Personal Letters Between Lu

Qingsheng and Jiang Zhenyuan 1961

1986 1st Edition Letian Zhang Yunxiang
Yan
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Personal Letters between Lu Qingsheng and Jiang Zhenyuan, 1961–1986
Chronicles of Contemporary Chinese
Social Life
Series Editors

Zhang Letian (Fudan University)

Yunxiang Yan (University of California, Los Angeles)

Associate Editor

Li Tian (Fudan University)

International Advisory Board

Anita Chan (Australian National University)

Jacob Eyferth (University of Chicago)
Gail Hershatter (University of California, Santa Cruz)
James Lee (Hong Kong University of Science and Technology)
Arthur Kleinman (Harvard University)
Elisabeth Perry (Harvard University)
Jean Oi (Stanford University)
Isabelle Thireau (ehess, Paris)
Jonathan Unger (Australian National University)
Andrew Walder (Stanford University)
Yunxiang Yan (committee chair) (University of California, Los Angeles)

VOLUME 2

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ccsl

 Personal Letters between
Lu Qingsheng and Jiang Zhenyuan,
1961–1986

Edited by

Zhang Letian
Yunxiang Yan

LEIDEN | BOSTON
Cover image: Original letter from Lu Qingsheng to Jiang Zhenyuan on November 22, 1961. Courtesy of
Zhang Letian.

The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov

lc record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2018933325

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface.

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isbn 978-90-04-36363-2 (hardback)
isbn 978-90-04-36364-9 (e-book)

Copyright 2018 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands.

Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi,
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This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

 Table of Contents

Introduction xxv
Editors’ Note x xxix

()* ! +,-" " ./012

Letters by Mr. Lu to His Wife Ms. Jiang
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xx

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 xxi

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xxii

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(7* ! 89-"
Letters between Mr. Lu/Ms. Jiang and Their Daughters
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 xxiii

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Introduction
Yunxiang Yan and Zhang Letian
This collection of personal letters presents an un-
usually valuable set of data for studies of social life
in contemporary China. The collection contains a
total of 774 letters, most of which were written by
a couple, Mr. Lu and Ms. Jiang, who lived apart for
more than fifteen years between 1961 and 1986 and
who relied mainly on letter-writing to communi-
cate with each other. The first letter was written by
Lu on June 22, 1961, to Jiang, who was his girlfriend
at the time, and the last letter in the collection was
also written by Lu to Jiang, then his wife, dated June
27, 1986. In most cases, it was Lu who initiated com-
munication and it was Jiang who responded. We
thus refer to the collection as the Lu-Jiang letters.
Among the letters published in this collection,
215 letters were written by Lu to Jiang and sixty-five
letters were written by Jiang to her husband Lu.
The remaining letters consist of correspondence
between the couple and their respective siblings
(381 letters), their two daughters, and other rela-
tives (113 letters). At first glance it seems that Lu
wrote much more than his wife, but this may have
been because Jiang did a better job of preserving
their private letters than Lu. Together, the Lu-Jiang­
letters reveal the couple’s state of mind at the
height of Maoist socialism and in the early years
of the post-Mao reform era, a highly subjective pe-
riod of history about which we still have relatively
little knowledge.
To maintain the authenticity and richness of
these letters, the editors and the publisher decided
to publish them, unaltered, in Chinese. However,
substantial editing work was necessary because the
letters were originally sold as wastepaper and were
not archived in a systematic way. The letters were
not always clearly dated and, in some cases, the
authors neglected to sign their names. The editors’
first task was to ascertain the date of each letter
through a close reading of all the relevant materi-
als in order to establish their chronological order
as accurately as possible. Thereafter, the editor
cross-checked the content of the letters to ensure
the reliability of their authorship. In order to make
this collection user-friendly and yet present the
letters in their original condition, the editor and
the publisher chose to classify the letters by au-
thor, and to publish each author in chronological
order. The names of the authors have been altered
to protect their privacy.
In the following pages, we first provide a brief
introduction to Lu and Jiang, and the basic social
conditions of the time. In the second section, we
offer a preliminary reading of the letters, focus-
ing on the authors’ states of mind, and we explore
the making and unmaking of socialist subjectivity
during and immediately after the Maoist era. We
conclude this introductory essay with a discus-
sion of the scholarly value of private letters for the
study of social life in late-twentieth century China
and we contextualize the Lu-Jiang letters in the
impressive collection of data on social life that has
been amassed by the Center for Data and Research
on Contemporary Social Life (cdrcsl), the Devel-
opment Institute at Fudan University.
Social Life in the Lu-Jiang Letters
Lu was born in 1936 to a poor family in the city
of Wuhan, Hubei Province, and he was admitted
to university in Beijing in 1957. The poverty of his
childhood and his parents’ working class label
gave him political cachet in college. He joined the
Communist Party of China (cpc) at a young age
and he was appointed party secretary of the cpc
branch of his college class. It was during his last
year in college that Lu began to date Jiang, who
was one of his classmates.
Jiang was born in 1937 to a small merchant fam-
ily in Changsha, Hunan Province. Her father had
xxvi
accumulated some wealth working as a young
hired laborer for many years, and he had pur-
chased some farmland and a shop prior to 1949 in
order to provide for his family’s financial security.
He was subsequently denounced as a capitalist
during the campaign to nationalize industry and
commerce in the early 1950s. As class labels were
generally inherited through the male line, Jiang’s
class designation was that of the exploiting class-
es, a political stigma that remained with her until
the 1980s, even though the class label system was
officially abolished in 1979.1
Lu began to write letters to Jiang after he was
assigned to work as an intern in the city of Nan-
chang in his senior year of college. They continued
to exchange letters whenever Lu was away, either
working in Shanghai or in the mines in Jiangxi
Province, between October 1961 and March 1962.
A reunion during their last three months of col-
lege reinforced their relationship, as reflected in
their letters during that period. They were both
assigned to work for the Ministry of Metallurgical
Industry in Beijing after graduating in June 1962:
he in the Division of Nonferrous Metals, and she
in a research institute affiliated with the ministry.
They married in September 1962, and Jiang gave
birth to their first daughter in 1963 and their sec-
ond daughter in 1972.
Shortly after the birth of their first daughter, the
couple had to live apart again and, in the following
two and a half years, they continued to communi-
cate by writing letters. In November 1963, Lu was
assigned to work as a junior technician in a mer-
cury mine in Guizhou Province and, from early
1964 to June 1966, he was selected to be a mem-
ber of the Ministry of Metallurgical Industry
work team responsible for organizing the local
1 For detailed analysis of the class label system see Richard
C. Kraus, “Class Conflict and the Vocabulary of Social
Analysis in China,” The China Quarterly 69 (1977); Jonathan
Unger, “The Class System in Rural China: A Case Study,” in
Class and Social Stratification in Post-Revolution China, ed.
James Lee Watson (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1984).
Yan and Zhang
“Four Clean-ups” Campaign in the Datong region
of Shanxi Province, allowing him only one short
break of several weeks in Beijing in early 1965. In-
cidentally, before Lu went on leave, his wife was
assigned to a temporary position in Liaoning Prov-
ince after a prior assignment in Gansu Province.
They had thus lost the chance for a brief reunion
in Beijing.
To cope with the difficulties of living apart, the
couple sent their daughter to live with Jiang’s par-
ents and then later with Lu’s parents. Both sets
of grandparents took turns raising the child. As
revealed by the letters in this two and a half year
period, the couple rarely saw each other. On one
occasion, when Jiang was on her way to a new work
site, Lu had rushed to the train station to meet her
for a total of fifty-five minutes. They had written
several letters to plan this short meeting, and even
more letters after the encounter to reflect on their
brief reunion.
Due to his impeccable political credentials and
poor family background, Lu rode out the politi-
cal tides of the Cultural Revolution, first climbing
to a leading Red Guard position, which he held
from 1966 to 1967, and then remaining deeply
involved in politics in the Nonferrous Metals
Division of the Ministry of Metallurgical Indus-
try, including as the leader of the campaign to
Criticize Lin Biao and Confucius between 1972 and
1973. However, Lu’s political achievements during
the Cultural Revolution turned out to be political-
ly disastrous in the post-Mao reform era. He was
identified as an opportunist who closely followed
the political line of the Gang of Four in order to at-
tack senior leaders, to derail normal operations in
the Ministry of Metallurgical Industry, and to seek
political power to fulfill his own personal ambi-
tions. This turn of events completely changed his
fate. As a former leader of revolutionary rebels
he was suddenly labeled a counter-revolutionary
outcast who became the target of struggle meet-
ings. At a mass rally in late 1977, he was formally
denounced as an enemy of the people and he was
expelled from Beijing to work in a tin mine in Hunan
Province. As a result of his political banishment,
Introduction
the couple was once again separated and forced
to resume their letter-writing. Whether Lu was
eventually able to return to Beijing remains un-
clear, but in the last letter of the Lu-Jiang letters
dated June 27, 1986, he was accused of infidelity
by Jiang, who threatened him with a permanent
separation.
The letters clearly show that Lu was a highly
motivated and ambitious person until his fall
from grace in 1977. Even in his first letters to Ji-
ang, he discussed his endless plans to study hard,
work more effectively, and make political alli-
ances with leaders and colleagues. He was proud
to be a party member and a student leader ap-
pointed by the party organization in college, and
he urged Jiang to make her own political progress
by following his example. With a sense of po-
litical inferiority due to her family origins, Jiang
responded positively over the course of the first fif-
teen years of their correspondence, reporting with
sincerity her reflections on her efforts to purify her
thought, make advances in her work, and partici-
pate in various political campaigns and forms of
public life. When discussing their personal ambi-
tions and strategies to get ahead, the couple ex-
changed news about the political and social events
of their respective circles, and discussed what they
knew about the impact of government policies and
state-sponsored campaigns and the effect it would
have on everyday life. In this sense they were,
through their personal letters, unconsciously re-
cording a history of the times.
At least three thematic areas are clearly iden-
tifiable in the Lu-Jiang letters of the three periods
in which they were living apart. The first is the
nature of their relationship, which began with a
short passionate romance during their first separa-
tion of 1961 to 1962 that quickly evolved into a tur-
bulent conjugal life in the second period of 1964
to 66, and then, by the third period of separation
from 1977 onward, the relationship had degener-
ated into the marital monotony to which they had
become accustomed. Despite the unhappy turn of
events in Jiang’s political career, Lu and Jiang con-
tinued to write.
xxvii
Second, the letters vividly reveal the everyday
life of a married couple, detailing particularities
such as how they managed the household econ-
omy, how they raised their children, how they
interacted with their in-laws, their strategies and
practices for coping with financial hardships, and
so forth. The third thematic area is the unfolding
of social changes and historical events as seen
through the eyes of Lu and Jiang, including their
observations and reflections on socio-political
events in their respective work units and in society
at large, as well as their personal goals and their
participation in various political campaigns.
It is tempting to use these three themes to clas-
sify the content of the letters into the following
categories: personal and intimate, economic and
social, and political and ideological. Yet there are
many subjects discussed in these letters that do
not fall into any of these categories. More impor-
tantly, in many cases the personal, economic, and
political are intermingled with their personal life
experiences. To a lesser extent, the same remains
true with respect to the letters to and from their
siblings and other relatives. In short, the content
of the Lu-Jiang letters is as rich and complicated
as the flow of life itself, and the degree of sincer-
ity and honesty is greater than that in many other
kinds of historical data because the authors are
not writing for public consumption. It is not only
for this reason that we regard these letters as ex-
tremely valuable, but also because they are a kind
of unintentional oral history recorded in real time
by the social actors.
Scholars from different perspectives may have
different readings of these historical records. What
impressed us most after our initial reading are the
vivid illustrations of how socialist subjectivity was
constructed in the Maoist era and then decon-
structed in the post-Mao reform era. Before we
explore this topic further, we should note that con-
scious discussions related to the topic of socialist
subjectivity constitute about twenty percent of
the entire content of the letters between 1961 and
1977. As will be shown below, the Lu-Jiang letters
are often quite political and ideological, but they
xxviii
are also devoted to more mundane and routine
matters. Yet, to a great extent, this twenty percent
reflects their feelings, thinking, and reflections
about the new socialist subjectivity in the making,
one of the most important and unique features of
China’s past under Maoism. This is the focus in our
following readings of the letters.
The Making and Unmaking of Socialist
Subjectivity
Aware of the complexity and vastness of contem-
porary scholarship on subjectivity, we neverthe-
less use a rather conventional and broad definition
of subjectivity in this introduction—subjectivity
viewed as the social actor’s mental processes of
feeling, thinking, reflecting, and making sense in
a conscious way of interactions with the external
political-social-cultural environment.2 Although
it is fundamentally individual and it varies from
one social actor to another, the individual’s men-
tal processes of subjectivity-making are subject
to external constraints, that is, the social condi-
tions in a given society. Hence, subjectivity as a
mental process exists at the collective level as
well. The strong or weak uniformity of these ex-
ternal social conditions and the strong or weak
conformity of individuals to the social conditions
at a particular historical juncture may determine
the solidarity or fragmentation of the subjectivity
of a social group or a given society as a whole. In
terms of history, we clearly see a trend in which
the agency of the individual social actor becomes
stronger and increasingly recognizable while the
uniformity of the external social conditions de-
cline, as shown in the classic works of Marx, Dur-
kheim, and Weber.
We should keep in mind that subjectivity is
by no means a fixed structure of being, such as
2 For an inspiring review and reflections on the notion of
subjectivity in social theories see Sherry Ortner, “Sub­
jectivity and Cultural Critique,” Anthropological Theory
5, no. 1 (2005).
Yan and Zhang
a political positionality or an identity marker.
Rather, it is a dynamic process of becoming, dur-
ing which the acting and thinking subject or the
social actor is consistently and constantly reflect-
ing upon and remaking the inner moral self as a
way of interacting with other people and the so-
ciety as a whole. Understood as such a dynamic
and open-ended process, the sociological concept
of subjectivity comes close to the notion of zuoren
(做人) in Chinese culture. The literal translation
of zuoren is “to make oneself a person,” or “to be-
come a human.” The semantic and social impli-
cations of this notion, especially in the discourse
on Confucian humanism are simply too rich to
be reviewed here.3 It is sufficient to note that the
Chinese person is not born as a full person who
is entitled to a set of natural rights. Instead, the
Chinese individual gradually earns social recogni-
tion of his or her humanity through a process of
self-cultivation and the fulfillment of obligations
in which everything one does and says contributes
to the formation of a moral person. The process
is therefore highly individualistic, habitual, and
implicit. However, the achievement of humanity,
or how moral a person one has become, depends
primarily on the relationship with, and the evalu-
ation by, one’s family, kin, community, and society
at large. At any given moment in Chinese history
there is always a set of standards that determines
what constitutes a good person, standards which
Chinese individuals strive to achieve and by which
others are evaluated both formally and informally,
including through gossip. In this sense, zuoren is
a highly social, goal-oriented, and explicit process.
An important dimension of socialist transfor-
mation under Maoism was the construction of the
new socialist person (shehui zhuyi xinren 社会主
义新人). The core of this project was to change the
way Chinese individuals thought of themselves
and their relationship with the family, group,
and the party-state—known as “thought reform”
3 See Wei-ming Tu, Confucian Thought: Selfhood as Creative
Transformation (Albany: State University of New York
Press, 1985).
Introduction
(sixiang gaizao 思想改造). As noted by Yinghong
Cheng, the Chinese case, as part of the interna-
tional spread of the communist ideology in the
twentieth century, was subject to the ambitious
and comprehensive goals of the movement, that
is, “to remold the mind, psychology, and even the
character of individuals by means of various party
and state policies designed for a ‘new man’ and,
through this ‘new man,’ to make history and perpet-
uate the revolution.”4 Study sessions, group discus-
sions, written self-reflections and self-criticisms,
and diaries and letters, were the major techniques
in the highly-organized, state-sponsored national
campaign of subjectivity-remaking.5
Indeed, in the Lu-Jiang letters we find the dy-
namic and multi-faceted process of subjectivity-
making, in which oneself is ‘made’ into a proper
person, first under Maoism and then during the
post-Mao reform era. This was essentially a case
of the making and the unmaking of socialist sub-
jectivity. Given the private and informal nature
of the letters between husband and wife, Lu and
Jiang were likely to have been more open about
revealing their true selves in their correspondence
than would have been the case in their state-
ments and behavior in either the public sphere
or in personal encounters with other individuals,
including their own family members (there are
occasions where Lu and Jiang caution each other
not to say something to their respective colleagues
or family members). Nevertheless, we are also ful-
ly aware that there is still room in such personal
correspondence for concealment and untruthful
presentations of the self.6 For instance on one occa-
sion, Jiang wondered whether Lu was as politically
4 Yinghong Cheng, Creating the “New Man”: From
Enlightenment Ideals to Socialist Realities (Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 2009), 1.
5 Ibid.; Martin King Whyte, Small Groups and Political
Rituals in China (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1974).
6 For an insightful exploration of this issue, see David A.
Gerber, “Acts of Deceiving and Withholding in Immigrant
Letters: Personal Identity and Self-Presentation in Personal
Correspondence,” Journal of Social History 39, no. 2 (2005).
xxix
advanced as he had stated; Lu had written her a
letter asking her to be an eyewitness of his devo-
tion to the communist cause around the time of
his political downfall. Yet even the performing
self, as it is revealed to the other party, is a part
of the process constituting inter-subjective flow,
and therefore a part of the process of subjectivity-
making. This was particularly relevant during the
Maoist era, as is shown below.
When Lu and Jiang entered college in the fall of
1957, the anti-Rightist campaign was well under-
way and, arguably, it soon became the most bru-
tal and effective attempt to reform the thoughts
of China’s best and brightest. Lu and Jiang lived
through the most intense period of socialist trans-
formation, from the Great Leap Forward to the So-
cialist Education Campaign (in their letters there
is no mention at all of the 1959 to 1961 famine), and
they attempted to transform themselves into the
new generation of college graduates who would
simultaneously have both correct thoughts (being
red) and useful knowledge (being expert). There
are clear yet fragmented clues about this thought-
reform process in their love letters between 1961
and 1962 in which they document their reflections
and achievements in making themselves into new
socialist persons and encourage one another to
make even greater progress. More direct evidence
of their efforts to become well-qualified socialist
persons is found in the letters written after they
married, when they began to work at the Ministry
of Metallurgical Industry. Lu, in his capacity as a
cpc member and a cadre in charge of political ide-
ology, obviously took the lead in this long process
of building socialist subjectivity in his family, yet
Jiang also made great efforts to stand out and make
her own contribution to the process. This inter-
subjective flow of self-cultivation toward socialist
subjectivity can be examined in the following four
respects:
1 Thought Reform and Political Progress
Both Lu and Jiang were committed to the re-
making of the moral self into a socialist subject,
that is, to become politically progressive and
xxx
professionally advanced. The study of political
documents, Mao’s writings, and newspaper edi-
torials featured prominently in their mutually-­
encouraging correspondence throughout the 1960s.
In most cases, it was Lu who initiated conversation
about political studies or urged his wife to keep up
with the new political documents. For example, in
his letter of July 14, 1961, Lu asked his wife:
What are you doing in your political studies now?
Did you study Liu Shaoqi’s report at the fortieth
anniversary celebration of the Communist Party?
You should organize your friends to study it so you
can learn more about our party’s history and do-
mestic affairs. Comrade Khrushchev’s speech is a
good article about the international situation; we
should all study it.7
Over time, Jiang appeared to develop a greater
sense of political consciousness, so much so that
in a letter of May 30, 1964, she even criticized her
husband:
You did not bring the Selected Works of Mao Ze-
dong with you? I feel sorry for you and have no
idea what you will study. I cannot mail the books
to you because my order has not yet arrived. You
must have Mao’s works with you and you must
study hard.8
Party membership was an essential measure of
one’s political achievements and progress. In this
respect, Lu enjoyed the moral high ground because
he had been a veteran party member since college
and had broken up with his former girlfriend be-
cause she was not enthusiastic enough to partici-
pate in thought reform or join the party (more on
this below). In practically every letter Lu wrote to
his wife in the 1960s, he encouraged her to become
a party member, and Jiang seemed to completely
accept her husband’s encouragement, though she
7 Part 1, 9–10.
8 Part 2, 223.
Yan and Zhang
felt quite guilty for not being sufficiently progres-
sive, as evidenced by the fact that she was not re-
cruited to join the party.
In their letters, the couple proactively engaged
in criticism and self-criticism—a commonly used
cpc ideological tool during this period. Interest-
ingly, they each resorted to a different style: Jiang
constantly criticized her husband for being too
self-righteous, over-confident, and arrogant, but
she engaged in her own self-criticism for being
too weak in character, backward in her political
thought, and naïve in the way she dealt with inter-
personal relationships. In a 1966 letter, Jiang wrote
about the radical attacks on traditional culture at
the beginning of the Cultural Revolution and she
admitted to Lu:
I don’t think I can keep pace with this new devel-
opment, probably due to my old age. I still lack
revolutionary thought and action. Although I have
tremendous respect and love for the party and
Chairman Mao, I have not been proactive in my
actions.9
In contrast, Lu only engaged in self-criticism when
he reflected upon his improper treatment of his
wife, including one incident of domestic violence.
But he never ceased to criticize Jiang and others
for shortcomings in their political thought and
ideological progress.10
Socialist subjectivity was not only embodied
in their discourse and reflections but also in their
political actions. In this respect, Lu took the lead and
influenced his wife for fifteen years until his politi-
cal disgrace in 1977. In a 1966 letter for example, Lu
was so eager to encourage his wife to make political
progress that he pressed her to release more infor-
mation about the developments of the Cultural
Revolution at her work unit and presented to her
what he regarded as an exemplary act for her to
follow:
9 Part 2, 270.
10 Part 1, 66 and 113.
Introduction
You said you have already joined the Great Cul-
tural Revolution. What did you mean and what
are the issues at stake? … Under the direct training
of the party, I understand the current political
struggle better than you do. Thus my judgment
on some issues is better than yours. This does not
mean my level is higher than yours; instead, it is
due to the power of the party organization. I hope
you do not mind. … Here in the Ministry, eight
more people were exposed and targeted [during
struggle meetings]. … I caught and exposed Wang,
and I wrote the first big-character poster [criticiz-
ing Wang].11
Acting somewhat out of character, Jiang was just
as enthusiastic and active as her husband when
the Cultural Revolution began, something they
both treasured as impressive progress due to Ji-
ang’s relative passivity in previous political cam-
paigns. She was fully supportive of Lu’s political
move to launch a political attack on his leaders
and encouraged him to do even more:
You said you had some radical feelings toward the
Great Cultural Revolution. Right is right, wrong
is wrong. I do not understand what the radical
feelings are [that you are talking about]. Acting
in accordance with the thoughts of Chairman
Mao and absolutely not doing anything from
the perspective of personal interest. You should
set these standards for yourself and bring down
those bourgeois power-holders. Revolutionaries
should always hold high the great red flag of Mao
Zedong Thought to build our socialism better and
better.12
These letters confirm what is already well known,
that the making of socialist subjectivity reached
its peak in the early years of the Cultural Revo-
lution, but they also provide details about the
emotional responses and moral reasoning of the
social actors in real time.
11 Part 1, 109.
12 Jiang’s letter of August 17, 1966, in Part 2, 269.
xxxi
2 Work as Salvation
Under Maoism, work was politically-charged and
regarded as one of the most important ways to re-
veal one’s love for Chairman Mao and one’s commit-
ment to the communist cause. This was not unlike
Weber’s ideas about the Protestant ethic of work-
ing hard to demonstrate God’s glory and overcom-
ing inner anxieties caused by the brutal yet holy
pre-destination of each individual.13 The Lu-Jiang
letters demonstrate that, despite the superficial
atheist rhetoric, the underlying drive to devote
oneself to the great cause of the communist rev-
olution was not unlike a religious fervor. As Lu
wrote to his wife, he believed that working for the
cpc was the top priority in one’s life:
I am planning what kind of work I should do,
how I should carry out my work, and so forth. Not
very specific, but I am determined to place work
and study as my first priority, and to work very
hard and to do my very best to study the Selected
Works of Mao Zedong. I plan to write a self-review
of my sixteen months of work in the countryside.
The title will be: “How to be a Good Communist
Party Member,” but I am not sure when I can fin-
ish it.14
Like the Puritans, the socialist subjects constantly
worried about not being good enough to serve the
party-state, and anxieties based on such worries
were transformed into motivations and aspira-
tions. As Jiang put it:
On the one hand, we must engage in experimental
scientific work and, on the other hand, we must
devote ourselves to political campaigns: we should
only sleep for six to seven hours each night. But I
do not feel very tired. A political campaign is like
a battlefield; if we do not engage in this battle,
our party and our country will be in danger. Once
13 See Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of
Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons (New York: Scribner,
1958).
14 Part 1, 107.
xxxii
I started to think in this way, I proactively began
to participate in work and political struggle. But
I have a lot of shortcomings, which were exposed
during the campaign and taught me a lesson. This
was truly a transformation of my subjective world
while transforming the objective world!15
It is therefore no surprise that throughout the
1960s and the 1970s achievements in work, espe-
cially achievements that garnered official recogni-
tion from one’s leaders, constituted a major topic
in these personal letters in an effort to build the
ideal conjugal relationship. Even the mother-child
bond was regarded as secondary, albeit causing
the social actors to experience conflicting emo-
tional and moral feelings. In a letter of January 19,
1965, Jiang wrote:
I have missed our child very much during the past
few weeks. … I could not even read books in the
evening. … I must overcome these personal weak-
nesses and spend all of my time and energy on
work and study.16
3 The Politicization of Personal Life
The couple’s correspondence also deals with dis-
cussions about love, marriage, and family life. In
these letters there are some intriguing clues about
the making of socialist subjectivity. The role of
the party organization in guiding marriage, and
even interfering in spousal choice, is particularly
noteworthy.
In a long letter dated June 27 to 28, 1961, Lu pro-
posed marriage to Jiang. After a lengthy expression
of his passionate love for her, Lu wrote another
round of confessions about his former girlfriend
(obviously due to a request from Jiang in a previ-
ous letter). In his confessions, Lu mentions that he
had consulted his leaders about the fitness of his
former girlfriend as a marriage partner because the
girl was not politically advanced. One of his leaders
15 Part 2, 260.
16 Part 2, 248.
Yan and Zhang
suggested that he end the relationship because of
the mismatch between the two and the potential
damage that the girl’s ‘backwardness’ would have
on Lu’s political future. Feeling it would be difficult
for him to end the relationship, Lu requested that
his leader use the party organization to further in-
vestigate his girlfriend’s background, and the lead-
er agreed. In a letter the leader told Lu:
She is a bit different regarding political issues
[read: an indicator of her backwardness], but she
made some progress after the anti-Rightist cam-
paign. She was evaluated as average in terms of
her political achievements. … Since you two are
already in a relationship, the party organization
has no objection [if you marry her], but you must
make great efforts to help her.17
Reading between the lines, Lu understood the lead-
er’s message and decided to end the relationship.
The criteria for spousal selection very often re-
flects the ideal person in a given society at a given
historical moment. Under Maoist socialism, the
heavy emphasis on being politically progressive
in considering a marriage prospect, coupled with
the active involvement of the grass-roots party or-
ganization in these matters, demonstrate that by
the early 1960s the making of socialist subjectivity
played an important role in both the private and
the public sphere.
Jiang accepted Lu’s explanation of his failed
first relationship but she began to worry as to
whether she was good enough to be the future
wife of a party member. As a result, she engaged in
self-criticism for not working hard enough, for be-
ing insufficiently enthusiastic and not articulating
enough during political meetings in her work unit,
and for not being recruited as a party member.
By the Cultural Revolution, however, she had
made considerable progress, as we have seen
above, and was proactively participating in the
17 Part 1, 5.
Introduction
radical political campaign. She had, by this time,
become increasingly vocal in her criticisms of her
husband:
Since you knew you had problems in your values,
why did you not do a better job to reeducate your-
self? … Do you regard the project of proletarian
revolution as a top priority or are you still falling
prey to the “supremacy of love?” … The problems
in your personal life are not small problems and
they should not be viewed in isolation. I hope you
will seriously consider these questions and during
this soul-searching Cultural Revolution campaign
I hope you will constantly work to transform your
subjective world while fighting against your reac-
tionary old thoughts and the old world.18
The mix of the personal and the political, as a cen-
tral feature of socialist subjectivity, is well illustrat-
ed in this letter, as in many others of the Lu-Jiang
collection.
We should also examine the promotion of gen-
der equality as part of the couple’s socialist subjec-
tivity because a significant number of the letters
from the 1960s focused on a single event of domes-
tic violence. Shortly after Jiang gave birth to their
first daughter, the couple quarreled over whether
Jiang was sufficiently filial toward her mother-in-
law. Lu was outraged and he slapped Jiang across
the face and knocked her to the ground. Over
the next two and a half years, Jiang frequently
demanded that Lu apologize and explain why he
had hit her and why a wife-beating man was quali-
fied to be a party member or a cadre. She would of-
ten move from this incident of domestic violence
to other wrongdoings committed by her husband,
including his lack of respect for her parents. The
list of complaints grew as their correspondence
and their relationship continued.
In a highly politicalized yet still passionate way,
Lu attributed his male chauvinism and his acts of
violence to the vestigial influence of feudalism,
18 Part 2, 262.
xxxiii
his patriarchal bias, and his failure to be a proper
party member. Their discussions moved flawlessly
from politically-charged discourse on revolution-
ary love, marriage, and the family, to age-old do-
mestic issues of filial piety, the maintenance of
good relations with family members and friends,
obligations of reciprocity, and family finances.
Both Lu and Jiang seemed to be unaware of
the disjuncture between the two spheres as they
competed to elaborate on the disputes in their
married life in terms of the dominant communist
ideology.
4 Revolutionizing Others
Finally, it is worth noting that the couple were also
concerned with the political progressiveness of
their siblings and other family members, and they
often reached out to help others in the making of
socialist subjectivity or, in some cases, when oth-
ers reached out to them. In her letter of February
25, 1965, Jiang told her husband:
Luohui [Jiang’s younger sister] needs the A-
edition of the Selected Works of Mao Zedong
[jiazhongben 甲种本]. Please send it to her as soon
as you receive this letter. I care very much about
her thought, and have written several letters to
her and shared with her my limited ideas. You
have seen her previous letters; you should write
to her when you have time. I always hope that my
younger sisters will grow better in terms of their
political thought, their political studies, and life in
general.19
Lu and Jiang were by no means alone in taking
on the responsibility to convert others to socialist
subjectivity. Jiang’s elder sister, Shucong, appeared
to be more committed to the cause and had done
more than Lu and Jiang combined. In a long letter
to Lu, she shared her observations on all her sib-
lings and described in detail her efforts and strat-
egies to help her family members make progress
19 Part 2, 249.
xxxiv
both politically and professionally. She also told Lu
how she resisted her father’s traditional feudalis-
tic thought and how hard she was trying to have
her father refuse the government compensation
for his shop that had been forcibly nationalized
in the 1950s. The solid foundation for this can-
did exchange of ideas about converting others to
socialist subjectivity, as the elder sister put it, was
based on the fact that Shucong and Lu were both
cpc members and were responsible for helping
the other family members join the party and be-
come politically progressive.20 Socialist subjectiv-
ity, and its unique style of self-presentation and
persuasion, as is reflected in the Lu-Jiang letters,
are also inter-subjective, which helps to link the
life of the mind to the much larger social context.
The Unmaking of Socialist Subjectivity
Lu and Jiang’s highly motivated efforts to make
socialist subjectivity, and its unique style of self-
presentation, began to wane in 1977 after Lu’s
political disgrace and his expulsion from Beijing
to a remote tin mine. The couple’s political con-
sciousness of the previous era was undone by the
introduction of a new and completely different
inter-subjective flow to their narrative and in their
reflections. Beginning in 1978, their letters became
dominated by discussions of pragmatic matters,
such as how to make money, how to establish busi-
ness connections, how to use their professional
knowledge to improve family finances, and how
to help their second daughter pass her college en-
trance exams. By 1981 Lu had given up any hope
that his case would be rehabilitated by his former
work unit and he no longer cared about his politi-
cal standing. Socialist subjectivity seems to have
disappeared from their lives without much resis-
tance as the market economy, and its associated
subjectivity which is still in the process of being
20 Jiang’s elder sister’s letter of December 9, 1965 in Part 3,
403–405.
Yan and Zhang
made in contemporary Chinese society, had a
greater impact.
To a certain extent, the unmaking of socialist
subjectivity also involved individual agency. This
is more evident in Lu’s letters than in those by Ji-
ang. As if he were appealing to the party organiza-
tion, in his letters to his wife he repeatedly denied
his political ambitions and proactive activities
during the Cultural Revolution. He listed numer-
ous facts to demonstrate that he was merely a fol-
lower of the instructions from his leaders and the
political line of the Central Committee of the cpc.
He wrote that he had no choice but to act in ac-
cordance with the dominant political goals of the
time. This attitude contrasts sharply with the pride
in his political progressiveness and his excitement
about new opportunities for political advance-
ment during the Cultural Revolution evidenced in
his early letters.
One of the possible explanations for this self-
denial is Lu’s fear of losing his wife and family, an
outcome that had befallen many families in previ-
ous political campaigns. Fortunately, Jiang was not
particularly influenced by the changing political
winds, at least in terms of her private life, and she
assured her husband that she would not abandon
him because of his political setbacks. Yet some-
what contradicting her reassurances was the very
angry letter she wrote to announce her decision to
separate from him because of his infidelity.
Another possible explanation is that Lu was
sincere in his ideological proclamations, and his
self-denial after 1977 was merely part of an effort
to reconstitute his subjectivity in response to the
social conditions of the post-Mao reform era. In-
deed, he quickly adapted to the market-oriented
economic reforms, learning English and keeping
abreast of new developments in his profession,
even engaging in commercial activities on the side.
As we have noted, subjectivity is much more than
a static position in the socio-political hierarchy
or a self-claimed identity at a given point in time.
Subjectivity is an ongoing process during which
the individual as a thinking subject constantly
Introduction
feels, thinks, and reflects so that he or she can re-
orient his or her actions accordingly. The Lu-Jiang
letters show that the unmaking of socialist subjec-
tivity took place simultaneously with the making
of a new subjectivity.
The Scholarly Value of Private Letters and the
cdrcsl Database
Personal letters have long been used as a valu-
able source of data for historical studies, such as
research on the Jewish experience in the Holo-
caust based on private letters from labor camps,
concentration camps, and ghettos.21 Personal let-
ters sent by immigrants to relatives and friends
who remained in their home countries were also
one of the major sources of data in studies on
the early stages of international migration.22 Yet
such sources are subject to the accidental dis-
covery of letters, which are often fragmented and
non-systematic in their organization. In some
cases, social historians have had to rely on ex-
tremely limited numbers of letters in their read-
ings of personal and family histories, such as in
Esther Saraga’s study of letters between two
German-­Jewish refugees over the period spanning
May to September 1938, and in Sheridan’s analy-
sis of three letters written by different members
of one family during the 1956 revolution in Hun-
gary.23 In general, case studies of letters from one
person tend to focus on those who have played
an important role in history or who have had a
21 See Ewa Koźmińska-Frejlak, “List Należy Do Życia …
Listy Prywatne Jako Źródło Badań Nad Zagładą,” [A
Letter is Part of Life … Personal Letters as Source
Materials for the Study of the Holocaust.] Kwartalnik
Historii Żydów Jewish History Quarterly, no. 2 (2014).
22 Gerber.
23 Esther Saraga, “‘Personal Letters—to Keep’: Managing
the Emotions of Forced Migration,” Jewish Culture and
History 15, no. 1–2 (2014); Vera Sheridan, “Letters of
Love and Loss in a Time of Revolution,” The History of
the Family 19, no. 2 (2014).
xxxv
particularly important point of view. An example
of the former is Maria Tamboukou’s study of Rosa
Luxemburg’s letters, and the latter is best illustrat-
ed by a study of Mohandas Gandhi’s final battle
with the South African government in late 1913 and
early 1914 through an analysis of the personal let-
ters of Betty Molteno, who was the daughter of the
first prime minister of the Cape Colony in South
Africa.24
Personal letters have also been a source of data
for social scientists and they have also been used
as an educational tool for professional training.
For example, medical students have been asked
to write letters to their former patients. These
letters were never mailed; instead they were used
by researchers to study the letter writers’ emo-
tional, psychological, ethical, and professional
responses to their patients.25 In another case, Ko-
rean men were asked to write letters to their chil-
dren as part of a training program at a gender boot
camp in the United States with the aim of culti-
vating more expressive behavior in Korean immi-
grant fathers.26
In recent studies of Chinese society, one par-
ticularly well-known use of personal letters has
been made by sociologists examining the life and
work of female migrant workers at a former toy
factory in Shenzhen. Hundreds of personal let-
ters were left by eighty-five female workers who
died during a tragic fire at the factory on Novem-
ber 19, 1993 (two male workers died in the fire as
24 Maria Tamboukou, “Imagining and Living the
Revolution: An Arendtian Reading of Rosa Luxemburg’s
Letters and Writings,” Feminist Review, no. 106 (2014);
Catherine Corder and Martin Plaut, “Gandhi’s Decisive
South African 1913 Campaign: A Personal Perspective
from the Letters of Betty Molteno,” South African
Historical Journal (2014).
25 Alison S. Clay et al., “The Emotions of Graduating
Medical Students About Prior Patient Care
Experiences,” Patient Education and Counseling 98, no.
3 (2015).
26 Allen J. Kim, “Gender Boot Camp for Korean Immigrant
Patriarchs,” Sociological Perspectives 57, no. 3 (2014).
xxxvi
well). Chinese sociologist Tan Shen explores the
various discursive topics in the letters that reveal,
among other things, the female migrant workers’
life aspirations, their reflections on their experi-
ences, and their complaints about social injustic-
es.27 Australian sociologist Anita Chan has focused
on the culture of survival, drawing her research
from seventy-plus letters written by the family
members of the female victims.28
These letters belong to more than eighty corre-
spondence authors that, taken together, produce a
knot of mutual incoherence. Their value depends
on the ability and efforts of scholars to put the
pieces together.
It is rare and extremely valuable to have access
to private letters between two or several individu-
als over a substantial period of time. The most fa-
mous example is perhaps the published collection
of personal letters between the famous writer Lu
Xun and his wife Xu Guangping—Letters between
Two Places (Liang Di Shu). There is quite a sizable
literature on these letters, with a noteworthy study
by Bonnie McDougall in which she explores the
concept of privacy in Republican China through
the intimate lives of the two writers.29 It should
be noted, however, that the content of Letters
between Two Places was selected and edited by the
authors themselves for public consumption with a
well-designed and coherent theme to recast their
personal images, which is quite different from
the Lu-Jiang letters, which were initially sold as
wastepaper. They were salvaged by the cdrcsl at
27 Shen Tan, “Dagongmei De Neibu Huati 打 工 妹 的 内
部话题: 对深圳原致丽玩具厂百余封书信的
分 析 ,” [The Inner Issues among Female Migrant
Workers.] Shehuixue yanjiu 社 会 学 研 究 [Sociological
Studies], no. 6 (1998).
28 Anita Chan, Chen Village: The Recent History of a
Peasant Community in Mao’s China, ed. Richard Madsen
and Jonathan Unger (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1984).
29 Bonnie S. McDougall, trans., Love-Letters and Privacy in
Modern China: The Intimate Lives of Lu Xun and Xu
Guangping (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).
Yan and Zhang
Fudan University without input or influence from
the actual authors of the letters.
Beginning in 2008 the cdrcsl has focused on
salvaging and collecting original data about the
everyday experiences of ordinary people, includ-
ing material found in private letters, personal dia-
ries, accounting books, work journals by cadres,
folk contracts and other forms of documentation
regarding private transactions, individual peti-
tions, and so forth. Nearly all of the original data
collected by the cdrcsl, of which personal letters
constitute a majority, were purchased at a waste-
paper market. By the end of 2016, the collection
had amassed an astonishing 350,000 items. What
is published in the present book is merely a small
portion of the current collection.
Due to limited resources and the near-absence
of private telephones from the 1950s to the 1980s,
writing letters were the principal means, if not the
only means, of communicating with family mem-
bers, friends, and colleagues in Maoist China, and
it was common practice for letter receivers to save
them. Consequently, when personal letters were
sold as wastepaper in markets, they were usually
offered in bulk. Their value was measured quite
literally by the weight of the paper. The cdrcsl
seized this wonderful opportunity but only se-
lected personal letters of correspondence over a
significant period of time that could stand alone
as independent collections, such as the Lu-Jiang
letters. There are several dozen similar sets of
personal letters between husbands and wives,
love letters between college students, communi-
cations among business partners, personal letters
between siblings, open letters to radio stations and
newspapers, and some stand-alone yet equally in-
teresting collections. In one small collection con-
taining several dozen letters, a Shanghai girl shares
with her friends her initial experiences of life in
Hong Kong after immigrating there in the early
1980s.
Needless to say, the personal letters collected
by the cdrcsl, such as the Lu-Jiang letters, are
a gold mine of information for those who study
Introduction
China’s socialist past. In an insightful and semi-
nal study of women labor models in rural Shaanxi
Province, Gail Hershatter examines how these
women, now in their old age, remember their
socialist past by way of the female virtues they
embodied and practiced in the 1950s and 1960s.
Crafting narratives of the self in the collec-
tive era—what sorts of people they had been,
how they had treated others, how others treated
them—they spoke often about what it meant to
be a good woman and to deal properly with fam-
ily members as a good daughter, daughter-in-law,
wife, mother.30
What Hershatter reveals in her book is also the
process of socialist subjectivity-making, albeit in
the language of virtue practice, in which the recol-
lections of the past inevitably involve post-factual
moral reasoning. Despite the differences in edu-
cational background, social status, and the rural-
urban divide, the Lu-Jiang letters, which provide
such a unique source of real time self-reflection
and self-cultivation of socialist subjectivity, ad-
dress the same issues as those in Hershatter’s book.
Putting the two together, we have access to a more
comprehensive understanding of the process of
socialist subjectivity-making under Maoism.
We believe that the original and expansive data
collected by the cdrcsl, such as the Lu-Jiang let-
ters here, fill a significant gap in the field of China
studies. The cdrcsl intends to open the entire
database to scholars around the world, and Fudan
University Press and Brill Publishers plan to make
available collections of these data in the years to
come. We expect future studies of social life in
China to be greatly enriched by this unusual trea-
sure trove of data.
30 Gail Hershatter, The Gender of Memory: Rural Women
and China’s Collective Past (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 2011), 30.
xxxvii
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Clay, Alison S., Ross, Elizabeth, Chudgar, Saumil M.,
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Shapiro, Dan. “The Emotions of Graduating Medi-
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Patient Education and Counseling 98, no. 3 (2015):
344–49.
Corder, Catherine, and Plaut, Martin. “Gandhi’s Deci-
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Gerber, David A. “Acts of Deceiving and Withholding
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 Cook Room.—The cook room should be provided with vats of
various types, usually of iron plate on account of
ease in cleaning. A later type is provided with a hood, the apparatus
looks like a piano box, a lifting cover being provided which permits it
to be raised and lowered at will. Permanent ventilating spouts are
attached to the top to dispose of the steam—something that must be
contended with in the cook room. The vats are usually arranged in
pairs and are accessible from three sides.
In some large institutions cook tanks are set in the floor and the
sausage cage submerged with the sausage hanging thereon. This is
not advisable as there is sure to be a discoloration from the cages.
Sausage upon removal from the cook tanks should be drenched
with cold water, preferably sprayed on from the top. This washes the
sausage and cools it, preparatory to hanging in the sales or packing
department.
Smoking Temperatures.—The smoking of sausage is a very
important factor, and in the different formulas given in the
instructions for handling, reference has been made to the “Smoking
Schedule.” This schedule has been carefully compiled and the time
and temperatures given should be closely followed in order to get the
best results.

SMOKING TEMPERATURES FOR SAUSAGE.

Temperature
Time degrees
Kind of sausage hours Fahrenheit
Long Bologna 3 145 to 150
Large Bologna 3 145 to 150
Round Bologna 2 135 to 140
Bag Bologna 1 140 to 145
Bologna in weasands 4 185
Knoblauch 1¹⁄₂ 130
Leona Bologna long 3 145
Leona Bologna large 3 145
Regular Frankfurts 2¹⁄₂ to 3 130 to 135
Vienna Frankfurts 3 140 to 145
High grade Frankfurts 3 to 3¹⁄₂ 150 to 160
 Blood 12 65 to 70
Tongue 12 65 to 70
Liver 1 to 1¹⁄₂ 110 to 120
Polish 3 to 3¹⁄₂ 150 to 160
Minced ham 3 to 3¹⁄₂ 135
Berlin 5 130 to 140
Cooked pressed ham 5 130 to 140
Cottage ham 32 120
Boneless ham 48 80

A thermometer in a smoke house is a necessity—not an

ornament. A clock is of the same consequence.
Dry Hanging Room.—A well ventilated room with all the light
possible should be provided for storage of smoked sausage awaiting
shipment. This should not be a cooler. Sixty degree Fahr. is amply
low, and in summer a higher temperature is advisable. If smoked
sausage is placed in a cooler it condenses moisture on the surface
and becomes slimy, mouldy and rotten in rapid succession.
Shrinkages of Domestic Sausage.—As is known to all sausage
makers it is in very rare cases that 100 pounds of meat makes 100
pounds of finished sausage; there is always a shrinkage and before
the cost of the finished sausage can be determined one must know
the shrinkage from original weights of raw materials.
The following tabulated statement is compiled from experience
with very large amounts of the different kinds of sausage, extended
over a year and a half of actual manufacture. The mean average of
shrinkage is accurate information and may safely be used as a
guide. The cost of the formulas is not given as there is such a
variation in prices of ingredients induced by market prices that any
figures would be misleading. To find out the cost of the formulas,
figure the given weights at market value, shrinking them according to
the table below, adding cost for labor and supplies, and a very close
approximate cost of the manufactured article will be obtained.

Per cent
of
Kind of Sausage. Shrinkage.
 Long Bologna 8¹⁄₂ to 11
Large Bologna 7¹⁄₄ to 10
Round Bologna 8¹⁄₂ to 11
Bag Bologna 6 to 9
Bologna in weasands 6 to 9
Knoblauch 10 to 11
Leona, long 10 to 13
Leona, large 10 to 12
Regular Frankfurts 11 to 13¹⁄₂
Vienna Frankfurts 19 to 22
High grade Frankfurts 18 to 20
Regular pork 2 to 4
Little pig pork 2 to 4
High grade breakfast 1¹⁄₂ to 3
Blood 31 to 36
Liver 12 to 14
Tongue 38 to 40
Polish 12 to 14
Head cheese 39 to 42
Luncheon beef 47 to 50
Boneless pigs feet 22 to 25
Minced ham 6 to 9
Berlin ham 22 to 27
Cooked pressed ham 15 to 17

Cooler for Fresh Sausage.—Fresh pork sausage tongue and

other varieties of cooked sausage are usually placed in a cooler.
Dryness in this cooler is a first and prime essential. Likewise a
spreading of the product so as to give it opportunity to dry. Moisture
in this department creates a bad condition in the product. Fans are
an assistance in that they produce a circulation which adds to
dryness.
Pickle-Cured Product.—The following products are used in
sausage making. They are of little value except in the cured
condition:
 Pork snouts,
Pork hearts,
Pork cheeks,
Pork skins,
Pork heads,
Pork hocks,
Pork ears,
Pork tails,
Beef hearts,
Beef cheeks,
Ox lips,
Sheep hearts.

These products should be thoroughly chilled by spreading them

out on racks and placing them in a chill room having a temperature
of from 34° to 36° F. They should be turned while being chilled. After
being thoroughly chilled for from twenty-four to thirty-six hours, they
should be put into vats or tierces with an eighty-degree plain pickle,
using eight ounces of saltpetre to the one-hundred pounds of meat.
A wooden frame and weight is placed on the product in order to
keep it immersed in the pickle. To cure these meats in vats use the
following quantities of pickle:

1,400 pounds of meat will require 54 gallons of pickle.

1,000 pounds of meat will require 42 gallons of pickle.
800 pounds of meat will require 36 gallons of pickle.

The meats should be kept in a cellar during the pickling process,

with the temperature ranging from 38° to 40° F., and overhauled
every five, ten and fifteen days in order that all the pickle may
thoroughly penetrate the meats. The different kinds of meats will be
found to be sufficiently cured after being in pickle the following
number of days:

Pork snouts 25 to 30 days

Pork hearts 25 to 30 days
Pork cheeks 25 to 30 days
Pork skins 10 to 15 days
Pork heads 35 days
Pork ears 10 days
 Pork hocks 25 days
Pork tails 10 days
Beef hearts 25 to 30 days
Beef cheeks 25 to 30 days
Ox lips 20 days
Sheep hearts 25 to 30 days

Dry Cured Meats.—For some classes of sausage dry-cured

meats are used. This consists of a process of curing meat in tierces,
the meat packed closely and curing product interspersed. For this
product a formula made from the following serves. For one tierce of
400 pounds use the following mixture:

16 pounds salt,
4 pounds sugar,
1¹⁄₂ pounds saltpetre,
2 quarts old ham pickle, which must be sweet and in good condition.

Pork and beef trimmings should be fresh, and if they have been
packed in barrels for transport the blood should be allowed to drain
off before being packed in the preservative. They should not be
washed in pickle before being used, but should be handled dry. The
two quarts of old ham pickle mentioned in the above formula should
be sprinkled through as uniformly as possible when pounding the
trimmings down into the tierce.
If packing fresh beef and pork hearts, head meat, beef and pork
cheek meat, giblet and weasand meat, they should be thoroughly
washed in a mild pickle so as to remove the blood and slime before
packing in the tierce. Head, cheek, and giblet meat should not be put
into ice water when cut off on the killing floor, but should be promptly
removed to a cooler where the temperature is 33° to 36° F., and
spread or hung up on racks to refrigerate.
Care must be taken not to allow these meats to accumulate in any
bulk while warm. Hearts and large pieces should be split to reduce
their size and make accessible to the curing ingredient. In the
packing of these meats the pickle used with dry trimming is omitted.
 Packing.—After the trimmings are properly prepared they are to
be mixed with the curing ingredients. This is best
accomplished by the use of a tumbler churn, weighing a given
amount of the trimmings and placing with the allotted proportion of
curing materials into the churn.
When mixed with the preservative, the trimmings should be put in
a tierce, in layers, and pounded down as tightly as possible with a
maul, and the operation continued until the tierce is as full as
possible, allowing for the head to be put on. Before heading up
spread a cheese cloth or thin cotton cloth over the top to protect the
trimmings from the head. The tierce when headed up is removed to
cold storage, where the temperature must be kept as near 38° F. as
possible from thirty to forty-five days, when the trimmings are ready
for use. If it is desired to keep the product sixty days, after it has
been in the temperature above mentioned for thirty to forty-five days,
remove to a lower temperature, 32° to 34° F.; and for more than sixty
days to a temperature of 20° F.
Casings and Spices.—All classes of beef casings, namely,
rounds, bungs, middles and weasands, as well as hog bungs, hog
casings and sheep casings are used in the Sausage Department.
There is perhaps more chicanery used in Sausage Room supplies
than in any other one department, consequently care in purchase of
these supplies is worthy of attention. In sheep casings it is a matter
of grading as to width, pieces and yardage per bundle; in hog
casings, a matter of salt per pound purchased, and grading as to
width and pieces; in rounds and middles one of holes, pieces and
measurement per set.
Spices should so far as possible be bought in the natural state and
mixed on the premises. Pure Food laws pretty well take care of the
purity of the spice in most states.
Sausage Cereals.—This is a very important factor in the
manufacture of sausage. The province of “fillers” is to absorb water,
preventing shrinkage, and while this is advisable to an extent, if
overdone, it detracts from the quality of the product. The main base
ingredients for fillers are rice flour, corn flour and potato flour. There
are many sausage fillers on the market but the foregoing ingredients
are most frequently used.
 Potato flour or starch is not used to any extent today,
manufacturers finding that there is a great deal of trouble attached to
the manufacture of sausage containing these ingredients, on
account of the liability to sour and spoil. Corn flour is the best filler
that can be used, being less liable to ferment, while it absorbs the
water quickly. While fillers are used to a great extent, the sausage
manufacturer should remember that the quality of sausage is
deteriorated proportionately to the amount of water that is worked in.
Hence fillers should be used with discretion, and manufacturers who
aim to make a name for their goods, are frugal with fillers.
Sausage Formulas.—The following methods are tried and used
for the manufacture of various kinds of sausage. Sausage makers
vary procedure according to stocks on hand. However, for uniformity,
it is best to conform to a standard so far as possible.
Pork Sausage.—This is produced in various grades, from a fancy
breakfast quality to a substance whose chief claim to the name is the
form. A good pork sausage can be made as follows:

100 lb. pork trimmings, preferably shoulder trimmings, about one-third fat.
3 pounds salt.
8 ounces pepper.
3 ounces sage.
¹⁄₄ ounce ginger.
¹⁄₂ ounce mace.

This should be chopped by passing through a ⁵⁄₃₂ “Enterprise”

plate. Mix in an arm type mixer, rather than the blade type. Mix as
little as possible but sufficiently to get spice evenly distributed; stuff
in medium sheep casing, 5 inch links. The matter of spicing is one of
taste and can be varied. Note the absence of water and filler in the
formula.
Some makers prefer to “rock” their fancy breakfast sausage. This
produces good results but is unnecessary. It is possible to use many
meats in the making of this sausage and still have it passably good,
but generally speaking, there is less chance for manipulation of this
sort in this kind of sausage than in many of the others. The following
formulas make a cheap and palatable pork sausage:

FORMULA A.
75 pounds pork trimmings,
25 pounds tripe,
8 pounds water,
3 pounds salt,
4 ounces sage,
10 ounces white pepper,
3 ounces saltpetre,
10 pounds corn flour.

FORMULA B.
90 pounds regular pork trimmings,
10 pounds tripe,
6 pounds corn flour,
10 pounds water,
2 pounds, 8 ounces salt,
4 ounces sage,
10 ounces white pepper,
3 ounces sugar,
1 pound, 8 ounces color water.

The preceding formulas are for sausage meat, often sold loose or
without stuffing, also for sausage stuffed in hog casings. Stuff in
medium or narrow hog casings. “Tripe” is the source of refuge to
produce cheap pork sausage.
Bologna Style.—This is one of the most common and generally
used type of sausage manufactured. It is in demand in nearly every
locality. In the manufacture of Bologna, ingredients are used which
are not in themselves palatable, but are nutritious. The seasoning
makes it palatable.
The formulas which are given below, if they are accurately
followed and fresh and wholesome material carefully prepared is
used, will make a sausage which is very acceptable to the consumer.
This is the product that is usually made from the tougher meats such
as cheeks and hearts. For a good bologna use:
 25 pounds beef trimmings,
50 pounds pork cheeks,
7 pounds corn flour,
1¹⁄₈ pounds pepper,
4 ounces coriander,
70 pounds pork trimmings,
30 pounds beef cheeks,
5 pounds salt,
2 ounces allspice,
4 ounces saltpetre,
25 pounds water.

A cheaper product can be made as follows:

45 pounds hearts (pork),

20 pounds sheep cheek meat,
65 pounds beef cheeks,
7 pounds corn flour,
4 ounces coriander (ground),
4 ounces saltpetre (ground),
20 pounds pork cellar fat trimmings,
25 pounds weasand meat,
5 pounds salt,
18 ounces pepper (ground),
2 ounces allspice (ground),
25 pounds water.

To manufacture, the product should be passed through an

“Enterprise” type of grinder, using ⁷⁄₆₄th plate. Transfer to silent cutter
and chop for full five minutes, adding spice and water as the mixture
is cut and turned. Transfer to shelving room and allow to lay for
twenty-four hours. Stuff in casings as required, put in smoke house
at a temperature of 120° F. for one and one-half hours, raise
temperature to 135° F. and carry for another one and one-half hours.
Cook in water at 155° F. for thirty minutes; rinse with hot water after
removal, then chill with cold water and hang in shipping room.
The length of cooking and smoking varies with the weight and
thickness of the package. See schedule. This recipe is for wide
middle casings.
Frankfurt Style.—This popular sausage is made from a variety of
formulas. Perhaps there is no one piece of sausage as susceptible
of being made so excellent or so tasteless, it being entirely a matter
of what it is made from. The better grades are made from freshly
killed bull beef, hashed warm. The process consists in boning bull
beef and opening the meats along the seams, so to speak, skinning
each bundle of muscle to remove the wrapping and cutting out all
ligaments. Fresh pork, preferably, shoulder meat is treated in the
same manner. The meats are then passed through a ⁷⁄₆₄ “Enterprise”
plate, and passed to a silent cutter. Here cracked ice is added in
quantity and the meats cut until they are a light fluffy pulp. The
spices are added during the last five minutes of cutting, and the
whole mass transferred to a shelving room for twenty-four hours,
when it is ready to stuff, smoke, cook, cool and sell. Wide sheep
casings are used for stuffing. Make the links uniform. The
proportions of meat used should be as follows:

60 pounds bull beef,

40 pounds pork shoulder (fat),
35 pounds ice,
10 pounds corn flour,
4 pounds salt,
12 ounces pepper,
3 ounces saltpetre,
3 ounces mace,
6 ounces sugar.

The following formulas are for less costly products and provide a
means for disposing of some by-products:

FORMULA NO. 1.
57 pounds regular pork trimmings,
65 pounds beef cheek meat,
15 pounds cooked tripe,
25 pounds pork kidneys,
20 pounds dry salt or pickled pork trimmings,
 9 pounds corn flour,
45 pounds water,
1 pound, 4 ounces white pepper,
3 pounds salt,
2 pounds color water,
4 ounces saltpetre,
3 ounces allspice,
3 ounces mace,
3 ounces coriander,
1¹⁄₂ ounces cloves.

FORMULA NO. 2.
90 pounds lean pork cheek meat,
60 pounds regular pork trimmings,
9 pounds corn flour,
60 pounds water,
5 pounds salt,
2 pounds, 7 ounces color water,
12 ounces sugar,
3 ounces saltpetre,
1 pound black pepper,
2 ounces mace.

The use of a mixer is unnecessary with this sausage since the

silent cutter will perform this work. It should take about ten minutes
to do the cutting. Smoke at 110° F. for one and one-half hours, then
at 135° F. for one hour. Cook at 155° F. for eight to ten minutes, rinse
and cool.
In medium and low priced frankfurts, cattle lights are used in
moderate proportion, say, 10 per cent. Tripe can also be used in
increased quantity.
Leona Style Sausage.—The following formula will be found
acceptable for this variety of sausage:

30 pounds pork knuckle meat,

65 pounds lean pork trimmings,
50 pounds back fat trimmings or moderately fat trimmings,
22 pounds pork neck fat,
 8¹⁄₂ pounds corn flour,
55 pounds water,
5 pounds salt,
1 pound white pepper,
3 ounces mace,
2¹⁄₂ ounces saltpetre,
12 ounces sugar,
2 ounces grated onions,
¹⁄₂ ounce garlic.

Knuckle meat to be ground through a moderately fine plate.

Balance of pork should be chopped in the “silent cutter.” Corn flour
and seasoning should be added to the knuckle meat after it is put
into the Buffalo chopper and the machine has made two or three
revolutions. Chop for four minutes, stuff in eighteen-inch pieces, beef
middle casings or beef bung casings. Smoke, cook as per schedule.
Cool and send to hanging room.
Knoblauch Style Sausage.—Following are two formulas for
Knoblauch sausage:

30 pounds pork knuckle meat,

65 pounds very lean pork trimmings,
50 pounds back fat trimmings or moderately fat trimmings,
22 pounds pork neck fat,
8¹⁄₂ pounds corn flour,
55 pounds water,
5 pounds salt,
1 pound white pepper,
3 ounces mace,
2¹⁄₂ ounces saltpetre,
12 ounces sugar,
2 ounces grated onions,
3 ounces garlic,
8 ounces color water.

Stuff in beef rounds and tie with twine every five inches. Knuckle
meat may be ground through a moderately fine plate. Balance of
pork should be chopped in a “Buffalo Silent Cutter.” Corn flour and
seasoning should be added to the knuckle meat after it is put into the
Buffalo chopper and the machine has made two or three revolutions.

SECOND METHOD.
50 pounds pork cheeks,
10 pounds tripe,
40 pounds standard pork trimmings,
5 pounds salt,
3 ounces mace,
9 ounces sugar,
3 ounces garlic,
35 pounds pork trimmings (lean),
15 pounds D. T. or S. P. trimmings,
9 pounds corn flour,
¹⁄₈ ounce pepper,
4 ounces coriander,
3 ounces saltpetre,
30 pounds water.

Grind pork cheeks through ⁷⁄₆₄ plate “Enterprise” cutter. Transfer to

silent cutter, add water and chop one minute, add balance of
trimmings and chop five minutes, then pass to shelving room, stuff in
beef round casings, tie with No. 12 twine in four-inch links. Smoke at
110° for one hour and increase temperature to 135° for one and one-
half hours. Cook twenty minutes at 155° and chill after cooking, draw
and pass to hanging room.
Polish Style Sausage.—Formula for making this sausage is as
follows:

100 pounds beef cheek meat, or shank meat,

50 pounds dry salt or pickled pork trimmings,
50 pounds pork trimmings,
9 pounds corn flour,
30 pounds water,
1 pound white pepper,
5 pounds salt,
6 ounces saltpetre,
 6 ounces coriander,
3 ounces garlic.

Grind the beef cheek meat through a ⁷⁄₆₄th plate, add corn flour
and seasoning, work in as much water as possible and then add the
pork trimmings. This is a very coarse chopped sausage and the pork
trimmings should be chopped about as fine as small dice. Beef is the
binder of this sausage, and must be handled according to
instructions. The meat, after it is chopped, can be handled the same
as Bologna and Frankfurt meat by putting in a cooler for a few hours
before stuffing. After the sausage is stuffed, it can also be handled
as Bologna and Frankfurts, if desired, before smoking.
This sausage should be smoked carefully and strictly in
accordance with the smoking schedule, as it is not cooked, this
being done practically in the smoke house, during the process of
smoking. After it is smoked it has a very wrinkled appearance, which
is essential for this article. In fact, it is not Polish sausage unless it
has this appearance.
The dicing of the meat other than the beef can be done with a
rocker. Note that a “silent cutter” is not used in this manufacture. The
sausage is stuffed in beef round casings.
Blood Sausage.—This sausage is made as follows:

205 pounds shoulder fat,

54 pounds pig skins,
47 pounds beef blood,
5 pounds onions,
7 pounds salt,
1 pound white pepper,
3 pounds corn flour,
8 ounces marjoram,
4 ounces cloves.

Use pickled shoulder fat and skins, cook for one hour at a
temperature of 210° F. and run through fat cutting machine or cut
into size of small dice. Pass the beef blood through a fine sieve in
order to separate foreign matter. Cook pig skins for about two hours
at a temperature of 210° F. and grind through a ⁷⁄₆₄th plate. Mix the
shoulder fat, skins, blood and seasoning thoroughly together and
stuff in cap end bungs. Smoking and cooking as indicated in
schedules.
Tongue Sausage.—For Tongue Sausage the following formula is
given:

50 pounds hog or sheep tongue,

130 pounds shoulder fat,
34 pounds hog skins,
30 pounds blood,
8 pounds salt,
1 pound, 4 ounces white pepper,
2 pounds onions,
10 ounces marjoram,
4 ounces cloves.

Use pickled shoulder fat, skin and cook for one hour at a
temperature of 210° F. and run through fat cutting machine or cut
into size of small dice. Use beef blood, passed through a fine sieve
in order to separate any foreign material. Cook hog skins for about
two hours at a temperature of 210° F. and grind through a ⁷⁄₆₄th inch
plate. Pickled sheep tongues are preferable to pickled hog tongues,
as they are smaller and make a better appearing sausage when cut.
The tongue should be cooked one and three-quarter hours at a
temperature of 210° F.
Before mixing the above ingredients, rinse the fat off the tongues
with hot water in order to remove as much grease as possible. Mix
the ingredients thoroughly with the seasoning by hand. When
stuffing put about four pieces of tongue to each bung. However, this
varies according to the size of the bungs used. Cap end bungs
should be used in all cases. Smoking and cooking to be done as
indicated in schedule.
Minced Ham.—The following formula for Minced Ham is given:

50 pounds beef trimmings,

20 pounds pork cheek meat,
 80 pounds regular pork trimmings,
5 pounds corn flour,
20 pounds water,
5 pounds salt,
8 ounces sugar,
3¹⁄₂ ounces white pepper,
3¹⁄₂ ounces saltpetre.

Grind meats through a ⁷⁄₆₄th plate; pass to “Silent Cutter,” add

water and spices; chop three minutes and shelve for curing. Stuff in
calf bladders if available, otherwise small beef bladders.
In tying the bladders, it is best to use a wooden skewer and twine
and it is preferable to use small calf bladders in place of large ones,
as the time required for smoking and cooling is so long that if large
bladders are used the weight of them would break the bladders
where they are skewered or tied and would result in shrinkage or
loss.
New England or Pressed Ham.—This ham is made from dry cured
pork trimmings put down under the formula given. The best and
leanest trimmings obtainable are cured for this purpose. Shoulder
blade trimmings or lean shoulder trimmings are more desirable than
any other kind.
After the trimmings have been cured sufficiently, which is when
they show a bright cured color throughout and are without dark spots
in the center of the meat, the trimmings are weighed up in 100-
pound batches, and about ten per cent of lean beef trimmings,
ground through a ⁷⁄₆₄th-inch plate, is mixed thoroughly. Immediately
after the trimmings are mixed the mass should be stuffed into large
beef bung ends, usually from fourteen to sixteen inches long. To
obtain the best results a stuffer arranged with a large sized filler is
necessary. However, a hand stuffer arranged with a large sized filler,
about three inches at the small end, or opening, can be used. Care
should be taken to stuff the bungs as tightly as possible. They should
be skewered instead of tied at the ends and should be wrapped with
heavy twine, each piece having from four to six wrappings of the
twine, which should terminate with a hanger for the ham. The pieces
are very heavy and will break during the processes of smoking and
cooking unless they are properly wrapped or tied.
This ham is smoked five hours at a temperature of from 130° to
140° F. and the house should be moderately warm before the ham is
hung in the smoke. A small fire should be started to dry off the
casings, after which the meat should be smoked the same as
Bologna. Cook at least three hours at a temperature of 160° F. After
it has been cooked it is taken immediately to a cooler, where the
temperature is from 38° to 40° F., and put under a press. If no press
is obtainable place the ham in layers, putting a board between each
layer with a weight on top. Place the hams in a pile or under the
press so that they can be picked with a long, thin skewer about one-
half the thickness of a ham tryer in order to permit the water which is
in the ham to escape. After pressure for twelve hours, take them out
and hang up so that boiling hot water can be thrown on them to
wash off the grease; thoroughly washed in this manner remove to a
dry cooler.
New Jersey Ham.—New Jersey ham is made according to the
following formula:

60 pounds lean ham trimmings

80 pounds lean back trimmings,
10 pounds lean beef chucks or shank meat,
4 pounds, salt,
3¹⁄₂ pounds cracker meal,
4 ounces formula saltpetre,
12 ounces sugar,
³⁄₄ ounce red pepper.

Beef is ground through an Enterprise ⁷⁄₆₄th-inch plate and rocked

about five minutes, when the pork trimmings are added with the
seasoning. The seasoning should all be mixed thoroughly and added
to the meat. The whole is then chopped about as coarse as summer
sausage, or about twenty to twenty-five minutes. It is taken to a
cooler after being rocked and spread about six or eight inches thick
on a table, where it is allowed to remain about three days at a
temperature of from 38° to 40° F.
 It is then stuffed by hand stuffers into bags, which will weigh after
being stuffed and dried about five pounds. These bags are made of
heavy drilled cloth and should be stuffed as tightly as possible. They
should be kept very clean during the process of stuffing, as any
sausage meat which may stick to the cloth will leave a bad
appearance after the sausage has been smoked.
After the ham has been stuffed, it should be taken to the dry room,
where the temperature can be kept at all times between 46° and 55°
F., 50° being preferable. The room must be airy and dry and it will
take at least ten days under favorable circumstances to get the ham
in proper condition to smoke. It should be smoked about four hours
in as cold a smoke as possible, 70° to 75° F. being as hot as it is
safe to smoke it, 60° F. being nearer the proper temperature. After it
has been smoked, it should be again hung in a cool temperature for
three days, when it will be ready for shipment. This sausage is
manufactured extensively in New Jersey and the east.
Head Cheese.—Head cheese is made as follows:

44 pounds cooked pig skins,

55 pounds cooked pig snouts,
33 pounds cooked pig ears,
55 pounds cooked beef hearts,
51 pounds cooked neck fat,
20 pounds water in which the meat has been cooked,
1 pound white pepper,
10 pounds onions,
4 ounces allspice,
2 ounces cloves,
3 ounces marjoram,
3 ounces carroway seeds.

The cooked meats are chopped by hand with a knife until reduced
to the proper size, except the skins, which are ground through a
⁷⁄₆₄th-inch plate after being cooked. The mass usually is mixed by
hand and stuffed into cured hog paunches or beef bungs and cooked
as per cooking schedule appended hereto. After the sausage is
cooked, it is taken to a cooler and usually pressed by laying the
paunches or bungs side by side with a board between each layer
and a moderate weight on top of the last board. However, if properly
made this is unnecessary as the gelatine from the skins and the
water in which the meat has been cooked will bind the other
ingredients together sufficiently without much, if any, pressing.
Boneless Pigs Feet.—This product is prepared as follows:

25 pounds fresh pigs feet,

30 pounds fresh pigs skins,
15 pounds fresh pigs snouts,
15 pounds fresh pigs ears,
20 pounds fresh pork trimmings,
15 pounds fresh beef trimmings,
10 pounds white pepper,
50 pounds water in which meat has been cooked,
4 pounds, 1 ounce salt,
4 ounces cloves.

Use one gallon (45-grain) vinegar to five-hundred pounds of the

above mass. Cook all of the meats in one vat, thoroughly, in pudding
nets, and chop same as headcheese, mix seasoning, water and
vinegar with the meat in a large tub or tight-bottom truck.
It is necessary to use tin moulds for this sausage and they are
generally of one size, shaped as a ten-pound wooden bucket or
other sized packages which may be intended to be used for shipping
purposes. Fill these molds with the mixed mass and put on top of
each a wooden block the size of the mold and about three inches
thick. Then remove to a cooler and press tightly by placing on top a
board with a weight. In order to obtain the best results, the molds or
cans should be cooled quickly, therefore a temperature of about 36°
F. is desirable. To remove the contents from the cans or molds,
submerge in hot water for a few seconds, when the meat will loosen
from the sides of the molds and can be turned out readily.
After the product has been removed from the molds allow it to
stand for a short while in the cooler before placing in shipping
packages.
 This sausage can be made without using wooden tops on the cans
or molds and without pressing it. If the pig skins, after they are
cooked, are ground through a ⁷⁄₆₄th-inch plate and then mixed with
the mass, more of a jelly will be produced and they will not require
pressing. In preparing meats be particular to remove all bone, gristle
or cartilage.
Liver Sausage.—The following formula is for Liver Sausage:

20 pounds cooked lean pork trimmings,

20 pounds cooked pork cheek meat,
20 pounds cooked pork skins,
10 pounds cooked hog livers,
50 pounds cooked tripe,
6 pounds cooked shoulder fat,
3 pounds salt,
3 pounds onions,
9 ounces white pepper,
2 ounces marjoram,
2 ounces cloves,
1¹⁄₂ ounces allspice.

Above is all ground through a ⁷⁄₆₄th-inch plate except the shoulder

fat, which is run through a fat cutting machine or cut into size of
small dice. It is necessary to mix this sausage in a sausage mixer.
The seasoning should be put into the mixer when starting to mix, but
the shoulder fat should not be put in until about half through. Stuff
immediately into hog bungs, or beef middles, as desired. Cook
immediately as per cooking table and then place in cooler, at a
temperature of 36° to 40° F. until thoroughly chilled, when it is ready
for shipping.
Boneless Ham.—This is made from pork shoulder butts, cured in
sweet pickle and stuffed in small No. 2 beef bungs. Smoke forty-
eight hours at a temperature of 120° F. The bungs may be slightly
colored, the same as Polish sausage casings, before stuffing, if
desired. Not cooked.
Cottage Ham.