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E N S U R I N G T H E S U C C E S S O F L AT I N O
M A L E S I N H I G H E R E D U C AT I O N
ENSURING THE SUCCESS
OF LATINO MALES IN
HIGHER EDUCATION
A National Imperative
Edited by Victor B. Sáenz, Luis Ponjuán, and

Julie López Figueroa
Foreword by William Serrata
STERLING, VIRGINIA
COPYRIGHT © 2016 BY
STYLUS PUBLISHING, LLC.
Published by Stylus Publishing, LLC.

22883 Quicksilver Drive
Sterling, Virginia 20166-2102
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted

or reproduced in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying, recording, and information storage and
retrieval, without permission in writing from the publisher.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Saenz, Victor B., editor of compilation. | Ponjuan, Luis,
editor of compilation. | López Figueroa, Julie, 1969- editor.
Title: Ensuring the success of Latino males in higher education : a
national imperative / edited by Victor B. Sâaenz, Luis Ponjuan, and
Julie L. Figueroa ; foreword by William Serrata.
Description: First edition. | Sterling, Virginia : Stylus Publishing,
LLC, 2016. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2015026437|
ISBN 9781579227876 (cloth : alk. paper) |
ISBN 9781579227883 (pbk. : alk. paper) |
ISBN 9781579227890 (library networkable e-edition) |
ISBN 9781579227906 (consumer e-edition)
Subjects: LCSH: Hispanic American men--Education, Higher. |
Hispanic American
men--Education, Higher--Social aspects.
Classification: LCC LC2670.6 .E67 2016 | DDC
378.1/982968073--dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015026437
13-digit ISBN: 978-1-57922-787-6 (cloth)

13-digit ISBN: 978-1-57922-788-3 (paperback)
13-digit ISBN: 978-1-57922-789-0 (library networkable e-edition)
13-digit ISBN: 978-1-57922-790-6 (consumer e-edition)
Printed in the United States of America
All first editions printed on acid-free paper

that meets the American National Standards Institute
Z39-48 Standard.
Bulk Purchases
Quantity discounts are available for use in workshops and for

staff development.
Call 1-800-232-0223
First Edition, 2016
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
We dedicate this book to our families for their enduring support.
Victor B. Sáenz would like to express his thanks and gratitude to the Sáenz
family, especially his loving wife, Erica Sáenz, and their son, Victor Agustin
“Augie” Sáenz. He also thanks his parents, Benito and Adoracion Sáenz, for
being the best parents a young Latino boy could hope for, and his siblings and
extended Sáenz and Gonzalez families.
Luis Ponjuán expresses his thanks to his immediate family, Lurel and Davis
Ponjuán, as well as his parents, Luis and Martha Ponjuán.
Julie López Figueroa extends her thanks to the entire Figueroa family, especially
her loving parents, Macedonio and Maria Figueroa.
We also dedicate this book to all Latino males . . . young boys, young men,
fathers, immigrants, laborers, and leaders. For those who have lost sight of their
educational path, our hope is that you regain your footing and find your way.
Our community needs you.
CONTENTS
FOREWORD xi
William Serrata
PREFACE xv
Victor B. Sáenz
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xxi
PART ONE: INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING:

LATINO MALES IN K–12 AND HIGHER EDUCATION
1. CURRENT TRENDS AND FUTURE OUTLOOKS ON THE

PERVASIVE GENDER GAP IN EDUCATIONAL
ATTAINMENT FOR LATINO MALES 3
Victor B. Sáenz, Luis Ponjuán, and Julie López Figueroa
2. LATINO MALES IN AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS 21

An Examination of the 2012 High School Longitudinal Study
Luis Ponjuán
PART TWO: EXPLORING THEORIES TO UNDERSTAND

THE PATHWAYS FOR LATINO MALES IN
HIGHER EDUCATION
3. THE GEOGRAPHY OF ACADEMIC SUPPORT 43

A Framework to Understand Latino Male Perceptions and
Practices in Higher Education
Julie López Figueroa
4. (RE)CONSTRUCTING MASCULINITY 60
Understanding Gender Expectations Among Latino
Male College-Going Students
Julie López Figueroa, Patricia A. Pérez, and Irene I. Vega
vii
viii CONTENTS
5. AN INTERSECTIONALITY ANALYSIS OF LATINO MEN

IN HIGHER EDUCATION AND THEIR
HELP-SEEKING BEHAVIORS 75
Nolan L. Cabrera, Fatemma D. Rashwan-Soto, and Bryant G. Valencia
PART THREE: RESEARCH ON PREPARATION, PERSISTENCE,

AND SUCCESS FOR LATINO MALES IN SECONDARY
AND POSTSECONDARY EDUCATION
6. LATINO MALE HIGH SCHOOL MATH ACHIEVEMENT 95

The Influential Role of Psychosociocultural Factors
Ismael Fajardo, José M. Hernandez, and José Muñoz
7. EXAMINING THE ROLE OF FAMILY IN MEXICAN AMERICAN

COLLEGE MEN’S ACADEMIC PERSISTENCE 116
Lizette Ojeda and Linda G. Castillo
8. OVER THE IVY WALL 132

Latino Male Achievers Nurturing Cultural Wealth at a
Highly Selective Predominantly White Institution
David Pérez II
9. CABALLEROS MAKING CAPITAL GAINS IN COLLEGE 152

The Role of Social Capital in First-Year Persistence at a
Predominantly White 4-Year Institution
Tracy Arámbula Ballysingh
PART FOUR: MOVING FROM RESEARCH TO PRACTICE:

MEETING THE NEEDS OF LATINO MALES IN
HIGHER EDUCATION
10. LATINO MALES IN HIGHER EDUCATION 177

Administrator Awareness of the Emerging Challenges
Victor B. Sáenz, Sarah Rodriguez, Katie Ortego Pritchett,
Jennifer Estrada, and Kelty Garbee
11. EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITY, COLLEGE CHOICES,

AND HIGHER EDUCATION 192
What Can We Learn From Research on Latinas?
Miguel A. Ceja
CONTENTS ix
12. COLLABORATIVE CONSCIOUSNESS 209

Improving Latino Male Student Research, Policy, and Practice
Luis Ponjuán
Editors and Contributors 225
Index 231
FOREWORD
S
áenz and Ponjuán (2009) characterized it best when they wrote in their
seminal piece that Latino male college students are effectively vanishing
from American postsecondary institutions. Hyperbole aside, we know
that three out of every five degrees (i.e., associate’s or bachelor’s) earned by
Hispanics are earned by females (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2011). Such dispari-
ties in degree attainment are growing across all critical junctures within
the education pipeline, and recent attention from institutional leaders and
policymakers finally mirrors years of concern from educational leaders about
this persistent gender gap in educational attainment. This gap is especially
a cause for concern when you consider the changing demographics of our
country to one that is increasingly Latina/o.
In Texas, where I serve as a community college president for one of the
largest community college districts in the state, colleges and universities have
been focused on bridging gaps at these critical junctures by reaching pre-
scribed targets for higher education participation and success outlined in
the state’s Closing the Gaps benchmarks. In recent revisions to this plan
(Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board, 2010), the state explicitly
highlighted the importance of improving participation and success rates for
Latino males and African American males across the educational pipeline.
Indeed, for years our state has spotlighted the urgency of this issue and ele-
vated it to the level of state policy imperative. At the federal level, President
Obama’s recent launch of the My Brother’s Keeper initiative is a commend-
able step forward in elevating this issue to the level of national policy impera-
tive (White House, 2014).
These state and national imperatives establish a clear urgency and legiti-
macy for focusing our efforts on males of color in education. However, in
order to “move the needle” for male student success we need to act locally.
This book comes at an opportune time, a time when higher education lead-
ers, policymakers, and practitioners need access to the most current research,
expertise, and guidance on this critical subpopulation of students. With its
focus on theory, emerging research, and best practices, this edited volume
is a timely resource for local, state, and national stakeholders committed to
improving educational outcomes for Latino males. This book represents a wel-
come contribution that will enhance our understanding of this complex issue,
xi
xii FOREWORD
and ignite a sincere attempt to spark greater awareness and dialogue about this
fast-growing and increasingly important segment of our national population.
A Call to Action
I realize that I have been blessed to have a career within the walls of higher
education, for it is truly a noble profession. As college and university practi-
tioners and leaders, we have the ability to facilitate the educational journey
for thousands of students as a means to fulfill their potential in today’s knowl-
edge society. A large majority of Latino male students are first-generation col-
lege students, and their access and success at our institutions may potentially
impact their entire family and thus have generational impact. Such was the
case for my personal story within higher education, which began nearly 30
years ago. As a result of my struggles, trials, and tribulations, coupled with
some ultimate triumphs as a college student, my three siblings, two of whom
are Latino males, and I have collectively garnered 11 postsecondary degrees.
The knowledge I gained provided a smoother pathway for my younger sib-
lings to succeed. My hope is that my experiences in higher education will
in turn provide the same smooth pathway for my two sons—who are also
Latino males.
Prior to having the honor of leading El Paso Community College, the
first 18 years of my career were spent working within and leading a division
of student affairs and enrollment management. Student affairs and enroll-
ment management professionals are uniquely positioned to have a positive
impact on Latino males’ access and success in higher education. Student
affairs staff serve as a bridge for students to and from our colleges and univer-
sities, as both the recruitment process and the graduation process are usually
housed in this respective division. Ensuring that the initiatives led by student
affairs encompass a focus on Latino males is a prominent start to address
their access and success in our institutions.
As a higher education leader I propose the following actions at your
respective college or university in order to address this growing state and
national imperative.
Data: Shining the Light

Many institutions of higher education are oblivious to the fact that a gender
gap in educational attainment may exist on their campus, especially among
historically underrepresented student groups. It is imperative for college and
university leaders to utilize their institutional resources to produce data dis-
aggregated by race and gender in order to determine the institution’s current
FOREWORD xiii
demographic state. The data should and must be shared with institutional
leaders and decision makers in order to develop an understanding and
college-wide strategy/action plan to impact Latino males. These data should
be produced and reviewed on a semester basis, and corresponding bench-
marks, targets, and milestones should be developed and tracked by senior
leadership. A note of caution for senior leaders: A focus on Latino males
should not be at the expense of any other student population—that is, this
should be in addition to and not in place of other student initiatives. This is
particularly important in regard to female and especially Latina initiatives. As
the editors of this volume have noted, this is not a zero-sum context.
Champions and Allies: Creating the Will

Once college and university leaders have built consensus regarding the base-
line data, it will then be instrumental to develop a cadre of champions and
allies who are passionate about affecting this group. Once again, student
affairs and enrollment management staff are very well suited to serve in
such a capacity. More important will be to identify and appoint faculty lead-
ers who are passionate about this cause and mandate that they collaborate
with student affairs and enrollment management staff. This will benefit the
college or university twofold; it will ensure the integration of academic and
student affairs and in turn facilitate student success for the entire student
population, including Latino males.
Service to Community: Investing in Our Future

College and university leaders understand that the success of our institutions
will ultimately be judged by the success of the students we are privileged
to serve. Most institutions’ mission statements include a provision of ser-
vice. Service to our community, state, and nation is a vital premise of our
institutions’ existence, as is academic excellence. Given the growing Latina/o
population, ensuring Latino male access to and success within colleges and
universities will prove to be paramount in serving our communities, states,
and nation. Our role as higher education leaders and practitioners is to shed
light on the “vanishing Latino male,” build and sustain the will within our
campuses to address the issue, and remind our faculty and staff that address-
ing this state and national policy imperative is an investment in our future.
William Serrata
President
El Paso Community College
xiv FOREWORD
References
Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuán, L. (2009). The vanishing Latino male in higher
education. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 8(1), 54–89. doi:10.1177/
1538192708326995
Sáenz, V. B., & Ponjuán, L. (2011). Men of color: Ensuring the academic success of
Latino males in higher education. Washington, DC: Institute of Higher Education
Policy. Retrieved from http://www.ihep.org/assets/files/publications/m-r/%28
Brief%29_Men_of_Color_Latinos.pdf
Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board. (2010). Closing the gaps progress
report 2010. Retrieved from http://www.thecb.state.tx.us/reports/DocFetch
.cfm?DocID=2045&Format=PDF
The White House. (2014). My Brother’s Keeper. Retrieved from https://www.white
house.gov/my-brothers-keeper
PREFACE
Victor B. Sáenz
I
n February 2014 President Barack Obama launched My Brother’s
Keeper, a national initiative enlisting the support of public and private
entities and aimed at improving educational and life outcomes for boys
and young men of color. For too long we have belabored the sobering data
that point to a persistent gender gap in educational attainment for males of
color, a narrative that often includes social critiques of the school-to-prison
pipeline, mass incarceration, and overrepresentation in the special education
ranks and the school discipline pipeline. President Obama’s initiative is a
welcome step forward, one that seeks to change the tenor of conversation
and thus the narrative from hand-wringing to collective action. This initia-
tive has brought together public and private organizations, school districts,
city leaders, community activists, scholars, students and families, and phil-
anthropic organizations that have pledged a long-term commitment. This
commitment is to support actionable next steps as well as promising research
and best practices that could ensure the success of boys and young men of
color across the country. President Obama’s avowed support comes at a criti-
cal time in this burgeoning movement, one that is clearly being elevated to
the level of national policy imperative.
Our new book, Ensuring the Success of Latino Males in Higher Education:
A National Imperative, also comes at a critical time, a time when national,
state, and local conversations are expanding the definition of males of color
to include Latino males and other historically marginalized groups of male
students. The chapters within this book on Latino males collectively repre-
sent a timely and necessary contribution to these conversations. The shifting
demographic reality represented by the growth of the Latina/o community
also gives our focus on Latino males a singular urgency.
Purpose of This Book

The topic of why Latino males are not keeping pace in higher education—
relative to their male peers—is an important and complex one, and it lies
at the heart of this book. Several broad themes are highlighted throughout
xv
xvi PREFACE
this book and catalogued along the three dimensions of theory, research,
and practice. Through the contributions of emerging scholars and seasoned
practitioners, we share new research on factors that inhibit or promote
Latino male student success at 4-year institutions, community colleges,
and secondary institutions in order to inform both policy and practice
across the education continuum. Some chapters explore the social-cultural
factors, peer dynamics, and labor force demands that may be perpetuating
the persistent gender gap in educational attainment for Latino males, and
they consider what lessons can be learned from research on the success
of Latinas. Other chapters closely examine key practices that enable first-
generation Latino male undergraduates to succeed, practices that may seem
counterintuitive to institutional expectations and preconceived notions of
student behavior.
Chapters within this book also explore the role of family in persistence.
They outline how Latino men fulfill family and academic expectations and
thus negotiate the sometimes emasculating educational process. The chap-
ters also examine how males confront racialization in the pursuit of a higher
education, uncover attitudes to help-seeking that are detrimental to these
students’ success, and analyze how those who succeed and progress in college
apply their social capital—whether aspirational, navigational, social, linguis-
tic, familial, or resistant.
While uncovering the lack of awareness at varying levels of our colleges
and universities about the depth and severity of the challenges facing Latino
males, this book provides the foundation for rethinking institutional policy,
programming, and practice, and it further challenges leaders to institutional-
ize male-focused programs and services. A few chapters within the book also
present data to inform needed changes in practice for outreach and retention.
Regardless of how contributors position their work in terms of policy, theory,
research, and practice, all contributors were asked to specifically highlight
implications for policy and/or practice. In other words, our goal is to broker
and enlist greater support in addressing the Latino male crisis in higher educa-
tion and ultimately inspire action from a variety of educational stakeholders.
There have been other books in recent years that focus on males’
educational experiences in higher education and especially African American
males’ experiences (Harper, 2013; Harper & Harris, 2010), but less is known
about the educational experiences of Latino males in education. Noguera,
Hurtado, and Fergus (2012) published an important book that focused
explicitly on Latino males, and it included a discussion of the various issues
affecting Latinos from multiple disciplinary perspectives (e.g., health care,
prisons, education). Rios (2011) published a book on the overpolicing and
hypercriminalization of Black and Latino male youth in an era of mass
PREFACE xvii
incarceration and the school-to-prison pipeline. Campos (2012) addressed

the challenges related to deficit thinking and framing that tend to character-
ize the interventions for Latino boys in schools, and he suggested the need for
more asset-based approaches in addressing the social, familial, and academic
challenges that accompany them. Fergus, Noguera, and Martin (2014) inves-
tigated the concept of resilience and overcoming academic and social chal-
lenges through their examination of recently formed charter schools for boys
of color.
This book is distinct from these earlier contributions in that we include
perspectives on emerging theories and research within a secondary and post-
secondary educational context. This book is both timely and relevant in that
it directly contributes to the intellectual discourse on this rarely studied yet
fastest-growing group of male students of color. It also serves as a useful guide
for high school counselors and administrators, higher education practition-
ers, faculty members, and leaders, especially those focused on student sup-
port services and retention efforts, diversity and outreach efforts, assessment,
and mental health.
We have also designed this book as a primer for policymakers at the
national, state, and local levels as well as scholars in higher education. We
believe this book will serve to enlighten policymakers to the potential con-
sequences of the ongoing Latino male educational crisis. That is, it will help
focus and connect the national educational agenda and national economic
workforce agenda to achieve successful outcomes for Latino males. In addition,
this book is designed for anyone who wants to better understand the various
issues related to Latino male access and degree attainment and also wants to
work toward addressing the growing gender gap by learning from the most
recent and relevant research on Latino males in education. Finally, this book
is beneficial to community leaders and activists who want a comprehensive
discussion about the challenges Latino male students face in schools and how
they can work proactively to overcome those challenges. We hope this book
inspires more dialogue, understanding, and transformative action.
Organization of This Book

This book is organized into four distinct sections: context-setting, theory,
research, and practice. The first two chapters help to establish the context
for examining Latino males across the educational pipeline. Sáenz, Ponjuán,
and Figueroa’s opening chapter provides a broad policy context for the issue
of Latino males across the educational continuum, and it focuses on the vari-
ous systemic and structural policies and practices that are effectively pushing
xviii PREFACE
out Latino male students from schools and into alternative pathways besides
postsecondary participation. Ponjuán’s chapter 2 explores the high school
context for this growing gender gap in educational attainment. More specifi-
cally, this chapter describes how structural and gender inequalities remain
pervasive in American schools and society, and how they especially affect the
educational pathways for Latino males in high school.
The second section of the book posits several theories that can be applied
to examining Latino males in higher education. To better grasp what is actu-
ally happening for Latino males, Figueroa’s chapter 3 works from a perspec-
tive that academic success is a socially mediated experience rather than solely
a story of resilience. This chapter puts forth a conceptual framework, geog-
raphy of academic support, to discuss the educational vulnerabilities as well
as elevate some of the academic practices that enable first-generation Latino
male undergraduates to pursue a higher education. Employing the geography
of academic support, Figueroa, Pérez, and Vega’s chapter 4 focuses on Latino
male academic narratives, utilizing case studies to underscore how variations
of Latino masculinity are constructed and reconstructed in academic spaces
in the quest to pursue a postsecondary education. In addition to investi-
gating how Latino men conceptualize fulfilling expectations, the chapter
explores how males negotiate the emasculation of the educational process
and confront racialization in the pursuit of a higher education. Moving us
toward discussions of retention and outreach, Cabrera, Rashwan-Soto, and
Valencia’s chapter 5 extends our understanding of how help-seeking behav-
iors are linked to the Latino male lived experience of intersectionality. Their
research is a critical examination of the experiences of Latino men during
their freshman year at a single university. We learn through their research
that tendencies to become overly self-reliant, difficulty asking for help, and
methods of enacting Latino masculinity most often conflict with their learn-
ing environments.
The third section of the book highlights research that examines prepara-
tion, persistence, and success for Latino males in secondary and postsecond-
ary education. Expanding research on high-achieving Latino males, chapter
6, by Fajardo, Hernandez, and Muñoz, explores Latino males’ high school
math achievement and the influential role of psychosociocultural factors in
their academic success. This is the second chapter in this book that utilizes
the new longitudinal dataset, the High School Longitudinal Study from the
National Center for Education Statistics. In chapter 7, Ojeda and Castillo
enlist a mixed-methods approach to identify factors that affect Latino male
college persistence. The authors report that parental encouragement signifi-
cantly impacts how Latino males relate to college persistence. In chapter 8,
Pérez builds from the previous chapter, channeling his work through Yosso’s
PREFACE xix
(2005) community cultural wealth framework. By taking a strength-based

approach, this author reconceptualizes notions and experiences of being a
high achiever given the experiences of Latino males in this qualitative study.
Ballysingh’s chapter 9 offers findings from a yearlong study to gain insight
into how Latino males at an elite public research university persist through
their first year of college. Academically successful participants reported
making calculated and deliberate sacrifices, as well as actively engaging in
extracurricular activities and support programs. High resilience, self-efficacy,
positive ethnic identity, and institutional climate also affected their educa-
tional outcomes.
The final section of the book focuses on moving from research to prac-
tice. Sáenz, Rodriguez, Pritchett, Estrada, and Garbee in chapter 10 offer
insights into the role and impact of administrator awareness regarding the
Latino male educational achievement gap, and they investigate the extent
to which these higher education leaders are aware of resources to encour-
age educational success for Latino male students on their campuses. Ceja’s
chapter 11 juxtaposes what we know about Latinas compared to Latinos in
higher education. Upon grasping the resources and opportunities that enable
Latinas to move toward graduation, the chapter then provides implications
for the ways this research must retain its integrity and, therefore, cannot
respectfully address the issues that confront Latino males. Inspired by the
research on Latinas in higher education, the author poses questions for the
community of researchers who focus on Latino males in higher education.
Finally, Ponjuán’s chapter 12 reviews and synthesizes the many excep-
tional contributions in this book through an innovative organizational
framework based on collaborative consciousness. He outlines implications
for institutions and practitioners at the local, state, and national levels in an
effort to inspire stakeholders from all levels to align interests and efforts and
strategically frame a new national imperative for Latino males.
Summary
This book is an ambitious attempt to spark greater awareness and dialogue
about Latino males, a fast-growing and increasingly important segment of
our national population. It synthesizes the perspectives of new and emerging
voices, including graduate students, academics, administrative profession-
als, and higher education leaders. The contributing authors paint a complex
portrait of the many factors that contribute to the educational experiences
of Latino males in elementary, secondary, and postsecondary education.
This book represents a commitment to better understand the Latino male
xx PREFACE
educational experience, and its contributors’ hope to parallel the broader

and vibrant research agenda on male students of color in higher education.
Finally, given the growing state and national imperative to “move the needle”
on Latino male student success, this book is a call to action for researchers,
educational practitioners, community activists, and higher education leaders.
References
Campos, D. (2012). Educating Latino boys: An asset-based approach. Thousand Oaks,
CA: Corwin.
Fergus, E., Noguera, P., & Martin, M. (2014). Schooling for resilience: Improving the
life trajectory of Black and Latino boys. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Harper, S. R. (2013). Am I my brother’s teacher? Black undergraduates, racial social-
ization, and peer pedagogies in predominantly White postsecondary contexts.
Review of Research in Education, 37(1), 183–211.
Harper, S. R., & Harris, F., III. (2010). College men and masculinities: Theory,
research, and implications for practice. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Noguera, P., Hurtado, A., & Fergus, E. (2012). Invisible no more: Understanding the
disenfranchisement of Latino men and boys. New York, NY: Routledge.
Rios, V. M. (2011). Punished: Policing the lives of Black and Latino boys. New York:
New York University Press.
Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of
community cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
M
any individuals have shaped and contributed to this important
book, and we would be remiss to not properly acknowledge their
guidance and support. In the time we have spent conceptualizing
the book, inviting authors, and organizing their contributions, several nota-
ble colleagues have had a direct hand in guiding our way.
We would like to thank all of our amazing contributing authors with-
out whose work this book would not have been possible: Tracy Arámbula
Ballysingh, Nolan L. Cabrera, Linda G. Castillo, Miguel A. Ceja, Jennifer
Estrada, Ismael Fajardo, Kelty Garbee, José M. Hernandez, José Muñoz,
Lizette Ojeda, David Pérez II, Patricia A. Pérez, Katie Ortego Pritchett,
Fatemma D. Rashwan-Soto, Sarah Rodriguez, William Serrata, Bryant G.
Valencia, and Irene I. Vega.
We would like to acknowledge the American Association of Hispanics
in Higher Education (AAHHE) and the Texas Guaranteed Student Loan
Corporation (TG) for their initial support of our research efforts begin-
ning in 2007. AAHHE and TG jointly commissioned our very first research
paper on Latino males in higher education, and we are forever grateful and
indebted to their inspiration and support. In particular, we thank Dr. Louis
Olivas, Dr. William Aguilar, the AAHHE board of directors, and Mr. Jacob
Fraire for their support.
A special acknowledgment is necessary for President William Serrata of
El Paso Community College. President Serrata is a dynamic higher educa-
tion leader, and he has been a consistent source of support for our growing
“research to practice” efforts on behalf of Latino males in Texas higher educa-
tion. Similarly, we have had several colleagues from various state and national
policy organizations who have provided helpful comments and feedback.
At the national level these include Dr. Michelle Asha Cooper, Institute for
Higher Education Policy; Dr. Lorelle Espinosa, American Council on Edu-
cation; Marco Davis, White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for
Hispanics; and Dr. Ron Williams, president emeritus of Prince George’s
Community College and formerly of the College Board. At the state pol-
icy level we have been supported by Dr. Raymund Paredes, commissioner
of the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board (THECB); Dr. Judith
Loredo, assistant commissioner (THECB); Dr. David Gardner, deputy
xxi
xxii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
commissioner (THECB); Linda Battles, deputy commissioner (THECB);

and Dr. Jerel Booker.
Several key individuals at the University of Texas at Austin (UT Austin)
have been especially important to our scholarly and mentoring efforts. Dr.
Gregory J. Vincent serves as vice president for the Division of Diversity and
Community Engagement (DDCE), and he has been a true supporter, advo-
cate, and champion for our efforts on behalf of Latino males in education.
We also acknowledge the enduring support of other key leaders and admin-
istrators at UT Austin who have been very supportive, including Leonard
Moore, Robiaun Charles, Dean Manuel J. Justiz, and Erica Sáenz. A special
thanks to the Project MALES (Mentoring to Achieve Latino Educational
Success) staff and volunteers over the years: Enrique Romo, Sarah Rodri-
guez, Claudia Garcia Louis, DeAna McCusky, Mike Gutierrez, Emmet
Campos, Jose Del Real, Jorge Segovia, Jorge Rodriguez, Manny Gonzalez,
Patrick Valdez, Leticia Palomin, Susana Hernandez, Veronica Jones, Michael
Nava, Jenny Smith, Carmen Mercedes, Deryl Hatch, Kye Hyoung Lee, Ryan
Miller, Jeff Mayo, Charles Lu, Juan Lopez, Jesse Mondragon, Tonia Guida,
and Veronica Pecero.
Many colleagues, practitioners, and philanthropic organizations have
served as vital intellectual resources. We acknowledge the support of Syl-
via Hurtado, Lee Holcomb, Shaun Harper, Ted Gordon, Lee Bitsoi, Rob
Teranishi, Aida Hurtado, Wynn Rosser, Luzelma Canales, Kristin Boyer,
Leslie Gurrola, Tina Gridiron, Chera Smith, Beth Bukoski, Richard J. Red-
dick, Frank Harris, J. Luke Wood, Robert Muñoz, Robert Vela, Francisco
Solis, Mike Flores, Robert Garza, Daniel Solórzano, Eugene Garcia, Gloria
M. Rodriguez, Domino Perez, Nancy Erbstein, Dorene Rodriguez Hoops,
Maria Carrera, Frances E. Contreras, Mary Ann Clark, Lyle McKinney,
Laura Waltrip, Mariano Diaz-Mirando, Rito Silva, Richard Armenta, Steph-
anie Hawley, Dann Brown, Rey Rodriguez, Melissa McGuire, Paul Cruz,
Archie Wortham, Raul Alvarez, Jude Valdez, Rudy Reyna, and so many other
practitioners, policymakers, academics, and allies in this struggle.
PA RT O N E
I N T RO D U C T I O N A N D
C O N T E X T- S E T T I N G : L AT I N O
MALES IN K–12 AND HIGHER
E D U C AT I O N
1
CURRENT TRENDS AND
FUTURE OUTLOOKS ON THE
P E RVA S I V E G E N D E R G A P I N
E D U C A T I O N A L A T TA I N M E N T
F O R L AT I N O M A L E S
Victor B. Sáenz, Luis Ponjuán, and Julie López Figueroa
T
he educational future for our nation’s Latino1 male student population
is in a state of peril. Even as the number of Hispanics attending col-
lege and attaining degrees has increased steadily in recent years (Fry &
Lopez, 2012), the proportional representation of Latino males continues to lag
behind that of their female peers (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). Latino males have
some of the lowest high school graduation rates as well as some of the lowest
college enrollment and completion rates of any subgroup. In 2012, more than
60% of all associate’s or bachelor’s degrees earned by Hispanics were earned
by female students, and this degree attainment gap is only growing wider
(National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2013). What we know can
be summed up succinctly: Latino males are not keeping pace relative to their
male and female peers at key transition points along the education pipeline—
at high school graduation, at college entry, and at college completion. Indeed,
the gender gap in educational attainment for Latino males can be described
from a variety of sobering perspectives. This growing gap—a trend also evident
within other racial/ethnic groups—has untold implications for public policy
and educational practice, especially given the emerging demographic reality
driven by high population growth within the Latina/o community.
The purpose of this chapter is simple: Document the growing gender
gap in educational attainment for Latino males and set the context for other
3
4 INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING
chapters within this book. The urgency to better understand this subgroup
of students is even greater when considering the demographic reality for this
community as well as the dearth of research on Latino males in education.
Given the ongoing demographic shifts that point to a younger, more Latino
labor force, this population of young males represents the fastest-growing
employment pool yet the most underutilized intellectual talent pool (Sáenz
& Ponjuán, 2009). America’s human capital capacity and global competi-
tiveness will be increasingly dependent on this growing segment of the
population (Maldonado & Farmer, 2006). Ultimately, these trends could
undermine Latino males’ ability to fulfill the critical economic and social
roles that are keys to secure and prosperous families and communities.
In sum, this introductory chapter accounts for key differences at criti-
cal educational junctures in early childhood, primary, and secondary school
experiences between boys and girls, as such experiences can ultimately mani-
fest themselves in ways that may be perpetuating the current Latino gen-
der gap in educational attainment. We explore current data as well as the
factors that can facilitate college access and degree attainment for Latino
males, and we also delve into alternative pathways that may be diverting
college-age Latino males from higher education and into less desirable life/
career opportunities. Subsequent chapters present innovative theoretical and
empirical perspectives, and our concluding chapter makes a case for proac-
tive and collaborative action on Latino male student success. Ultimately, as
established in the preface, this book presents a variety of policy, research, and
practitioner perspectives that can serve as a road map to shape future progress
on the growing gender gap in educational attainment for Latino males in
secondary and postsecondary education.
The Context: An Unacknowledged Crisis

The public discussion of a growing gender gap is sometimes met with
resistance at the thought of a reframed discussion of the gender equity debate
within education. Historically, we have addressed gender inequity through
policy initiatives, such as Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and Title IX
of the Equal Opportunity in Education Act. These pioneering social policies
led the way to increasing access and opportunities for women at all levels of
education while also providing for more supportive environments for women
in schools, workplaces, and cultural arenas. Most girls now outperform boys
on almost every academic indicator in elementary and secondary schools
(Crosnoe, Riegle-Crumb, Field, Frank, & Muller, 2008). Still, some deem
it unconstructive at best or cynical at worst to even engage in a discussion
of the schooling challenges facing our young boys. There are also those who
THE PERVASIVE GENDER GAP IN EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT 5
worry that too much attention to these challenges may detract from the many
advances made by young women within our educational systems (Crosnoe
et al., 2008) as well as the advances that have yet to be made.
This is not to suggest that the long-term success of female students has
been assured or that it has come at the expense of male students. Structural
and gender inequalities remain pervasive in America’s schools and our soci-
ety, so much so that a disparity in pay—the wage gap—is evident to this
day (AAUW, 2015). Nonetheless, when we conjoin the growing gender gap
with the persistent educational attainment gap between Latinas/os and other
racial/ethnic groups in this country, the sobering educational reality facing
Latino males is cause for concern. The dual questions of why Latino males
are not keeping pace in accessing and succeeding in higher education and
what it could portend in the long term lie at the heart of this introductory,
context-setting chapter. In order to fully understand why Latino males are
disproportionately not keeping pace within our higher education system, we
first begin with a look at the early, primary, and secondary schooling experi-
ences.
The Experiences of Latino Males in Early, Primary, and

Secondary Schools
We begin with a discussion of the Latina/o gender gap—a trend also appar-
ent within other racial/ethnic groups. The gap can be described from a vari-
ety of perspectives, and it exists at multiple points along the educational
continuum. Indeed, these differences by gender can be observed in early edu-
cational milestones.
In general, most boys struggle academically relative to their female peers,
gaps that are evident even during the impressionable early schooling years.
For example, there continue to be observable differences in enrollment rates
between male and female students in early childhood education, especially
between Latino and Black children. In 1990, 33.6% of Latina females under
the age of 5 were enrolled in school on a full-time or part-time basis, com-
pared to 28% of Latino males in this same age range (NCES, 2013) (see
Table 1.1). By 2000, this gender disparity had grown even larger, but it has
begun to stabilize in recent years. These gender gaps in early childhood edu-
cation participation are particularly troubling given the importance of devel-
oping social skills, early reading and math literacy, and beginning verbal skills
as students transition into their primary education.
The levels of participation in early childhood education can significantly
affect early academic success for students. Alexander and Entwisle (1988)
noted that by the third grade, a child has established a pattern of learning
TABLE 1.1
Percentage of the Population 3 and 4 Years Old Enrolled in School
Male Female
Year White Black Latino White Black Latina
1980 39.2 36.4 30.1 35.5 40.0 26.6
1990 47.9 38.1 28.0 46.6 45.5 33.6
2000 54.1 58.0 31.9 55.2 61.8 40.0
2009 54.9 58.1 39.4 56.2 58.8 44.4
Note. Includes enrollment in any type of graded public, parochial, or other private school. Includes
nursery schools, kindergartens, elementary schools, high schools, colleges, universities, and professional
schools. Attendance may be on either a full-time or part-time basis and during the day or night. Adapted
from the Digest of Education Statistics (NCES, 2013).
that shapes the course of his or her entire schooling career. Gurian and Ste-
vens (2005) suggest that boys are being educated within a system that is gen-
erally unaware of the potential mismatch of the male learning style in current
educational practices. They note that boys are an average of a year to a year
and a half behind girls in reading and writing skills. Consequently, most boys
in grades 4 through 8 are twice as likely as girls to be held back a grade, and
the rate is even higher for boys of color (Shaffer & Gordon, 2006). Table 1.2
examines these trends across the entire public school educational pipeline
(K–12); the data show that 12.4% of Hispanic males and 25.6% of Black
males have repeated at least one grade.
Differential rates of suspension and expulsion for Hispanic and Black
males are also cause for concern. This issue has received renewed national
attention as part of President Obama’s My Brother’s Keeper (MBK) initiative
launched in 2014 (The White House, 2015). The MBK initiative has helped
to shed light on such trends at the national level that point to a dispropor-
tionate adjudication of social promotion and school discipline policies. This
national dialogue is definitely a good start, and the hope is that it leads to
transformative change at the local level, where educators and school districts
can begin to take a hard look at their own school discipline data on suspen-
sion and expulsion rates for young males of color.
College Enrollment and Educational Attainment

Data on college enrollment and educational attainment from the annual
Digest of Education Statistics (NCES, 2014) show significant differences in
success rates between male and female students across all racial/ethnic groups
over the last few decades. Table 1.3 displays almost 40 years of enrollment
TABLE 1.2
Percentage of Public School Students Who Have Repeated a Grade, Been
Suspended, or Been Expelled by Race/Ethnicity and Gender, 2007
Race/ethnicity Total Male Female
% in K–12 who have repeated a grade
Totala 11.5 13.9 8.9
White 8.7 11.2 6.1
Black 20.9 25.6 15.3
Hispanic 11.8 12.4 11.1
Asian 3.5 6.5 0.0
% in grades 6–12 who have ever been suspended
Totala 21.6 27.9 14.9
White 15.6 21.3 9.7
Black 42.8 49.5 34.7
Hispanic 21.9 29.6 14.1
Asian 10.8 14.9 ‡
% in grades 6–12 who have ever been expelled
Totala 3.4 4.5 2.3
White 1.0 1.3 0.7
Black 12.8 16.6 8.2
Hispanic 3.0 3.1 2.9
b b b
Asian
Note. All data are based on parent reports. Race categories exclude persons of Hispanic ethnicity.
a
Total includes other race/ethnicity categories not separately shown. Source: Herrold, K., & O’Donnell,
K. (2008). Parent and family involvement in education, 2006–07 School Year, From the National Household
Education Surveys Program of 2007 (NCES 2008-050). Washington, DC: National Center for Education
Statistics, Institute of Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education.
b
Reporting standards not met.
data at the undergraduate postbaccalaureate level for all students and more
specifically for Latino male and female students. These data suggest signifi-
cant changes in enrollment patterns across gender during this time period,
patterns that illustrate the persistent gender gap in postsecondary enrollment
at undergraduate and postbaccalaureate levels. Since about the early 1980s,
proportionally fewer males relative to their female peers have been enroll-
ing at each level, a consistent gap that is also evident among other students.
In fall 2013, Hispanic males represented 42.6% of all Hispanics enrolled
TABLE 1.3
Number (in Thousands) and Percentage of Students Enrolled in Undergraduate and Postbaccalaureate Institutions
(1976–2013) 1976 1980 1990 2000 2010 2013
All male 4,896.8 4,997.4 5,379.8 5,778.3 7,836.3 7,659.6
52.0% 47.7% 45.0% 43.9% 43.3% 43.8%
All female 4,522.1 5,471.7 6,579.3 7,377.1 10,246.1 9,815.2
48.01% 52.27% 55.02% 56.08% 56.66% 56.17%
Undergraduate
Total 9,418.9 10,469.1 11,959.1 13,155.4 18,082.4 17,474.8
enrollment
Hispanic male 191.7 211.2 326.9 582.6 1,082.9 1,222.9
54.3% 48.8% 45.1% 43.1% 42.5% 42.6%
Hispanic female 161.2 221.8 397.6 768.4 1,468.1 1,647.2
45.69% 51.22% 54.88% 56.88% 57.55% 57.39%
Hispanic total 352.9 433.0 724.5 1,351.0 2,551.0 2,870.1
All male 897.6 870.7 904.2 943.5 1,209.5 1,201.2
57.3% 53.8% 48.6% 43.7% 41.2% 41.4%
Postbaccalaureate
All female 669.1 747.0 955.4 1,213.4 1,727.5 1,699.8
enrollment
42.71% 46.18% 51.38% 56.26% 58.82% 58.59%
Total 1,566.7 1,617.7 1,859.6 2,156.9 2,937.0 2,901.0
Hispanic male 18.1 20.4 27.0 44.5 74.7 83.6
58.46% 52.72% 46.66% 40.19% 37.76% 37.83%
Postbaccalaureate
Hispanic female 12.8 18.3 30.9 66.3 123.1 137.4
enrollment
41.5% 47.3% 53.3% 59.8% 62.2% 62.2%
Hispanic total 30.9 38.7 57.9 110.8 197.8 221.0
Note. Adapted from “Higher Education General Information Survey (HEGIS): Fall Enrollment in Colleges and Universities,” by U.S. Department of Education, 1976 and
1980, National Center for Education Statistics; “Fall Enrollment Survey” (IPEDS-EF:90), by Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System; and “Spring 2001 Through
Spring 2014: Enrollment,” by Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (NCES, 2014).
at the undergraduate level (compared to 57.4% for Hispanic females) and

37.8% of all postbaccalaureate enrollment (compared to 62.2% for Hispanic
females). This gender gap trend has plateaued in recent years, and it also mir-
rors the rates for all male and female students at each level.
The good news is that enrollment gains have been realized across all
racial/ethnic groups with Hispanics leading the way, but gains in over-
all educational attainment have not been as apparent. In 2014, 88.3%
of all adults 25 and older had completed high school or higher, and a
full 32% of this age group had earned a bachelor’s degree or higher (see
Table 1.4). Both Latino male and female adults within this age cohort trail
the national averages on both of these educational attainment metrics, with
Latina females slightly but consistently outpacing their Latino male peers.
In terms of overall educational attainment, the proportion of Latinas with
a bachelor’s degree or higher within the general population has almost dou-
bled, from 8.4% in 1995 to 16.1% in 2014. Hispanic males also have seen
a sizeable increase in this trend (from 10.1% to 14.2%), but they have been
eclipsed by their female counterparts in the last decade.
When we zoom in closer to look at the 25 to 29 age cohort represent-
ing recent college graduates, the gender gaps in educational attainment appear
starker, with Latino males earning bachelor’s degrees at much lower rates
(12.4%) than their Latina female peers (18.3%) and the national average
(34.0%). Nonetheless, both Hispanic males and females lag significantly behind
the bachelor’s degree completion rates among the total U.S. population, a reality
that poses current and future challenges for our national educational discourse.
Degree Attainment Patterns at 2-Year and 4-Year Institutions

For some time now the national discourse on educational attainment has
focused intently on the college completion agenda. Given the urgent nature
of this metric, it is concerning to note that less than 40% of all associate’s
or bachelor’s degrees earned by Hispanic students in 2012 were earned by
males, a gap that has been widening for the past 20 years (NCES, 2013).
Until the early 1990s Latino males had outpaced their female peers on
these degree completion metrics, but these trends have since reversed and a
consistent gap has emerged. The most recent degree attainment data clearly
illustrate that Hispanic females are outpacing their male counterparts in both
the actual number and total proportion of associate’s degrees and bachelor’s
degrees earned (NCES, 2013). Latinas earned more than three of every five
(61.2%) degrees among all Hispanics in 2011 (see Figures 1.1 and 1.2). This
gap in degree attainment between male and female students peaked in 2007,
and it has plateaued over time and remained consistent. The disparity in raw
TABLE 1.4
Educational Attainment Among Adults
1980 (%) 1990 (%) 1995 (%) 2000 (%) 2005 (%) 2010 (%) 2014 (%)
Hispanic males 44.9 50.3 52.9 56.6 57.9 61.4 65.1
High school completion
or higher (25 and older) Hispanic females 44.2 51.3 53.8 57.5 59.1 64.4 67.9
Total U.S. population 68.6 77.6 81.7 84.1 85.2 87.1 88.3
Hispanic males 9.2 9.8 10.1 10.7 11.8 12.9 14.2
BA degree or higher (25
and older) Hispanic females 6.2 8.7 8.4 10.6 12.1 14.9 16.1
High school completion Hispanic males 57.0 56.6 55.7 59.2 63.2 65.7 72.4
or higher (25 to 29 Hispanic females 58.9 59.9 58.7 66.4 63.4 74.1 77.4
years old) Total U.S. population 85.4 85.7 86.8 88.1 86.2 88.8 90.8
Hispanic males 8.4 7.3 7.8 8.3 10.2 10.8 12.4
BA degree or higher (25
Hispanic females 6.9 9.1 10.1 11.0 12.4 16.8 18.3
to 29 years old)
Note. Adapted from “U.S. Census of Population: 1960, Vol. I, Part 1,” by U.S. Department of Commerce, Census Bureau; “Education of the American Population,” by J. K.
Folger and C. B. Nam, 1960; “Current Population Reports, Series P–20,” by U.S. Department of Commerce, Census Bureau, various years; and “Current Population Survey
(CPS),” by U.S. Department of Commerce, Census Bureau, March 1970 through March 2014 (NCES, 2014).
Figure 1.1 Bachelor’s degrees (BA) earned by Hispanics (1977–2011).
100,000 100%
90%
80,000 80%
1%
9%
70%
9%
6%
6%
7%
1%
9%
61.
60.
4%
60.
60.
# of BA Degrees
60.
6%
59.
59.
57.
56.
60,000 60%
5%
55.
50.
0%
60,742
50%
45.
40,000 40%
30%
20,000 20%
10%
0 0%
05
08
90
77
81
91
94
95
96
97
98
99
00
01
02
03
04
06
07
09
10
11
20
20
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
19
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
20
Hispanic males Hispanic females % of Hispanic female BAs
Note. Adapted from “Indicator 47,” The Condition of Education 2012 (NCES 2012-045), by U.S.
Department of Education, 2012, National Center for Education Statistics (Aud et al., 2012).
Figure 1.2 Associate’s (AA) and bachelor’s (BA) degrees earned by Hispanics by
gender, 2011.
61.2%
100,000
90,000
38.8%
80,000
# of Degrees
70,000
60,000
50,000
78,898
40,000 77,934
30,000 60,742
47,682
20,000
10,000
0
Hispanic Male AAs Hispanic Male BAs Hispanic Female AAs Hispanic Female BAs
Note. Adapted from U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 2012.
(Aud et al., 2012).
numbers of degrees earned by Hispanic males and females clearly highlights

the growing degree completion gap. Hispanic females earned a combined
156,832 associate’s or bachelor’s degrees in 2011, or 48,408 more than their
male counterparts.
In our view, the social and cultural consequences of this persistent gap
in degree attainment are not being sufficiently addressed or discussed by
our educational stakeholders or policymakers nor are they being adequately
investigated through interdisciplinary approaches. At a minimum these
trends warrant additional empirical research and books, such as the current
one, that highlight new and emerging scholarly work with an emphasis on
implications for practice. Further, these data should encourage us to more
urgently intervene on behalf of these young men through thoughtful and
asset-based programmatic approaches, by raising important questions about
policies that push our young men of color out of our schools and communi-
ties, or through continued advocacy within policy and practitioner arenas.
Ultimately we must also critically examine the complex dimensions of accu-
mulated social, cultural, and structural challenges that accompany Latino
males along their educational pathways.
Alternative Schooling, Career, and Life Pathways for Latino

Males
For those Latino males who do not go to college, their schooling experiences
as well as their alternative career and life pathways can be especially chal-
lenging. In the following section, we shed light on the complex portrait of
experiences that can accompany Latino males at different life stages. While
we cannot examine the full array of life circumstances and possible pathways,
we do take a look at Latino male experiences in several distinct areas: special
education, school discipline pipeline, occupational fields, the military, and
other areas (unemployment, prison, etc.).
Overrepresentation and At-Risk Labels: Learning and Behavioral

Challenges
The distinct learning styles of boys and girls in the early schooling years have
other consequences that may serve to redirect boys away from higher educa-
tion pathways. For example, boys are twice as likely as girls to be labeled
“learning disabled,” they are seven times more likely to be diagnosed with
attention deficit disorder or attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder, they con-
stitute up to 67% of the special education population, and in some school
systems they are up to 10 times more likely to be diagnosed with serious
emotional and behavioral disorders (Gurian & Stevens, 2005; Pollack, 1998).
This disturbing trend reflects one of the most long-standing critiques of spe-
cial education practice, namely, the disproportionate placement of students
of color in special education programs, referred to in the education literature
as “overrepresentation” (Ferri & Connor, 2005; Losen & Orfield, 2002).
Since the late 1960s, the U.S. Office of Civil Rights (OCR) has reported
the pervasive problem of overrepresentation of minority children in certain
disability categories (Artiles, Harry, Reschly, & Chinn, 2002; Ferri & Connor,
2005), and the disparities are even more pronounced for male students of color.
Parrish (2002) notes that Latino students are more likely than peers to be over-
represented in special education, and recent data suggest that they tend to be
especially overidentified during their high school years (Artiles, Rueda, Salazar,
& Higareda, 2002). This overrepresentation is even more pronounced among
Latino and Black males (Losen & Orfield, 2002; Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009),
which makes their college pathways that much more difficult to navigate.
Disparities in promotion and suspension rates can be associated with
other forms of unhealthy behavior or misdiagnoses that could lead to missed
educational opportunities for males. For example, Latino and African Ameri-
can males are overrepresented in special education tracks, have dispropor-
tionately high rates of referrals to juvenile justice agencies (Justice Center,
2011), and have higher rates of dropping out of high school (Sáenz & Pon-
juán, 2009). Some of these trends may be an artifact of zero-tolerance disci-
pline policies that are the norm in many school districts, especially schools
within large urban areas (Skiba, 2000). In a recent study of school discipline
policies in Texas, researchers found that 83% of African American males and
74% of Hispanic males reported at least one discretionary violation between
grades 7 and 12, significantly higher rates than those for their female coun-
terparts (Justice Center, 2011). The same study also reported that suspended
or expelled students are almost three times more likely to be involved in the
juvenile justice system the following year. As noted earlier in this chapter, the
MBK initiative has sparked an important national dialogue on this issue—
and other issues—for young males of color. Left unresolved, these trends
may continue to push our boys of color into the pervasive school-to-prison
pipeline or simply push them out of schooling altogether. Either way, these
alternative pathways are potentially leading to limited economic and work-
force opportunities for Latino males.
Latino Workforce Patterns

Latinos have historically had among the highest participation rates in the
U.S. labor force, but they tend to work in occupations that pay low wages,
provide low economic mobility, provide little or no health insurance, are less
stable, and are more hazardous to their health (Maldonado & Farmer, 2006).
The likelihood of Latino males being in this sector of the labor force is most
often a result of low educational attainment; decreased English language pro-
ficiency; and lack of work experience, training, and/or other employability
skills (“Deadly Trend,” 2002). Even though Latinos tend to enter the work-
force at an earlier age, being tracked into low-skill jobs decreases the opportu-
nities to gain work experiences that could lead to an upwardly mobile career
track, better pay, and lower-risk occupations (Maldonado & Farmer, 2006).
Higher participation rates in the workforce population are also prevalent for
college-age Latinos, especially for Latino males.
According to 2007 data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, almost
half (46%) of the 3.4 million Latino males between the ages of 16 and 24
are employed full-time, compared to about a quarter (26%) of their Latina
counterparts. Latino males are about 10 percentage points above the national
average for all males within this age range (36%) (BLS, 2007). Moreover,
within the population that is counted among the civilian workforce, over
two thirds (70%) of Latino males are full-time employed, compared to just
over half (52%) of Latinas. The fact that such a high proportion of Latino
males report full-time employment reinforces the notion they are entering
the workforce at an earlier age than their counterparts.
Workforce pattern data also provide important insights into the alterna-
tive career pathways of college-age Latino males. For example, in the 2012
American Community Survey (ACS), Latino male workers have a lower rep-
resentation in management, professional, and related occupations (19.5%),
compared to the general population (31.0%), occupations that tend to
require a postsecondary education (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014). Similarly,
Latino males represent a lower proportion of white-collar positions in sales
and office occupations compared to the general U.S. population (14.1% and
17.9%, respectively). Conversely, Latino males occupy blue-collar employ-
ment positions (i.e., work positions that require manual labor) in greater
proportions compared to the general population. For instance, 26.8% of the
Latino male workforce (16 years and older) occupies positions in construc-
tion, maintenance, or repair, compared to 18.0% of the general population
of males in the workforce.
Lower-skilled occupations translate into lower overall median salaries for
Latino males as compared to the general population of males. According to
the 2006 ACS survey, the median earnings of full-time, year-round Latino
male workers was $27,490, compared to a median of $42,210 for the general
population of males. This earnings gap—representing a proportional differ-
ence of 53.5%—reflects a prodigious wage disparity that reveals the effects of
limited workforce opportunities for Latino males.
Latino Workforce and Undocumented Status

Latinos make up the majority of the foreign-born workforce population, with
a significant number categorized as unauthorized workers or undocumented
immigrants (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2007; Passel, 2006). Within the
labor workforce, Latinos are concentrated in nonprofessional, service occu-
pations that rank low in potential earnings and educational requirements and
are less conducive for upward social mobility. These undocumented persons
are highly concentrated in the construction industry, the vast majority of
whom are Latino males (Kochhar, 2006).
For immigrant Latino males, the expectations to work, contribute to
the family, and assume a traditional gender role often supersede their desire
to attain a higher education. Fry (2005) notes that high school dropout
rates are strongly linked to the age at which the foreign-born teen migrates
to this country. Foreign-born teens who arrive in the United States early
in their childhood have a better chance of matriculating through the edu-
cation system; however, teens who arrive in late adolescence or who had
education difficulties before immigrating have a high school dropout rate
greater than 70%. The pressure to work once arriving in this country is even
more urgent for this population of males. Many foreign-born Latino males
who arrive in late adolescence are likely to be labor migrants. In effect, they
tend to migrate to the United States to work and not to enroll in formal
schooling and certainly not college (Fry, 2005).
Latino Males in the Military

Another alternative pathway for Latino males who do not matriculate to col-
lege is the military. Latino males compose approximately 11.5% of the total
enlisted military persons within the Department of Defense, which includes
all the armed forces and the Coast Guard (U.S. Department of Defense,
2009). It should be noted that not all Latino males are eligible to serve in the
military. In particular, the high rates of high school dropouts and nonperma-
nent immigration status of many Latinos make them ineligible to serve. In
examining the enlistment rates by gender, Latino males represent the third
largest group of enlisted males.
A closer examination of the military appointments of Latino males indi-
cates that they are still underrepresented in the military in comparison to the
dramatic growth of the U.S. Latina/o population in recent decades. Accord-
ing to a U.S. Department of Defense service report (2009), researchers found
that Latinos were still underrepresented in military officer appointments in
comparison to other ethnic groups. One possible explanation for the disparity
in actual Latino male representation in the military enlisted and officer ranks
is their overall educational attainment level. The Bureau of Labor Statistics

(2007) reports that among 18 to 24-year-old civilians approximately 29% of
Latino students had not graduated from high school, compared to 16% and
22% of White and Black students, respectively. This large disparity in overall
educational attainment levels suggests they are less likely to pursue a career in
the military and hold military officer appointments.
Latino Males in Prison

Latino males also make up a significant proportion of the U.S. prison system.
Although the rates of Latino males entering the judicial system remain lower
than those of Black males, they are approximately four times more likely
than White males to be admitted to prison during their lifetime (Bonczar &
Beck, 1997). In a recent report by the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (West,
Sabol, & Greenman, 2010), it was reported that 1 in 6 Latino males will
go to prison during their lifetime, versus a prediction of 1 in 17 for White
males. The report also stated that in 2009, Latinos composed about 20% of
the correctional population of over 2.1 million.
While these are large numbers, the actual number of Latinos incarcer-
ated may be higher than what is accounted for by reporting agencies due
to the inconsistency in correctly identifying Latino males. Researchers have
argued that not all agencies recognize Latinos as a distinct group and they
are frequently counted by race demographics such as White or Black (“His-
panic Prisoners in the United States,” 2003). These rates of incarceration for
Latino males are problematic, and they severely limit the possibility of pursu-
ing college pathways or entry into the skilled labor force.
Conclusion
The sobering statistics and realities for Latino males presented in this open-
ing chapter help set the context for the remainder of this book. In order for
Latino males to succeed along varied academic pathways, researchers, policy-
makers, public officials, private sector leaders, and Latino families and com-
munities must embrace a comprehensive and proactive agenda for change.
The authors are compelled to raise critical awareness of this issue across the
field of education and with institutional and policy leaders.
The educational and social challenges facing Latino males are real, yet
the issue remains somewhat ambiguous and unacknowledged in many policy
contexts. This is especially disconcerting given the far-reaching economic
and social consequences that this persistent gender gap could portend for
our nation’s future. From an economic perspective, the Latino gender gap
in educational attainment could undercut the skilled labor force as well as

decrease labor productivity. Our best demographic projections suggest an
increasingly young and Latino labor force, yet half of this fast-growing popu-
lation is being underutilized and in many ways being pushed out of our
schools and our communities. Furthermore, America’s human capital capac-
ity and global competitiveness will be increasingly dependent on this grow-
ing segment of the population (Maldonado & Farmer, 2006). From a social
perspective, the role of Latino males as spouses, fathers, community leaders,
and role models for young men could be usurped as a result of continual edu-
cational and labor force struggles. This could have the effect of undermining
their ability to fulfill the critical economic and social roles that are key to
securing upwardly mobile families and communities.
This initial chapter set the context for better understanding the persis-
tent gender gap in educational attainment for Latino males. It also estab-
lished a sense of urgency for this issue and situated it within a sociocultural,
demographic, and labor force context. Our hope is that this book will help to
fuel the growing national imperative to improve the educational outlook for
Latino males in secondary and postsecondary education. As our book title
suggests, we must ultimately find ways to ensure the success of Latino males
in the educational arena, within our labor force, and within our society. Our
future may depend on it.
Note
1. This chapter uses the terms Latino and Hispanic interchangeably. Unless otherwise
noted, all references to Whites and African Americans refer to non-Hispanics.
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2
L AT I N O M A L E S I N
AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS
An Examination of the 2012 High School
Longitudinal Study
Luis Ponjuán
T
his chapter provides an exploratory analysis of the educational deci-
sions about higher education for young men of color from a nation-
ally represented high school survey. In particular, I present a detailed
examination of eleventh-grade young men in American high schools. The
findings provide a complex portrait of how Hispanic, African American,
Asian/Pacific Islander, and White males navigate the current American edu-
cational system toward a postsecondary education.
The pressing reality is that high school male students of color, and His-
panic males in particular, lag significantly behind their female peers in terms
of both college access and degree attainment (Aud et al., 2013). There are
numerous implications for the gender disparity in educational outcomes. In
the long term, this growing educational crisis weakens the nation’s ability to
utilize its potential human capital and ensure the success of its racially and
ethnically diverse families and communities (Perna, Chunyan Li, Walsh, &
Raible, 2010). Most recently, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (2013) reports
that Hispanic males with only a high school degree compared to Hispanic
males with a bachelor’s degree or higher have almost double the unemploy-
ment rate. An initial step in understanding this complex issue is to explore
how Hispanic males develop their postsecondary academic plans during
their high school years. Therefore, the purpose of this chapter is to present
21
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Die Cigarette
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Title: Die Cigarette

Ein Vademecum für Raucher
Author: Stephan Dirk
Release date: March 11, 2024 [eBook #73143]
Language: German
Original publication: Leipzig: Verlag für Industrie-Kultur, 1924
Credits: Hans Theyer and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team

at https://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIE

CIGARETTE ***
Anmerkungen zur Transkription
Die Schreibweise und Interpunktion des Originaltextes wurde übernommen;
offensichtliche Druckfehler sind stillschweigend korrigiert worden.
Das Original hat keine Kapitelüberschriften. Zur besseren Übersicht sind
Trennlinien eingefügt worden.
DIE CIGARETTE
EIN VADEMECUM FÜR RAUCHER
von
Stephan Dirk
Herausgegeben von der Reemtsma A. G.
VERLAG FÜR INDUSTRIE-KULTUR

LEIPZIG 1924
Alle Rechte,
insbesondere das Übersetzungsrecht, vorbehalten
Copyright 1924 by Verlag für Industrie-Kultur,
Leipzig
Druck von Günther, Kirstein & Wendler in Leipzig

INHALTSVERZEICHNIS
Seite
Die Bedeutung der Cigarette für die Allgemeinheit 7
Unterlagen zur Beurteilung einer Cigarette 21
Das Mischungsproblem 32
Die Fabrikation der Cigarette 38
Die wichtigsten Arten des Orienttabaks 44
Über die Genußwirkung des Tabaks 65
Eine Psychologie der Raucher 81
Über die Kultur des Cigarettengenusses 96
Es gibt wenig Genußmittel, die für die Menschheit eine so
verallgemeinerungsfähige Bedeutung gefunden haben wie die
Cigarette, und es ist deshalb besonders verwunderlich, daß man in
den breiten Raucherkreisen über die Herkunft der Cigarette und ihre
Unterschiedlichkeiten so wenig Kenntnisse antrifft.
Es gibt wohl sehr viele Weinkenner, die einen Pfälzer von einem
Steinwein und einen Mosel gegenüber einem Rheingauer nicht nur
an Flaschenformen und Flaschenfarben unterscheiden können oder
sogar innerhalb enger Gebiete gleichartige Weinarten noch nach
Lage, Jahrgang und Auslese bestimmen; es mag auch eine ziemlich
große Anzahl Cigarrenraucher geben, denen die
Geschmackseigenarten bestimmter Sumatra-, Brasil-,
Virginiapflanzen usw. bekannt sind, aber die Cigarette hat trotz ihrer
großen Bedeutung bis heute nur wenig Freunde gefunden, die sich
auch mit den Feinheiten unterschiedlicher Provenienzen und
unterschiedlicher Mischungen beschäftigt haben.
Es mag die allgemeine Unkenntnis über die Cigarette mit ihrer
verhältnismäßig kurzen Verbreitungszeit begründet werden können;
aber die eigentliche Ursache wird darin zu suchen sein, daß sich die
Cigarettenraucher noch kaum darüber klar sind, wie außerordentlich
mannigfaltig Orienttabake sind, und wie weit ihre Verarbeitung und
Mischung an Kompliziertheit und Schwierigkeit alles übertrifft, was
bisher bei der Fabrikation von Genußmitteln in Betracht kam. Noch
heute kann man häufig die Meinung vertreten finden, daß der Inhalt
einer Papierhülse ziemlich gleichgültig ist, wenn nur überhaupt ein
echter Tabak verwendet wurde. Nach dem Kriege nahm man auf
Grund der Zwangswirtschaftserfahrungen sogar allgemein an, daß
es wirklich reine Orientcigaretten kaum gibt, und daß selbst eine
wesentliche Untermischung mit deutschen Tabaken und Surrogaten
geschmacklich kaum feststellbar ist.
In Wirklichkeit sind die heutigen Raucher weitaus verwöhnter, als
sie selbst wissen. Wenn es manchem Unternehmer vor dem Kriege
gelingen konnte, mit gestreckten und gefälschten Orienttabaken
auch auf dem freien Markt noch Abnehmer in genügender Anzahl zu
finden, so dürfte dies heute, sogar unter dem Zwang der hohen
Preise für importierte Tabake kaum mehr möglich sein, ohne daß er
die größten Gefahren für die Weiterentwicklung seines
Unternehmens heraufbeschwört. Das durch die Kriegserfahrungen
geschärfte Mißtrauen gegen Ersatzgenußmittel hat für heute eine
Qualitätsforderung gebracht, an die vor dem Kriege niemand denken
konnte, und die vor allen Dingen auch den Rauchern selbst gar nicht
zum Bewußtsein kam.
Der Krieg und die Nachkriegsjahre, die ja in vieler Hinsicht an
Stelle langsamer Entwicklung einen raschen Umschwung gebracht
haben, haben gezeigt, wie sehr die Cigarette dem Bedürfnis unserer
Generation entspricht. Bis gar nicht so lange Zeit vor dem Kriege
war die Cigarette eigentlich eine nur wenig anerkannte
Nebenerscheinung der Cigarre. In der Meinung kultivierter
Raucherkreise blieb sie bis zu einem gewissen Grade das
unkultivierte Requisit von unreifen Jünglingen und zweifelhaften
Existenzen, die ohne Geschmacksverfeinerung und wirkliche
Genußfähigkeit ein gleichgültiges Fabrikat in einer überflüssig
eleganten Form verbrauchten. Wie mancher Vater hat damals
seinem herangewachsenen Sohne das Rauchen unter der
Bedingung gestattet, daß er bei einer vernünftigen ordentlichen
Cigarre bliebe und nicht der Geschmacklosigkeit der überdies
weitaus schädlicheren Cigarette anheimfiele.
Die Cigarette wurde gegenüber der Cigarre lange Zeit
geringschätzig beurteilt. Als besonderes Abschreckungsmittel wurde
die schädliche Wirkung des verbrannten Papiers und weiterhin die
Zweifelhaftigkeit des Inhalts betont, zu dem ein richtiger
Cigarrenraucher ja tatsächlich keine Stellung finden konnte. Das
alles aber hat das rasche Anwachsen der Bedeutung von Cigaretten
nicht aufhalten können, und heute wird ihr Antagonist, die Cigarre,
sowohl in der Zahl der Anhänger wie in wirtschaftlicher Hinsicht
durch die Cigarette weit übertroffen.
Wenn die Wandlungen menschlicher Genußbedürftigkeit im Laufe
der Zeiten auch kaum einer aburteilenden Kritik unterworfen werden
können, so ist der Rückgang der Cigarre gegenüber der Cigarette
doch sehr zu bedauern. Denn mit der Cigarre wandert wieder einmal
ein Bild alter und feiner Lebenskultur in die Vergangenheit. Eine
wirkliche Raucherkultur wird heute noch sehr selten mit der Cigarette
verbunden; ihr Dasein ist hierzu noch zu jung. Aber es wäre sehr
wünschenswert, wenn die Cigrettenraucher etwas von der alten
Cigarrenraucherkultur lernen könnten und auf dieser Tradition eine
wirkliche Cigarettenkultur aufbauen würden. Es ist deshalb
wünschenswert, weil sich mit der Kultur solcher
Lebensgewohnheiten regelmäßig auch eine Kultivierung der
Lebensformen überhaupt gleichzeitig zu entwickeln pflegt, und weil
außerdem mit einer Kultur der Genußmittel der für die
Volksgesundheit beste harmonische Ausgleich der Kontraste des
menschlichen Lebens erreicht wird.
Man könnte auch sagen, daß eine Kultur der Genußmittel die
Schädlichkeit derselben auf ein Mindestmaß beschränkt, aber man
würde damit eine unrichtige Beurteilungseinstellung gegenüber den
narkotischen Genußmitteln im allgemeinen und gegenüber der
Cigarette im besondern einnehmen. Wohl scheinen die
Meinungskämpfe für und gegen irgendwelche Genußmittel und
damit die Betonung oder Ableugnung der Schädlichkeit von Alkohol,
Tabak, Kaffee usw. kein Ende nehmen zu wollen, aber der
Einsichtige weiß, daß mit der einfachen Schädlichkeitsfeststellung
für den menschlichen Organismus noch keine Entscheidungsbasis
für solche Streitigkeiten gewonnen sein kann. Wir wissen heute, daß
der Mensch ein Mittelpunkt für Kraftansammlung und
Kraftverbrauch, für Kräfte und Gegenkräfte, Gifte und Gegengifte,
körperlich fördernde und körperlich schädigende Einflüsse ist. Die
eine Seite ist nicht ohne die andere Seite denkbar. Ein Körper, an
den geringe Kräftebeanspruchungen gestellt werden, wird wenig
Kräfte sammeln können. Worauf es ankommt, ist nur das
Gleichgewicht, und was vermieden werden muß, ist nur ein
Gleichgewicht zerstörendes Übermaß auf der einen wie auf der
anderen Seite.
Außerdem ergibt das menschliche Leben so viele und vor allem so
starke Beanspruchungen des Nervensystems, daß die
angenommene Schädlichkeit des Tabakgenusses dagegen nur
gering erscheint.
Wenn noch dazu der Nachweis erbracht wird, daß nervöse
Spannungen des Menschen durch den Tabakgenuß eine
beruhigend-harmonische Auflösung erfahren können, so bedeutet
dies die Anerkennung eines positiven Wertes des Tabaks. Solche
nervöse Spannungen lassen sich keineswegs im Leben vermeiden,
wie es die Naturapostel verlangen, und solange dies der Fall ist, wird
das Bedürfnis nach einem Ausgleich immer wieder Genußmittel
suchen, die einseitig starke geistige Leistungen kompensieren
können. Es ist charakteristisch, daß einerseits die
Gesundheitsfanatiker extremer »Anti«-Bestrebungen meist selbst
körperlich und geistig nicht sehr kräftig sind, und daß es andererseits
niemandem gelungen ist, den Nachweis zu erbringen, daß durch
ängstliches Vermeiden größerer Kräfteanspannungen des Gehirns
und des Körpers das Leben verlängert werden kann.
Selbstverständlich müssen Kräftebeanspruchungen der jeweiligen
Leistungsfähigkeit des Menschen entsprechen. Bei solchen
Streitfragen sind Meinungen eigentlich immer Ergebnisse ganz
persönlicher Erfahrungen und Empfindungen. Das einzige objektive
Vorbild, das die Forderung eines »naturgemäßen« Lebens
vorweisen kann, ergibt das Tier, denn es gibt keine auch noch so
primitiven Menschenrassen, die für Enthaltsamkeit nachweislich als
Vorbild Geltung behaupten können. Wir wissen aber, daß der
Mensch im Gegensatz zum Tier geistigen Anforderungen genügen
muß, die in gar keinem Verhältnis mehr zum Körper stehen. Schon
die einfachen Nervenbeanspruchungen des täglichen geistigen
Lebens sind im eigentlichen Sinne der Naturapostel derartig
ungesund, daß jeder Vergleich mit Lebewesen, die nur ihrer
Gesundheit und natürlich also nur der körperlichen Selbsterhaltung
und Fortpflanzung leben, hoffnungslos ist. Die vielleicht
Überzüchtung zu nennende Entwicklung des menschlichen Geistes
bedingt dann eben Mittel, die einen Ausgleich schaffen, und es ist
sinnlos, gegen diese Mittel zu Felde zu ziehen, oder sie auch nur als
überflüssigen Luxus zu betrachten, solange die Ursachen nicht
beseitigt werden können, die sie veranlaßt und erzwungen haben.
Der Mensch braucht Schuhwerk, da er im allgemeinen für den
Spezialsport des Barfußlaufens kein Interesse mehr aufbringt. Er
braucht Kleidung, da sein Körper allein den Witterungseinflüssen
nicht mehr standhalten kann. Und so braucht er auch Genußmittel,
da der Körper des Menschen nicht mehr in der Lage ist, den
übersteigerten Anforderungen geistigen Lebens den erforderlichen
Ausgleich zu geben.
Die heilsame Wirkung des Tabakgenusses ist nicht mit Heilmitteln
zu vergleichen, die das Wandeln und Vergehen des Menschen nach
der Meinung Lebensunkundiger aufhalten sollen, aber sie ist
segensreich durch die Anregung oder die Beruhigung, die sie im
Ausgleich widerstrebender Spannungen zu geben vermag.
Die weitaus meisten Raucher werden den Genuß von Tabak als
Ausgleichsmittel auch fast immer irgendwie körperlich empfinden
können. Wer im Felde gewesen ist und dort nach den ungeheuren
Nervenbeanspruchungen die Gier nach dem Tabak kennengelernt
hat, wer im heutigen Erwerbsleben steht und sich weder innerlich
noch äußerlich von den aufregenden Verhältnissen unserer Zeit
unabhängig machen kann und zum Tabak greift, der weiß, daß
dieses manchmal als schädlich verschrieene Kraut eine sehr
segensreiche Wirkung besitzt. Die Voraussetzung ist immer wieder
die Kultivierung des Genusses und die sich daraus ergebende
Einstellung zur Leistungsfähigkeit des eigenen Körpers mit dem
Ergebnis eines tatsächlichen Ausgleichs. Extreme
Beanspruchungen, die über die Elastizitätsgrenze des Körpers
hinausgehen, haben natürlich relativ schädliche Folgen. Aber selbst
dann ist die Schädlichkeit des Tabaks überhaupt nicht mit der
Schädlichkeit anderer Genußmittel, die er ersetzen will, zu
vergleichen. Die generelle Annahme, daß mit oder ohne Tabak ein
Mensch oder ein Volk eine kürzere oder längere Lebenszeit
gewinnen kann, ist irrig. Außerdem wird doch wohl nach
allgemeinem Empfinden ein Leben nicht nach seiner Länge, sondern
nach seiner Intensität bewertet.
So können zu allen Zeiten und bei allen Völkern Mittel
nachgewiesen werden, die mit der narkotischen Wirkung des Tabaks
vergleichbar sind. Bei vielen primitiven Völkern ist es die Betelnuß,
bei anderen das Opium, dessen schädliche Folgen — so groß sie für
den Körper eines Europäers auch sein mögen — für den Körper des
Asiaten viel geringer sind, als allgemein angenommen wird. An
weiteren Mitteln sind Haschisch, Kiff-Kiff und andere pflanzliche
Produkte usw. bekannt. In Deutschland und vielen anderen vor allem
europäischen Ländern erfüllte die gleiche Aufgabe Jahrhunderte
hindurch der Alkohol. Erst nach den Zeiten des Sir Francis Drake trat
daneben mehr und mehr der Tabakgenuß in Erscheinung, und es ist
auffallend, daß mit der Zunahme und Verfeinerung des
Tabakgenusses in den letzten Jahrzehnten gleichlaufend eine
Abnahme des Alkoholgenusses nachweisbar ist. Die Bedürfnisse
einer Allgemeinheit wandeln sich im Laufe der Zeiten und passen
sich dem jeweiligen Entwicklungszustand der Menschen und der
Völker immer wieder an. Es scheint, als ob der Tabakgenuß dazu
berufen wäre, die Jahrhunderte alte Aufgabe des Alkohols in
weitgehendem Maße zu übernehmen. Der mittelalterliche und
spätere Verbrauch von Alkohol war geradezu ungeheuer. Wir können
uns heute kaum noch eine Vorstellung machen, was die damaligen
Menschen vertragen haben. Die bedeutendsten geistigen Träger
ihrer Zeit wie beispielsweise Luther, Goethe, Bismarck und viele,
viele andere waren frohe Zecher und genossen die
Ausgleichswirkung dieses geistigen Genußmittels mit einer
Lebhaftigkeit, die in unserer augenblicklichen Zeit Befremden
erregen würde. Das Zeichen unserer Zeit sind zahllose
Antialkoholbewegungen und ein tatsächlich außerordentliches
Nachlassen des Konsums. Dem Kenner menschlicher
Entwicklungserscheinungen gibt beispielsweise das Alkoholverbot in
Amerika nicht so sehr den Beweis, daß theoretisch
volksgesundheitliche Bestrebungen praktisch in großem Maße
durchführbar sind, sondern er erkennt daraus, daß tatsächlich die
Zeit des Alkohols langsam vorübergeht, und daß die Möglichkeit
eines Verbotes hierfür nur ein Symptom ist. Gerade in den
Vereinigten Staaten von Nordamerika hat der Tabakverbrauch in
ganz besonderem Maße zugenommen, so daß nur von einer
Richtungsänderung der Ausgleichsbedürfnisse gesprochen werden
kann. Die Notwendigkeit eines Ausgleiches zeigte sich sehr deutlich,
als graue Theoretiker der Volksgesundheit auch noch ein
Nikotinverbot als Gesetz durchsetzen wollten, und ein alter Senator
die Debatte in Washington mit den Worten erledigte, daß die Staaten
keine Kleinkinderbewahranstalten seien. Noch deutlicher zeigt sich
die Verschiebung im Ausgleichsuchen bei den mohammedanischen
Völkern, bei denen auf Grund des Alkoholverbotes der Religion die
Kultur des Kaffees und des Tabaks eine Höhe gewonnen hat, wie sie
nirgends sonst in der Welt erreicht wird. Verbote sind stets völlig
zwecklos, wenn die menschliche Natur nicht die zum Verbote nötige
Majorität durch eine entsprechende Wandlung ihrer Bedürfnisse
zuläßt, oder wenn kein Ersatz für die aufgegebene
Genußmöglichkeit vorhanden ist.
In Zusammenfassung der vorher gegebenen Argumente kann mit
allgemeiner Gültigkeit behauptet werden, daß Genußmittel mit dem
Ziel einer anregenden oder beruhigenden Wirkung auf das
Nervensystem und damit auf die menschliche Psyche nicht
ausgeschaltet werden können und naturnotwendig sind.
Volksgesundheitlich können nur diejenigen Genußmittel als
schädlich bezeichnet werden, die dem jeweiligen
Entwicklungszustand und den sich daraus ergebenden Bedürfnissen
des Menschen oder des Volkes nicht entsprechen. Der Kenner der
Massenpsyche weiß, daß zwangsweise durchgeführte Verbote, die
nicht in einem Instinkt gegenüber den allgemeinen Bedürfnissen,
sondern in der Theorie einzelner ihre Ursache haben, die Gefahren
von Entladungen der anders nicht gelösten Spannungen zur Folge
haben. Es steht weiterhin fest, daß der Tabak für die Gegenwart als
Ausgleichsmittel eine so allgemeine Bedeutung hat, daß weder von
physischer Schädlichkeit noch von einem volkswirtschaftlich
schädlichen Luxus gesprochen werden kann. Es scheint weiterhin,
daß von den verschiedenen Formen des Tabakgenusses die
Cigarette die bevorzugte Form des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts ist.
Da für die Wertung der Tabakfabrikate das einfache Bedürfnis für

den einzelnen Menschen unmittelbar vorausgesetzt werden muß, ist
es selbstverständlich nicht zu verteidigen, wenn jemand auch ohne
ein irgendwie unbestimmtes Bedürfnis zur Cigarette greift, da dann
weder Genußmöglichkeit noch der Ausgleichwert des Tabaks
gefolgert werden kann. Es ist unverantwortlich, dem
Nachahmungstrieb, der Eitelkeit usw. nachzugeben und
beispielsweise heranwachsenden Kindern das Rauchen schon zu
einer Zeit zu gestatten, zu der ein wirkliches Ausgleichsbedürfnis
noch nicht denkbar ist. Erst durch das Bedürfnis wird erwiesen, daß
ein Genußmittel dem Organismus entspricht, wobei natürlich
krankhafte Übersteigerungen des Genußtriebes ausgenommen
werden müssen.
Aber selbst für Exzesse krankhaft übersteigerter Genußtriebe ist
der Tabak im allgemeinen viel zu harmlos; man vergleiche nur die
manchmal verheerenden Wirkungen von Alkohol, Opiaten usw.
gegenüber der großen Seltenheit von gesundheitlichen
Schädigungen durch übertriebenen Tabakgenuß. Auch bei solchen
seltenen Beispielen wird man meistens nicht in dem starken
Tabakgenuß die wirkliche Ursache der gesundheitlichen
Schädigungen suchen müssen, sondern in den jeweiligen
Umständen, die ihrerseits erst den Tabakgenuß zur Folge haben. Es
dürfte vielleicht sogar der interessante Nachweis erbracht werden
können, daß die anscheinend gesündesten Speisen durch
übertriebenen Genuß praktisch einen größeren Prozentsatz an
gesundheitlichen Schädigungen in der Menschheit ergeben, als der
— selbstverständlich stets zu vermeidende — übergroße
Tabakgenuß.
Die Menschheit verliert langsam ihre Robustheit; ihre
altersunterschiedlichen Gruppen, Völker und Rassen drängen
langsam nach Verfeinerung, und mit der wachsenden
Differenzierung des einzelnen Menschen geht eine steigende
Verfeinerung und Differenzierung der Genußmittel parallel. Das
Nachlassen des Bierkonsums, die zunehmende Verfeinerung auch
in alkoholischen Getränken, die vielfache Aufgabe des Alkohols als
tägliches Getränk beispielsweise zugunsten des weitaus
kultivierteren Tees, das Anwachsen der Schokoladen- und
Konfiturenindustrie usw. veranschaulichen den natürlichen
Entwicklungsvorgang, wenn auch vielleicht nur der Tee mit der
außerordentlichen Genußdifferenzierung verglichen werden kann,
die der Cigarette die Zukunft sichert.
Die Verfeinerung des Geschmacksempfindens, die in Deutschland
seit dem Kriege registriert werden kann, scheint eine Kultivierung der
Cigarette gewährleisten zu können, die eine segensreiche
Bedeutung dieses Genußmittels für das 20. Jahrhundert erhoffen
läßt. In den außerdeutschen Ländern sind die Verhältnisse etwas
anders. Heute steht Deutschland von den größeren Völkern
bezüglich der Qualitätsforderungen an der Spitze, wenn auch diesen
Forderungen vorläufig noch infolge mangelnder Kaufkraft der
Konsumenten nur von wenigen qualitätsstolzen Fabriken in einem
wirklich ausreichenden Maße entsprochen werden kann.
Die Cigarette ist in Deutschland noch nicht seit sehr lange
bekannt, und erst in den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten des vergangenen
Jahrhunderts gewann sie für Deutschland eine stetig anwachsende
Bedeutung. Da wir die Cigarette in ihrer heutigen Form aus dem
Osten bekommen haben, nennen wir sie zum Unterschied zu später
in Deutschland bekannt gewordenen Abarten »Orientcigarette«. Wir
bezeichnen mit diesem Namen eine ganz bestimmte Art von in
Papier gehüllten Tabakfabrikaten, deren Herkunftsländer für uns im
Orient liegen. In Wirklichkeit ist die Kenntnis des Tabaks und der
Cigarettenform auch nach dem Orient erst vor wenigen
Jahrhunderten gelangt. Sie stammt aus Amerika, wo bereits
Columbus Cigaretten in Form von maisblattumwickelten Tabaken
gesehen hat. Als die Kenntnis des Tabaks nach dem Orient kam,
wurde dieses Genußmittel mit einer erstaunlichen Sicherheit den
Bedürfnissen des Landes angepaßt. Es entwickelte sich im Orient
eine Kultur des Tabakanbaus, die sehr bald an Differenzierung die
Erzeugnisse der amerikanischen Ursprungsländer weit übertraf. Mag
auch der orientalische Tabak ursprünglich vorzugsweise in Pfeifen
unterschiedlicher Art geraucht worden sein, so wurde auch die
Gewohnheit, den Tabak in Papierhüllen zu fassen, übernommen,
und damit entstand im Orient zugleich eine Kultur der Cigarette, die
so groß wurde, daß für uns der eigentliche Cigarettenbegriff mit dem
der Orientcigarette völlig identisch wurde. Wenn der deutsche
Raucher amerikanische Tabake zu Cigaretten verarbeitet findet, so
pflegt er diese als minderwertig abzulehnen und den Inhalt der
Papierhülse mit »schwarzem« Tabak zu bezeichnen. Eine Cigarette
mit schwarzem Tabak erscheint dem deutschen Raucher nicht als
eine richtige Cigarette. Wenn dies geschichtlich auch nicht zu
vertreten ist, so wird es eben dadurch verständlich, daß die uns
bekannte Orientcigarette an Verfeinerung und Veredlung des
Genusses den Tabaken der Neuen Welt so außerordentlich
überlegen ist, daß ein Wettbewerb beider Tabakarten wenigstens in
der Form einer Cigarette in Deutschland ausgeschlossen erscheint.
Die Tabake, die der Cigarettenraucher als schwarze Tabake
bezeichnet, sind uns unter der Vorstellung von Cigarren- oder
Pfeifentabaken geläufiger. In den außerdeutschen Ländern ist diese
Einstellung den Tabaken gegenüber nicht allgemein. Beispielsweise
werden in Frankreich, Spanien, Belgien, Argentinien und anderen
stark romanisch gefärbten Ländern die sogenannten schwarzen
Tabake den Orienttabaken vorgezogen. Es mag dies teilweise durch
die Wirtschaftspolitik der Länder, wie z. B. Frankreich, wo für die
Regiecigarette ein hoher Prozentsatz französischer Tabake
verarbeitet wird, begründet werden können. Aber in anderen
Ländern wieder neigt das Bedürfnis der Raucher so offensichtlich zu
dem einfacheren und herberen Genuß der sogenannten schwarzen
Tabake, daß von ganz individuellen Bedürfnissen verschiedener
Rassen gesprochen werden kann.
In Nordamerika wurde durch das Alkoholverbot der
Tabakverbrauch ganz wesentlich verstärkt. Es werden dort
Orientcigaretten fabriziert, die an Qualität unübertrefflich sind; doch
für die breite Masse des Volkes kommen vorzugsweise
amerikanische Tabake zur Verarbeitung. Allerdings entspricht der in
Amerika zu Cigaretten verarbeitete Tabak nicht unmittelbar den in
Europa bekannten schwarzen Tabaken, sondern es werden
vorzugsweise Virginia-Tabake verbraucht, die ursprünglich wie alle
anderen amerikanischen Tabake charakteristische Pfeifen- oder
Cigarrentabake sind, aber durch bestimmte Prozesse für den
Konsum in Cigarettenhülsen zubereitet werden. Diese
Virginiacigaretten sind in Deutschland aus dem Jahre 1919
besonders unter der Bezeichnung »englische Cigaretten« bekannt,
denn sie wurden vorzugsweise von englischer Seite aus in
Deutschland durch das »Loch im Westen« eingeführt. In England
selbst nimmt der Verbrauch von Virginiacigaretten ebenfalls einen
großen Raum ein, da er durch die dortigen klimatischen Verhältnisse
begünstigt wird. Außerdem gibt es in England, vor allem auf Grund
der guten Beziehungen zum Orient und besonders zu Ägypten, auch
sehr wertvolle Orientcigaretten, die sich jedoch bei weitem noch kein
so großes Publikum verschafft haben wie die entsprechenden
Fabrikate in Deutschland.
Nach den Gepflogenheiten des deutschen Rauchers können wir
die Orienttabake als eigentliche Cigarettentabake glatt von
sämtlichen anderen Tabaken abtrennen, da die letzteren innerhalb
Deutschlands fast ausschließlich für Pfeifen und Cigarren verwendet
werden. Zu diesen Pfeifen- und Cigarrentabaken gehören auch die
Erzeugnisse des deutschen, überhaupt des westeuropäischen
Tabakanbaues.
Mangels einer größeren Einfuhrmöglichkeit von Orienttabaken

während des Krieges wurden vielfach Versuche gemacht, die
Restbestände an wirklichen Orienttabaken durch deutsche Tabake
usw., also sogenannte schwarze Tabake zu strecken oder auch
ausgesprochene Surrogate zu verwenden. Die außerordentliche
Abneigung, die diese Cigaretten bei dem Raucherpublikum
gefunden haben, hat noch bis heute die Meinung bestehen lassen,
daß der Qualitätsgrad einer Cigarette an der hellen Farbe des
Tabaks erkannt werden kann. Wenn es auch richtig war, daß der
Raucher seinen Augen trauen konnte, sobald er in den Zeiten der
Zwangswirtschaft an der dunkleren Färbung einheimischer oder
amerikanischer Tabake die Minderwertigkeit eines Fabrikats
erkennen wollte, so trifft diese Farbgraduierung keineswegs zu,
sobald es sich um eine Kritik innerhalb verschiedener Sorten wirklich
echter Orientcigaretten handelt. Es gibt sehr wertvolle Orienttabake,
die dunkel gefärbt sind; andere sind wiederum rötlich, und das
eigentümliche Mittelding zwischen dem echten Orienttabak und den
amerikanischen Pfeifentabaken, nämliche der Virginiatabak, hat
gerade eine besonders helle Farbe, ohne daß er an Qualität auch
nur im entferntesten mit irgendeinem echten Orienttabak verglichen
werden kann. Abgesehen von einer Feststellung der Verwendung
von Misch- oder Ersatztabaken, die man sehr wohl noch dem Auge
zutrauen kann, ist es ganz außerordentlich schwer, bereits beim
Anblick einer Cigarette ein Urteil abgeben zu können. Die
Anhaltspunkte zur Beurteilung sind allzu gering. Neben Erwähnung
der Farbe hört man häufig für dieses oder jenes »Format« plädieren.
Aber auch ein Format kann niemals für die Qualität einer Cigarette
ausschlaggebend sein, denn es steht in den weitaus meisten Fällen
in unmittelbarer Abhängigkeit von der Art der verwendeten Tabake
und ihrem Mischungsverhältnis. Wenn es sich um schwere und
gehaltvolle Tabake handelt, so wird das Format relativ schmal und
klein sein müssen. Ist der Tabak leicht und sehr milde, so wird das
Format der Cigarette sehr voll sein müssen, damit die größere
Brandfläche, die jeweils dem Querschnitt der Cigarette entspricht,
einen volleren Geschmack auslöst. Je wertvoller und je sorgfältiger
Cigaretten hergestellt werden, desto bestimmter wird das
entsprechende Format festgelegt werden müssen. Die Abhängigkeit
von Tabak und Tabakmischung vom Format und umgekehrt ist so
weitgehend, daß ein und dieselbe Füllung in dem einen Format fast
ungenießbar sein kann, dagegen in einem anderen Format einen
überraschend schönen Charakter zur Geltung bringt.
Die einzige wirkliche Möglichkeit zur Beurteilung einer Cigarette ist
eine gewissenhafte Rauchprobe, und selbst dann sind noch eine
Anzahl Umstände zu beachten, deren Einwirkung häufig
unterschätzt wird.
Man stelle sich beispielsweise die Stimmung vor, in der man sich
nach einem guten und reichlichen Essen, zu allen edlen und
schönen Dingen bereit, einer fast körperlich übertriebenen
Behaglichkeit hingibt. Würde man sich dann eine Cigarette
anzünden, die sehr aromatisch und auf Grund einer gewissen
Herbigkeit sehr anregend wirkt, so würde man zweifellos sehr
enttäuscht sein und diesen Mißklang zur augenblicklichen Stimmung
zu einer Verurteilung der Cigarette umbiegen. Die meisten
Menschen benötigen in einer solchen behaglichen Stimmung eine
weiche, milde, aber sehr volle und blumige Cigarette, die den durch

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Ensuring the Success of Latino Males

in Higher Education A National

African American Males in Higher Education Leadership

The Analytics Revolution in Higher Education Big Data

Studying in English Strategies for Success in Higher

Transformation of Higher Education in the Age of

Life after Dawkins The University of Melbourne in the

A People s History of American Higher Education 1st

India Higher Education Report 2022: Women in Higher

Lean Six Sigma in Higher Education : A Practical Guide

Edited by Victor B. Sáenz, Luis Ponjuán, and

Published by Stylus Publishing, LLC.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted

13-digit ISBN: 978-1-57922-787-6 (cloth)

Printed in the United States of America

All first editions printed on acid-free paper

Quantity discounts are available for use in workshops and for

First Edition, 2016

PART ONE: INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT-SETTING:

1. CURRENT TRENDS AND FUTURE OUTLOOKS ON THE

2. LATINO MALES IN AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS 21

PART TWO: EXPLORING THEORIES TO UNDERSTAND

3. THE GEOGRAPHY OF ACADEMIC SUPPORT 43

5. AN INTERSECTIONALITY ANALYSIS OF LATINO MEN

PART THREE: RESEARCH ON PREPARATION, PERSISTENCE,

6. LATINO MALE HIGH SCHOOL MATH ACHIEVEMENT 95

7. EXAMINING THE ROLE OF FAMILY IN MEXICAN AMERICAN

8. OVER THE IVY WALL 132

9. CABALLEROS MAKING CAPITAL GAINS IN COLLEGE 152

PART FOUR: MOVING FROM RESEARCH TO PRACTICE:

10. LATINO MALES IN HIGHER EDUCATION 177

11. EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITY, COLLEGE CHOICES,

12. COLLABORATIVE CONSCIOUSNESS 209

Editors and Contributors 225

Data: Shining the Light

Champions and Allies: Creating the Will

Service to Community: Investing in Our Future

Purpose of This Book

incarceration and the school-to-prison pipeline. Campos (2012) addressed

Organization of This Book

(2005) community cultural wealth framework. By taking a strength-based

educational experience, and its contributors’ hope to parallel the broader

commissioner (THECB); Linda Battles, deputy commissioner (THECB);

The Context: An Unacknowledged Crisis

The Experiences of Latino Males in Early, Primary, and

College Enrollment and Educational Attainment

at the undergraduate level (compared to 57.4% for Hispanic females) and

Degree Attainment Patterns at 2-Year and 4-Year Institutions

Figure 1.1 Bachelor’s degrees (BA) earned by Hispanics (1977–2011).

numbers of degrees earned by Hispanic males and females clearly highlights

Alternative Schooling, Career, and Life Pathways for Latino

Overrepresentation and At-Risk Labels: Learning and Behavioral

Latino Workforce Patterns

Latino Workforce and Undocumented Status

Latino Males in the Military

is their overall educational attainment level. The Bureau of Labor Statistics

Latino Males in Prison

in educational attainment could undercut the skilled labor force as well as

Parrish, T. (2002). Racial disparities in the identification, funding, and provision

Title: Die Cigarette

Author: Stephan Dirk

Release date: March 11, 2024 [eBook #73143]

Original publication: Leipzig: Verlag für Industrie-Kultur, 1924