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King and Emperor
A New Life of Charlemagne
Ja n e t L . N el son
U N I V E R S I T Y OF C A L I FOR N I A PR E S S
King and Emperor
King and Emperor
A New Life of Charlemagne
Ja n e t L . N el son
U N I V E R S I T Y OF C A L I FOR N I A PR E S S
University of California Press, one of the most distinguished university presses in the United States,
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28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
To Christine and Fritz, sine quibus non
Contents
List of Illustrations ix
List of Maps xi
List of Genealogies xxxi
1 Introduction 1
2 Family Stories Charles Might Have Known 35
3 The Child in the Picture 67
4 Family Fortunes 93
5 Charles in Italy 119
6 Peace and War: 774– 9 149
7 The Family Deployed, ‘. . . all Saxony subjugated’ 181
8 Boundary- crossings 211
9 Franks, Bavarians and New Thinking: 787– 9 243
10 The Regensburg Years 269
11 Saxons, Saracens, Northmen and the
Council of Frankfurt: 792–4 299
12 The Beginning of the End of the Saxon Wars: 792– 9 319
13 Interesting Times, Dangerous Times 347
14 Fin de siècle – début de siècle: Romanum
gubernans imperium 387
15 The Aachen Years 417
vii
Contents
viii
List of Illustrations
p. 300 The new coinage, 793. (Monogram denier, Pavia, Borne hoard
1987 (Overijssel, Netherlands). Museum TwentseWelle, Enschede.
Photograph © Bouke Jan van der Veen. With kind permission of Simon
Coupland)
p. 346 Lateran Mosaic with St Peter, Pope Leo and King Charles
(© Manfred Luchterhandt)
ix
L i st of I l l u s t r atio ns
p. 388 The noble warrior with his sword (Malles Venosta, San
Benedetto © Photo SCALA, Florence)
x
List of Maps
xi
s
600 ons N
n
1.1.Western
WesternEurope,
Europe,c.c.600 sax
a
i si
fr
eas
Cologne
Liège
ft
w
r
Mainz
Se
s
i
an
ne
t
e
Meu
h in
ks
se
R
f
r
Orléans
a l a m a n s
Tours
a n
Nantes
Loire
Bourges
k s
S
A
C
acquitanians P
Q
L
U
ATLANTIC Lyons
I
OCEAN
T
MASSIF A s
rd
A
CENTRAL ba
I
m
lo
N
E
IA
Toulouse AN
IM
PT
PY
a
SE
RE Se
NEE
S an
ane
Med iterr
0 100 200 300 km
N
2. Belgica
batavi
Nijmegen
es
frision
m
Doverum cu
lli
Jülich Cologne
t
ga Sangatte S ch e l d Maastricht
R
um
hi
Aachen
et
ne
fr Boulogne Liège
e
Namur us
Étaples Ca Thérouanne Me Koblenz
nch
e
Arras
Som Cambrai Bitburg
me Mainz
Echternach
Amiens St Quentin Trier Worms
l
se Mose
Oi Mouzon
Noyon ne
Beauvais Ais Speyer
Rouen Soissons Reims
Metz
Pontoise Marne Verdun
Châlons-sur-Marne
Paris Toul Strasbourg
ne
Melun Sei
Sens
civitas capital Langres
vicus
fort Augst
Antonine itinerary Dijon
Peutinger table
both of the above Autun
other roads Chalon-sur-Saône
conjectural
approximate early coastline
archbishopric
bishopric
monastery
0 50 100 km
N
3. The (partly putative) Travels of Willibrord, c.658–739
A
BRI
es
HUM
da n
IRELAND
NORT
Ripon
Clonmelsh
Spurn Point
frisians
Utrecht
Maastricht
Cologne THURINGIA
Liège
Koblenz Fulda
Bitburg
Sure
Echternach
Trier Mainz
Paris
Me
FRANCIA
use
ne
Sei
Mo
Sens
Rhi
ne
sel
Tours
Lo
ir e
St-Maurice-d’Agaune
Lucca
Rome
se
eu
R hin e
M BÜRABURG
THÉROUANNE LIÈGE Düren ERFURT
Cologne
Les Estinnes Fulda
Wasseiges Chévremont
St-Vaast
Malmédy
So CAMBRAI Lobbes
mm Stavelot
e
AMIENS
el
ROUEN MAINZ
os
NOYON Main
M
Quierzy
Sa
TRIER WÜRZBURG
mb
BEAUVAIS Laon
se
re
Oi Mettlach
SOISSONS REIMS
MEAUX Marn
e SPEYER
METZ
Ais
ne
Wissembourg
Sei
ne
STRASBOURG
SENS
Carloman Pippin
bishopric
ne
Grafstal
Saô
monastery Illnau St-Gall
palace Benken
public lands
other places
MÂCON
boundary
0 100 200 km
5. The Empire of Charles at its
it’s maximum
maximum extent
dt
St-Omer Düren
el
h
Sc Aachen
Nivelles Valenciennes
St-Riquier Douay Herstal
re
om Samb
se
S
me Corbie
eu
St-Wandrille
M
Quierzy St-Willibrord
Rouen
se
i
Se
O Compiègne Attigny
ine
Verberie A is n e Trier
St-Denis Reims Thionville
BRI TTAN Y St-Germain-des-Prés
Ver Mar
ne
Chelles Verzenay
l
Mose
N EU S T R I A
Sens Gondreville
Yonn
Remiremont
e
St-Martin,
e
Lo
Tours ôn
Sa
ire
Chasseneuil
AT L A N T I C Chalon-sur-Saône
OCEAN BU R G U N DY
Angeac Geneva
Ébreuil
Lyons
Vienne
Bordeaux
AQU I TA I N E
Rhô
ne Turin
Kingdom of
ASTURIA S
THE ASTURIAS G AS CO N Y
IA
AN
Narbonne
M
TI
S PA
NI
SEP
SH
Eb
M
ro
AR
C
H
SAXONY wi
angr eastphalians
ali
arians
ph
st
se
we
so
Cologne THURING
THURINGII A r
Hersfeld bs
AU STR ASIA
Prüm Fulda Salz
lb
E
e
Mainz Ma
in
Ingelheim
Lorsch
Worms
in e
E
AC
Rh
Dan u b e
LS
A
Schlettstadt
A LE MA NN IA BAVARI A
Kremsmünster
ns
Reichenau St Gall Salzburg En
Chur
ava rs
CARI N TH I A
Innichen
Danube
St-Maurice-d’Agaune M ARCH PA N N ON I A N
Cividale O F FRI U LI MARCH
Sant Ambrogio Trent Aquileia
Treviso Grado
Ivrea Milan Sav
Verona a
Po
Pavia Mantua
Kingdom of Parma
Ferrara
LOMBARDY Modena
Ravenna
Lucca
Florence Pesaro
Pisa
Arn o Urbino Ancona
Sienna
Perugia A
Assisi dr
ia
er
Orvieto Spoleto
ti
Ti b
Viterbo Rieti
Duchy of c
SPOLETO se
C O RSICA Sutri
a
San Andrea
Rome Volturno
St Vincenzo al Volturno
Ceprano St Benedict
Terracina
Capua St Sophia Bari
Benevento
Naples Duchy of
Salerno
Amalfi BENEVENTO
SA
SARRDINIA
D I NIA
6. Charles’s itinerary
Nijmegen 4
St-Omer Düren 6
Aachen
Liège 27
St-Riquier Oise Seilles Herstal
Godinne 12
eu s e
Quierzy 6
Samoussy Longlier
M
2
2 Noyon Corbeny Douzy
Rouen Compiègne Blanzée
Se
Attigny
ine
Soissons
Verberie A is n e 2 7
St-Denis 2 Thionville
Ver Reims Metz
Chelles
Mosel
Orléans
Auxerre Remiremont
Tours
Montcontour
L
oi
2 Chasseneuil
re
AT L A N T I C
Ch
Mornac
OCEAN re
a
nt
e
Angoulême
Angeac Geneva
Fronsac
Dordo
gne
Ga
on
r
ne
Roncesvalles
Pamplona
Eb
ro
Zaragoza
0 100 200 km
3 Cologne se
e
r
Hersfeld
Fulda
3 lb
E
4 Frankfurt e
Ma
Mainz in
3 Ingelheim 2
Lorsch Würzburg
Worms 16
Speyer
in e
Regensburg
Rh
Dan u b e 6
Brumathdt
Champ-le-Duc Ulm
Schlettstadt Kaumberg
Lechfeld
on the Enns
ns Raabmündung
Salzburg En
Steinamanger
Inn
Danube
Cividale
Milan
2 Ivrea
6 Verona
Po
7 2 Mantua
Pavia
Parma
Bologna 3 Ravenna
A
dr
ia
er
Spoleto
ti
Ti b
c
se
San Andrea at Mentana a
5
Rome
Monte Cassino
Capua
N
7. The Saxon wars, c.772–804
place of baptism
place of regnal assembly
places to which envoys came
DITHMARSCHEN
Other dated places were sites of camps, 782
forts, and military encounters
NORDLIUDI
798
HADELN NORDELBIEN
797 792
795
EAST FRISIA
782 WIHMODIA Hollenstedt 780( )
792 795
Bardowick 795
Weser BARDENGAU
795 El
be
H
un
te
LERIGAU
e 782
H as All
er
Ems
Minden 798( ) Oh
re
Lübbecke 775 SÜNTEL
Medefeld 779( ) 782 Wolfenbüttel 775 ( ), 775 Steinfurt 784
Bückeburg 775( ) Ohrum 780( ) Schöningen 784
Bocholt 779
DREINGAU Detmold 783
ker
Ed
Deutz 778 Büraburg 773, 774
g
Sie Christenberg 778
Rh
ine
Fulda
Lahn
Attigny
772( , )
M
ain
Paris
FRANCIA
0 50 100 150 km
N
8. Alpine passes
Isar
be D
nu an
Da ub
Augsburg e
Munich
Rhine
Lech
Inn
Salzburg
Constance
Basel
ns
En
Innsbruck
Reschen Tanern
Brenner
Chur
St Benedikt Meran
4 St Johan St Prokulus
1 3 Müstair Heiligkreuzkapelle
2
Geneva Simplon Bolzano
Martigny
Trent Cividale
R hône
Lyons Great St Bernard
age
Como Aquileia
Ad
Ao
sta
Milan
Ivrea
Ti
Mont Cenis San Salvatore Verona
cin
o
Grenoble Venice
Novalesa Po
Susa Pavia
Turin A
patrons and churches dr
Po ia
passes ti
1 Lukmanier
c
Se
2 San Bernardino
a
3 Splügen Genoa
4 Jullier Bologna
0 50 100 km
N
9. Italy in the time of Charles
Aosta
Ivrea
Novalese Milan San Salvatore VENETO
Vercelli PAVIA Verona
sa Cremona Padova
Su Po
Turin Mantua Monselice
Piacenza
Cittanova Po
Via Emilia
Parma Nonantula
LIGURIA Reggio Modena A
ILI
Bologna EM RAVENNA
Imola Forlimpopuli
Forli
Faenza Rimini
Lucca Cesena
EXARCHATE OF
Pisa Florence RAVENNA
Arno Urbino Senigallia
TUSCANY Ancona
Chiusi Perugia A
Populonia
d
Monte Amiata
ri
Roselle DUCHY OF at
Via Flaminia SPOLETO ic
Viterbo Se
a
Farfa
Tiber
ROME Subiaco
LATIUM San Vincenzo al Volturno
Monte Cassino DUCHY OF
Volturno
BENEVENTO
Capua
Santa Sophia
BENEVENTO
CAMPANIA
NAPLES Salerno
Ty r r h e n i a n S e a
0 100 200 km
ta
Fla en
om
N
mina
a
Vi
mphalis
na
Pin Via
Porta
cia
Flaminia
Porta Porta Salaria
Pinciana Porta
Nomentana
a
bu ia
Porta S. Pietro S. Maria in Aquiro
in
Ti V
rt
S. Vitale
S. Eustachio S. Marcello S. Pudenziana
S. Agnese S. Lorenzo
Ri
Martyri S. Isidore
S. Agata S. Eufemia
r
lana
lli
S. Prisca
te
Vi
Porta Metronia
a
S. Sisto
Vi
Porta Portese
SS. Nereo
ed Achilleo
S. Saba
S. Giovanni a Porta Latina
Porta Ostiense Porta Latina
Via Latin
a
Porta Ardeatina Porta
Portuensis
Appia S. Sisto
S. Menna
Via
s
Via Ostiensi
Vi
a
A
pp
ia
S. Cornelio
remains of earlier
medieval buildings
Connecting passageway
Metal-mixing smithy
Connecting passageway
0 30m
N
12. The fossatum magnum (canal) of 792–3
North Sea
Rh
ine
Main
Rednitz
Altmühl
Danube
Atlantic B l a ck S ea
Ocean
M e d i t e r ra n e a n S e a
Karlsgraben
Central European watershed
0 100 200 km
13. The Divisio of 806
Nimwegen 4
Gent
Boulogne Aachen 27
S. Omer Herstal 12
Valenciennes 2 Seilles Lüttich
Orville
S. Riquier Godinne
Laon
Quierzy 6 Samoussy Longlier 2
Rouen 2 Noyon
Compiègne
Verberie
Soissons
Corbeny Douzy
Attigny 2
Diedenhofen 7
R
S. Denis 2 Ver Reims
Chelles Verzenay
A Blanzée
S ei
Metz
ne
Gondreville
Orléans
K Champ-le-duc
Remiremont
Auxerre
Tours
Montcontour L
Chasseneuil oi
re
AT L A N T I C
Mornac
OCEAN Angeac
Angoulême
G Genf
Fronsac
Dordo
I Gr. S. Bernard
gne
W
D M. Cenis
Ga
on
r
ne
U
L
E Roncesvalles
Pamplona
br
o
Zaragoza
Mediterannean Sea
0 100 200 km
N place
fortification
Hollenstedt monastery
Alisini Bardowick
Verden 2 bishopric
2 Lüne
Petershagen archbishopric
Lübbecke
Minden the papal seat
Steinfurt
Bocholt Rehme Uffeln Ohremündung
Detmold
Ohrum
Lüdge
attested royal residences
Schöningen
Lippspringe 4
Paderborne 4 Brunsburg conjectured or palace
Herstelle
Syburg camp
Sintfeld
Lippenham 4 Eresburg 6
site of battle or siege
Cologne 3
Düren 6 Hersfeld pass
L
Kostheim 2
Frankfurt
Fulda
Salz 3
E
lb
e
Ingelheim 4 Mainz 4
Lorsch Würzburg 2
Worms 16
Speyer
Schweigen
in e
Brumath am Karlsgraben
Rh
Regensburg 6
b e
Schlettstadt D an u
Lechfeld Kaumberg
an der Enns
Salzburg Raabmündung
Steinamanger
P I N
P
Danube
P I Cividale
Mailand Treviso
Ivrea 2
Verona
Po
Mantua 2
Pavia 6
Parma
bei Bologna
Ravenna 3
A
dr
ia
er
Spoleto
ti
Ti b
c
se
San Andrea al M. Soratte
bei Mentana
a
Rome 5
M. Cassino
Capua
13.
14.The
TheDanubian
DanubianLands
lands daleminzi N
ERZGEBIRGE SUDETEN
bohemians
SU
AL
NORDGAU
AF
LD BÖHMERWALD
E
ube
an
D Inn
YBBSFELD
hs
Ybbs
uc
F
Enns avars
D a n u be
ba
Ro
carantanians
bulgars
D
ra
va
Sav
a
dr
A
ia croats
tic
hunting territory Se
a 0 100 200 km
N
15. Frontiers and campaigns on land and on sea
FRIULI
Aquileia
T O
NE
VE Grado
Trieste
Torcello Jesolo
Venice Dekana
Malamocco
Novigrad
Poreć
ISTRIA
Pula
Comacchio
Ostor
Ravenna
Classe A
d
ri
Rimini
at Nin
ic Zadar
Se
a
Senigallia
Osimo
0 50 100 km
List of Genealogies
xxxi
Genealogy A: Arnulfings, Pippinds, Carolingians
Nibelung
count
d. after 768
Genealogy B: The descendants of Pippin and Alpaida
Pippin II
mayor of = Alpaida
the palace
Louis
born c.800.
840 abbot of St.
Denis and
archchancellor.
d. 867 Bernard Adalheid,
born c.797 born c.798
812/813 King of Italy.
d. 818.
Pippin, count,
d. after 840.
= Liutgard = Madelgard ≠ Gerswind ≠ Regina ≠ Abalind ≠ unnamed ≠ unnamed
married 794/9. Saxon partner partner
Alamannic Theuderic
noblewoman. Ruothild born 807
d. 800. Adaltrud Richbod Bernard
840 became d. after 818. born 800/805. 843
abbess of 840 abbot of abbot of
Foremoutiers, St-Raquier. Moutier
d. 852. Drogo, born 801 Hugo, born
D. 844. St-Jean
802 abbot of Luxem. 802/6. 818 cleric.
827 abp. Metz. 834 822/3 abbot of
archchaplain. St-Quentin.
d. 855. 834 archchaplain.
d. 844.
I. A n e x t r aor di n a ry m a n
This book’s subject is a man who was by any standards extraordinary:
a many-sided character whose sixty-five years of life and doings were
driven by unremitting physical energy and intellectual curiosity. He
was a man of many parts, a warlord who conquered an empire, a man
of peace and a judge who promised ‘for each their law and justice’, a
man who presided over church councils as a prince and defender of the
Latin Church, a person who preached and practised both caritas (char-
ity) and amor (love) and knew the value of giving to the less powerful
and the less wealthy, a person whose interests ranged from viewing the
night-sky and sending men to supervise the repair of Christian sites in
the Holy Land to keeping in touch with kings and potentates from
Ireland and northern Spain to Constantinople and Baghdad, a man of
flesh-and-blood, a family-man who had at least nine sexual partners,
fathered at least nineteen children, and was grandfather to at least
eleven more. Charles was someone whose personality still shines
through the texts and artefacts and memories he left and the stories
(some edifying, some bawdy) that were told about him decades, then cen-
turies, after his time.
Writing a book about Charles, who lived between 748 and 814, in
the midst of a period popularly known as the Dark Ages, takes some
nerve. All historical biographers, whoever their subjects, have the gift of
hindsight denied to their subjects, and face the occupational hazards
of teleology – reading back hypothetical causes from later phenomena –
and anachronism – an approach inappropriate for the historical time to
which the subject belonged. In Charles’s case, the biographer has a mine
1
K i ng a n d E m p e ror
of evidence about the relevant time and context: evidence that can be
presented to modern readers for their own inspection. I have sometimes
approached Charles from unfamiliar angles which can be unexpectedly
illuminating. I have not assumed that Charles was a ‘Great Man’ (truth
to tell, I was taught at my mother’s knee to bridle at those words); nor
have I thought of him as ‘The Father of Europe’, or ‘The Lighthouse of
Europe’ (though those were names that a contemporary poet conferred
on him). I am even less keen on pinning a national label on ‘German’
Karl der Große, Charles the Great, or borrowing ‘French’ Charles-le-
magne, which means the same thing, and which English-speaking
peoples have assimilated in modern times. In this book, unless I am
quoting someone else, I call my subject Charles, or use one or another of
the languages spoken by his contemporaries: Latin Carolus, Old High
German Karlus or Romance Karlo. From Christmas Day 800, Charles
entitled himself in documents: ‘Charles, most serene augustus, crowned
by God, great peacemaking emperor, governing the Roman Empire, and
similarly, by the grace of God, King of the Franks and of the Lombards’.
Two phrases here are not platitudes but statements of heaven-sent legiti-
macy; for Charles, ‘crowned by God’, and ‘by the grace of God’ meant
what they said. Unsaid in his title, but equally important in under-
pinning Charles’s legitimacy, was his idea of the mutual trust between
king and his faithful men. A German historian put this in a nutshell:
consensus fidelium (the consensus of the faithful men) was the ‘comple-
mentary concept’ to the Christian ideal of kingship.1
2
I n t rodu c t i o n
I I. C h a r l e s a n d h is bio g r a p h e r s
There are many books in several European languages that offer excel-
lent narratives or thematic accounts of Charles’s reign.4 Some authors
have shied away from claiming to write biography, or, instead, claimed,
perhaps in a subtitle, to have written a biography yet not actually deliv-
ered on that claim.5 The usual explanation given, tacit or explicit, is
lack of the sort of material available for individual lifespans in more
modern times, or even ancient times. Cicero, for instance, left large
numbers of letters, public and personal; St Augustine of Hippo’s Con-
fessions were a spiritual autobiography of his early life, but he also left
many letters and sermons that included elements of life-writing.6
Charles, by contrast, left very few letters or other personal reminis-
cences giving direct access to his thoughts, experiences or intentions.
The material is difficult, sometimes treacherous: I have often been con-
scious of skating on very thin ice.
Difficult is not impossible. Evidence for the personal can come in
3
K i ng a n d E m p e ror
4
I n t rodu c t i o n
in 800, and in 2014 of his death in 814, brought floods of new public-
ations, and in several cases translations soon after. When modern-language
teaching in UK secondary schools is steadily declining, the appearance
from North American, British and Dutch presses of more translations of
Continental works on pre-modern European history is all the more
welcome. A British-born biographer, or self-professed ‘biographer’, of
Charles can’t help being internationalist.
5
K i ng a n d E m p e ror
in 829, and with a view to recovering some of his old influence, to write
the Life, hoping that from it, not only Louis, but senior counsellors and
a junior generation too would find messages and a model for public life
in the present.9 The Life was short and memorable. Einhard, who was
anything but naïve, sent a copy to someone he knew well: ‘Here is the
book for you!’ he wrote in his prologue, using the familiar second-
person singular form of address in Latin, tu. ‘You’ was Gerward, the
court librarian, who passed it on to Louis with a little dedicatory verse
commending Einhard as its author. It soon came to be regarded as a
model ruler-biography, a mirror for princes and for their advisers. The
Life presented lively personal details of Charles that have proved irre-
sistible to readers ever after. The spread of manuscript copies (much
slower than of books in a print culture, of course) was rapid for the
ninth century, suggesting eager readers and listeners, who almost cer-
tainly included Louis’ youngest son Charles, born in 823 and named
after his grandfather. Many translations, or reworkings of Charles’s
story, sometimes into vernacular languages as well as Latin, show the
Life ’s appeal to readers and hearers in succeeding centuries: the latest
count is ‘over 123 manuscripts’.10
Modern historians have tended to give the Life a cool reception.
They have severely criticized its errors and its deliberate silences, and
flatly rejected some of Einhard’s statements. They have seen as a major
drawback his use of Suetonius’ way of structuring his Lives themat-
ically, with public life, consisting mainly of wars, followed by private
life. They have lamented, though they have not really tried to account
for, Einhard’s omission of such important matters as administrative
measures and aristocratic involvement in government, topics for which
evidence has to be sought elsewhere. I shall not forego using Einhard’s
Life, however, nor even the monk Notker of St- Gall’s gossipy and anec-
dotal Deeds of Charles, written in the early 880s, which drew much on
Einhard’s work. All biographies are authorial constructs, and those of
Einhard and Notker (not to mention the present author’s) are no excep-
tions. Nevertheless, both transmit, beneath liberal sprinklings of
ninth- century spice, nutritious grains of historicity in stories and mem-
ories. Einhard especially conveys a strong sense of Charles as a man
and a vivid personality. ‘I was present’, he asserts in his prologue, ‘and
I know these things by the witness of my own eyes, as they say.’ Autopsy,
literally, ‘seeing for yourself’, does not necessarily yield truth in any
6
I n t rodu c t i o n
His body was large and strong. He was tall but not unduly so – his height
was seven times the length of his own foot. The top of his head was round,
his eyes were large and lively, his nose was a little larger than average, he
had fine white hair and a cheerful and attractive face. So standing or
sitting, his presence was greatly increased in authority and dignity. His
neck was short and thick, his stomach protruded a bit, but the symmetry
of the other parts hid these flaws. His pace was firm and the whole bear-
ing of his body powerful. His voice was indeed clear but, given his size,
not as strong as might have been expected. His health was good until
four years before he died . . . He exercised regularly by riding and hunting
which came naturally to him . . . He was so good at swimming that no-one
was considered better than him.’11
7
K i ng a n d E m p e ror
certainly come . . . But even ‘going on’ is not always plain sailing,
because of the patchiness of the evidence for Charles’s life.
In the evidence that remains, especially for the latter half of the
reign, a character-trait of this man that shines out is his sociability. The
names, and sometimes quite a lot more than names, of his close family,
and of some of his counsellors and friends, are known, though even the
best efforts to find out much about these relationships leave glaring
blanks. Clerics and monks and nuns are disproportionately represented
in the record, partly because of their professional grip on literacy (this
was far from being a monopoly, however, and the span of Charles’s life
covered a great extension of lay literacy), but also because of the much
higher chances of the survival of church archives than lay archives.
About laypeople, it is always harder to find evidence of lives over time.
For instance, a name that coincidentally resonated over the centuries
was that of Roland, one of Charles’s palatini, ‘men of the palace’ (or as
later French authors called them, the king’s paladins ). A thread of ref-
erences can be spun to show ‘Roland’ as a count in Charles’s entourage
at the palace of Herstal in 772; as an official in charge of a mint issuing
Charles’s Type- One (768– 91) pennies; and as Count of the Breton
March killed in the ambush of Charles’s rearguard at Roncesvaux on
15 August 778.12
Later in this book, I largely resist the temptation to cite material
which is late (written some seventy years after Charles’s death) and
locally gleaned from oral traditions preserved in and around the mon-
astery of St- Gall. Notker of St- Gall (c.840– 912, also known as ‘Notker
the Stammerer’) used Einhard’s Vita Karoli and wrote between 885
and 887 in the genre of Gesta – ‘Deeds’ – for a royal patron, Charles’s
great-grandson Charles III (emperor 881– 7 – his nickname ‘the Fat’
dates from the twelfth century). Two of Notker’s many stories are
worth quoting in the context of Charles’s personality and sense of
humour (jokes are always significant clues).13 The first is this:
The habits of men change, and when the Franks, who were fighting with
the Gauls, saw them proudly wearing little striped cloaks and were
delighted by this novelty, they abandoned their ancient customs and began
to copy those of the Gauls. At first the strictest of emperors did not forbid
this, because this style of clothing seemed to him most suitable for waging
war. But when he found that the Frisians were abusing his permission
8
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jouissons sont bien douces, et j’en bénis Dieu tous les jours ; tous
les jours, je me trouve heureuse d’avoir des bois, des eaux, des
prés, des moutons, des poules qui pondent, de vivre enfin dans mon
joli et tranquille Cayla avec une famille qui m’aime. Qu’y a-t-il de plus
doux au monde ?
Il ne nous manque que toi, cher membre que le corps réclame.
Quand t’aurons-nous ? Rien ne paraît s’arranger pour cela. Ainsi,
nous passerons la vie sans nous voir. C’est triste, mais résignons-
nous à tout ce que Dieu veut ou permet. J’aime beaucoup la
Providence qui mène si bien toutes choses et nous dispense de
nous inquiéter des événements de ce monde. Un jour nous saurons
tout ; un jour je saurai pourquoi nous sommes séparés, nous deux
qui voudrions être ensemble. Rapprochons-nous, mon ami,
rapprochons-nous de cœur et de pensée en nous écrivant l’un à
l’autre. Cette communication est bien douce, ces épanchements
soulagent, purifient même l’âme comme une eau courante emporte
son limon.
Pour moi, je me trouve mieux après que je me suis laissée couler
ici. Je dis ici, parce que j’y laisse l’intime, sans trop regarder ce que
c’est, même sans le savoir quelquefois. Ce qui se passe en moi
m’est inconnu à certains moments ; ignorance sans doute de l’être
humain. J’ai si peu vu, si peu connu en bien comme en mal !
Cependant, je ne suis pas un enfant. J’aime bien d’écrire à Louise,
mais ce n’est pas comme à toi ; d’ailleurs, mes lettres sont vues et le
cœur n’est pas un livre qu’on veuille ouvrir au public. Merci donc
d’aimer ma correspondance, de me donner le plaisir innocent et tout
fraternel de te dire bien souvent que je t’aime de cette affection vive,
tendre et pure, qui vient de la charité. C’est ainsi qu’on s’aime bien ;
c’est ainsi que Jésus-Christ nous a aimés et veut que nous aimions
nos frères.
Le 27. — Rien ici depuis plusieurs jours ; mais j’ai bien écrit
ailleurs, car je me sens le besoin de me répandre quelque part, j’ai
fait cela avec Louise et devant Dieu : pour se consoler, rien de mieux
que la foi pour l’âme, l’amitié pour le cœur. Tu sais ce qui m’attriste,
c’est de penser que tu as été bien malade, que tu l’es encore. Qui
sait ? à cent lieues de distance ! Mon Dieu, que cet éloignement fait
souffrir ! Je ne puis pas même savoir où tu es, et je voudrais tout
savoir. Le cœur en peine se fait bien désireux et bien souffrant.
Voilà ma journée : ce matin à la messe, écrire à Louise, lire un
peu, et puis dans ma chambrette. Oh ! je ne dis pas tout ce que j’y
fais. J’ai des fleurs dans un gobelet ; j’en ai longtemps regardé deux
dont l’une penchait sur l’autre qui lui ouvrait son calice. C’était doux
à considérer et à se représenter, l’épanchement de l’amitié dans ces
deux petites fleurettes. Ce sont des stellaires, petites fleurs blanches
à longue tige des plus gracieuses de nos champs. On les trouve le
long des haies, parmi le gazon. Il y en a dans le chemin du moulin, à
l’abri d’un tertre tout parsemé de leurs petites têtes blanches. C’est
ma fleur de prédilection. J’en ai mis devant notre image de la Vierge.
Je voudrais qu’elles y fussent quand tu viendras, et te faire voir les
deux fleurs amies. Douce image qui des deux côtés est charmante
quand je pense qu’une sœur est fleur de dessous. Je crois, mon
ami, que tu ne diras pas non. Cher Maurice, nous allons nous voir,
nous entendre ! Ces cinq ans d’absence vont se retrouver dans nos
entretiens, nos causeries, nos dires de tout instant.