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THE FOREMOST LEADER.

From the “New York Christian Union.”


The death of Henry W. Grady, at Atlanta, on Monday of this week,
was a loss, not only to his own section, but to the country. Although a
young man, and not in political life, Mr. Grady had already acquired a
national reputation. It is only three years since he delivered the
speech at the New England dinner in this city, which gave a sudden
expansion to a reputation already rapidly extending, and made his
name known in every State in the Union. Mr. Grady was a typical
Southern man, ardent in his love for his own section, loyal to the
memory of those who fought in the struggle of a quarter of a century
ago, but equally loyal to the duties and the nation of to-day. Warm-
hearted, generous, and of a fervid imagination, Mr. Grady’s oratory
recalled the best traditions of the Southern style; and the sincerity
and geniality of his nature evoked the confidence and regard of his
audience, while his eloquence thrilled them. His latest speech was
delivered in Boston two weeks ago, on the race question, and was
one of those rare addresses which carry with them an immediate
broadening of the views of every auditor. Among the men of his own
section Mr. Grady was probably the foremost leader of progressive
ideas, and his death becomes for that reason a national loss.
A GLORIOUS MISSION.

From the Albany, N.Y., “Argus.”


All who admire true patriotism, brilliant talents, golden eloquence
and ripe judgment, will regret the untimely taking off of the gifted
Southern journalist and orator, Henry W. Grady, in the very zenith of
his powers and fame. His eloquent address at the annual banquet of
the Boston Merchants’ Association is still fresh in the minds of those
who listened to him or read his glowing words in the columns of the
press. It was the last and grandest effort of the brilliant young
Southerner. It was the defense of his beloved South against the
calumnies cast upon her, and the most lucid, convincing exposition
of the race question ever presented at a public assemblage.
Impassioned and heartfelt was his plea for Union and the
abandonment of all sectionalism. These closing words of his address
might fitly be inscribed upon his tomb: “Let us resolve to crown the
miracles of our past with the spectacle of a Republic, compact,
united, indissoluble in the bonds of love—loving from the Lakes to
the Gulf—the wounds of war healed in every heart as on every hill—
serene and resplendent at the summit of human achievement and
earthly glory—blazing out the path, and making clear the way up
which all the nations of the earth must come in God’s appointed
time.” The words were all the more emphatic and convincing
because they were spoken in the presence of an ex-president whose
entire administration had been consecrated to such a Union of all
sections, and who accomplished more in the grand work of
obliterating the last traces of sectional strife and division than any
other man who sat in the national executive chair.
Well may the South mourn over this fervid advocate of her honor,
her rights, her interests, and regard his death a public calamity.
Eloquence such as his is rarely given to men, and it was devoted
wholly to his beloved land. It has done more to break down the
barriers of prejudice and passion than a decade of homilies, dry
arguments and elaborate statistics could effect. His was a most
glorious mission, the bringing together in the closest bonds of
fraternal love and confidence the sections which partisan malice,
political selfishness and unconscionable malignity would keep apart.
Whenever he spoke, the earnestness of his convictions, expressed
in the noblest language, impressed itself upon the intelligence of his
hearers. His last appeal, made, as he described it, “within touch of
Plymouth Rock and Bunker Hill, where Webster thundered and
Longfellow sang, and Emerson thought and Channing preached,”
melted away the most hardened prejudice and enkindled in the New
England heart the spirit of respect and sympathy for the brave,
single-minded people of the South, who are so patiently and
determinedly working out their destiny to make their beautiful land
the abode of unalloyed peace and prosperity. Journalism will also
mourn the loss of one of its brightest representatives. Henry W.
Grady shone in the columns of his newspaper, the Atlanta
Constitution, with no less brilliancy than he did as an orator. Under
his guidance that paper has become one of the brightest in the land.
It will be difficult for the South to supply his place as patriot, journalist
and orator. He was an effective foil to the Eliza Pinkston class of
statesmen in and out of Congress.
HIS LOFTY IDEAL.

From the “Philadelphia Press.”


Few men die at thirty-eight whose departure is felt as a national
loss, but Henry W. Grady was one. At an age when most men are
just beginning to be known in their own States and to be recognized
in their own section, he was known to the nation and recognized by
the American people. At the South he represented the new pride in
the material revival of a section desolated by the war. At the North he
stood for loyal and enthusiastic support by the South of the new
claims of the Union. His every appearance before the public was one
more proof to the nation that the sons of those who fought the war
were again one people and under one flag, cherishing different
memories in the past, but pressing forward to the same lofty ideal of
a homogeneous democratic society under republican institutions.
If Henry W. Grady spoke at the North he spoke for the South; if he
spoke at the South he stood for Northern ideas in his own land. He
was none the less true in both attitudes that his utterances were
insensibly modified by his audiences. Eloquent, magnetic,
impressionable, sharing to the full the sympathy every great speaker
always has with his audience, his sentiment swung from extreme to
extreme as he stood on a Northern or a Southern platform. It was
always easy to pick flaws in them. Now and then his rhetorical
sympathies placed him in a false position. But it was the inevitable
condition of work like his that he should express extremes. If he had
not felt and voiced the pride with which every Southerner must and
should look back to the deathless valor of men we all rejoice to claim
as Americans, he would have been worthless as a representative of
the South. If he had not thrilled earlier than his fellows to the
splendid national heritage with which defeat had dowered his people,
he could never have awakened the applause of Northern audiences
by expressions of loyalty and devotion to our common nation.
This service to both sections sprang from something more than
sympathy. A moral courage Northern men can little understand was
needed for him to oppose Southern treatment of the negro. Energy
and industry, unknown among his fellows, were needed in the
leadership he undertook in the material development of his State and
section. It is easy now to see the enormous profit which lay in the
material development of Georgia. Far-sighted provision was needed
to urge the policy and aid the combination which made it possible ten
years ago.
No one but a journalist, we are proud to say, could have done Mr.
Grady’s work, and he brought to the work of journalism some of its
highest qualifications. Ability as a writer, keen appreciation of “news,”
and tireless industry, which he had, must all be held second to the
power he possessed in an eminent degree of divining the drift and
tendency of public feeling, being neither too early to lead it nor too
late to control it. This divination Mr. Grady was daily displaying and
he never made better use of it than in his last speech in Boston, the
best of his life, in which he rose from mere rhetoric to a clear,
earnest and convincing handling of fact. A great future was before
him, all too soon cut off. He leaves to all journalists the inspiring
example of the great opportunities which their profession offers to
serve the progress of men and aid the advance of nations, by
speaking to the present of the bright and radiant light of the future,
and rising above the claims of party and the prejudice of locality to
advocate the higher claims of patriotism and humanity.
HIS PATRIOTISM.

From the “Philadelphia Ledger.”


The death of Henry W. Grady, which occurred almost at the
dawning of this beneficent Christmas time, did not “eclipse the
gayety of nations,” as it was long ago said the death of another
illustrious person did, but it still casts a shadow over his native land
—a shadow which falls heavily upon all those of his countrymen who
knew, honored and loved the man.
Henry W. Grady was one of the youngest, the most brilliant, the
best beloved of the young men of his country who, since the war of
secession, won distinction in public life. Whether considered as a
writer or an orator, his talents were extraordinary. His language was
strong, refined, and, in its poetic warmth and elegance, singularly
beautiful. But that which gave to it its greatest value and charm was
the wisdom of the thought, the sincerity of the high conscience of
which it was the expression. It was given to him as it is to so few—
the ability to wed noble thoughts to noble words—to make the pen
more convincing than the sword in argument, to make the tongue
proclaim “the Veritas that lurks beneath the letter’s unprolific sheath.”
Henry W. Grady was, in the truest sense, an American; his love of
country, his unselfish devotion to it, were unquestioned and
unquestionable; but he sought to serve it best by best serving the
South, which he so greatly loved and which so loved and honored
him. It was the New South of human freedom, material progress—
not the Old South of chattel slavery and material sluggishness—of
which he was the representative, the prophet. It was the South of to-
day, which has put off the bitternesses, defeats and animosities of
the war; which has put on the sentient spirit of real union, of
marvelous physical development, which advances day by day to
wealth, dignity and greatness by gigantic strides. This was the South
that he glorified with pen and tongue, and which he sought with
earnest, zealous love to bring into closer, warmer fraternity with the
North and the North with it.
The story of the shield which hung in the forest, and which, to the
traveler coming from the North, seemed to be made of gold, and to
the traveler journeying from the South, to be made of silver, is an old
one. But it has its new significance in every great matter to which
there are two sides, and which is looked at by those approaching it
from different directions from their respective points of view. He saw
but one side of the race question—the Southern side, and for that he
strenuously contended only a few days before his death, in the very
shadow of Faneuil Hall, or, as he finely said: “Here, within touch of
Plymouth Rock and Bunker Hill—where Webster thundered and
Longfellow sang, Emerson thought and Channing preached—here,
in the cradle of American letters and of American liberty.” It was in
the house of his antagonists that he fought for the side which he
thought good and just, and if in doing so he did not convince, he was
listened to with respect and admiration.
That is a question not to be discussed here and now, and it is
referred to only to show the courage of Mr. Grady in defence of his
convictions, for they were convictions, and honest ones, and not
mere political or sectional opinions. Apart from the race question, Mr.
Grady was a man of peace, who, whether writing in his own
influential journal in the South, or speaking in Boston, his tongue and
voice were alike for peace, good will, unity of interest, thought and
feeling. In his address of the 13th instant, at the Boston banquet, Mr.
Grady said:
“A mighty duty, sir, a mighty inspiration impels every one of us to-
night to lose in patriotic consecration whatever estranges, whatever
divides. We, sir, are Americans, and we stand for human liberty! The
uplifting force of the American idea is under every throne on earth.
France, Brazil—these are our victories. To redeem the earth from
kingcraft and oppression, this is our mission! And we shall not fail.
God has sown in our soil the seed of His millennial harvest, and He
will not lay the sickle to the ripening crop until His full and perfect day
has come. Our history, sir, has been a constant and expanding
miracle from Plymouth Rock and Jamestown all the way—aye, even
from the hour when, from the voiceless and trackless ocean, a new
world rose to the sight of the inspired sailor. As we approach the
fourth centennial of that stupendous day—when the Old World will
come to marvel and to learn, amid our gathered treasures—let us
resolve to crown the miracles of our past with the spectacle of a
republic, compact, united, indissoluble in the bonds of love—loving
from the Lakes to the Gulf—the wounds of war healed in every heart
as on every hill—serene and resplendent at the summit of human
achievement and earthly glory—blazing out the path and making
clear the way up which all the nations of the earth must come in
God’s appointed time.”
The fine expression of these lofty sentiments shows the eloquence
of the man, but, better than that, they themselves show the broad
and noble spirit of his patriotism. And the man that his countrymen
so admired and honored is dead, his usefulness ended, his voice
silent, his pen idle forever, and he so young. There are no accidents,
said Charles Sumner, in the economy of Providence; nor are there.
The death of Henry W. Grady, which seems so premature, is yet part
of the inscrutable design the perfectness of which may not be
questioned, and out of it good will come which is now hidden. He
was of those great spirits of whom Lowell sang:

“We find in our dull road their shining track;


In every noble mood
We feel the Orient of their spirit glow,
Part of our life’s unalterable good,
Of all our saintlier aspirations!”

He was of those who even through death do good, and so


posthumously work out the economy of Providence, for

“As thrills of long-hushed tone


Live in the viol, so our souls grow fine
With keen vibrations from the touch divine
Of Nobler natures gone.”
ORATORY AND THE PRESS.

From the “Boston Advertiser.”


The lamented death of Mr. H. W. Grady affords a fit occasion for
saying that oratory is not one of “the lost arts.” A great deal is said
from time to time about the decadence of oratory as caused by the
competition of the press. We are told that public address is held in
slight esteem because the public prints are much more accessible
and equally interesting. It is said that this operates in two ways, that
the man who has something to say will always prefer to write rather
than speak, because the printed page reaches tens of thousands,
while the human voice can at most be heard by a few hundreds, and
that not many people will take the trouble to attend a lecture when
they can read discussions of the same subject by the lecturer
himself, or others equally competent, without stirring from the
evening lamp or exchanging slippers for boots. But there is a great
deal of fallacy in such arguments. The press is the ally, not the
supplanter of the platform. The functions of the two are so distinct
that they cannot clash, yet so related that they are mutually helpful.
Oratory is very much more than the vocal utterance, of fitting words.
One of the ancients defined the three requisites of an orator as first,
action; second, action; and third, action. If by action is meant all that
accompanies speech, as gesture, emphasis, intonation, variety in
time, and those subtle expressions that come through the flushing
cheek and the gleaming eye, the enumeration was complete. Mr.
Grady spoke with his lips not only, but with every form and feature of
his bodily presence. Such oratory as his, and such as that of the
man whose lecture on “The Lost Arts” proved that oratory is not one
of them, will never be out of date while human nature remains what it
is. There is, indeed, one class of public speakers whose occupation
the press has nearly taken away. They are the “orators,” falsely so
called, whose speech is full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.
Cold type is fatal to their pretensions.
THE LESSON OF MR. GRADY’S LIFE.

From the “Philadelphia Times.”


Henry W. Grady is dead, but the lesson of his life will live and
bear fruits for years to come. The young men of the South will not fail
to note that the public journals of every faith in the North have
discussed his life and death in the sincerest sympathy, and that not
only his ability but his candor and courage have elicited universal
commendation. Had Mr. Grady been anything less than a sincere
Southerner in sympathy and conviction, he could have commanded
the regulation praise of party organs in political conflicts, but he
would have died little regretted in either section. He was a true son
of the South; faithful to its interests, to its convictions, to its traditions;
and he proved how plain was the way for the honest Southerner to
be an honest patriot and a devoted supporter of the Union.
There are scores of men in the South, or who have lived there,
and who have filled the highest public trusts within the gifts of their
States, without commanding the sympathy or respect of any section
of the country. Of the South, they were not in sympathy with their
people or interests, and they have played their brief and accidental
parts only to be forgotten when their work was done. They did not
speak for the South; they were instruments of discord rather than of
tranquility, and they left no impress upon the convictions or
pulsations of either section.
But Mr. Grady was a true, able, candid, courageous son of the
South, and he was as much respected under the shadows of Bunker
Hill as in Georgia. Sincerely Southern in every sympathy, he was
welcomed North and South as a patriot; and long after the Mahones
and the Chalmers shall have been charitably forgotten, the name of
Grady will be fresh in the greenest memories of the whole people of
the country.
There is no better lesson for the young men of the South to study
than the life, the aims and the efforts of Mr. Grady and the universal
gratitude he commanded from every section. He was beloved in the
South, where his noble qualities were commonly known, but he was
respected in the North as an honest Southerner, who knew how to
be true to his birthright and true to the Republic. The Northern press
of every shade of political conviction has united in generous tribute
to the young patriot of Georgia, and if his death shall widen and
deepen the appreciation of his achievement among the young men
of the South who must soon be the actors of the day, he may yet
teach even more eloquently and successfully in the dreamless sleep
of the grave than his matchless oratory ever taught in Atlanta or
Boston.
HIS LOSS A GENERAL CALAMITY.

Front the “St. Louis Globe-Democrat.”


The sudden and lamentable death of Henry W. Grady will eclipse
the gayety of the Christmas season in the South. He was a popular
favorite throughout that section, and his loss is a general calamity.
His public career was yet in its beginning. He had distinguished
himself as an editor and as an orator, and high political honors
awaited him quite as a matter of course. His qualities of head and
heart fitted him admirably for the service of the people, and they
trusted and loved him as they did no other of the younger Southern
leaders. He believed in the new order of things, and was anxious to
see the South redeemed from the blunders and superstitions of the
past, and started on a career of rational and substantial progress. In
the nature of things, he was obliged now and then to humor sectional
prejudice, but he did it always in a graceful way, and set an example
of moderation and good temper that was greatly to his credit.
Without sacrificing in the least his honor or his sincerity as a devoted
son of the South, he gave candid and appreciative recognition to the
virtues of the North, and made himself at home in Boston the same
as in Atlanta. The war was over with him in the best sense. He
looked to the future, and all his aspirations were generous and
wholesome.
If the political affairs of the South were in the control of men of the
Grady pattern, a vast improvement would soon be made. He did not
hesitate to denounce the methods which have so often brought
deserved reproach upon the Southern people. He was not in
sympathy with the theory that violence and fraud may be properly
invoked to decide elections and shape the course of legislation. His
impulses as a partisan stopped short of the feeling that everything is
fair in politics. He did much to mollify and elevate the tone of public
sentiment; and he would have done a great deal more if he had been
spared to continue his salutary work. His loss is one of that kind
which makes the decrees of fate so hard to understand. There was
every reason why he should live and prosper. His opportunities of
usefulness were abundant; his State and his country needed him;
there was certain distinction in store for him. Under such
circumstances death comes not as a logical result, but as an
arbitrary interference with reasonable conditions and conceptions.
We are bound to believe that the mystery has been made plain to
the man himself; but here it is insoluble. The lesson of his sterling
integrity, his patriotism and his cheerfulness is left, however, for his
countrymen to study and enforce. Let us hope that in the South
particularly it will not be neglected.
SADDEST OF SEQUELS.

From the “Manchester, N.H., Union.”


The death of Henry W. Grady, the brilliant journalist and eloquent
orator, will be sincerely deplored throughout the country. It is
especially untimely, coming as it does as the saddest of sequels to a
tour which promised much in the beginning, and which, in all save
this ending, more than fulfilled the expectations of his friends. His
brilliant speech in Boston was his last great effort, and it will long be
remembered as one of his best. In it he plead, as it now proves, with
the lips of a dying man, for true fraternity between the North and
South. Had he lived, his burning appeals would have moved the
country deeply. Now that it is known that the effort cost him his life,
his words will have a touch of pathos in them as they are recalled by
the men of all parties and all sections to whom they were so
earnestly addressed. But even this increased effect given to his last
appeal to the North will not compensate for the loss of such a man at
this time. Henry W. Grady was distinctively the representative of the
New South. Too young to have had an active part in the great
struggle between the states, he came into active life at just the time
when men like him were needed. His face was set toward the future.
He belonged to and was identified with the progressive element
which has already accomplished so much of positive achievement in
the Southern States. He was a Southern man, recognized as a
leader by Southern men, but with a breadth of mind and purpose
which made him a part of the entire country. Under his leadership the
South was sure to make progress, but its rapid march was to be to
the music of the Union, and with every step the North and South
were to be nearer together than at any previous time since the
adoption of the Constitution. But his part in the great work is ended.
His passionate voice is stilled and his active brain is at rest at a time
in life when most men are entering upon their most effective work.
Had he lived, a brilliant future was already assured to him, a future of
leadership and of tremendous influence in public affairs. But his
untimely death ends all. Others will take up his work as best they
may; the New South will go forward with the development of its
material interests, old animosities will fade away and the North and
South will gradually come together in harmony of spirit and purpose,
but the man of all others who seemed destined to lead in the great
movement will have no further share in it. The South will mourn his
early death most deeply, and the North will throw off its reserve
sufficiently to extend its sincere sympathy, feeling that when such a
man dies the loss is the nation’s rather than that of a single state or
of a group of states.
A LIFE OF PROMISE.

From the “Chicago Inter-Ocean.”


In the death of Henry W. Grady, which occurred yesterday,
journalism, the South, and the whole country suffered serious loss.
He had come to occupy a large place, and one which cannot be
filled. He was a connecting link between the old and the new South,
with his face toward the East, albeit the shadows of the setting sun
could be clearly discerned in his discussions of the vital questions of
the day. His life seemed just begun, and big in the promise of
usefulness. Two years ago he was known only as a journalist. He
addressed the New England Society of New York on the evening of
December 29, 1887. That speech made him famous. Since then his
name has been a household word. For him to be stricken down at
the early age of thirty-nine is little if any short of a public calamity.
It is a dangerous thing for a man of serious purpose to win renown
as an after-dinner speaker. Post-prandial oratory is generally a kind
of champagne, as effervescent as it is sparkling, but Mr. Grady
struck a vein of thought at that New England banquet which had in it
all the earnestness of patriotism. A Southerner with a strong
sectional flavor, his influence, as a whole, was broadening. He never
rose superior to the prejudice of race, but it may well be doubted if
any Southerner could do so in these days without cutting himself off
from all influence over his own people. There is nowhere visible in
the Southern heavens the dawn of the day of equal justice,
irrespective of race. In that regard Mr. Grady was neither better nor
worse than his white neighbors. But with that exception his patriotism
had largely outgrown its provincial environments.
Mr. Grady was a native of Georgia. His father seems to have been
a follower of Alex. H. Stephens, for he was a Union man until the
final test came, when he took up arms for the Confederacy, meeting
death for the cause of his reluctant espousal. A graduate of the
University of Georgia and later of the University of Virginia, the son
had the best education the South could give. His newspaper life
began early and was never interrupted. For several years he was co-
editor and co-proprietor of the Atlanta Constitution, confessedly one
of the leading newspapers of the country. Previous to his connection
with the Constitution he was the correspondent of the Inter-Ocean
and the New York Herald. Both as editor and correspondent he
excelled. Both as editor and orator he has at different times spoken
eloquently of both Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis his point of
view being intermediate, and that fact, rather than any conscious
vacillation, explains his seeming contradictions.
A few days ago the Southern people stood with uncovered heads
by the grave of Jefferson Davis, the most conspicuous
representative of the Old South, and now, before they had fairly
returned from that funeral, they are called upon to attend the
obsequies of the most conspicuous representative of the New South.
These two notable men present much the same blending of
resemblance and contrast, as do the evening and the morning stars.
Certainly Mr. Grady, young, enthusiastic, and patriotic, was to the
South a harbinger of brighter, more prosperous days.
ELECTRIFIED THE WHOLE COUNTRY.

From the “Pittsburgh Dispatch.”


The Christmas holidays, North and South, are saddened by the
death of Henry W. Grady, the interesting young journalist of Atlanta,
whose words of patriotism and of manly hope and encouragement
for all sections, have more than once within a few years electrified
the whole country. Mr. Grady won fame early, and in an uncommon
manner. Though locally known in the South as a capable newspaper
man, his name was not familiar to the general public until a few
years ago, when, by a single speech at a banquet in a northern city,
he attracted universal attention. Since then his utterances have
carried weight, and scarcely a man speaking or writing on public
topics has been more respectfully heard.
The key-note of Mr. Grady’s speeches on the South was that the
past belief of its people in the “Lost Cause,” and their continued
personal admiration for their leaders, should not and did not prevent
them from accepting fully and in perfect good faith the results as they
stand. He argued that the best elements, including the new
generation, were only too willing and anxious to treat of the past as a
condition wholly and irrevocably past—and, at that, a past which
they would not recall if they could. From the North he asked a
recognition of this new feeling, and the magnanimous consideration
which would not assume that the South was still disloyal or rebellious
merely because it refused to condemn itself and its leaders for the
mistakes which brought it disaster.
The efforts of the deceased were to promote patriotic devotion to
the Union in the South, and to induce the North to believe that the
feeling existed. His evident sincerity and his eloquence in presenting
the situation won cordial approval in the North, while in his own
section he was applauded with equal warmth. His death will be very
widely and deeply regretted, as that of a man of high and generous

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