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Greek Art
From Oxford to Portugal
and Back Again
Rui Morais
with a Foreword
Greek by
Art Delfim Leão
Tribute to Maria Helena Da Rocha-Pereira
and Back Again
Greek Art
and Back Again
Rui Morais
with a Foreword by Delfim Leão

Tribute to Maria Helena Da Rocha-Pereira
Archaeopress Archaeology
Archaeopress Publishing Ltd
Gordon House
276 Banbury Road
Oxford OX2 7ED
www.archaeopress.com
ISBN 978 1 78491 586 5

ISBN 978 1 78491 587 2 (e-Pdf)
© Archaeopress and Rui Morais 2017
Cover image: Neck-amphora attributed to the Red-Line Painter

(collection Manuel de Lancastre, Portugal)
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or
by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written
permission of the copyright owners.
This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com
Contents
List of Figures��ii
Foreword: Maria Helena da Rocha-Pereira: the Suitable Kairos Back Again�� v

Delfim Leão
The Transmission of Iconographic Designs and Decorative Compositions
1. Prolegomena �� 1
2. The Transmission of Iconographic Designs and Decorative Compositions in

The Greek World�� 8
3. Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artes intulit agresti Latio �� 24
4. Case Studies �� 34
Bibliography�� 55
i
List of Figures
Figure 1: Ostraka with the portrait of Senenmut. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art
(Accession Number: 36.3.252).�� 3
Figure 2: Ostraka that depicts a recurring group of hieroglyphs (ca. 1479–1458 BC). New York,
The Metropolitan Museum of Art (Accession Number: 23.3.4).�� 4
Figure 3: Egyptian wooden drawing board from the 18th Dynasty. London. British Museum.�� 5
Figure 4: Fragment of an animal on papyrus in a grid pattern, ca. 1479-1069 BC�� 6
Figure 5: Painted wooden tablet from Pitsa depicting a sacrificial procession.
Athens, National Museum.�� 9
Figure 6: Ceramic plaque with warriors. Athens. National Archaeological Museum (Accession
Number: 9018901).�� 10
Figure 7: Terracotta funerary plaque. New York.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art (Accession Number: 54.11.5).�� 11
Figure 8: Terracotta funerary plaque. Antiquities market.�� 12
Figure 9-10: Corinthian terracotta plaques (about 600-575) depicting workers in a Clay Pit and
potter’s workshop, from Penteskophia near Corinth.
Berlin, Pergamon Museum, and Paris, Louvre.�� 12
Figure 11-12: Two terracotta plaques from the 6th century BC Votive offerings in the sanctuary
of the Nymphe. Athens, Acropolis Museum.�� 13
Figure 13: Terracotta plaque or metope with representation of a fully-armed hoplite. Late
Archaic period. Athens, Acropolis Museum.�� 14
Figure 14 a-b: Attic red-figure kylix depicting a bronzesmith’s workshop, early 5th century BC
It is the name vase of the Attic vase painter known conventionally as the Foundry
Painter. Berlin, Staatliche Museen.�� 15
Figure 15: Attic red-figure lekythos (ca 435–425 BC) from the Klügmann Painter with Musa
reading a volume scroll. Paris, Louvre (Accession Number: CA2220).�� 16
Figure 16: Tomb of Lefkadia with two-floor façade. Watercolour drawing.�� 17
Figure 17 a-b: Marble. Roman copy of a bronze Greek original by Myron (ca. 470 BC) portraying
‘Athena and the satyr Marsyas’, according to John Boardman.�� 18
Figure 18: Attic red-figured oinochoe by the Codrus Painter (ca. 450-425 BC). Berlin, Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin, Antikensammlung (Accession Number: F2418).�� 19
Figure 19 a-c: Coin from the reigns of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius, 40s or 50s of the 2nd
century to about 175. London, British Museum (Accession Number: 1929, 0515.181).� 19
Figure 20-21: Two neck-amphorae attributed to the Red-line Painter from the collections of
Gómez-Moreno (Spain) and Manuel de Lancastre (Portugal).�� 21
Figure 22-23: Two neck-amphorae attributed to the Red-line Painter. Rome, Museo Nazionale di
Villa Giulia.�� 23
Figure 24: Drawing on papyrus with Orpheus among animals. London, Victoria and Albert
Museum (Accession Number: 15-1946).�� 25
Figure 25: The Heracles Papyrus (Oxford, Sackler Library, Oxyrhynchus Pap. 2331), a fragment
of a 3rd-century Greek manuscript of a poem about the Labours of Heracles.�� 26
Figure 26. Fragment of a scroll papyrus with Amor and Psyche (ca. 2nd century AD). Florence,
Istituto Papirologico G. Vitelli (Accession Number: PSI 919).�� 26
Figure 27: Roman portrait fresco of a young man with a papyrus scroll, 1st century AD.
Herculaneum. �� 27
Figure 28: Wall-painting with Andromeda and Perseus, perhaps after Nikias. House of
Dioscorides at Pompeii. Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale.�� 29
Figure 29: Alexander Mosaic, depicting the Battle of Issus in 333 BC between Alexander
the Great and Darius III of Persia. House of the Faun at Pompeii. Naples, Museo
Archeologico Nazionale.�� 30
Figure 30: The Gemma Augustea (sardonyx cameo). Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum.�� 31
ii
Figure 31: Marble relief, vicinity of Sirmium (Pannonia).�� 31
Figure 32: Tabula portraying Hercules’ fight against the lion of Nemea. Barcelona, Montserrat
Monastery Museum.�� 33
Figure 33: Statue group of the Three Graces. Roman, Imperial period (2nd century AD); copy of
a Greek work from the 2nd century BC. The Metropolitan Museum of Art (Accession
Number: 2010.260).�� 35
Figure 34: Sculpture of the Three Graces on the back of a marble statue of Aphrodite of
Aphrodisias. Museu Regional D. Leonor (Beja, Portugal).�� 36
Figure 35-36: The Three Graces: Roman marble relief (2nd century AD). New York, The
Metropolitan Museum of Art (Accession Number: L.2013.17); Wall-painting from
Pompeii. Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale.�� 37
Figure 37 a-b: Roman marble sarcophagus. Probably ex Villa Carpegna, Antiquities market.�� 38
Figure 38: Roman mosaic from Spain, Barcino.�� 39
Figure 39-41: A second-century Roman haematite gem depicting the Three Graces and a Gorgon
Medusa. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum; Roman gold medallion. Found in
Turkey, Antiquities market; Roman lamp from Museo di Sabratha.�� 39
Figure 42-43: Roman Imperial Pb tessera 1st century AD and coin from Cilicia (Tarsus).
Maximinus I (238-244 AD), Ref: SNG Levante 1096 - one of the finest known
examples.�� 40
Figure 44: Marmoreal plaque of tavern. Berlin, Antikensammlung.�� 41
Figure 46: Ficoroni Cista with Dionysus between two satyrs from the 4th century BC Rome,
Museo Nazionale Romano Villa Giulia.�� 42
Figure 45: Bronze group of men in a circle from Olympia. Athens, National Archaeological
Museum (Accession Number: X 6236).�� 42
Figure 47: Praenestine Cista with engravings of the Dioscuri and the Judgment of Paris from the
4th century BC Princeton, University Art Museum.�� 43
Figure 48: Nude ‘Ludovisi’ Dionysus and Ampelos (ca. 160-180 AD). Rome, Palazzo Altemps.�� 44
Figure 49: Sculptural group with drunken Dionysus supported by Ampelos. North of Spain.
Museo Arqueolóxico Provincial de Ourense.�� 45
Figure 50 a-b: Sarcophagus. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts (Accession Number: 1972.650).�� 46
Figure 51-52: Roman rectangular oscillum in marble with Nude Dionysus and Ampelos (3rd
century AD). Antiquities market; Roman mosaic from the Antioch, House of the
Drunken Dionysos (ca. 4th century AD). Turkey, Antakya Museum (Accession Number:
861).�� 47
Figure 53: Roman lamp from Carthage (Deneauve VIII B).�� 47
Figure 54-55: The principal versions of Cnidian Aphrodite: ‘Colonna’ and Belvedere, Rome.�� 48
Figure 56-57: Statue-portrait of the ‘Venere Capitolina’ type. Naples, Museo Archeologico
Nazionale; statue of a matron (possibly Marcia Furnilla) in the guise of Venus, from a
villa near Lago Albano, in Italy. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek.�� 49
Figure 58: Burial inscription with relief depicting a Venus of the Capitolina type. Rome, Museo
Nazionale Romano.�� 50
Figure 59: Funerary stele from the North of Portugal, Penafiel.�� 51
Figure 60-62: Coin minted at Cnidus when the original Aphrodite was already more than half a
millennium old; Roman small ivory, ca. 2nd century AD, Antiquities market; Roman
bronze, 1st-2nd century AD, Antiquities market.�� 52
Figure 63-65: Roman terracotta representing the Venus Pudica (beginning of the 3rd century
AD). Antiquities market; Fragment of a Roman lamp discus from the 2nd and 3rd
century. Seville, nowadays in Mérida, Museo Nacional de Arte Romano (Accession
Number: 19617); Miniature sculpture in glass from the Eastern Mediterranean or
Italy, probably 2nd century AD (Accession Number: 55.I.84).�� 53
iii
iv
Foreword
Maria Helena da Rocha-Pereira: the Suitable
Kairos Back Again
It has recently become popular to celebrate major works from the past, whose
real impact on society and among scholars has been particularly significant,
not in terms of the strict impact factor popularised by bibliometrics, but
rather because they have inspired and stimulated in-depth analysis and given
momentous contributions to science in specific areas of expertise. If we were
to choose, among Classicists in Portugal, the scholar who most perfectly
corresponds to this special degree of excellence, the first choice would fall
naturally upon Maria Helena da Rocha-Pereira.
This choice, while undoubtedly unanimous, does raise some challenges. It

would be no simple task to select the most distinctive work of Rocha-Pereira’s
career, precisely because she has been, for almost seven decades of intensive
work, such a special and coherent example of fruitful production.
In these perilous circumstances, a kairos may be particularly helpful and

provide a natural candidate for a reference work: it was 55 years ago that the
volume Greek Vases in Portugal (Coimbra: 1962) was published for the first time.
This work represented, first and foremost, a clear intellectual product of Rocha-
Pereira’s intense connections with Oxford. In fact, she herself makes this very
clear in the opening preface of the work, which is worth remembering at this
moment (pp. v-vi):
In 1950-1951, during my first sojourn as a recognized student in the University

of Oxford, I was lucky enough to attend Prof. Sir John Beazley’s lectures on
Greek Vases. Anybody who has been granted this privileged knows how
stimulating contact with this most famous scholar can be. I will, therefore,
only state a few facts which may be of interest to readers of this book: when
I went to Oxford again, in the Michaelmas Term, 1954, I had already collected
most of the material for my first paper on the subject (afterwards published
in Humanitas vii-viii); then in March and April 1959, after I had gained access
to other collections, I worked under Prof. Beazley’s supervision. This part of
my studies appeared soon afterwards in Humanitas xi-xii and Archivo Español
de Arqueología xxxi. A few months later I encountered new material, which
I discussed in a paper included in Conimbriga i. I then resolved to collect all
the papers in a single volume which would contain a study of the vases in
chronological order, and not, as formerly, according to their whereabouts.
v
This is, therefore, what the reader will find here, together with two further
vases and a fragment, which are now published for the first time.
It is my pleasant task to acknowledge help of various kinds towards the

completion of this book. Nobody who reads it will need to be told how much
the author owes to Prof. Beazley’s generous advice, though any blemishes
that may have been left are certainly not his. I am also indebted to Prof. A.
D. Trendall, of Canberra University, Australia, for some valuable suggestions;
to Prof. B. Ashmole, of Oxford University, for a photograph; to Dr. Dietrich
von Bothmer, of the Metropolitan Museum in New York, for indicating a
reference; and to Mr. J. M. Bairrão Oleiro, of Coimbra University, for some
bibliographical references and for introducing me to new material.
This book is also a decisive turning point in one of the areas she cherished most
during her life, as can be clearly perceived in the volume of her collected papers
on ancient art, which has just been published by the Coimbra University Press and
Calouste Gubenkian Foundation: Arte Antiga (Coimbra and Lisbon: 2017). Greek
Vases in Portugal was, ultimately, the seminal work responsible for introducing,
in scientific terms, Greek art studies to the Portuguese speaking countries and
the first to make the works meanwhile produced truly international.
If we were to select a second work, Rocha-Pereira herself would probably suggest

the two-volume edition of Pausanias, Graeciae Descriptio (Bibliotheca Scriptorum
Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana, Leipzig: 1973 and 1977). To a very
high degree, this other major work ends by expressing her same devotion to
ancient art, as well as to religious questions. As a closing note, it may be worth
mentioning a small story that she often liked to tell colleagues and students. At
a time when the Internet and digital computing were simply labile and distant
concepts, two renowned scholars told Rocha-Pereira how particularly useful
they had found the indexes she had prepared for her edition of Pausanias and
how often they used them: one was Walter Burkert; the other was precisely Sir
John Boardman.
It is now time to return to them again.
Delfim Leão
Coimbra, March 2017
vi
The Transmission of Iconographic Designs and
Decorative Compositions1
1. Prolegomena
One of the most fascinating topics in the study of ancient art is related to
artistic practices and models, through the transmission of iconographic designs
and decorative compositions. At the genesis of the creative process we have the
prototype, archetype or model that is frequently replicated on different types
of mediums, repeating not only their general lines or specific details, but also
spread apart in space and time. This phenomenon, although well known, has
not drawn the attention it deserves on the part of scholars of ancient art.
One of the most common questions raised is related to whether artists and
craftsmen made direct copies of certain decorative motifs and whether they
used pattern books to do so. But as stated by J. Tamm,2 ‘the term ‘copy’ must
be used very loosely because only part would copy the original, sometimes
only approaching the ‘figure-sketch’ suggestion, and we have also to consider
the new additions, in a more fully worked out scheme’, and ‘these decisions
may have been based purely on artistic motives, dependent upon the taste and
vision of the artist, or patron, or both’.
The concept of copy as intentional, deliberate replica based on a model, whether

for aesthetic, ideological or taste reasons, was well-known in the Greco-Roman
world. Terms such as mimema (imitation), apographon (copy), and exemplum
(model) bear witness to the widely acknowledged and often used practice. The
theoretical definition of the concept varies according to the greater or lesser
1
I wish to thank Miss Carla Augusto for reading and revising my English manuscript.
2
J. Tamm (2007) 9.
1
2 Greek Art: From Oxford to Portugal and Back Again
similitude to the original: true or exact copy, close copy, imitation, eclectic
borrowing, etc. This conceptual variability depends naturally on the stylistic
inspirations of the time, as well as trends and/or taste phenomena which
inevitably influenced the copies.
We know that some workshops made exact copies of originals using casting
techniques and models (in Greek typos, in Latin forma), based on drawings and
sketches of the originals, as well as of true copies. The most commonly used
material in this procedure was plaster (Gr. gypsos), easily available and highly
regarded in the ancient world. This is why the specialist craftsman in charge
of making plaster casts was called gypsemplastes by the Greeks and gypsarius by
the Romans. Although we know the artisans’ workshops used these casts, for
example, in the Lysippos’ workshop, the earliest examples of this mechanical
system date from late in the Hellenistic period (ca. 170-130 BC), such as the well-
known cases of Delos and Pergamum. The work of these copyist artisans was,
however, more regular in the Roman imperial period, influencing the most varied
artistic genres (sculpture, painting, metalworking, etc.) and other crafts. They
thus perpetuated the consolidated artistic tradition from the Greek production
centres (Athens and Corinth), Asia Minor (Sidon, Synnada, Aphrodisias), Africa
(Caesarea, Cyrene) and, of course, Italy. The discovery of plaster fragments near
Baiae in the Bay of Naples, waste material from a sculpting workshop operating
at the end of the 1st century AD, bears witness to this mode of production in a
copyists’ workshop in the Roman era.3 Epigraphic evidence provides the names
of sculptors from Aphrodisias, artistic centre of Caria in Asia Minor, who were
renowned in the Roman and Italic markets, especially in the time of Hadrian,
due to production of copies, a well-documented tradition in Hadrian’s villa.
Less known are the copies of paintings. At the end of the Hellenistic period, the
fame of the greatest Greek painters of the 5th and 4th centuries BC, Polygnotus,
Zeuxis, Parrhasius, Nikias, Apelles, was such that monarchs attempted to acquire
the originals, especially of easel paintings. Given the cost of the originals, a good
copy would suffice. About 140 BC, Attalus II of Pergamum sent three painters to
Delphi, Kalos, Gaudotus and Asklepiades, to copy paintings for the royal collections.
The Romans’ passion for easel paintings (pinakes in Greek, tabulae in Latin) was
equalled by their passion for statues and precious objects. Countless original
paintings were transferred to Rome. This tradition was particularly popular in
the early imperial period: a copy of a famous fresco depicting the ‘Battle of
Mantinea’, painted by Euphranor at the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios in Athens (mid-
4th century BC), was commissioned by Hadrian for the Mantinea gymnasium.
3
J. Boardman (1985) 18.
1. Prolegomena 3
Apart from copies of originals, the transmission of iconographic designs

and decorative compositions dates back at last to the first Civilizations. The
mediums used could be painted on papyrus vignettes,4 on leather or in sketches
painted on ostraka.5
On a limestone ostrakon found in the tomb of Senenmut in Deir el-Bahri, dating

from the New Kingdom (ca. 1470 BC), the artist sketched this architect’s and
dignitary’s face in black, using a squared grid, ruled in red, which served as a
pattern book to reproduce the drawing at the intended scale [fig. 1].6
Figure 1: Ostraka with the portrait of Senenmut. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art
(Accession Number: 36.3.252).
4
For example, the vignettes accompanying the chapters of the ‘Book of the Dead’, and many of
the scenes on papyrus scrolls which accompanied texts, showing simple drawings or profusely
coloured complex compositions.
5
The ostraka from the time of Ramses, most of which found at Deir el-Medina, depict a wide
variety of themes, ranging from fragments with simple sketches to veritable miniature works of
art, some of which used as working models.
6
R. Freed (2001) 336.
Figure 2: Ostraka that depicts a recurring group of hieroglyphs (ca. 1479–1458

BC). New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art (Accession Number: 23.3.4).
On another ostrakon also found at Deir el-Bahri, one can see a sketch that depicts
a frequently occurring group of hieroglyphs: Ankh (symbol of life), Djed (symbol
of stability), and Was (symbol of power), that appear on many Egyptian reliefs.
Once again the grid lines allowed the artist to draw the hieroglyphs at the scale
required [fig. 2].
This type of model was replicated on different mediums, such as the case of a
rectangular wooden drawing board covered with a thin layer of plaster, dated
ca. 1479-1425 BC, found at Thebes in the Temple of Isis (Deir el-Medina) and
today held at the British Museum [fig. 3].
A seated figure of Pharaoh Thutmose III has been drawn on the left side of the
drawing, and hieroglyphs on the right side, depicting a quail chick and seven
clumsily drawn versions of a forearm with an outstretched hand. This illustration
is very interesting for a number of reasons. It represents a unit of measure, very
1. Prolegomena 5
Figure 3: Egyptian wooden drawing board from the 18th Dynasty. London. British Museum.
possibly the royal cubit (Mahe) between 523 to 525 mm, subdivided into 7 palms
of 4 digits each, for a 28-part measure in total,7 and a small sketch identifiable as
a loaf of bread impressed with the imprint of fingers. The squared grid, ruled in
red, on the left side of the board (the grid was deliberately erased on the right
side) indicates this is a preparatory drawing.8 These sketches on red-lined grids
were important aids to the Egyptians, ordering harmoniously and accurately
the scenes they intended to illustrate.9
The existence of models and preparatory drawings should be framed within a

utilitarian conception and strict observance of theological precepts, dating back
at least to the dawn of the dynastic period. It was a time when the Egyptians
improved their surveying techniques and, consequently, became more familiar
with geometry and arithmetic calculations. In the Old Kingdom, the rigid canon
7
Evidence of this unit is known in architecture, at least from the time the stepped Pyramid of
Djoser was built circa 2.700 BC (J.P. Lauer (1931) 59).
8
L. Manniche (1987) 14.
9
According to Pliny (Natural History XXXV, 5), the Egyptians created paintings by tracing the
shadow of human figures projected on the walls of tombs.
with standard measures was taken at

the human scale (finger, fist, elbow),
following rigid frames of composition,
serving to replicate figurative works of
art (sculpture, painting, embossing) of
different sizes, from the most colossal
of figures to the most diminutive. This
canon of proportions was a strictly
mathematical rule, derived from the
need to fix unambiguous and absolute
modes of representation of reality,
in accordance with cosmic order, the
mayet/ma’at.10
As would be expected, we also know

of papyrus scrolls inscribed with
this grid pattern, as exemplified
in this fragment representing an
animal, dated from ca. 1479-1069 BC,
depicting a scene from the Book of
the Dead [fig. 4]. Another papyrus
fragment (not illustrated), now held
at the Antikensammlung Ägyptisches
Museum und Papyrussammlung, in
Berlin, and dated from the Ptolemaic
period (2nd-1st century BC), contains
an interesting preparatory sketch of a
sphinx.
Lise Manniche, in his work ‘City of the

Figure 4: Fragment of an animal on Dead. Thebes in Egypt’, refers to the
papyrus in a grid pattern, ca. 1479-1069 BC use of pattern books. The following
paragraphs appropriately sum up the
issue we have been discussing:11
10
Knowledge of proportions is mentioned on a well-known limestone stele (dating 2000 BC)
found at Abydos and today held at the Louvre. On it, the master craftsman, scribe, and sculptor
Irtysen (or Iryrusen), who lived in 11th Dynasty, recorded a biographical account in which
he boasted of his multiple skills: ‘…Moreover I am a craftsman who excels at his art and has a
superior level of knowledge; I know how to estimate dimensions, recut and fit until an element is
in place…’. G. Andreu; M. H. Rutschowscaya and C. Ziegler (1997).
11
L. Manniche (1987) 14-15.
1. Prolegomena 7
‘Pattern books for paintings have not survived, but scrolls with architectural
drawings are known. The evidence for their existence is more than suggested
by the curious case of Wensu and Paheri. Wensu was scribe of the accounts of
grain at Thebes; Peheri was an important official in the town of el-Kâb, some
fifty-five miles south of Thebes. Wensu had his tomb cut in the rocks at Dra’
Abu el-Naga’ and decorated with a number of conventional scenes in the best
style of the mid-Eighteenth dynasty painting. Paheri naturally chose to have his
tomb made in the cliffs near his native town of el-Kâb. Apart from the fact that
Paheri’s duties also included supervision of granaries far beyond the district of
Thebes, there is nothing to suggest that the two men had anything to do with
each other, were it not for the curious fact that certain scenes in their tombs are
absolutely identical. That Paheri’s tomb is carved in relief and that of Wensu is
painted shall not concern us here; it only goes to show how closely related the
two techniques were.
The only way in which the design so many miles apart could be so similar is
by copying a common source. The contemporary royal tombs of Tuthmosis III
and Amenophis II show beyond doubt that the painter had consulted a scroll of
papyrus while he worked. Not only has the decoration in these two royal tombs
the unmistakable characteristics of sketchy papyrus design; but the text was
damaged, notably at the beginning of the scroll which was the most vulnerable
when the scroll was stored. The scribe who copied the text left blanks where his
scroll was broken, or he wrote ‘found damaged’.
2. The Transmission of Iconographic Designs and
Decorative Compositions
in The Greek World
It is unknown at this stage whether this form of transmission of designs was

widely accepted in the Greek world. We do know that the oriental influence is
manifest in their artistic expressions, particularly on their pottery, in the so-
called Orientalising period.12 The influences of Ancient Civilisations on Greek
sculpture seems to reinforce this idea: similarly to the Egyptians, the first
attempts at sculpture by the Greeks were carved in wood, known as xoana and,
later, made in stone, of male and female figures, called Kouroi and Korai.13 But
it is possible that, as John Boardman14 argues, this relationship became more
important in the Hellenistic period, after the founding of Alexandria.
This issue is practically unheard of regarding Ancient Greece, although a few

mediums have been found which may have facilitated the transmission of
iconographic designs and decorative compositions. These are small tablets
(pinakes), votive in nature, placed in sanctuaries or deposited in burial chambers
which, from the 6th century BC, were to substitute the more elaborate ones
12
According to A. E. Barclay (2013) 144, ‘although it is true that a Near Eastern flavour dominated
the art of 7th century BC Greece, this was not so much a period of ‘Orientalisation’, which suggests
an indiscriminate flow and adoption of ideas from the east, as it was a period of experimentation.
Craftsmen in different, but not all, regions of the Greek world were selectively adopting and
adapting different elements from several sources, including the vast, ready-made Near Eastern
artistic corpus’.
13
This correlation seems to have had wide acceptance in Antiquity. Diodorus Siculus (IV, 96), in
the 1st century BC, refers to Daedalus as a great sculptor and highlights a journey the artist
made to Egypt to learn about their work concepts and techniques. This relationship is not always
accepted but, as Alan Johnson contends (1993) 52, ‘the influence of Egyptian large-scale stone
figures, both in the use of a grid and in monumental size, is clear, though the Greek figures are
nude and make do without the back pillar support used in Egypt’.
14
8
2. The Transmission of Iconographic Designs and Decorative Compositions 9
Figure 5: Painted wooden tablet from Pitsa depicting a sacrificial procession.

Athens, National Museum.
placed on the walls of the rectangular tombs. These tablets, usually in terracotta,
could also be made in ivory, marble, metal or wood. The best surviving examples
in wood are four panels found in a cave in Pitsa, near Corinth, dating from the
6th century BC The most well-preserved panel, measuring about 30 cm, perhaps
the most ancient, depicts a sacrificial procession, revealing a style of painting
that is quite similar to that found on some Attic black-figure vases [fig. 5]. The
contrast in colour, in white, red and black, is similar to the Corinthian vases of
this period.15
The marble pinakes were individually engraved, while those in bronze would be
moulded repeatedly, a technique known as lost wax casting. The most common,
though, were those in terracotta. Normally, they were pierced by holes cut into
each corner, or two at the top, or at the centre top and bottom. Sometimes, they
had as many as three or four holes at the top, and they were cut large to hold
iron nails rather than thongs. As John Boardman says,16 this proves that these
15
A. Johnston (1993) 69-70, nº 64.
16
Figure 6: Ceramic plaque with warriors. Athens.

National Archaeological Museum (Accession Number: 9018901).
tablets were sometimes fastened to flat walls, presumably in the rectangular

mud-brick tombs. Some, however, have small holes and could only have taken
thongs, used as offerings which we know could be hung in this fashion.17 The
.
way in which they were placed can be seen in paintings on Greek vases, showing
them hung on temple walls, on trees in the sanctuary grounds, or even on the
divinity’s cult image. The Roman architect Vitruvius mentions pinakes could be
found in the cells of temples and could be owned by private owners.
The terracotta pieces were produced in the same workshops as the Greek vases,
and their authorship can sometimes be identified, such as those held at the
Berlin Museum, attributed to Exekias.18 One of the earliest examples dates
from the geometric period (7th century BC), found at the Poseidon sanctuary
at Cape Sounion. It depicts the back part of a ship (a penteconter?) with five
hoplites at the bridge and a helmsman [fig. 6].
They are, however, more common from the 6th century BC The Metropolitan
Museum holds a pinax dated circa 520-510 BC, depicting a prothesis (laying out
of the dead) and a chariot race [fig. 7].
17
18
J. Boardman (1955) 63-66.
Figure 7: Terracotta funerary plaque. New York.

The Metropolitan Museum of Art (Accession Number: 54.11.5).
Others are simply found in the antiques market, such as this example dated
ca. 510 BC, once part of a private collection, depicting again a funeral scene,
mentioned in a publication by J. Boardman, Painted Funerary Plaques19 and in the
Beazley Archive (nº. 11557), [fig. 8].
The most well-known pinakes are those depicting pottery activities, from the
process of clay extraction to the turning and baking phase. They are illustrated
here by two examples found in Penteskophia, near Corinth [figs. 9-10].
Other still are votive in nature, such as those from the sanctuary of the Nymphe
on the slopes of the Acropolis and today on exhibit at the new Museum20 [figs.
11-12].
An interesting pinax (or metope), a rare example of great painting from the Late
Archaic period, was found at the Acropolis, depicting a fully-armed hoplite
19
J. Boardman (1955) 61, nº 22.
20
P. Valavanis (2014) 25, figs. 30-31.
Figure 8: Terracotta funerary plaque. Antiquities market.
Figure 9-10: Corinthian terracotta plaques (about 600-575) depicting workers in a Clay Pit and
potter’s workshop, from Penteskophia near Corinth.
Berlin, Pergamon Museum, and Paris, Louvre.
Figure 11-12: Two terracotta plaques from the 6th century BC Votive offerings in the sanctuary
of the Nymphe. Athens, Acropolis Museum.
running to the left,21 probably the work of Euthymides, ca. 510-500 BC It bore
the inscription: ‘Megakles is handsome’ (‘Megakles kalos’), but the name was
scratched out and substituted by ‘Glaukytes’, probably following Megakles’
ostracism in 486 BC [fig. 13].
A very interesting vase found in Vulci and today held at the Staatliche Museen
(nº 2294; arv 400, I) in Berlin, attributed to the Foundry Painter, portrays a
bronzesmith’s workshop in full activity. Besides depicting a forge and tools used
in the workshop, one can see on the left side of the wall imagens of Athena
and Hephaestus, patron of the craft, and four tablets hung on a bucranium, one
of which is in front of Hephaestus’s bust. These tablets, possibly placed for
apotropaic effect (against disgrace, illness, or any other type of evils), reveal
affinities with the terracotta plaques mentioned previously [fig. 14a-b].
The existence of these and other models, in different types of mediums, in

terracotta, stone, plaster, wood, metal, papyrus, lather, ivory or fabric, are
testaments, direct or indirect, to the transmission of iconographic designs and
decorative compositions. Gisela M. A. Ritcher notes that ‘in the building accounts
of the Parthenon are recorded the wages paid to the sculptors (perhaps ten) of
the pediments in the year 434-433. Surely such sculptors, however able, must
have worked from a design created by a single artist. That no such sketches
and models have survived is natural, for they would have been executed in wax
or perishable clay (as in customary nowadays and was in the Renaissance), or
drawn on equally perishable papyrus’ [fig. 15].
21
P. Valavanis (2014) 57, figs. 91.
Figure 13: Terracotta plaque or metope with representation of a fully-armed hoplite.

Late Archaic period. Athens, Acropolis Museum.
Figure 14 a-b: Attic red-figure kylix depicting a bronzesmith’s workshop, early 5th century
BC It is the name vase of the Attic vase painter known conventionally as the Foundry
Painter. Berlin, Staatliche Museen.
Figure 15: Attic red-figure lekythos (ca 435–425 BC)

from the Klügmann Painter with Musa reading a volume
scroll. Paris, Louvre (Accession Number: CA2220).
We will briefly mention some cases to exemplify the phenomenon, beginning

with a well-known example in architecture: the tombs of Lefkadia in Northern
Greece dated from the 4th century BC [fig. 16]. This is the largest known
Macedonian tomb decorated with ornaments in relief and painted decoration
and the only one with a two-floor façade.22
The metopes on the façade bear a painted decoration which replicates those of
the south wall metopes of the Parthenon portraying the mythical battle of the
22
R. R. R. Smith (1993) 170-172, nº 161.
Figure 16: Tomb of Lefkadia with two-floor façade. Watercolour drawing.
Lapiths and Centaurs.23 Apart from the clear interest this copy conveys, we can
question which type of model was used to replicate these representations, at
a moment in time and in a geographical space far removed from the original.
Copies based on models are also suggested in the sculptural themes found on
Greek vases. This seems to be the case of some vases attributed to the Andokides
Painter, which apparently served as inspiration to the architectural sculptures
of the North Frieze of the Siphnian Treasury.24
23
E. M. Moormann (1998) 15.
24
Brunilde S. Ridgway (1987) 81.
In other cases, this phenomenon is even more evident: the sculptural group
that represents the goddess Athena and the satyr Marsyas25 are versions of
a famous bronze sculptural group dated 450-440 BC, attributed to the Greek
sculptor Myron,26 replicated in an Attic red-figure oinochoe by the Codrus Painter
(ca. 450-425 BC), along with rare Athenian bronze coins27 from the reigns of
Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius [figs. 17 a-b, 18, 19 a-b], and on a marble
vase in Athens (not illustrated).28
But are these examples testaments to cross-influences between sculptors and

vase-painters? Probably not. As John Boardman contends, the affinities can
be related to the reproduction of epic themes and representations carrying
political allusions. Brunilde S. Ridgway,29 even if admitting the existence of
pattern books (‘although Boardman does not think they existed’), disagrees
there are correlations between sculptors and vase-painters, not only due to
Figure 17 a-b: Marble. Roman copy of a bronze Greek original by Myron (ca. 470 BC) portraying
‘Athena and the satyr Marsyas’, according to John Boardman.
25
The statue finds its closest parallel in the surviving statues of the ‘Athena-Marsyas group’, the
best examples today in the Liebieghaus in Frankfurt, in the Paris Louvre, and Lateran Museum in
Rome.
26
Thanks to a mention from Pliny the Elder referring to a ‘… satyr in admiration before Athena
and their flute’ (Natural History XXXIV.57) and by Pausanias, when he refers that he had seen on
the Acropolis in Athens ‘…a statue of Athena striking Marsyas, the Seilenos, for taking up the
flutes that the goddess wished to be cast away for good’ (Periegesis 1, 24, 1), (apud G. M. A. Richter
(1950) 209-210).
27
Decade 40 or 50 of the 2nd century to about 175, see RPCOnline 3438 and SNGCop 351.
28
G. M. A. Richter (1950) 209-210; J. Boardman (1985) fig. 61 and 64.
29
Brunilde S. Ridgway (1987) 85-87.
Figure 18: Attic red-figured

oinochoe by the Codrus
Painter (ca. 450-425 BC).
Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu
Berlin, Antikensammlung
(Accession Number: F2418).
Figure 19 a-c: Coin from the

reigns of Antoninus Pius
and Marcus Aurelius, 40s or
50s of the 2nd century to
about 175. London, British
Museum (Accession Number:
1929, 0515.181).
b c
chronological differences and in the rendering of costume and folds but also
because they were produced for different purposes and circles.
If the correlation between Greek sculptors and vase-painters seems to lack

consistency, what can we say of other artists who were both sculptors and
painters? Little is known of them, although several sources mention the names
of artists who practiced this double activity,30 such as Euphranor, Polygnotos
and Endoios.31
The reference to Theodorus as one of the most important gem engravers is also
quite interesting, as we know that this artist was the architect of one of the
greatest Ionic temples of all time, and a sculptor remembered for his bronze
works. According to John Boardman,32 this artistic relationship is more common
than it may seem. Phidias, one of the greatest masters of Greek sculpture, was
also a painter, and still remembered as a miniaturist of some famous gemstones
- a cicada, a fly and a bee - imitated in classical gems.
Even though we may admit the examples mentioned do not bear witness to a
correlation between artists and, consequently, the systematic transmission of
iconographic designs and decorative compositions among the different crafts, we
cannot neglect to highlight that in a few cases the affinities in design suggest the
existence of pattern books in the workshops, but whose medium is unknown.
This seems to the case of several Greek vases associated to the Red-line Painter’s
workshop. We illustrate our idea with two type-A neck-amphorae, dated ca.
510-475 BC, belonging to the collections of Gómez-Moreno33 and Manuel de
Lancastre.34 The same design can be seen on the B side of these amphorae: two
Athenian heroes, Peleus and Heracles, depicted as naked young men, with short
hair and in the same position [figs. 20-21]. The first amphora depicts Peleus’
abduction of Thetis, with a Nereid running quickly with her head thrown back.
On the second vase, the motif is different, portraying Heracles’ capture of the
Cretan Bull.
Two more examples of the same type can be found in the CVA of the Museo
Nazionale di Villa Giulia35 (and which we think belong to the same painter),
30
Brunilde S. Ridgway (1987) 85.
31
We also know Zeuxis made painted vases that were still highly regarded in the Roman period
(R. Morais; A. María Adroher (2016) 15).
32
33
R. Morais (2016) 125-129.
34
M. H. Rocha-Pereira (2007) 86-87.
35
CVA Italy 1, Tav. 10, nº 1-4.
Figure 20-21: Two neck-amphorae

attributed to the Red-line Painter
from the collections of Gómez-Moreno
(Spain) and Manuel de Lancastre
(Portugal).
portraying another of Heracles’ labours, his fight against the Nemean lion. As
we can see, the design is the same, different only in the absence of Iolaus from
one of the vases [figs. 22-23]. According to the catalogue’s description, these
vases, called ‘gemelos’, were found in the same tomb, certainly indicating they
were made at the same time and in the same workshop.
These examples suggest the existence of pattern books used in the workshops.
They do not seem to be only fruit of the artist’s ability to replicate designs
from memory and based on skill. We cannot forget that the same vase could
be painted on by several artists, masters and young apprentices, who would
replicate the desired themes. There is a high number of vases by the Red-line
Painter, about 120, found particularly throughout Italy (Etruria, Sicily, Po River
Valley) and the Black Sea. Although not among the most renowned of artists,
some of his vases reveal high artistic value, which leads us to assume they were
made by him and the others by artists in his workshop who copied the works
based on sketches.36
An indirect but fundamental testimony that corroborates the existence of

‘pattern books’ in the Greek world are the pinakes made of the most diverse
materials (metals, wood, stone). These were used as cartographic maps37 or as
moving or fixed parts in certain places of a city.38 According to Agathemerus,
the first cartographic map was fixed by Anaximander of Miletus, Thales’s
disciple, ‘the first one to have the audacity to inscribe (grapsai) the inhabited
earth on a pinax, combining written text with pictures’.39 Later, as Herodotus
tells us,40 maps multiplied. The story told by this historian about the embassy
of Aristagoras of Miletus to Sparta (in 499 BC)41 reveals that the maps began
to acquire an instrumental value: so as to persuade the King of Sparta,
Cleomenes I, to intervene militarily in Ionia to save the city of Miletus from
the Persian threat, the ambassador carries with him ‘a bronze pinax in which
the circumference of the whole earth, the whole sea and all the rivers were
engraved.’ The ambassador does not carry a letter or memory that exposes
the political situation of the Ionic city and the possible military solutions, but
rather a cartographic pinax in support of diplomatic communication and as an
instrument of information and persuasion.42
36
E. J. Holmberg (1990) 8.
37
Later they were included in the illustration of books (Plutarch, Live of Theseus, I, 1; apud C. Jacob
(1990) 252).
38
Plutarch, Live of Themistocles, V, 4). apud C. Jacob (1990) 252.
39
Agathemerus, A Sketch of Geography in Epitome I, 1; apud C. Jacob (1990) 245.
40
Herodotus IV, 36.
41
Herodotus IV, 49.
42
C. Jacob (1990) 251-254.
Figure 22-23: Two neck-amphorae

attributed to the Red-line Painter. Rome,
Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia.
3. Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artes intulit
agresti Latio
This lapidary phrase by Horatio43 serves to mark the moment of greater

Hellenisation of Rome from the 2nd century BC onwards. We have to recognise
that this phenomenon, rather than imitation, was a creative assimilation that
extended and intensified not as an imposed model, but as an assimilated form
in continuous expansion, which is interpreted by some as ‘Oriental lust’.44
If the mediums used in the Greek world are unknown, the same cannot be said of
the Roman world. Written sources mention the existence of manuals in the form
of papyrus scrolls (stemmata, imagines) which served as model and inspiration
for the artists.45 Salvatori Settis46 gives us an interesting example of a papyrus
found in Cairo, which mentions a certain Attic, a sort of artistic advisor to Cicero,
who, during his stay in Athens between 68 and 65 BC, would look for ‘books’ and
statues to serve as inspiration to decorate the orator’s villa in Tusculum. Although
rare, some copies of designs on papyrus scrolls have survived, such as the one
portraying ‘Orpheus among animals’, dated from the 4th century, and today held
at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London47 [fig. 24].
43
Horace, Epistles II, 1.156.
44
According to Livy 39.6, ‘The beginnings of foreign luxury were brought to Rome by the army of
Asia. These soldiers were responsible for the first importation of bronze couches, costly
upholstery, tapestries and other textiles, and pedestal tables and sideboards, then the height
of fashion (…)’. The same idea is found in Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 11. 5-6: ‘That lovely country
[Asia Minor] and its pleasures soon softened the soldiers’ warlike spirits. This was where Roman
soldiers first learned to make love, to be drunk, to enjoy statues, and pictures, and embossed
plate. They stole them from private houses and public buildings; they plundered temples and
polluted everything, sacred and secular’ (apud Z. H. Archibald 2013, 23, note 1).
45
O. Brendel (1982) 147; J. R. Clarke (2001 and 2003).
46
S. Settis (1982) 184; 198, n. 57.
47
S. Settis (1982) 183.
24
3. Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artes intulit agresti Latio 25
Figure 24: Drawing on papyrus with Orpheus among animals. London, Victoria and Albert
Museum (Accession Number: 15-1946).
Following older traditions, papyri can contain text and images, even if only
in the form of rough sketches. One of the few surviving scraps of classical
literary illustration on papyrus, known as The Heracles Papyrus, is a fragment of
a 3rd-century Greek manuscript of a poem about the Labours of Heracles. This
fragment, found at Oxyrhynchus (Pap. 2331), contains three unframed coloured
line drawings of the first of the Labours, the killing of the Nemean Lion, set
within the columns of cursive text48 [fig. 25].
48
K. Weitzmann (1977); J. Huskinson (1993) 327, nº 327.
Figure 25: The Heracles Papyrus (Oxford, Sackler Library, Oxyrhynchus Pap. 2331), a fragment of
a 3rd-century Greek manuscript of a poem about the Labours of Heracles.
Figure 26. Fragment of a scroll papyrus with Amor and Psyche (ca. 2nd century AD). Florence,
Istituto Papirologico G. Vitelli (Accession Number: PSI 919).
Another fragment of papyrus, perhaps from the 2nd century AD, depicts the
encounter between Amor and Psyche, probably part of a scroll bearing only
illustrations, without associated text49 [fig. 26].
In addition to the papyrus scrolls, other types of mediums with drawings or

schematic representations could be used: ostraka, lead sheets, parchment rolls
or in codex format,50 and even other rarer and more precious products, such as
linen books51 and ivory tablets52 [fig. 27].
Figure 27: Roman portrait fresco of a young man with a papyrus scroll, 1st century AD.
Herculaneum.
49
G. Cavallo (1989) 718.
50
Between the 1st and 4th centuries AD, the vellum codex gradually replaced the scrolls of vellum
or papyrus.
51
G. Cavallo (1989) 703.
52
G. Cavallo (1991) 171.
Several literary sources mention furthermore small tablets (tabellae) hung on

walls, which can be seen on some murals. These paintings are often derived
from wood paintings attributed by the sources53 to great masters of Classical
and Hellenistic painting. They would be exhibited in rich private collections
(more than in public ones), known as pinakothekai.54 The existence of several
copies versing the same theme, with one or another variation, leads us to think
of common sources comprised, as we have mentioned previously, of replicas
on papyrus scrolls or small tablets, veritable image albums,55 similar to some
extent to the stemmata of illustrated medieval codices.56 It is quite common to
find in Pompeii identical paintings made probably by the same author, copied
from Alexandrian drawings the artists of the time knew well.57
During his exile in the Black Sea, Ovid mentions the word tabella in a letter sent
to the Emperor Augustus, to refer to a small painting (parva tabella) depicting
sexual positions, very common in the homes of the wealthy upper classes.58 In
his The Art of Love, Ovid says rather ironically that women invented positions
which went far beyond those represented in these small paintings. Suetonius59
mentions that Tiberius, in his retreat at Capri, ‘had several chambers set round
with pictures and statues in the most suggestive attitudes, and furnished with
the books of Elephantis, that none might want a pattern for the execution
of any project that was prescribed him’. This type of illustration certainly
corresponded to illustrated manuals and ‘encyclopaedic catalogues’ with figurae
veneris, already well-known in the Hellenistic period.60
Even if we admit that most of the mural paintings are not replicas of Greek
originals, several examples seem to derive from original models, such as the
painting found in the peristyle of the House of the Dioscuri, in Pompeii, which
portrays Perseus with winged sandals, saving Andromeda from being sacrificed.
It is thought that this painting is indeed a replica of the celebrated original by
Nikias, from the 4th century BC [fig. 28].
Another good example of the existence of illustrated manuals can be seen in the
art of mosaics. We know the workshops had agents in charge of proposing sets
of designs and themes to clients, as well as the price, the time of delivery and
53
Pliny, Natural History XXXV.
54
E. M. Moormann (1998) 21-22.
55
E. M. Moormann (1998) 21.
56
O. Brendel (1982) 147.
57
E. S. P. Ricotti (1995) 54.
58
J. R. Clarke (2001) 91-92, 277.
59
Suetonius, Life of Tiberius III and XLIII (translated by M. D. Alexander Thomson 2013).
60
O. Brendel (1970) 63-64; J. R. Clarke (2001) 34, 92-93, 246; (2003) 29.
Figure 28: Wall-painting with Andromeda and Perseus, perhaps after Nikias. House of
Dioscorides at Pompeii. Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale.
Figure 29: Alexander Mosaic, depicting the Battle of Issus in 333 BC between Alexander the Great
and Darius III of Persia. House of the Faun at Pompeii. Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale.
contract. Fruit of a long iconographic tradition, the artists/artisans, travelling

frequently, thus counted on the sketches and drawings they had available. One
of the most well-known cases relates to a Roman floor mosaic from Pompeii
(originally located in the exedra with two columns that separated the peristyles
of the House of the Faun), probably depicting the Battle of Issus and which may
reproduce a painting of Alexander and Darius III of Persia by Philoxenus of
Eretria61 [fig. 29].
A truly unique case are the close similarities to the scenes represented on
the famous Gemma Augustea [fig. 30], with a marble relief from a private
collection, probably found near Sirmium, in Pannonia [fig. 31]. Despite stylistic
and compositional similarities, the differences between these two works
are notable, not only due to the materials from which they are made, their
size and execution, but also due to chronological differences. The Gemma
Augustea, a cameo in sardonyx and a masterpiece of the art from the end of the
Augustan period,62 contrasts with this relief in marble, produced in a provincial
environment, probably between 320 and 326 BC Ivana Popović puts forward two
hypotheses: the artisan either saw the cameo or a sketch of it.63
61
G. Ritcher (1994) 282.
62
Maybe shortly before 14 AD (P. Stewart 2008, 121-123).
63
The copy of the Gemma Augustea appears at a time when gems from the Julius-Claudius period
Figure 30: The Gemma Augustea (sardonyx cameo).

Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum.
Figure 31: Marble relief, vicinity of Sirmium (Pannonia).

The communicative culture of images is often also manifested in small objects,

frequently associated to ‘minor art’, especially those alluding to ritual,
mythological and evocative themes, such as in the case of gems, coins, spintriae,64
glass, metal and pottery.65
Similarly to small objects, textile canvases and clothing (jackets, shawls, etc.)
were perfect vehicles for the transmission of decorative themes and motifs.66
These pieces, dating from the 3rd to 8th centuries, and mostly found in Egypt,
correspond to medallions (orbiculi, tabulae) and decorated bands (clavi).67 A
fragment of a slate, today held at the Museo del Monasterio de Montserrat
(Barcelona), shows the same motif as the papyrus referred to in fig. 25, which
depicts the famous scene of Hercules’ fight against the Nemean lion [fig. 32].
had become very popular and were used as motives of imperial propaganda, the so-called imitatio
Augusti, during the time of Constantine (I. Popović 2011, 359-364).
64
The similarities between these small metal pieces and mural paintings are well documented
(Clarke 2011, 248, 274, 278).
65
Particularly noteworthy are the terracotta oil lamps which, due to their low cost and extensive
distribution throughout the empire, served to spread distinct and varied iconographic lexicons.
Similarly to the mosaics, the diffusion of the most popular scenes and motifs represented on the
lamps’ discuses can only be understood if we think of the existence of drawing and pattern books
in the workshops that produced them (M. Vejas 1966, 83; A. Morillo Cerdán 1999, 164).
66
However, these motifs were replicated from drawings (‘pattern books’), copied over and over
again in different crafts, as we have already mentioned, in the art of mosaics, in painting or in the
decoration of small objects, such as oil lamp discuses (E. Besciani 1993, 958).
67
The historical evolution of Egypt from the Alexandrian period favoured the introduction of
classical iconography, creating a highly varied thematic catalogue: gods of the Olympus, heroes,
several personifications and allegories, as well as characters and themes from tragedies by
classical authors and pastoral representations inspired by bucolic poetry.
Figure 32: Tabula portraying Hercules’ fight against the lion of Nemea.
Barcelona, Montserrat Monastery Museum.
4. Case Studies
To illustrate this chapter, we have chosen three case studies, although there are
others we could refer to and other themes consecrated in Classical Antiquity,
replicated countless times on several types of medium. As Otto Brendel68
mentions, a copy implies the use of a specific model, usually ancient; the
variations indicate the continuous influence of a still active iconographic legacy.
We will start with a sculptural group depicting ‘The Three Graces’ (Euphrosyne,
Aglaia and Thalia), generally portrayed in the nude, gently embracing each
other. It is a Roman copy in marble from the 2nd century AD, today in the New
York Metropolitan Museum,69 which emulates the famous marble group of
Cyrene from the 2nd century BC [fig. 33].
In a rare marble specimen found in Beja (Beringel, Portugal), currently held at

the Museu Regional D. Leonor (Beja, Portugal), the Three Graces are represented
on the back of a version of Aphrodite of Aphrodisias.70 This sculpture, the only
one of its type in the Iberian Peninsula, was very likely imported from Rome
and must have been part of a private cult, in rural context [fig. 34].
In the Roman period, this group was replicated countless times and on different
mediums, including textiles.71 They serve to exemplify sculptural reliefs in
marble, murals, sarcophaguses, mosaics,72 and small objects, such as the gold
medallion, gem and oil lamp discus illustrated here [figs. 35-36, 37a-b, 38-41].
68
O. Brendel (1982) 148.
69
P. Zanker (2016) 99, fig. 130.
70
V. de Souza (1990) 9-10, nº 2; (2002) 247, fig. 2.
71
L. Rodríguez Peinado (2011) 345.
72
There are several Roman mosaics with this theme, among which the mosaics today at the
Museo Nazionale di Napoli, found in Pompeii at the ‘Giardino della Casa di Apollo’, and at the
Museum of Narlıkuyu (Mersin), in Turkey.
34
4. Case Studies 35
Figure 33: Statue group of the Three Graces. Roman, Imperial period (2nd century AD); copy of a
Greek work from the 2nd century BC.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art (Accession Number: 2010.260).
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Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made
consistent when a predominant preference was found in the
original book; otherwise they were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; unbalanced
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Greek Art From Oxford To Portugal and Back Again 1St Edition Rui Morais Online Ebook Texxtbook Full Chapter PDF

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Greek Art from Oxford to Portugal and

Back Again 1st Edition Rui Morais

Portrayals of Antigone in Portugal 20th and 21st

World of Art Greek Art 5th Edition John Boardman

From Vertex Operator Algebras to Conformal Nets and

The Greek and Macedonian Art of War Frank E. Adcock

After the Fall How Humpty Dumpty Got Back up Again

From Homer to Menander Forces in Greek Poetic Fiction

Aspects of Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry Emily

Art and Archaeology of the Greek World 2nd Edition

with a Foreword by Delfim Leão

ISBN 978 1 78491 586 5

© Archaeopress and Rui Morais 2017

Cover image: Neck-amphora attributed to the Red-Line Painter

Foreword: Maria Helena da Rocha-Pereira: the Suitable Kairos Back Again������� v

The Transmission of Iconographic Designs and Decorative Compositions

2. The Transmission of Iconographic Designs and Decorative Compositions in

This choice, while undoubtedly unanimous, does raise some challenges. It

In these perilous circumstances, a kairos may be particularly helpful and

In 1950-1951, during my first sojourn as a recognized student in the University

It is my pleasant task to acknowledge help of various kinds towards the

If we were to select a second work, Rocha-Pereira herself would probably suggest

It is now time to return to them again.

The concept of copy as intentional, deliberate replica based on a model, whether

Apart from copies of originals, the transmission of iconographic designs

On a limestone ostrakon found in the tomb of Senenmut in Deir el-Bahri, dating

Figure 2: Ostraka that depicts a recurring group of hieroglyphs (ca. 1479–1458

The existence of models and preparatory drawings should be framed within a

with standard measures was taken at

As would be expected, we also know

Lise Manniche, in his work ‘City of the

It is unknown at this stage whether this form of transmission of designs was

This issue is practically unheard of regarding Ancient Greece, although a few

Figure 5: Painted wooden tablet from Pitsa depicting a sacrificial procession.

Figure 6: Ceramic plaque with warriors. Athens.

tablets were sometimes fastened to flat walls, presumably in the rectangular

Figure 7: Terracotta funerary plaque. New York.

Figure 8: Terracotta funerary plaque. Antiquities market.

The existence of these and other models, in different types of mediums, in

Figure 13: Terracotta plaque or metope with representation of a fully-armed hoplite.

Figure 15: Attic red-figure lekythos (ca 435–425 BC)

We will briefly mention some cases to exemplify the phenomenon, beginning

Figure 16: Tomb of Lefkadia with two-floor façade. Watercolour drawing.

But are these examples testaments to cross-influences between sculptors and

Figure 18: Attic red-figured

Figure 19 a-c: Coin from the

If the correlation between Greek sculptors and vase-painters seems to lack

Figure 20-21: Two neck-amphorae

An indirect but fundamental testimony that corroborates the existence of

Figure 22-23: Two neck-amphorae

This lapidary phrase by Horatio43 serves to mark the moment of greater

In addition to the papyrus scrolls, other types of mediums with drawings or

Several literary sources mention furthermore small tablets (tabellae) hung on

contract. Fruit of a long iconographic tradition, the artists/artisans, travelling

Figure 30: The Gemma Augustea (sardonyx cameo).

Figure 31: Marble relief, vicinity of Sirmium (Pannonia).

The communicative culture of images is often also manifested in small objects,

In a rare marble specimen found in Beja (Beringel, Portugal), currently held at

Foreword: Maria Helena da Rocha-Pereira: the Suitable Kairos Back Again�� v