood, 2020).
DIGITAL LENDING
DIGITAL INSURANCE
The use of digital financial solutions can lower expenditures for lending and
insurance by between 15 and 30%. However, digital solutions for SME insur-
ance are still nascent in the region. For instance, in Indonesia, the total esti-
mated insurance needs of the target segments, measured by annualized premium
equivalent, are between $500 million and $700 million, of which formal SME
insurance currently amounts to 0.001% (Wyman, 2017). For Malaysia, BigPay,
with 750,000 users by July 2019, is a mobile wallet which offers international
bank transfers in ten Asian countries. Besides debit, credit, and savings accounts,
BigPay offers financial services, namely loans, wealth management, and insur-
ance. The company plans to engage more with other Southeast Asian markets
in early 2021 (Bendana, 2020). As another example of newly established digital
insurance providers, MoMo is Vietnam’s leading mobile digital wallet, which
partners with incumbents. There are promotion campaigns available for join-
ing MoMo’s loans and insurance. As of September 2020, MoMo has signed
up its 20 millionth user. It gradually became a competitor with other popular
financial applications by leveraging more than 20,000 domestic and foreign
partners across lending (with Paylater, VietCredit, etc.), insurance (VBI, AIA,
etc.), e-commerce, and more (Wray et al., 2020). In Vietnam, Savemoney
specializes in building a digital insurance platform for banks, hospitals, and
telco companies based on strategic cooperation to share sustainable economic
Digital finance and SMEs in Southeast Asia 13
benefits. Launched in 2013, Savemoney’s main business model is to customize
consumer financial services for a company that owns large customer data sets
(Savemoney, 2018). In one of Savemoney’s projects, VnResource Company
partnered for the provision of digital insurance services through the promotion
and marketing of insurance products to improve employee welfare. The solu-
tion highlights flexible insurance products that allow employees to freely buy
insurance for a premium of only a few thousand VND per day.
Cryptocurrency
The Philippines Central Bank has issued guidelines concerning cryptocurren-
cies, stating that they are not backed by a central bank or a particular com-
modity and are not guaranteed by any country; therefore, they are not legal
tender (The Philippines Central Bank, 2017). However, since they are used as
a conduit to provide certain financial services, such as remittances and payment
transactions, entities that provide such services must register with the Central
Bank. The guidelines also provide penalties applicable to illegal and unauthor-
ized operations. For Vietnam, the delay in adapting blockchain technology
for trading digital currency is due to the high risk of this market. The gov-
ernment is strongly against informal trading and investing of digital currency
using many measurements. In 2017, the State Bank of Vietnam issued a decree
on cryptocurrency, which determined that digital currencies are not valid or
legal means of payment. If one violates the decree, they can face fines of up
to VND200 million (USD9,000). In 2018, the Vietnamese State Securities
Commission (SSC) allowed no cryptocurrency services, including issuance,
transactions, and brokerage (Vietnam Briefing, 2018). As of March 2021, the
HCM City Stock Exchange and Hà Nội Stock Exchange are the organizations
for securities trading in Vietnam, cryptocurrency is not a type of stock, and
there are no regulations for the issuance and trading of cryptocurrency and
virtual assets (Vietnam News, 2021). Similar cases occur in Brunei, Cambodia,
and Malaysia. For instance, Malaysia’s Inland Revenue Board (IRB) froze the
Malaysian bank account of Luno, a UK-based cryptocurrency trading platform,
with the suspension of fraud in tax statements (Star Media Group Berhad,
2018). This example hinders the high risk prospect and the potential regulation
tightening for the purpose of conducting an audit of required tax on income
of any person accruing in or derived from Malaysia. Overall, cryptocurrency
remains at a high level of disruption among digital financial services whether
it is regulated. Digital monetary systems compete with the banking industry
by simplifying money transfer. However, SMEs must bear the high risk that
money raised from the ICO could be used for unanticipated and unintended
purposes. It is because of these risks that it is the policy of certain markets to
refuse to register this type of investment.
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crowd of curious onlookers at the main entrance, and finally
depositing him in the bed in the room which he usually occupied.
The pain from his wounds was intense, but he managed to keep
up his nerve until we reached the hotel. Then he collapsed.
As we tried to help the doctor to bring him around I feared that the
injury and the shock might have proved fatal.
“Pretty serious,” muttered the doctor, in answer to my anxious
inquiry, “but I think he’ll pull through it. Call up Main 21. There’s a
trained nurse summering at the house. Get her down.”
I hastened to do so and had hardly finished when Kennedy came
over to me.
“I think we ought to notify his sister,” he remarked. “See if you can
get Mrs. Walcott on the house ’phone.”
I called, but the voice that answered was not that of Frances
Walcott. It took me a few seconds before I realized that it was
Winifred Walcott, and I covered up the transmitter as I turned to
Kennedy to tell him and ask what he wanted me to do.
“Let me talk to her,” decided Craig. “I think I won’t let events take
their course any longer. She can be the best nurse for Shelby—if she
will.”
Craig had evidently prepared to break the news gently to her, but,
as nearly as I could make out, it was not necessary. She had already
heard what had happened.
“No,” I heard him say, as if in answer to an anxious question from
her. “He is seriously hurt, to be sure, but the doctor says that with
proper nursing he will pull through.”
I did not hear the reply, of course, but I recognized the appeal
hidden in Kennedy’s answer, as he waited.
“Just a moment,” I heard him say next.
His forehead wrinkled as he listened to something, evidently
trying to make it out. Then he said, suddenly: “I think I had better say
no more over the telephone, Miss Walcott. Some one is listening to
us.”
An angry look flashed over his face, but his voice showed no
anger as he said good-by and hung up.
“What was it?” I asked. “What did she do?”
“It wasn’t Miss Walcott,” he replied, scowling. “You heard me say
that some one was listening? Well, just as I said it there came a
laugh over the wire from somewhere, and a voice cut in, ‘Yes, there
is some one listening. You haven’t caught me yet, Kennedy—and
you won’t.’ I said good-by after that. Oh, have no fear about Miss
Walcott.”
Kennedy was right. It seemed an incredibly short time when there
came a light tap on the door and he sprang to open it.
“Can I—be of any assistance?” pleaded a softly tremulous voice.
“Perhaps I—could play at nursing?”
Kennedy glanced at the doctor and the figure lying so quietly on
the bed, then at the girl, and decided. She had hesitated not a
moment, when she had heard how close Shelby was to death, but
had hurried to him. He opened the door and she entered softly,
tiptoeing toward the bed.
It must have been by some telepathic influence that Shelby, who
had a moment before been scarcely conscious, felt her presence.
She had scarcely whispered a word to the doctor, as she bent over
him, but he opened his eyes, caught just a glimpse of her face, and
seemed to drink it in as his eyes rested on the bunch of flowers she
was wearing—his flowers, which he had sent her.
He smiled faintly. Not even by a word or look was any reference
made to their misunderstanding. It was a strange meeting, but it
seemed that the very atmosphere had changed. Even the doctor
noticed it. In spite of his pain, Shelby had brightened visibly.
“I don’t think we need that nurse,” whispered the doctor to
Kennedy, with an understanding glance. “What was that you said
about some one listening over the telephone? Who could it have
been?”
The doctor said it in a low enough tone, but it seemed that
Maddox’s senses must have been suddenly made more acute by the
coming of Winifred.
He had reached out, weakly but unhesitatingly, and had placed
his hand on hers as it rested on his pillows. At the mention of the
telephone he turned toward us with an inquiring look. It seemed to
recall to his mind something that had been on it before the accident.
“Some one—listening,” he repeated, more to himself than to us.
Winifred looked inquiringly at us, too, but said nothing.
Kennedy tried to pass the thing over, but the doctor’s remark
seemed to have started some train of thought in Shelby’s mind,
which could not be so easily stopped.
“Some one—pounding Maddox Munitions,” he murmured,
brokenly, as if feeling his way through a maze. “Now I’m out—they’ll
succeed. What can I do? How can I hold up the market?”
He repeated the last two questions as though turning them over in
his mind and finding no answer.
Evidently he was talking about his operations in the market which
had been so puzzling to Hastings as well as ourselves. I was about
to say something that would prompt him to go on with his revelation,
when Kennedy’s look halted me. Apparently he did not wish to
interfere with the train of thought the doctor’s remark had started,
inasmuch as it had been started now.
“Some one—listening—over the telephone,” strove Shelby again.
“Yes—how can I do it? No more secrecy—laid up here—I’ll have to
use the telephone. Will those Broad Street brokers take orders over
long distance? Everybody will know—what I’m doing. They’ll delay—
play me for a sucker. What am I to do?”
It was evident now what Shelby had been doing, at least in part.
The tragedy to his brother had quite naturally depressed the stock of
the company. Indeed, with Marshall Maddox, its moving spirit, gone,
it was no wonder that many holders had begun to feel shaky. Once
that feeling began to become general, the stock, which had had a
meteoric rise lately along with other war stocks, would begin to sag
and slump sadly. There was no telling where it would stop if once the
downward trend began.
As I looked at the young man I felt a new respect for him. Even
though I had not a much clearer idea than at the start of how or by
whom Marshall Maddox had been killed, still I do not think any of us
had believed that Shelby was capable of seeing such a crisis so
clearly and acting upon what he saw. Evidently it was in his blood,
bred in the Maddox nature. He was a great deal more clever than
any of us had suspected. Not only had he realized the judgment of
outsiders about himself, but had taken advantage of it. In keeping
the stock up, if it had been known that it was he who was doing it, it
would not have counted for half what it did when the impression
prevailed that the public was doing it, or even some hazy financial
interest determined to maintain the price. Both possibilities had been
discussed by the market sharps. It had never seemed to occur to
them that Shelby Maddox might be using his personal fortune to
bolster up what was now in greater measure his own company.
For a moment we looked blankly at Kennedy. Then Shelby began
to talk again.
“Suppose the bear raid continues?” he murmured. “I must meet it
—I must!”
The doctor leaned over to Craig. “He can’t go on that way,” he
whispered. “It will use up his strength in worry.”
Kennedy was thinking about that, too, as he considered the very
difficult situation the telautomaton attack had placed Shelby in. It was
more than a guess that the attack had been carefully calculated.
Some one else, perhaps some hidden group, was engaged in taking
advantage of the death of Marshall Maddox in one way, Shelby in
another.
As for Shelby, here he was, helpless, at the Harbor House.
Surrounded by spies, as he seemed to be, what could he do? Every
message in and out of the hotel was most likely tapped. To use the
telephone was like publishing abroad one’s secrets.
Kennedy moved over quietly to the bedside, as Winifred looked
appealingly at him, as much as to say, “Isn’t there something you
can do to quiet him?”
He bent down and took Shelby’s hand.
“Oh—it’s you, Kennedy—is it?” wandered Shelby, not quite clear
yet where he was, in the fantasy of impressions that crowded his
mind since the accident. “I asked you to work with me once. You said
you would play fair.”
“I will,” repeated Kennedy, “as far as the interests of my client go, I
will give you every assistance. But if you are to do anything at all to-
morrow, you must rest to-night.”
“Have I—have I been talking?” queried Shelby, as though in doubt
whether he had been thinking to himself or aloud.
Kennedy ignored the question. “You need rest,” he said, simply.
“Let the doctor fix you up now. In the morning—well, to-morrow will
be another day.”
Shelby passed his hand wearily over his aching head. He was too
weak to argue.
While the doctor prepared a mild opiate Kennedy and I quietly
withdrew into the next room.
“Professor Kennedy—won’t you help us?” pleaded Miss Walcott,
who had followed. “Surely something can be done.”
I could not help noticing that she said “us,” not “him.” As I watched
her the scene on the float, hours before, flashed over me. There
another woman, under quite different circumstances, had made the
same appeal. Where did Paquita fit into the scheme of things? Two
women had been striving over Shelby’s life. Did one represent his
better nature, the other his worse?
Kennedy looked frankly at Winifred Walcott.
“You will trust me?” he asked in a low tone.
“Yes,” she said, simply, meeting his eyes in turn.
“Then when the nurse arrives,” he directed, “get some rest. I shall
need you to-morrow.”
XXIII