Enhancing Security in Affordable

Housing: The Case of Prince Fawaz

Project 1st Edition Professor Dr. Maged
Attia
Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmeta.com/product/enhancing-security-in-affordable-housing-the-case-of-
prince-fawaz-project-1st-edition-professor-dr-maged-attia/
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...

Living Space Needs of Small Housing in the Post-

Pandemic Era: Malaga as a case study 1st Edition
Professor Dr. Carlos Rosa-Jiménez

https://ebookmeta.com/product/living-space-needs-of-small-
housing-in-the-post-pandemic-era-malaga-as-a-case-study-1st-
edition-professor-dr-carlos-rosa-jimenez/

Financing Affordable Housing in Yangon 1st Edition

Asian Development Bank

https://ebookmeta.com/product/financing-affordable-housing-in-
yangon-1st-edition-asian-development-bank/

The Affordable Housing Reader 2nd Edition Elizabeth J.

Mueller (Editor)

https://ebookmeta.com/product/the-affordable-housing-reader-2nd-
edition-elizabeth-j-mueller-editor/

Neighborhood Success Stories Creating and Sustaining

Affordable Housing in New York 1st Edition Carol
Lamberg

https://ebookmeta.com/product/neighborhood-success-stories-
creating-and-sustaining-affordable-housing-in-new-york-1st-
edition-carol-lamberg/
Sustainable Construction for Affordable Housing Program
in Kabul 1st Edition Phd Candidate Mohammadullah Hakim
Ebrahimi

https://ebookmeta.com/product/sustainable-construction-for-
affordable-housing-program-in-kabul-1st-edition-phd-candidate-
mohammadullah-hakim-ebrahimi/

Professor Dragon 2 Dr Frost 1st Edition Haley Weir

https://ebookmeta.com/product/professor-dragon-2-dr-frost-1st-
edition-haley-weir/

Urbanization, Housing Quality and Health: Towards a

Redirection for Housing Provision in Nigeria 1st
Edition Dr. Oluwafemi K. Akande

https://ebookmeta.com/product/urbanization-housing-quality-and-
health-towards-a-redirection-for-housing-provision-in-
nigeria-1st-edition-dr-oluwafemi-k-akande/

Affordable Housing Governance and Finance: Innovations,

partnerships and comparative perspectives 1st Edition
Gerard Van Bortel (Editor)

https://ebookmeta.com/product/affordable-housing-governance-and-
finance-innovations-partnerships-and-comparative-
perspectives-1st-edition-gerard-van-bortel-editor/

Primary Mathematics 3A Hoerst

https://ebookmeta.com/product/primary-mathematics-3a-hoerst/
 Journal of Contemporary Urban Affairs
2021, Volume 5, Number 1, pages 85– 100
Original scientific paper
Enhancing Security in Affordable Housing: The Case of Prince
Fawaz Project
Professor Dr. Maged Attia
Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Planning, King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah, KSA
Email: mattia@kau.edu.sa

ARTICLE INFO: ABSTRACT

The present study argues that the urban form of affordable housing
Article History: projects affects safety and security. The study examines the level of
Received 9 March 2021
Accepted 15 May 2021 safety and security in the Prince Fawaz project proposing
Available online 30 May 2021 recommendations that enhance it. Theories and approaches concerned
with the environmental crime are initially reviewed. Then, urban and
Keywords: architectural features as well as crime rates and patterns are
Environmental crime; documented. Also, trace and behaviour observations are carried out.
Enhancing security;
The observations monitored urban features and behaviours associated
Crime rates;
Prince Fawaz project; with crime or fear of crime. Residents’ perception of security and fear
Saudi Arabia. of crime is extracted through a questionnaire. A Space Syntax is
processed and linked with the questionnaire and observation outputs.
Observations demonstrate a semblance of fear of crime which is
supported by records of car and home theft. Although the questionnaire
reflects a suitable level of security, it points to peripheral spaces and
areas around mosques and shops as the less secure. However,
This article is an open access enhancing security in the Prince Fawaz project requires urban
article distributed under the terms and interventions including controlling access to peripheral spaces,
conditions of the Creative Commons reviving areas detected to be unsafe, repositioning elements causing
Attribution (CC BY) license visual obstacles and enhancing appearance by vegetation and
sustainable maintenance. Besides, reformulating the movement
network so that an appropriate integration between residents and
This article is published with open
access at www.ijcua.com strangers is achieved. On the conceptual level, the study proves that
none of the theories of environmental crime can act as a comprehensive
approach; but each can partly work.
JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS (2021), 5(1), 85-100.
https://doi.org/10.25034/ijcua.2021.v5n1-8
www.ijcua.com
Copyright © 2021 Professor Dr. Maged Attia.

1. Introduction the urban lifestyle, fathers used to absent

With the economic prosperity of the mid- outside the home for long hours, women went
seventies, the Saudi government began to to work relying on foreign nannies and maids in
build many housing projects to meet the
*Corresponding Author:
growing population and the immigration from
Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and
villages to cities (Al Hazza', 2001). Traditional Planning, King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah, KSA
society is in general deeply religious, Email address: mattia@kau.edu.sa
conservative, and family-oriented. Whereas in
How to cite this article:
Attia, M. (2021). Enhancing Security in Affordable Housing: The Case of Prince Fawaz Project. Journal of Contemporary Urban Affairs, 5(1), 85-100.
https://doi.org/10.25034/ijcua.2021.v5n2-8
 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021
raising children, and sons acquired more
freedom. The recruitment of labour from
different nationalities led to noticeable social
changes. Social networks have made the new
generations more vulnerable to changes in
beliefs, behaviours, customs and traditions,
and religious values. The socio-economic
changes caused pressures that led to a rise in
crime rates and the emergence of new types
of crime (Abdullah Eben Saleh, 1999; Al Beshr,
2000).
The crime rate in Saudi Arabia is generally low
compared with other countries. Though, in
2005, the number was significantly raised to
about 90000 crimes, with a rate of 392 crimes
per 100000 people. By the year 2006, the
number of criminal offences dropped to 88609
with a rate of 354 crimes per 100000 people
(Abu Shama, 2007). During the year 2014, the
number of crimes reached 96000 but with a
rate of 311 crimes per 100000 people (El-Torky,
2015). The number of crimes in 2016 reached
149781 with a rate of 464.46 crimes per 100000
people. This number dropped by 4.5 per cent
in 2017 (SABQ, 2017). During the last three
years, the Saudi government is adopting
serious reforms in its economic policy causing a
huge number of job’s lay off of foreign labour
and accordingly dramatic socio-economic
changes took place. Without specific figures,
OSAC Crime and Safety Reports of 2019 and
2020 indicate that crime in Saudi Arabia has
increased but remains at levels far below most
major metropolitan areas (OSAC, 2019, 2020).
It is worth mentioning that Saudi Arabia has two
types of police forces namely general and
religious. The general police are responsible for
national security and crime investigation.
While, religious police is in charge of enforcing
religious customs of "Sharia" (Like segregation
of sexes, the prohibition of alcohol, men
attending prayer, suppression of non-Muslim
displays, and the modesty of women.)
(Pietenpol et al., 2018).
Crime in residential areas is a vital issue
because it affects the work of police
departments, real estate agents, and residents.
Crime, or fear of crime, has a direct reflection
on outdoor activities, psychological status,
communal relationships as well as real estate
value (Marques et al., 2018). Ghani (2017)
argues that the frequent occurrences of crimes
in urban area instil fear and accordingly
reduce economic opportunities, safe living
and quality of life. Crime reduction can be an
effective tool for investment in the housing
sector (Lacoe et al., 2018); this is crucial for
affordable housing.
Literature does not establish that urbanization
causes crime, but it is linked with a crime
because it harbours many people which some
of them may tend to crime (Soh, 2012). Yet, in
many instances, the urban configuration of the
residential area contributes to making a
settlement an attractive area for crime (Lorenc
et al., 2012). The relationship between crime
and urbanism attracted the attention of
architects, planners, sociologists, criminologist
and policemen. There are some theories,
approaches and tools that aimed at
promoting security and reducing opportunities
for crime and risk in the built environment.
Theories include the Defensible Space, Broken
Window and Crime Prevention Through
Environmental Design (CPTED) (Adel et al.,
2016). New Urbanism is an urban design
approach that, among other objectives,
advocates safety from crime (CNU, 2001).
Alongside other applications, Space Syntax
seeks to find explanations for the places in
which crime incidents occur (Hillier & Sahbaz,
2008).
The problem of understanding the impact of
urban design on crime lies in the complexity of
measuring this relationship. Although many
attempts have been made worldwide, it is
receiving inadequate interest in Saudi Arabia.
Therefore, the present paper is an attempt in
this direction.
2. Material and Methods
The research reviews theories and approaches
concerned with the relationship between
urban design and security, crime and fear of
crime. In the case study, many techniques are
utilized. First, data related to Prince Fawaz
affordable housing project is gathered
including rates and patterns of crime over the
last three years. Second, a trace observation is
tackled to monitor features associated with
crime or fear of crime such as fences,
protection iron and visual obstacles. Third,
behaviour observation detects activities that
might have a relationship with crime. Fourth, a
questionnaire is conducted to explore levels of
security in different spaces, places and times in
which residents feel more vulnerable to crime,
previous experience with crime, and prevailing
types of crime. A sample of 360 questionnaires
was distributed covering about 27% of the
Professor Dr. Maged Attia 86
 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021
project’ units. The sample realizes a
confidence level of 95%. The questionnaire
form includes several closed-ended questions
with bilateral answers; while, others are
formulated in a Likert-type scale. At the end of
the questionnaire, residents are asked about
their suggestions for enhancing security. The
urban pattern of the Prince Fawaz project then
Figure 1. Research Methodology.
3. Theory
The relation between crime and the built
environment has been the interest of
environmental criminology (Anna Alvazzi del
Frate, 1993; Brown & Altman, 1983; Cozens,
2002; Yazdanfar & Nazari, 2015). It is based on
the idea that criminals take geographic factors
into account when deciding on crimes (Bartol
& M., 2006). Many theories and applications
were built on environmental criminology such
as rational choice, routine activity and crime
pattern (Malleson & Birkin, 2012; Shon & Barton-
Bellessa, 2015; Wilcox, 2015). However, several
attempts have been made to derive criteria
that can enhance security and reduce crime
in housing communities as discussed below.
processed with Space Syntax. With Depthmap,
many measurements are derived, and data
obtained from observation and questionnaire
are correlated. An interpretation of concluded
results accompanied by recommendations for
enhancing security and reducing crime in the
Prince Fawaz project are then discussed (Fig.
1).
Defensible Space: Oscar Newman's
‘Defensible Space’, introduced in 1972, was
based on four design elements including
territoriality, natural surveillance, image and
milieu (Zen & Mohamad, 2014). The theory
advocates the consensus between a
homogeneous group of inhabitants in a
specific urban context which includes a
hierarchical system of open spaces, with the
maximization of private and semi-private
spaces on the account of public and semi-
public ones. Accordingly, access to an area
should be limited to legal users whereas
strangers are believed to be the source of
danger. Defensible Space adopts the
separation of residents from strangers, whether
Professor Dr. Maged Attia 87
 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021
by physical or symbolic means (Newman,
1972). However, if Defensible Space could
succeed on a limited scale, it will be difficult to
be replicated at the city level which,
according to Hillier (2004), will transfer into
segregated islands leading to encouraging
criminal activities and increasing the fear of
crime. Empirical studies did not support
Defensible Space too (Cozens et al., 2001).
Crime Prevention Through Environmental
Design (CPTED): CPTED is affected by
Defensible Space in terms that the safe
community must enjoy a sort of control on
danger, personal threat and crime (Mohit &
Hannan, 2012). CPTED aims to make the
physical context safe for normal users but make
it uneasy for abnormal users to engage in
inappropriate behaviour. CPTED relies on
strategies including territoriality, surveillance,
consolidated activities, controlled accessibility,
sustainable maintenance and good
management, and target hardening within
geographical juxtaposition (Ha et al., 2015;
Piroozfar et al., 2019). Natural surveillance in live
spaces will thus discourage crime. Meanwhile,
assigning clear functions for spaces
accompanied by sustainable maintenance
and management is expected to leave a
limited chance for crime. So, CPTED is
embodied in the Three-D Approach which
includes “Designation” concerned with the
activities assigned for spaces, “Definition”
concerned with the physical boundaries of
spaces, and “Design” concerned with the
practice of desired uses in a safe manner
(Marvi & Behzadfar, 2015; Sakip & Abdullah,
2012). Like Defensible Space, empirical studies
prove that CPTED outputs are not confirmed
(Elbadawi, 1991; Hardy, 1997; Robinson, 1997;
Serpas, 1998).
Broken Window: Broken Window theory
believed that serious crimes occurred as a
result of a series of minor crimes. The theory links
crime with disorder and argues that if the
disorder was eliminated then serious crime
would not occur (Austin et al., 2002). Thus, a
well-maintained environment could reduce
and prevent criminal activities. This link has
been shown to be often non-existent (Harcourt,
2009). The theory has been criticized for being
only a short-term solution, not a robust theory
(Taylor, 2001; Thacher, 2004). However, the
theory reinforced the principles of natural
surveillance and territoriality.
New Urbanism: The approach tried to avoid
the criticism of urban design for its lack of
humanity, responsiveness, sensitivity as well as
lack of safety from crime. Unlike Defensible
Space, New Urbanism adopts expansion in
public spaces to encourage interaction
between users and strengthen the sense of
affiliation, the mixture of uses to support the
vitality and increase the presence of people in
streets, encouraging walkability by utilizing grid
pattern of streets, allocating buildings
adjacent to streets to enhance natural
surveillance, and finally increasing densities
(Elshater, 2012). However, Foster et al. (2016)
argue that New Urbanism may deliver social
and wellbeing benefits but its impact on
creating safe space is still subjective. Evidence
from criminology links the main features of New
Urbanism with increased levels of crime. For
instance, the non-residential land uses which
constitute destinations to walk to have been
associated with an elevation in property crime
levels. Likewise, street connectivity is a
fundamental aspect in new urbanism to
provide direct and varied walking routes for
residents; yet, streets are also easily navigated
by offenders with more options of escape
routes (McCord et al., 2007).
Space Syntax: Space Syntax as a
configurational analysis method was
established by Hiller in 1984 based on the
research of Hiller and Hanson on the concept
of "Social logic of space" (Hillier & Sahbaz,
2005). The technique is applied to examine
how the physical or visual accessibility of a
spatial system affects the social behaviour of
users; eliminating crime is one of the main
concerns. In a spatial system, the value of
accessibility of a street segment from all-
around ones is identified by two measures
which are integration and connectivity. In
residential areas, studies demonstrate that
streets that enjoy a higher integration value,
and hence higher accessibility, enjoy more
security levels than segregated ones (Ballintyne
et al., 2000; Elgarmadiand & Özer, 2018). The
presence and social interaction within a space
prevent criminals from committing a crime
because they could be easily caught then. But
it does not seem that the relationship between
urbanism and crime is identified by accessibility
only. Many studies demonstrate conflicting
results according to variations in income level,
density and education (Nubani & Wineman,
2005). Sonia Hirt and Zahm (2012) argue that as
Professor Dr. Maged Attia 88

long as the city has inconsistent types of open
spaces, movements and activities, crime rates
will unexpectedly vary from one area to
another. This is confirmed by Hagan and Daigle
Table 1. Theories of environmental criminology, corresponding implications and impacts.
Theory/Approach Main concept/principles
Defensible Space Territoriality,
geographical
juxtaposition, natural
surveillance, image and
milieu
CPTED Territoriality, natural
surveillance, access
control, activity support,
image management,
geographical
juxtaposition
Broken Window Well-maintained
environment,
natural surveillance and
territoriality
New Urbanism Vitality and sense of
community, walkability
and minimum car
dependence, and
natural surveillance
Space Syntax The increased
accessibility and social
interactions (reflected in
Integration and
Connectivity measures)
Vegetation is an integrated component of
urbanism. Like the built environment, the
impact of vegetation on crime is still
questionable. From one side, vegetation is
believed to encourage crime as it can help to
conceal criminals while they plan and execute
crimes and then disappear (Nasar et al., 1993).
Also, being visual obstacles, vegetation limit
visibility and hence promote fear (Nasar &
Jones, 1997). Donovan and Prestemon (2010)
indicate that smaller trees that obstruct visibility
were associated with increased crime in
residential areas. On the other side, the latest
research argues that well-maintained
vegetation enhances reducing rates in certain
types of crime. Studies attribute the reduction
in crime rates to increased surveillance in
vegetated spaces and the delightful mode
resulting from the landscape. For instance, rich
vegetation is considerably associated with
JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021
(2018) who emphasize the fact that there is no
absolute right or wrong in criminology. Table (1)
summarizes the above discussion.
Implication to urban design Impact in practice
- Minimized common areas - Results are not
- Maximized private confirmed
ownership
- Boundary definition
- Minimized permeability
- Mixed land use - Crime levels dropped,
- Border definition of but
controlled space - Encouraging
- Clearly marked gathering burglaries crime
areas - Reduction of crime in
- Reduce use conflicts with the town centres not in
natural barriers housing areas
- Overcome distant and
isolation
- Regular maintenance - Could reduce and
prevent criminal
activities
- Short-term and partial
- Failed to consider
collective efficacy
- Expansion in public - Linked with increased
spaces levels of crime
- Mixed land use - Still subjective
- Grid pattern of streets
- Buildings adjacent to
streets
- Compact development
- Increasing densities
- Enhancing pedestrians - Results widely varies
and vehicles movement depending on income
level, density and
education
lower rates of assault, robbery, and burglary,
but not theft crimes (Wolfe & Mennis, 2012).
Maas et al. (2009) argue that, in residential
areas, vegetation could effectively decrease
fear of crime, enhance the sense of safety and
reduce reported crime. In large
Neighbourhoods, vegetation contributed to
reducing violence and property crime (Kuo &
Sullivan, 2001). Moreover, Donovan and
Prestemon (2010) found that large private trees
and street trees enhanced lower crime rates.
Finally, the greening of vacant plots could
reduce gun assaults and vandalism (Branas et
al., 2011).
4. Case Study
Prince Fawaz project is located about 10 Km
from the centre of Jeddah on Jeddah-Mecca
highway which intersects with Prince Fawaz
road splitting the project into four distinctive
Professor Dr. Maged Attia 89
 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021
zones: A (602 units), B (200 units), C (314 units)
and D (202 units) (Fig. 2). Each zone is divided
into blocks including some two floor detached
dwellings that are dedicated to mid-income
Figure 2. The layout of Prince Fawaz project, Jeddah (Source: Google Earth, edited by the author).
Figure 3. A typical dwelling of the project (Source: The author).
4.1. Crime Rates and Patterns in Prince Fawaz
Project
Rates and types of crime in the Prince Fawaz
project during the last three years (2017-2019)
are summarized in Table (2). Unfortunately, the
information does not include the location of
the crimes. The table indicates that crimes in
the project are classified into four types: money
molesters, self-molesters, moral and juveniles.
Data in the table (2) show that, during the year
2017, the number of money molesters’ crimes
reaches figure 33 i.e., 52% of the total number
of crimes. Car theft, with the number of 16
crimes, is the highest on the list representing
25.3% of the total crimes. Moral crimes,
including sexual offences and drinking alcohol,
reach 17 crimes, i.e., 26.9% of the number of
crimes which makes them come second.
Drinking alcohol topped the list of moral crimes
with the number 12 representing 19% of the
total crimes. The number of self-molester crimes
reaches 12 i.e., 19% of the total crimes.
During the year 2018, the number of reported
crimes has doubled reaching 116 crimes.
Again, money molesters’ crimes come in the
Saudi families (Fig. 3). The project enjoys many
public services such as mosques, open spaces,
shops, a sports centre and primary, middle and
secondary schools.
first place with a number of 63 criminal
offences, i.e., 54% of the total number of
reported crimes. Car theft topped the list
followed by home theft with the numbers of 27
and 13 crimes respectively. Moral crimes reach
32 crimes, i.e., 27.5% of the total number of
crimes, mostly like the previous year. Although
the number of self-molester crimes rose to 17, its
percentage of the total number fell to 15% of
the total crimes.
In the year 2019, the number of crimes in the
project declined to reach 77 crimes, i.e., 66% of
the number of 2018, and slightly exceed the
record of 2017. Still, money crimes, which
amount to 45, represent about 58% of the total
number of crimes. Car theft topped the list
followed by home theft with 22 and 10 crimes
respectively. Moral crimes reach the number of
20 representing 26% of the total crimes. While
self-molester crimes dropped to 8 representing
about 10% of the total crimes.
The above figures indicate that although the
total number of crimes varies among the three
years, the number of money molesters’ crimes
is the highest followed by moral crimes and self-
Professor Dr. Maged Attia 90
 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021

molester ones. The rate of money molesters is
rising (52%, 54% and 58%); and car theft is
always on the top of records representing a
quarter of the crimes along the three years
(25.3%, 23.3% and 28%). Home theft, which
comes in the second place of money
molesters, is alarming as its rate is increasing
(7.9%, 11.2% and 13%); it is almost doubled over
the three years. However, the rate of moral
crime is steady over the three years (26.9%, 27%
and 26%); while, the rate of self-molesters is
decreasing (19%, 15% and 10%).

Table 2. Numbers and types of crime committed in Prince Fawaz project 2017-2019
2017 2018 2019
Classification Crime type Rate Time Rate Time Rate Time
Car theft 16 2 am -12 pm 27 1 am - 10 pm 22 1 am - 10 pm
Shop theft 1 10 am - 12pm 0 8 am - 10 pm 0 8 am - 10 pm
Home theft 5 2 am - 12 pm 13 2 am - 12 pm 10 2 am - 12 pm
Money Theft 1 10 am - 4 pm 2 1 am - 8 pm 1 2 am
molesters Theft attempt 0 - 5 9 am - 9 pm 1 7 am
Ravage 1 10 am - 11 pm 2 1 am 1 1 am
Sorcery 2 8 am -10 pm 7 7 am - 11 pm 2 7 am - 11 pm
Fraud 7 1 am - 10 pm 7 5 pm - 12 pm 8 5 pm – 12 pm
Brawl 2 6 am - 11 pm 1 3 am - 10 pm 1 3 am -10 pm
Scrimmage 8 1 am - 12 pm 11 1 am - 11 pm 3 1 am - 12 pm
Self-molesters
Weapon 2 2 am - 12 pm 5 4 am - 10 pm 4 4 am - 10 pm
possession
Sexual offenses 5 1 am - 12 pm 7 1 am - 12 pm 4 1 am - 12 pm
Moral
Drinking alcohol 12 4 am - 12 pm 25 4 am - 10 pm 16 5 am - 11 pm
Absent 1 6 am - 12 pm 3 5 pm - 12 pm 2 5 pm - 12 pm
Juveniles
Embezzlement 0 - 1 11 am 1 10 am
Total 63 116 77
Source: Figures were obtained from Prince Fawaz Police Office, classified and arranged by the author.

4.2. Trace Observation Fences: Fences are heavily utilized everywhere

Open spaces: There are several open spaces
permeating the residential units, these spaces
are characterized by dereliction, so they are
mostly transferred into the junkyard where
domestic, gardens and construction waste are
dumped. In peripheral spaces, a very little
number of alcohol bottles and cans are
detected. However, many of these spaces are
connected to both exterior and interior roads
which makes them uncontrolled access into
the project. In response, some residents
surrounded these spaces with fences, annexed
them to the private gardens, or arranged them
as playing areas (Fig. 4).
Parking areas: Residents used to park cars in
streets in front of their units. Parking areas are
directly overlooked from the dwelling or the
guard room. Most of the parking spaces are
surrounded by iron fences, strings or chains (Fig.
5).
in the project. They are raised to more than six
meters. In many instances, high fences isolate
residents from viewing outside (Fig. 6). Even
public buildings like mosques and schools are
surrounded by high fences.
Protection iron: The heavy use of protection
iron is observed in all dwellings on doors,
windows, and air-conditioners.
Visual obstacles: Visual obstacles are noticed
in the project including water tanks, electric
transformers, garbage containers and
enclosed parking areas, which have heights
that outweigh the rise of an adult person. The
location of those elements and their impact on
visual scopes does not follow any criteria,
though they are abundantly existing in main
streets especially those leading to mosques.
Moreover, trees and shrubs planted by
residents to offer privacy for their families
enhance visual isolation (Fig. 7).

Figure 4. Open spaces either neglected or seized by adjacent units (Source: The author)

Professor Dr. Maged Attia 91

 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021
Figure 5. Parking
Figure areas are exposed
(00) Parking
area on sidewalks
Figure 6. High fences are utilized to achieve privacy and protection (Source: The author)
Figure 7. Different types
Figure (00)
Different
Observation indicates that inhabitants do not
seem to enjoy a satisfactory level of security.
The heavy use of fences, strings, chains,
protection iron-on dwellings and parking areas
reflects the fact that there is a fear of theft. This
could be justified by the numbers of theft, and
car theft crimes illustrated in the table (2). The
deteriorated situation of open spaces seems to
generate a feeling of fear as argued in
theories. Likewise, ambiguous or screened
areas created by visual obstacles sustain such
feeling.
4.3. Behaviour Observation
Behaviour observation concentrates on the
activities that have a direct or indirect
relationship with crime or fear of crime. Some
activities and behaviours could be recorded
including:
• The scarcity of children or adults in the open
spaces or streets; their presence is limited in
better-off spaces utilized as gardens or
playing areas.
• Scattered groups of teenagers are noticed
in periphery open spaces.
or protected
byof
in front fences (Source:
the housing The author)
units
of visual
obstacles
examples (Source:
of visual The author)
obstacles
• Foreign labour (porters, drivers and home
labour) gathers in front of dwellings.
• Zones D and A are more teeming than the
others according to the presence of shops,
while areas B and C enjoy a well socio-
economic look.
• The pedestrian movement is rather low
except during prayer times when some
residents go to and return from, the
mosques.
Behaviour observation can support the idea
that inhabitants do not seem to enjoy a
satisfactory level of security as derived from
trace observation. The uncontrolled open
spaces attract youth from adjacent areas to
play in which sometimes ends up with
scrimmage. They also attract foreign labour to
skulk and drink alcohol. So, families seem to
avoid such spaces. This could be also justified
by records of scrimmage and drinking alcohol
crimes. However, the absence of inhabitants in
open spaces could be partly attributed to the
hot-humid weather.
Professor Dr. Maged Attia 92
 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021
4.4. Questionnaire Analysis
The questionnaire contains questions
concerning crime experience and feeling of
security in different spaces during day and
night as argued below:
• About 49% of the respondents do not allow
their children to play in outdoor spaces,
while 51% of them do. Whereas, 73% of the
respondents do not feel worried about their
children while playing outdoors. Despite this,
71% of them allow their children to play in
the region while 29% of them do not do so.
Being worried then does not prevent families
from allowing their children to play outdoor,
which means that they do not consider the
area unsafe to the extent that requires
preventing children from playing outside
while preventing children refers to reasons
unrelated to security. No significant
differences among the four zones of the
project were detected.
• Residents consider their dwellings very safe
with a median of 4.59 during the day and
4.41 during the night (on a scale from 1 to 5)
respectively. A less degree of satisfaction
was detected in the western zones (C, D)
during the day with a median of 4.21 and
4.38 for clusters C and D, and during the
night with a median of 3.96 and 4.14
compared with zones A and B that
recorded a median of 4.73 and 4.78 during
the day and 4.43 and 4.73 during the night.
• Residents consider the main roads leading
to their dwellings safe during day and night
with a median of 4.08 and 3.65 respectively;
likewise, frontal streets and spaces with a
median of 4.19 and 3.86 respectively, and
rear streets and spaces with a median of
4.03 and 3.59 respectively. With that level of
satisfaction, there is no logical explanation
for protection fences built around parking
areas in front of dwellings unless such
satisfaction was achieved after erecting the
fences. Again, a less degree of satisfaction
was detected in the western zones during
the day compared with the eastern ones
with a median of 3.69 and 4.06 respectively,
while no significant difference among the
four zones was detected during the night.
• Residents consider spaces surrounding the
mosque safe during the day, but this
satisfaction decreases during the night to a
neutral level with a median of 3.65 and 3.31
respectively. Different levels of satisfaction
among the four zones were detected with a
median of 4.06, 4.21, 3.58 and 3.75 for
clusters A, B, C and D respectively. It is
noticeable that the satisfaction level in
spaces surrounding the mosques is less than
those around the dwellings.
• Residents evaluate the commercial area
rather safe during the day, but less safe to a
neutral level at night with a median of 3.96
and 3.39 respectively. Again, a less level of
satisfaction was detected in the western
zones than the eastern ones with a median
of 4.06, 3.75, 3.58 and 3.75 during the day,
and 3.57, 3.53, 3.0 and 3.19 3.57 during the
night for clusters A, B, C and D respectively.
• Residents consider the project boundaries
safe during the day while neutral during the
night with a median of 3.7 and 2.94
respectively. Residents evaluate the eastern
edges as the safer where the eastern zones
A and B achieved a median of 4.07 and 3.65
while western zones C and D achieved a
median of 3.56 and 3.49.
• In general, residents give the project a
positive evaluation regarding security
without differences between the four zones
achieving a mean of 3.79 during the day
and 3.34 during the night.
• In terms of crime rate, the questionnaire
clarifies some differences between the four
zones. Respondents indicate that zone A is
the top in crime rate where 19.3% of the
residents exposed to crime. Zone C is in
second place (13.3%) followed by zones B
and D (12.1% each). Likewise, 42.2% of the
respondents of zone A heard that their
neighbours exposed to crime. While, those
who heard about crime in zones D, C and B
amount the ratio of 24.2%, 23.3% and 17.2%
respectively (Table 3). By adding figures of
both who “exposed to crime” and who
“heard about crime”, the aggregate
number of crimes in the four zones can be
monitored. Zone A is the highest (61.4%),
followed by zones C and D (37.3%, 36.6%);
while, zone B is the least vulnerable to crime
(28.7%). The total aggregate indicates that
42.5% of the residents either exposed to
crime or heard about crime.
• However, residents’ proposals for
enhancing security are limited in
maintaining the neglected open spaces
and removing garbage regularly.
Professor Dr. Maged Attia 93
 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021

Table 3. Crime rate indicated by respondents in the four zones.

Exposed to crime Heard about crime Aggreg

ate
No Yes Total No Yes Total
A Count 92 22 114 66 48 114 70
% per zone 80.7% 19.3% 100% 57.8% 42.2% 100% 61.4%
B Count 83 11 94 78 16 94 27
% per zone 87.9% 12.1% 100% 82.8% 17.2% 100% 28.7%
Zone

C Count 51 8 59 45 14 59 22
% per zone 86.7% 13.3% 100% 76.7% 23.3% 100% 37.3%
D Count 82 11 93 70 23 93 34
% per zone 87.9% 12.1% 100% 75.8% 24.2% 100% 36.6%
Total 308 52 360 259 101 360 153
85.6% 14.4% 100% 71.9% 28.1% 100% 42.5%

Results indicate that residents’ evaluation of
security in the project spaces is positive.
Medians achieved in different spaces are all
surpassing figure 3.39 except for the project
boundaries and spaces around mosques at
night. This can be justified by the absence of
activities. Residents of the eastern zones (A, B)
enjoy a better level of security than the western
ones (C, D). The explanation for zone A could
refer to the continuity of movement associated
with shops as noted in theories above.
Although zone C has a good socio-economic
appearance, it does not seem to enjoy a high
level of safety which makes issues like image
and milieu questionable. However, the level of
security inferred from the questionnaire is rather
contradicting with the reported rates of crime
and the observed tactics of protection. Such a
level of satisfaction could be achieved due to
the precautions taken by inhabitants to protect
their properties.
4.5. Space Syntax
Prince Fawaz project is analyzed with
Depthmap software. The maps produce a set
of local measures (connectivity, depth, control,
controllability and choice) and global
measures (depth, integration, intelligibility,
agreement, integration core, and entropy).
The terminologies used are illustrated in the
appendix.
Figure (8. left) illustrates the integration map of
the project; the map indicates that the north-
south axis is the most integrated. The segments
perpendicular to the north-south axis, and
surrounding the four zones, have high
integration values too. These lines represent the
spine of the project; they connect the four
zones but do not penetrate any of them. This is
clarified more in Figure (8. Right) which
represents lines that are 25% more integrated
(integration core). Most integration core
segments are located on the borders of zones
with a limited number that penetrates them.
This confirms the fact that each zone of the four
acts as an isolated entity with a little
relationship with the others. Zone A is the most
penetrated, which means that it is more
accessible than the others. Though, the
questionnaire indicates that it is the highest
crime rate. This, however, makes accessibility
questionable.

Figure 8. Integration maps, (Left) Project integration map; (Right) Lines 25% more integrated (Integration core)

Professor Dr. Maged Attia 94

 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021
The intelligibility value of the project, which
amounts to 0.042, is relatively low compared to
the average values available in residential
areas which reach up to 0.7 (Fig. 9. Left and
middle). Intelligibility value in zone A is relatively
higher than other areas reaching the figure
0.123. The high intelligibility encourages
strangers to navigate through the area. The low
intelligibility value refers to the clear distinction
between spaces (streets) that link between
regions and the internal spaces in each zone.
Despite the low intelligibility value for the
project, the intelligibility value for pedestrians
(diameter 3)1 is high with a value of 0.71. The
intelligibility value for zone A is also the highest
among others with an average of 0.74, making
it more accessible for outsiders.
The relationship between integration and
choice expresses the degree of compatibility
Figure 9. Left and middle: Intelligibility values of the project
Right: Compatibility between residents and strangers in the four sectors
In the light of the foregoing discussion, the high
crime rate reduced in zone A can be
interpreted, where many factors have led to
this situation. First, the high values of both
integration and intelligibility. Second, the
relatively deep penetration of the core of
integration into the region; makes the region
more accessible by strangers. Third, and most
importantly, the weak coincidence between
spaces commonly used by residents and those
easily accessed by strangers. The third factor
eliminates the residents’ control and
1 The local measure proximity diameter 3 looks at the
intelligibility of the 3 closest axial lines from the starting axial
line; a distance which is appropriate for walking. A high
(diameter 3) intelligibility implies that a line segment and the 3
between residents and strangers’ movement
routes. Figure (9. Right) illustrates a good
relationship expressed by the regression
coefficient (R2 = 0.421) for the project, i.e.,
streets that are jointly used by both residents
and strangers are not few. In addition, the
chart clarifies that three out of the four zones
enjoy a high regression coefficient ranging
between 0.52 and 0.56, while region A has a
value of 0.339 only, i.e., the agreement
between residents and strangers in this region
is the least. This reflects the absence of natural
surveillance imposed by the co-existence of
both residents and strangers, which provides
the opportunity for crime. This can be one of
the reasons for the high number of crimes
concluded throughout the questionnaire in this
zone compared with the others.
surveillance of strangers, which seems essential
for the security of residential areas.
5. Discussion and Conclusion
On the theoretical level, the case study shows
that none of the approaches concerned with
security in residential areas reached up to
completion; but each has aspects that partly
work. Prince Fawaz project clarifies that the
unidentified, uncontrolled and inactive open
spaces are unsafe areas that raise the
residents’ fear in accord with Defensible Space
and CPTED. While Defensible Space claims
closest axial lines are important for pedestrian movement
through the system; or that the area can be conceived from these
parts.
Professor Dr. Maged Attia 95
 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021
territoriality and access control, the case study
shows that streets in which residents and
strangers’ movement matches enjoy a higher
level of security. This agrees with CPTED, New
Urbanism and Space Syntax. To enhance
security in affordable housing, it is suitable to
examine it case by case. A detailed record for
types, places and time of crimes is a major
component. A comparative analysis of
projects can help to refine the results too.
Based on trace and behaviour observation, as
well as the questionnaire, the periphery open
spaces constitute unsafe areas. Space syntax
illustrates that they are accessible by outsiders
with little compatibility with residents. Such
spaces provide uncontrolled access to the
project resulting in a threat for the residents.
Controlling access to these spaces, a process
that some residents began to do on their own,
is a recommended approach. As extracted
from the questionnaire, organized and clean
spaces reflect the sense of security among
residents and provide an inappropriate
environment for criminals. Allocating and
identifying specific activities for spaces
encourage users to use them as intended. It is
equally important to allocate open spaces to
specific entities to organize and maintain
them.
Spaces around mosques are safe during prayer
time and vice versa as reported by the
questionnaire. The movement to/from
mosques (five times along the day) bring life to
the area during prayer times and makes
residents feel safe. While the lack of
pedestrians in between prayer times
accompanied by the existence of visual
obstacles, according to trace observation,
demonstrate the feeling of fear. Vegetation
and rearranging visual obstacles, like water
tanks and garbage containers, are expected
to remedy fields of vision offering a
comfortable environment for residents.
Identifying areas for labour to gather in at night
can keep an eye on the spaces, add courtesy
and hence maintain security.
Zone A, the highest crime rate according to the
questionnaire, is the most crowded according
to behaviour observation and the most
accessible and penetrated according to
Space Syntax. But, the agreement between
residents and strangers’ movement is the least.
This emphasizes the fact that strangers'
presence or movement through the residential
area has limited influence on crime when they
are accompanied by residents. On contrary,
the absence of residents provides an
opportunity for crime in spaces mostly
accessed by strangers. This is typical with
spaces around shops. It is recommended, thus,
to reformulate movement routes to drive
strangers to routes used by residents
(integration core). Otherwise, the integration
core could be re-allocated to penetrate the
four zones instead of surrounding them; and
pass by the commercial zone and mosque in
each zone. This is expected to enhance
intelligibility across the project encouraging
movement on carefully selected spines that
are compatible with residents’ movement.
Zone A, in specific, requires more compatibility
between residents and strangers’ movement
to provide an adequate level of surveillance.
The rest of the areas, with low intelligibility
values, could be turned into controlled private
and semi-private entities to block strangers to
navigate through.
Comparing zone, A, the highest crime rate
according to the questionnaire, with zone B
and D, the least in crime rate, raises the issue of
size and population of housing development.
Results advocate small scale development
with a straightforward urban pattern.
Fear of crime can be generally eliminated by
providing sustainable maintenance for the
project spaces and movement routes;
vegetation can play a significant role herein.
Protection tactics justify the low fear of crime
achieved in the project despite the recorded
crime rate. However, protection tactics need
to be studied, examined and developed in
integration with the design not imposed on it;
this is an interesting future scope of research.
Acknowledgement
This article was funded by the Deanship of
Scientific Research (DSR) at King Abdulaziz
University, Jeddah. The author, therefore,
acknowledges with thanks DSR for technical
and financial support.
Conflict of interests
The author declares no conflict of interest.
References
Abdullah Eben Saleh, M. (1999). Reviving traditional
design in modern Saudi Arabia for social
cohesion and crime prevention purposes.
Landscape and Urban Planning, 44(1), 43-62.
Professor Dr. Maged Attia 96
 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021
https://doi.org/10.1016/S0169-2046(98)00107-
8 Congress for the New Urbanism.
Abu Shama, A. (2007). Violence crime and methods of
facing it in the Arab countries. Riyadh: Naif
Arab Academy for Security Sciences. (Arabic).
Adel, H., Salheen, M., & Mahmoud, R. A. (2016). Crime
in relation to urban design. Case study: The
Greater Cairo Region. Ain Shams Engineering
Journal, 7(3), 925-938.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.asej.2015.08.009
Al Beshr, K. (2000). Fighting crime in the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia. Naif Arab Academy for Security
Sciences. (Arabic).
Al Hazza', W. (2001). Affordable housing Seminar on
Future of Housing in the City of Riyadh, The
High Commission for the Development of
Riyadh, Riyadh. (Arabic).
Anna Alvazzi del Frate, J. N. (Ed.). (1993).
Environmental Crime, Sanctioning Strategies,
and Sustainable Development. United Nations
Interregional Crime and Justice Research
Institute.
Austin, D. M., Furr, L. A., & Spine, M. (2002). The
effects of neighborhood conditions on
perceptions of safety. Journal of Criminal
Justice, 30(5), 417-427.
https://doi.org/10.1016/S0047-2352(02)00148-
4 of crime to the street network using the space
Ballintyne, S., Pease, K., & McLaren, V. (Eds.). (2000).
Secure Foundations: Key Issues in Crime
Prevention, Crime Reduction and Community
Safety. Institute for Public Policy Research.
Bartol, C. R., & M., B. A. (Eds.). (2006). Current
perspectives in forensic psychology and
criminal justice. USA: Sage Publications.
Branas, C. C., Cheney, R. A., MacDonald, J. M., Tam,
V. W., Jackson, T. D., & Ten Have, T. R.
(2011). A Difference-in-Differences Analysis
of Health, Safety, and Greening Vacant Urban
Space. American Journal of Epidemiology,
174(11), 1296-1306.
https://doi.org/10.1093/aje/kwr273
Brown, B. B., & Altman, I. (1983). Territoriality,
defensible space and residential burglary: An
environmental analysis. Journal of
Environmental Psychology, 3(3), 203-220.
https://doi.org/10.1016/S0272-4944(83)80001-
2 Ghani, Z. A. (2017). A comparative study of urban crime
CNU. (2001). Charter of the new urbanism. New York:
Cozens, P., Hillier, D., & Prescott, G. (2001). Crime and
the design of residential property – exploring
the perceptions of planning professionals,
burglars and other users: Part 2. Property
management, 19(4), 222-248.
https://doi.org/10.1108/EUM0000000005784
Cozens, P. M. (2002). Sustainable Urban Development
and Crime Prevention Through Environmental
Design for the British City. Towards an
Effective Urban Environmentalism for the 21st
Century. Cities, 19(2), 129-137.
https://doi.org/10.1016/S0264-2751(02)00008-
2
Donovan, G. H., & Prestemon, J. P. (2010). The Effect
of Trees on Crime in Portland, Oregon.
Environment and Behavior, 44(1), 3-30.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0013916510383238
El-Torky, M. (2015). Reduction of crime rates in Saudi
Arabia by 10% in the Past Year. Aleqtisadiah,
8035, 11 October. Riyadh: Saudi Research and
Publishing Company. (Arabic).
Elbadawi, I. (1991). The role of planning in promoting
safer communities. Canada: Dalhousie
University.
Elgarmadiand, A. S., & Özer, Ö. (2018). The relationship
syntax theory, Case study Al-khums City-
Libya. International Journal of Latest Research
in Humanities and Social Science (IJLRHSS),
1(7), 21-27.
http://www.ijlrhss.com/paper/volume-1-issue-
7/4.HSS-164.pdf
Elshater, A. (2012). New Urbanism Principles versus
Urban Design Dimensions towards Behavior
Performance Efficiency in Egyptian
Neighbourhood Unit. Procedia - Social and
Behavioral Sciences, 68, 826-843.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.12.270
Foster, S., Hooper, P., Knuiman, M., Bull, F., & Giles-
Corti, B. (2016). Are liveable neighbourhoods
safer neighbourhoods? Testing the rhetoric on
new urbanism and safety from crime in Perth,
Western Australia. Social Science & Medicine,
164, 150-157.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2015.04.01
3
between Malaysia and Nigeria. Journal of
Professor Dr. Maged Attia 97
 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021
Urban Management, 6(1), 19-29.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jum.2017.03.001
Ha, T., Oh, G.-S., & Park, H.-H. (2015). Comparative
analysis of Defensible Space in CPTED
housing and non-CPTED housing.
International Journal of Law, Crime and
Justice, 43(4), 496-511.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijlcj.2014.11.005
Hagan, F. E., & Daigle, L. E. (2018). Introduction to
Criminology: Theories, Methods, and Criminal
Behavior. SAGE Publications.
Harcourt, B. E. (2009). Illusion of Order: The False
Promise of Broken Windows Policing. Harvard
University Press.
Hardy, K. M. (1997). Crime prevention through
environmental design: A comparative analysis
of two Las Vegas apartment complexes
(Nevada) School of Architecture, College of
Fine Arts
University of Nevada]. Las Vegas.
https://www.elibrary.ru/item.asp?id=5567144
Hillier, B. (2004). Can streets be made safe? URBAN
DESIGN International, 9(1), 31-45.
https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.udi.9000079
Hillier, B., & Sahbaz, O. (2005). High Resolution
Analysis of Crime Patterns in Urban Street
Networks: an initial statistical sketch from an
ongoing study of a London borough.
Hillier, B., & Sahbaz, O. (2008). An evidence based
approach to crime and urban design, or, can we
have vitality, sustainability and security all at
once. Bartlett School of Graduates Studies
University College London, 1-28.
Kuo, F. E., & Sullivan, W. C. (2001). Environment and
Crime in the Inner City: Does Vegetation
Reduce Crime? Environment and Behavior,
33(3), 343-367.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0013916501333002
Lacoe, J., Bostic, R. W., & Acolin, A. (2018). Crime and
private investment in urban neighborhoods.
Journal of Urban Economics, 108, 154-169.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jue.2018.11.001
Lorenc, T., Clayton, S., Neary, D., Whitehead, M.,
Petticrew, M., Thomson, H., Cummins, S.,
Sowden, A., & Renton, A. (2012). Crime, fear
of crime, environment, and mental health and
wellbeing: Mapping review of theories and
causal pathways. Health & Place, 18(4), 757-
765.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2012.04.0
01
Maas, J., Spreeuwenberg, P., van Winsum-Westra, M.,
Verheij, R. A., Vries, S., & Groenewegen, P. P.
(2009). Is Green Space in the Living
Environment Associated with People's Feelings
of Social Safety? Environment and Planning A:
Economy and Space, 41(7), 1763-1777.
https://doi.org/10.1068/a4196
Malleson, N., & Birkin, M. (2012). Analysis of crime
patterns through the integration of an agent-
based model and a population microsimulation.
Computers, Environment and Urban Systems,
36(6), 551-561.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.compenvurbsys.2012.
04.003
Marques, S. C. R., Ferreira, F. A. F., Meidutė-
Kavaliauskienė, I., & Banaitis, A. (2018).
Classifying urban residential areas based on
their exposure to crime: A constructivist
approach. Sustainable Cities and Society, 39,
418-429.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.scs.2018.03.005
Marvi, L. T., & Behzadfar, M. (2015). Local
Sustainability with Emphasis on CPTED
Approach, The Case of Ab-kooh Neighborhood
in Mash-had. Procedia - Social and Behavioral
Sciences, 201, 409-417.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2015.08.194
McCord, E. S., Ratcliffe, J. H., Garcia, R. M., & Taylor,
R. B. (2007). Nonresidential Crime Attractors
and Generators Elevate Perceived
Neighborhood Crime and Incivilities. Journal
of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 44(3),
295-320.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0022427807301676
Mohit, M. A., & Hannan, M. H. E. (2012). A Study of
Crime Potentials in Taman Melati Terrace
Housing in Kuala Lumpur: Issues and
Challenges. Procedia - Social and Behavioral
Sciences, 42, 271-283.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.04.191
Nasar, J. L., Fisher, B., & Grannis, M. (1993). Proximate
physical cues to fear of crime. Landscape and
Urban Planning, 26(1-4), 161-178.
https://doi.org/10.1016/0169-2046(93)90014-5
Nasar, J. L., & Jones, K. M. (1997). Landscapes of Fear
and Stress. Environment and Behavior, 29(3),
291-323.
https://doi.org/10.1177/001391659702900301
Professor Dr. Maged Attia 98
 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021
Newman, O. (1972). Defensible space: crime prevention
through urban design. New York: Macmillan.
Nubani, L., & Wineman, J. (2005, 2005). The role of
space syntax in identifying the relationship
between space and crime Proceedings of the 5th
Space syntax Symposium on Space Syntax,
Delft, Holland.
http://spacesyntax.tudelft.nl/media/Long%20p
apers%20I/lindanubani.pdf
OSAC. (2019). Saudi Arabia 2019 Crime & Safety
Report: Jeddah.
https://www.osac.gov/Country/SaudiArabia/C
ontent/Detail/Report/29856272-46df-49b5-
8c3c-15f4aeafb5da
OSAC. (2020). Saudi Arabia 2020 Crime & Safety
Report: Riyadh.
https://www.osac.gov/Country/SaudiArabia/C
ontent/Detail/Report/f6af335c-d5b7-4087-
9086-186575bdfb0f
Pietenpol, A. M., Morgan, M. A., Wright, J. P.,
Almosaed, N. F., Moghrabi, S. S., & Bashatah,
F. S. (2018). The enforcement of crime and
virtue: Predictors of police and Mutaween
encounters in a Saudi Arabian sample of youth.
Journal of Criminal Justice, 59, 110-121.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2018.05.007
Piroozfar, P., Farr, E. R. P., Aboagye-Nimo, E., & Osei-
Berchie, J. (2019). Crime prevention in urban
spaces through environmental design: A critical
UK perspective. Cities, 95, 102411.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2019.102411
Robinson, P. E. M. (1997). Places of crime and
designing for prevention: a study of York
University Campus. Ontario: York University.
SABQ. (2017, 13 October 2017). Decline of crime in
Saudi Arabia: security alert, awareness of
society and a state that imposed its prestige with
justice. (Arabic). . SABQ online newspaper.
Sakip, S. R. M., & Abdullah, A. (2012). Measuring
Crime Prevention through Environmental
Design in a Gated Residential Area: A Pilot
Survey. Procedia - Social and Behavioral
Sciences, 42, 340-349.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.04.198
Serpas, R. W. (1998). Common-sense approaches with
contradictory results: Does defensible space
curb crime? (Publication Number 9900958)
[Ph.D., University of New Orleans]. ProQuest
Dissertations & Theses Global; ProQuest One
Academic. Ann Arbor.
https://www.proquest.com/docview/30442672
5?pq-origsite=gscholar&fromopenview=true#
Shon, P. C. H., & Barton-Bellessa, S. (2015). The
assumption of rational choice theory in Alfred
Adler's theory of crime: Unraveling and
reconciling the contradiction in Adlerian theory
through synthesis and critique. Aggression and
Violent Behavior, 25, 95-103.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2015.07.004
Soh, M. B. C. (2012). Crime and Urbanization: Revisited
Malaysian Case. Procedia - Social and
Behavioral Sciences, 42, 291-299.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.04.193
Sonia Hirt, & Zahm, D. L. (Eds.). (2012). The Urban
Wisdom of Jane Jacobs. Routledge.
Taylor, R. B. (2001). Breaking away from broken
windows: Baltimore neighborhoods and the
nationwide fight against crime, grime, fear, and
decline. Oxford, Westview Press.
Thacher, D. (2004). Order maintenance reconsidered:
Moving beyond strong causal reasoning. The
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 94,
381-414.
Wilcox, P. (2015). Routine Activities, Criminal
Opportunities, Crime and Crime Prevention. In
International Encyclopedia of the Social &
Behavioral Sciences: Second Edition (pp. 772-
779). Elsevier Inc.
Wolfe, M. K., & Mennis, J. (2012). Does vegetation
encourage or suppress urban crime? Evidence
from Philadelphia, PA. Landscape and Urban
Planning, 108(2), 112-122.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landurbplan.2012.08.
006
Yazdanfar, S. A. A., & Nazari, N. (2015). Proposed
Physical-environmental Factors Influencing
Personal and Social Security in Residential
Areas. Procedia - Social and Behavioral
Sciences, 201, 224-233.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2015.08.171
Zen, I., & Mohamad, N. A. A. (2014). Adaptation of
Defensible Space Theory for the Enhancement
of Kindergarten Landscape. Procedia - Social
and Behavioral Sciences, 153, 23-35.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.10.037
Professor Dr. Maged Attia 99
 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS, 5(1), 85-100/ 2021

How to cite this article:

Attia, M. (2021). Enhancing Security in Affordable Housing: The Case of Prince Fawaz Project. Journal of Contemporary Urban Affairs, 5(1), 85-100.
https://doi.org/10.25034/ijcua.2021.v5n1-8

Appendix
In a network of potential lines of movement, “connectivity” represents the possible paths that link any
two locations. While, “integration” is a measure of closeness-centrality; it identifies the streets that
minimize directional or metric distances from all possible destinations. It is a normalized measure of
distance from any "a space of origin" to all others in a system. In general, it calculates how close the
origin space is to all other spaces and can be seen as the measure of relative asymmetry (or relative
depth). Spaces, thus, are arranged from highly integrated (indicated with red) to highly isolated
(indicated with blue). Integrated spaces are those easily accessed from everywhere of the project
and vice versa. “Integration core” is a pattern made of the 10%, 25% or 50% most integrating spaces.
“Intelligibility” represents degree of correlation between connectivity and global integration values of
the axial lines in spatial configuration analysis. The high correlation between connectivity and
integration ensures that the spatial configuration is understandable and predictable for the pedestrian
or vehicular movement. Axial intelligibility indexes the degree to which the number of immediate
connections a line has is a reliable guide to the importance of that line in the system as a whole. A
strong correlation, or ‘high intelligibility’, implies that the whole can be read from the parts.
“Choice” measures how likely an axial line or a street segment it is to be passed through on all shortest
routes from all spaces to all other spaces in the entire system or within a predetermined distance
(radius) from each segment. While, “depth” exists wherever it is necessary to go through intervening
spaces to get from one space to another.

Professor Dr. Maged Attia 100

Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
clear as a bell on the night air, and told us there was one Boxer the
less in Peking.

Copyright, M. S. Woodward

BARRICADE BETWEEN THE AMERICAN AND RUSSIAN LEGATIONS

 Copyright, M. S. Woodward

READING THE SENTENCE OF DEATH TO THE BOXERS CAUGHT IN THE

RUSSIAN LEGATION

Captain Myers has turned out to be a most competent officer, and

the British Captain Strouts and the Russian Captain von Rahden
have worked together splendidly for the object of saving our three
Legations from attack and fire. These Legations form a kind of
triangle, our corner of which is the weakest owing to its bad shape.
The British compound is excellent for defence, having strong, high
walls, with stables or houses at the corners, one side having the
canal running parallel to it, and the other having the Imperial carriage
park.
 When the time comes that the United States and Russian
Legations can no longer hold out, the British Legation will be the
stage for a terrible last act. So far, of course, things are not as bad
as that, and fire is what we dread more than the disaffected Chinese
soldiers or Boxers. Nevertheless, things got so critical the day before
yesterday that food for a week for our entire Legation was sent over
to the British compound, and each of us had sent over a dress suit-
case with a change of linen, brushes, etc., so that in the event of our
having to leave our Legation on the moment, we would not be
absolutely comfortless and unprepared for a siege of several days
until Seymour and McCalla could relieve us.
Yesterday things got so bad that our bugler played the “call to
arms” four different times, which is the signal here for all women and
children and all non-fighting men to appear at the big gate of the
Legation, and within five minutes from that time Captain Myers will
decide what must be done—whether the marines will escort us over
to the Russian or the British Legation. After each of these alarms,
however, it was decided not to send us quite yet. At the last alarm
they kept us waiting, all huddled together like sheep, for an hour.
And such an hour as it was—the constant reports of Mauser rifles,
the absolute lack of knowing what was happening!
But at one moment I was obliged to forget the terror of it all and
look at the humorous side. Mrs. Squiers was holding her youngest
boy, a baby of four, in her arms, busy in quieting him. Her other boys,
Bard and Herbert, were there, too, rather subdued, and last, but not
least, our little cortège was completed by the arrival of the French
and German governesses, each of them arguing violently in her
respective mother-tongue. Mademoiselle is a large woman of ample
proportions in wrong places, and she had her bosom filled with
recommendation papers, which she fingered nervously—they were
all she was saving in the way of valuables. Clara, the German
governess, had forgotten what her valuables were, and looked quite
distraught with fear. She had a French clock in each hand, and was
telling me in broken English, German, and Chinese how afraid and
terrified she was. I said to her, “Gehen Sie mit mir,” and she clutched
my arm most painfully for the next half-hour.
 As I have said, fifty men came to Peking from the Newark on May
31, and twenty of them with an officer were sent to defend the big
Methodist mission near the Ha Ta Men Gate, which, because of its
area and large stone church, is capable of a very good defence, and
where all of the American Protestant missionaries that are lucky
enough to be in Peking have gone. Much to Captain Myers’ disgust
—it is so hopeless to divide this small military force—the Minister
insisted on sending this guard to them, instead of having them
brought into our defended lines. Consequently, there is no officer to
share the responsibility with him, or to give his men a sufficient
number of hours off duty during the twenty-four. He himself gets
about four hours sleep per diem, and that has to be taken in cat-
naps and in a folding-chair. He is liable to have even that short
period interrupted a dozen times by an over-anxious sergeant, who
wakes him up to come and see this or hear that. He naturally feels
the responsibility tremendously, and is on the qui vive at every shot.
His men are in about the same condition. This strain has been
without relief for eight days and nights.
Of the thirty marines here, ten, Dr. Lippitt tells me, should be on
the sick-list, and imagine how they feel with a compound full of
women to defend against perhaps thousands of half-crazed fanatics
who at any moment may break into the Legation. Their work is
splendid, and at all times they are prepared for the worst, but the
constant strain is unimaginable.
Captain McCalla wrote in his letter, which Mr. Squiers’s old
messenger brought back to us, that he was in despair, as others in
the relief party were not hustling enough. Our cry by night and day is,
“When will the troops arrive?” Will they get here before or after some
horrible massacre?
The men in the compound carry their rifles with them at all times,
even when dining. Mr. Squiers a few days ago presented modern
rifles with ammunition to all missionaries coming to the Legation.
Taken collectively, these missionaries are a splendid lot of men, and
are one and all most grateful to him for these arms, given them in
this moment of awful danger to their converts, their families, and
themselves. One night all left the table four times to run to the
outposts, where shots and fighting were heard. In most cases,
fortunately, they are not serious alarms—a few venturesome Boxers
or Imperial soldiers running amuck in Peking after loot, who have
decided to devil the foreigners. About three days ago we expected
the troops any minute; now we are not so sanguine.
A detachment of men from the English Legation, our Legation, and
the Russian Legation, started off under an English officer to rescue
some of the thousands of Chinese Christians who are being burned
and tortured by their enemies like rats in their holes. The tales that
reached us through our servants, many of whom are Christian
converts, and whose mothers, fathers, and wives are undergoing this
continuous St. Bartholomew, made our men feel that we should try to
do something for their rescue, even if we were not successful.
Fortunately this party of men did not meet any large number of
disciplined Chinese soldiers, finding them only in small groups. They
killed a great many, and one could easily imagine how happy our
men were to be able to kill these wretches in the very act of burning,
looting, killing, or torturing. Sergeant Walker told me he had sent
eight devils to glory; many of his shots he had seen take effect, and
others he hoped had done as good work.
The “Nan-t’ang,” a Roman Catholic church, founded in 1600 by the
early Jesuit missionaries, was burnt by these Boxers, and as most of
their converts and families live around the church, one can well
imagine the slaughter that took place before it was finally fired. This
is only one instance of the many missions and churches where the
same kind of thing has happened. The Roman Catholics alone claim
to have ten thousand converts in Peking.
The Pei-t’ang is a large fortress cathedral, and capable of splendid
defence. It is the oldest and richest Roman Catholic stronghold. In its
dual rôle of church and military position, which in the old days used
to go hand in hand, this community reminds one of the wonderful
and still extant example of feudal power, the Mont St. Michel in
Brittany, where cathedral and fortress dominate the higher part, and
its villages cluster around the base. So here this Roman Catholic
stronghold boasts the same arrangements, only with added hospitals
and orphan quarters. It is a wonderful church to exist now, when the
world is so old, and is supposed to be so peaceful. The French
Minister has sent a guard with two officers to help Archbishop Favier,
Superior of the Pei-t’ang.
In some instances hundreds of Christians thought it better to be
roasted in their houses and burnt to death than to try and escape.
Then, of course, the soldiers, Boxers, and thieves would loot the
entire entourage of these burning communities, and, having once
begun, they would not stop to inquire if the family were Buddhist or
Christian. They were busy in this pleasant work when our posse of
soldiers arrived on the scene of action, and the Chinese companies
that had been detailed for this work were so disorganized by their
lust of loot and cruelties that they were practically unable to attack
us, and generally ran away, except in some rare instances, when
they would rally and fight.
Mr. Pethick and Mr. Cheshire would raise their voices in Chinese
and tell the terrified people to come with them and they would be
saved. Sometimes it was necessary to go into the houses to assure
the people of this help. On entering the houses they saw many
horrible sights—women and children whose lives it was too late to
save. There was one small square compound that the Boxers had
burned, while in the inside there was an entire family of Chinese
Christians. The four walls were on fire, and these people were tied
hand and foot. Our men were unable to save them in any way, and
hastened to other places where they would not be too late. Babies
were seen being torn in two. The result of this morning’s work was
the rescue of about one thousand Chinese Christians, who otherwise
would certainly have been burned or killed within a few hours.
The officer in charge had them brought up Legation Street, which
has lately been barricaded, and, except foreigners, no one is allowed
to walk or pass. Two big barricades have been made at each end,
one beyond the Dutch Legation, the other below the Italian Legation.
And such a lot of poor, wretched people I hope never to see again.
Half starved, covered with soot and ashes from the fires, women
carrying on their breasts horribly sick and diseased babies, and in
one case a woman held a dead baby. One man of about fifty years
old carried on his shoulders his old mother, who must have been
every day of ninety years. She looked so withered and wrinkled, one
had to think of the burning of Troy and Æneas. A great many of
these people were terribly wounded—great spear-thrusts that made
jagged wounds, scalp-cuts and gashes on the throat where the
victim had been left for dead.
Dr. Lippitt, who came up with the marines, and the English and
Russian surgeons set to work, and tried to patch these poor people
together again, and they toiled, the three of them, steadily for many
hours. I have never imagined that such stoicism as these wretched
creatures exhibited could exist. They never uttered a cry or moved
even when the surgeons were operating on them.
Then the question arose as to what should be done with them.
They could not stay in the road; the Legations could not have them.
Dr. Morrison and Dr. H. James hit upon one of the happiest of ideas
—namely, the seizing of a lovely park belonging to a Prince Su,
which runs parallel to the British Legation, and is on the other side of
the canal. It is so big there would be plenty of room for as many of
these poor people as we shall be able to rescue, and being so near
us, it will be quite possible for us to defend it. Dr. Morrison saw that
the idea was carried out, and Dr. H. James went personally to Prince
Su, and interpreted to him that it would not only be kind, but wise, for
him to present his palace and park to his distressed fellow-citizens,
who were being massacred by the Imperial soldiers in different parts
of Peking, and in this way to furnish them with a refuge from the
brutes who had killed thousands of them, and who were desirous of
killing the rest. Dr. James implied that unless he voluntarily gave up
his “fu” (meaning park), we would take it.
Prince Su was most suave, and said nothing would give him
greater pleasure. There was probably some truth in what he said. He
was only too glad to get as far away as possible from these Legation
people, notwithstanding he would have to give up his palace. The
danger for his life might be very great if he were suspected, even for
a moment, of sympathizing with the foreigners, as might easily have
been maintained by his enemies had he continued to live in this
palace, which we told him he might do, as it was only his big park we
wanted for the Christians. He vacated the same day, leaving all of
his treasure and half of his harem. Thanks are due to Dr. Morrison.
How queerly things happen! These poor wretches, who had been
tortured and hounded to death only two hours before by Imperial
troops, were now housed in the palace of a mighty Prince, and
almost within the shadow of the Empress-Dowager’s palace. For
three days this splendid work of rescuing has continued, but finally
Captain Myers decided that, with all the night-watching and hard,
long hours of sentry work, our men could no longer endure it. So it
was discontinued, and I believe the other Legations have stopped for
the same reason. The English, Russians, and our men usually went
on these rescue parties together, and I never heard of friction,
though they were sometimes under an officer of one nationality and
the next day under another. The ten to twenty marines who were on
these parties counted at a very low estimate that they must have
killed 350 thieves, Boxers, and Imperial Chinese soldiers.

English
Compound, June 21.
Things are rapidly changing for the worse. On the afternoon of the
19th a communication came from the Yamen addressed to all the
Ministers, saying that, as all, or most, of the European Powers had
fired on the Taku Forts, war was practically declared, and, such
being the case, they would be pleased for all the Legations to take
their passports, and allow the Chinese Imperial troops to escort them
safely to the coast, whence they could leave the country. This was a
thunderbolt coming to the Ministers, and yet so plausible and
possible did the proposition appear to Sir Claude Macdonald and Mr.
Conger that they were almost ready to acquiesce if the Chinese
promised proper transportation.
The German Minister, Von Ketteler, was very undecided—so much
so that he determined to go by himself the next morning to the
Tsung-li Yamen and have a quiet talk with the members, and in this
way arrive at a conclusion as to whether there would be foul play in
case we accepted their escort. As he had some knowledge of the
Chinese language, he was able to probe a little deeper into a
conversation than were his colleagues, who were naturally forced to
speak entirely through an interpreter.
The majority of the Ministers—De Giers, Cologan, Knobel, Pichon,
Salvago Raggi, etc.—were wavering, first to accept the proposition
and then not to; but by five o’clock in the afternoon it was so
generally believed that the Ministers as a body would accept the
Tsung-li Yamen’s ultimatum that all foreigners should leave the next
morning at ten, that the executive members of the different Legation
staffs had been out buying or procuring in any way possible large
numbers of Chinese carts for the Legation personnel, and we
women were packing the tiny amount of hand-luggage we were to be
allowed to take with us, wondering whether to fill the small bag with a
warm coat, to protect us on this indefinite journey to the coast, or to
take six fresh blouses. Our hearts were wrung as to what to do, and
while we were arranging and worrying about these trivial details the
great diplomatic question was at a white-heat.
The Ministers were moving about from one Legation to another,
arguing, talking—always talking. The strong men felt we must not
leave Peking until our own foreign soldiers arrived to escort us, but
the weak men felt in despair as to which course to vote for. They did
not like the idea of leaving either, but, oh dear, what a breach of
diplomacy to receive their passports and then to decline to go! The
strong, who knew, were so few, and the weak, who feared to disobey
the Tsung-li Yamen, were so many, that it looked very much as if we
were all to start out to our deaths the following morning.
During the afternoon two or three men made a visit to the
Legations, hoping to be able to rally the Ministers into promising to
cast an undiplomatic vote when the final conference should take
place; and at one time Dr. Morrison took the floor, he being the
spokesman for the vast crowd of intelligent individuals—engineers,
bankers, trades-people, and missionaries—who one and all were in
favour of waiting until Seymour and McCalla arrived. He looked the
Ministers square in the eyes, and said:
 “If you men vote to leave Peking to-morrow, the death of every
man, woman, and child in this huge unprotected convoy will be on
your heads, and your names will go through history and be known
for ever as the wickedest, weakest, and most pusillanimous cowards
who ever lived.”

THE TSUNG-LI YAMEN

On the evening of the 19th Von Ketteler sent an official letter to the
Yamen, saying on the following morning, at ten o’clock, he should go
to the Foreign Office, as he wished to discuss with the Tsung-li
Yamen the trip to Tien-tsin, etc. A little before ten on the morning of
the 20th he started to keep this appointment. He was in his official
chair, his interpreter in one behind him, and both unarmed. Four of
his Legation guard started out with him, but, after proceeding a short
distance, Von Ketteler saw the congested condition of the streets
and the great number of excited soldiers everywhere, and, rather
than run the possibility of his men getting into a row, he sent them
back to the Legation, and proceeded on his way to the Yamen in just
such a style as a high Chinese mandarin would go through the
streets, with only his two maffus riding on in front as outriders. These
Chinese servants, being mounted, were the first people to bring the
news back to the German Legation of his murder. Von Ketteler was
passing a kind of guard-house where at all times a fairly large
number of Imperial Chinese soldiers was kept. A number of them
rushed out, surrounded his chair, and shot him many times in the
back of the head. His interpreter was shot at as he was escaping
with great difficulty, and a volley of shot was fired at him as he
started to run. He escaped, however, to the big Methodist mission,
where his wounds were dressed and he was cared for.
When the horrible news came to the German Legation, all the
soldiers and officers there made a sortie as near as possible over
the route taken by Von Ketteler; but it was not feasible for them to
continue the search for his body, as they could very easily have been
cut off from the Legation quarter by the Chinese troops, and have
been placed in a desperate position.
When the story of Von Ketteler’s murder had been confirmed, a
shiver of horror shook each and every foreigner then in Peking; and
we realized, perhaps for the first time, the horror of our position.
Baroness von Ketteler, half crazed, wandered wildly about the most
exposed and dangerous part of the German Legation. It was only by
Lady Macdonald’s telling her that probably her husband’s body was
at the British Legation that she was able to get her there, it being
necessary, of course, for her to be put somewhere safe from bullet-
fire, where women could be with her and do what little they could.
Those soldiers who killed Von Ketteler were Imperial Chinese
troops, and represent the Empress-Dowager, and for them to have
the audacity to kill a Minister shows us how much real power for the
good there is in Peking to-day.
In the early afternoon the Ministers in conference decided that
everyone must go to the British compound—that is to say, all women
and children, missionaries, etc. The idea of getting our passports
was no more discussed. Von Ketteler’s murder had opened our eyes
to our real position and the real attitude of the Imperial troops, so
that the question of being escorted by them to the coast was never
again seriously thought of for a moment, except to feel that Von
Ketteler’s death was the price we paid in order to learn of the
positive treachery of the Chinese officials, although one must not
forget there were many clever men in Peking who from the first
argued in the strongest way against our going to Tien-tsin with a
Chinese escort, begging the Ministers to wait until our own relief
force, under Seymour, should arrive, and then let our own soldiers
escort us to Tien-tsin. There is no question, however, that as a body
the Ministers were for accepting the offer of the Chinese officials,
and that it was only the tragedy of the 20th that made them see the
impossibility of such a course.
The women and children and non-fighting men having gone to the
British Legation, the men and marines in each Legation will stay and
defend their respective fortresses as long as possible, and then
make the English compound the one for a final stand. Legation
Street, beginning with the Italian Legation, is completely cleared of
all Chinese, and extends over the bridge up to our Legation, where
we made big barricades, as we have this part of the street to defend;
then the British Legation continues down from the bridge by the
Imperial Wall up to the canal to the Tartar Wall. Besides this place of
defence (which is the best position, and will be the final refuge for
everyone), the Legations are defending themselves and their flags
as long as they can; for, by keeping our lines as large as possible,
when the end comes we shall be able slowly to retreat more and
more, which will give us time, and by each day gained relief must be
getting nearer.
As we have positive proof from the Chinese that the Admirals have
taken the Taku Forts, it must be that relief is very near, or they would
never have jeopardized our lives in Peking by this overt act of war,
unless at the same time they were in a position to save us in case
the Chinese in Peking would retaliate by attempting to massacre us.
 The American missionaries of several denominations, who have
been defended in their big missions near the Ha Ta Men Gate by
twenty of our marines, have been brought to our Legation to-day bag
and baggage, not to mention babies. They consist of seventy-six
adults and a large number of children, and while here Mrs. Squiers
arranged a luncheon for everybody—men, women, and children;
and, although she knows her food-supplies may possibly run short
for her own large family, she opened her storeroom, containing
staple groceries and many crates of condensed milk and cream, and
urged these women to take, individually or collectively, literally as
much as they could carry of the articles they most needed to tide
them over until the troops arrive. These women had all had a taste of
siege life, and already knew what it was to see their children show
the lack of proper food; and they consequently availed themselves
fully of Mrs. Squiers’s more than generous offer. It was a happy
“mothers’ congress” that denuded those storeroom shelves, and
then this missionary convoy was taken over to the British Legation,
and Lady Macdonald gave them the chapel for their lodging.
There are so many women in our United States Legation that the
British have assigned us the doctor’s bungalow. Dr. Poole is the
compound surgeon, and we are living in comparative comfort
compared to the people of other Legations. Politics seem to enter
into the distribution of the Legation houses that are assigned to the
heads of each Legation, and after a Minister is given one, he
proceeds to arrange his people as comfortably as he can. Our house
has not many rooms, but they are large, whereas the Russian
Minister has been given the second secretary’s house, which is in
bad repair, and is anything but commodious. Sir R. Hart, as Chief of
Customs, has one of the inferior houses, which is unfortunate, as his
Customs officials are very numerous; but then, from time
immemorial, the British Minister has never loved the Customs
people’s great power in having control of the huge revenues of
China.
BARRICADE ACROSS THE CANAL TO THE FU
 Copyright, M. S. Woodward

SANDBAG BARRICADE IN AMERICAN LEGATION

It is now almost two weeks since the troops started from Tien-tsin.
Where are they? Seymour must be in command, and Sir Robert Hart
suggests that, when he gets here, we call him Admiral See-no-more,
or, if the Queen wishes to increase his rank for his rapid relief of
Peking, she could with reason call him Lord Slow-come. The
Russians themselves have christened Colonel Wogack Colonel Go-
back.
Thank heavens that this compound is spacious—big trees and
comparatively numerous houses. The Protestant missionaries are
now all housed in the Legation chapel, where they have turned the
vestry room into a model kitchen and the altar into a table d’hôte. A
herd of sheep and a cow have been corralled and installed in the
stables, so we shall have meat, in case we are besieged, for several
weeks. But if we are not besieged so long, the most sanguine say
that the Chinese, who are a nation of cowards, will get over their awe
of the foreigner when they find how easily they have made him leave
his Legations and collect in the strongest one. When the moment
arrives when they entirely lose that awe, how easy it will be for Tung
Fu-hsiang alone (even he controls about 10,000 troops around
Peking) to make a rush on us, although perhaps the only strength of
his force lies in its numbers! To get in, to fire and massacre all the
hated foreigners at one catch, is not at all impossible.
Legation Street being held by us Americans, we were allowed to
have our trunks brought over here and placed in the five-room house
which was turned over to Mr. Conger for himself and official family.
Dr. Poole, to whom this bungalow belonged, ate at a mess, so that,
not having any need for his stove in the kitchen of his house, it was
immaterial to him whether it was broken or not, but what a difference
it made to us! Mr. Conger’s large family, increased by several guests
from Chicago, had their meals cooked on this delightful stove at
certain hours. Our family—that of the First Secretary of the Legation
—is also very large, and accordingly we find it necessary to have
meals at other hours; then, again, the Second Secretary, Mr.
Bainbridge, arranges his chow at times during the day when it may
be possible to cook something; and still again, Dr. Coltman, with his
wife and six children, who have a room in the bungalow, have a
definite time for their mess.
As we have come in so recently, our meals are mostly cold, in the
spirit of catch as catch can. I find a great deal of coffee and tinned
beef is devoured during the day with great gusto by our officers,
soldiers, and civilians. Yesterday we brought all the tinned things
over here from our Legation, but, as we are extremely uncertain as
to the length of our siege, we realize it is just as well not to have too
large appetites.
Mr. Squiers has been assigned two rooms of this house placed at
the disposal of the United States Legation. They are situated at the
back, opening directly on the filthy, dirty Chinese servants’ quarters.
Mrs. Squiers, my maid, and I have the large room, which is
practically the living-room for the family and mess of the First
Secretary of the Legation. Our trunks, with two silver chests, and all
the many dozens of tins of food that we brought from our Legation,
are banked all round, up against the walls. The big double mattress
on which we sleep is rolled up in the daytime, and we use it for seats
as well as the trunks. We have no furniture, as Dr. Poole moved his
bed to the hospital and found other places for the rest that he had,
so the room is completely empty. Perhaps it is just as well, however,
because we have great difficulty in finding a place big enough to
spread our mattress out when night comes as our stores and trunks
almost fill the room.
The three children have their respective cribs, which we were wise
enough to bring over from our Legation. They are placed in the other
room which looks out on the little avenue that runs through the
compound. The air is much purer there than in our room, where we
breathe the servants’ air and gas which rises from a broken sewer.
The French and German governesses are placed in the ends of
small halls.
When we were collecting a few comforts—mattresses, cribs for the
children, etc.—in our Legation to bring over to this compound, we
carelessly brought, too, a light-blue satin eiderdown quilt, which we
took from one of the bedrooms, and now we are glad to have it, for it
serves as a most admirable portable bed. When his services are not
needed as orderly to Captain Strouts, Fargo Squiers gets some
hours of good rest on it. He takes it to any particular spot where he
thinks his services may be needed during the night, and, with a
childlike ability to sleep anywhere, and an old veteran’s ability to
wake up promptly, he finds this scrap of luxury from the old life doing
excellent duty as a campaign adjunct. The sky-blue shade, however,
is fast becoming a rich London smoke. Mr. Squiers, like other men
who assist at the night-attacks, and must be ready to work anywhere
at any time, sleeps in his clothes and his boots, usually in the
American Legation, taking his rest in periods of forty Winks at such
time as he is not needed.
As things are not systematically arranged yet—in fact, we hope
the troops will be here before we need to get things in such a
condition—we do a good deal of cooking on our chafing-dish. When
we turn the room into a nursery for the children (for we cannot keep
them always in their own room, nor can we allow them to be much in
the compound, as half the time it is thick with exploding bullets), it is
then a sight to behold. There are a good many children here. Their
one game seems to be “Boxers,” and they copy in miniature what we
grown-ups are playing in earnest. The younger ones are forced into
being the attacking Chinese, and I am afraid when the big ones
repulse them, they occasionally get very real bumps on their heads.
They have small sandbags and barricades, and their Chinese
warwhoop of Sha, sha! (Kill, kill!) is a creditable imitation of the real
thing. It is all very clever, and they are all very full of life, and I help
them to play, for it’s a good thing that they don’t realize what all this
may mean, and we hope that relief will come before they lose their
spirit and before they know.
One can see, on walking about, missionary children, of whom
there are quantities, elbowing Ministers Plenipotentiary, and the
latter going about without collars. The Belgian Minister, for instance,
is a good example of the condition of to-day. He, with his First
Secretary of Legation, M. Merghelynckem, Chevalier de Melotte, and
his English valet, have been most gallantly defending their Legation
for a long time without help of any kind. They killed many Boxers
who attacked them, but they were so few that they found it
impossible, after eight days, to hold out any longer, and were forced
to leave. A party of Austrian soldiers went to their rescue and
escorted them into the Legation lines, as the Belgian is quite distant
from this centre. They had the pleasure of seeing their compound
fired fifteen minutes after they left, and knew it was being looted as
well. They then became “refugee colleagues,” and stopped first with
the Austrians, then came here. They have for wardrobes the clothes
they have on their backs, only M. Joostens has one extra blue cotton
shirt and one piqué cravat.
Our Protestant missionaries are working steadily and continually
wherever it is most essential, and besides doing everywhere the
work of men, they have taken under their wing the care and feeding
of that vast number of rescued Chinese converts who are now in
Prince Su’s park. Most of the Roman Catholic brothers, in contrast,
not only do not raise a finger to work, but in no way occupy
themselves usefully.
Firing seems to continue at all times, but it is mostly over our
heads. Yesterday Boxers tried to loot and fire the Dutch Legation,
which is next to ours, and Captain Myers turned our machine-gun on
the crowd for a minute and killed six Boxers, so the attempt to loot
was not successful, but the burning of the compound continues. The
Methodist Mission, so lately vacated, was looted and burned last
night. So much happens in every twenty-four hours I can hardly keep
account of it all, and as a background to the hourly horrors that
develop is the continuous snipe, snipe, sniping, mostly by our own
men, who are on roofs of buildings shooting at the constantly
approaching incendiaries.
All food-supplies which can be procured in any way from
anywhere by anyone have now to be turned in to the committee in
charge of food, and everything is deposited with them on the
erstwhile tennis-court of the British Legation, which is their
headquarters. In fact, everything of a useful nature is stored there,
whence it will later be distributed where most needed. The two
foreign shops in Peking are Imbeck’s and Kieruff’s, and as they are
too far up Legation Street to be defended in any way, they have
been abandoned by their owners with their contents. The committee
on food-supplies, although greatly desiring the stores on the shelves
of these shops, would not attempt to get them, as anyone making
the attempt would become a perfect target for Boxer snipers as soon
as he left the protection of our last barricade on Legation Street.
Imagine our surprise when, late in the afternoon, a Chinese cart,
driven by Fargo Squiers, a boy of fifteen years old, came thundering
into the British compound with the upper part of the cart riddled with
bullet-holes. He was heading for the two rooms in Dr. Poole’s house
which had been allotted to his family, and his freight consisted of
dozens of tins of the above-mentioned supplies from Imbeck’s death-
surrounded shop, which he had procured at the greatest risk to his
own life. The committee were about to order him to unload his
desirable cargo with them, to be used for the good of the public, but
upon hearing that the boy had ridden into the very jaws of death to
procure these supplies, and had dared what no man in the
compound had dared to do, they told him he could have the
disposition of them, for by his rash valour he had well earned the lot.
It seems he procured a Chinese cart and forced two coolies to go
with him. On their way to Imbeck’s one was killed by a bullet in his
head, and though the other survived to help him load the cart, after
arriving in the courtyard of the place, he had difficult work, as coolie
number two tried to run away, and twice the boy had to point the
muzzle of his rifle at him, indicating what he would do if he made any
further attempts. They were fairly free from shots while actually
loading the cart. On the return trip every yard of the way they were
peppered by bullets, and the second coolie was wounded, but not
killed. This boy saw what he thought he ought to do, and he did it;
but what a terrible price might have been paid for these stores!
Apropos of stores, these last certainly are welcome. Our mess is
large, and so many tins were given to the missionaries and other
needy people before we came to the British compound that we
would have felt the lack of staple groceries tremendously had not
this large windfall arrived.
The committee on food-supplies have two articles in tremendous
quantities—all kinds of tobacco (long black cigars and Egyptian
cigarettes) and dozens of cases of wines, mostly red and white,
which will be a great help to the Continentals here. These supplies
were procured by the committee from deserted shops near enough
to the Legation centre to make their procuring not too dangerous. I
think the general public was more pleased at the arrival of these
stores than were the missionaries in charge, for with misgivings the
question arose surely in their minds, Were these things sent to us
from Heaven or from the other place?

Friday, June 23.

The excitement to-day is terrible, and much more intense than
anything we have yet had. Fires are starting in all our “lines.” The
horror and dislike of leaving our respective Legations to concentrate