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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN
POLITICAL MARKETING AND MANAGEMENT
SERIES EDITOR: JENNIFER LEES-MARSHMENT
Political Branding in
Turbulent times
Edited by
Mona Moufahim
Palgrave Studies in Political Marketing and
Management
Series Editor
Jennifer Lees-Marshment, Faculty of Arts, Political Studies, University of
Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand
Palgrave Studies in Political Marketing and Management (PalPMM)
series publishes high quality and ground-breaking academic research on
this growing area of government and political behaviour that attracts
increasing attention from scholarship, teachers, the media and the public.
It covers political marketing intelligence including polling, focus groups,
role play, co-creation, segmentation, voter profiling, stakeholder insight;
the political consumer; political management including crisis manage-
ment, change management, issues management, reputation management,
delivery management; political advising; political strategy such as posi-
tioning, targeting, market-orientation, political branding; political lead-
ership in all its many different forms and arena; political organiza-
tion including managing a political office, political HR, internal party
marketing; political communication management such as public relations
and e-marketing and ethics of political marketing and management.
For more information email the series editor Jennifer Lees-Marshment on
j.lees-marshment@auckland.ac.nz and see https://leesmarshment.wordpr
ess.com/pmm-book-series/.
More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14601
Mona Moufahim
Editor
Political Branding
in Turbulent times
Editor
Mona Moufahim
University of Stirling
Stirling, UK
Palgrave Studies in Political Marketing and Management

ISBN 978-3-030-83228-5 ISBN 978-3-030-83229-2 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83229-2
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
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Contents
1 Introduction: Political Branding in Turbulent Times 1

Mona Moufahim
2 Political Brand Identity and Image: Manifestations,
Challenges and Tensions 9
Christopher Pich and Guja Armannsdottir
3 Political Branding in the USA Election of 2020 33
Ken Cosgrove and Nathan R. Shrader
4 A Tale of Trust and Betrayal: Jokowi’s Anti-corruption
Brand Creation and Transgression 51
Gunaro Setiawan and Giri Ahmad Taufik
5 Influencers and the Building of Political Brands—The
Case of India 69
Pranjali Sharma and Varsha Jain
6 Toxic Shock: Brexit and the Lessons to Be Learned
by UK’s Political ‘Brands’ 87
Jenny Lloyd
7 Movement Parties as Brand Platforms: The Case
of the 5 Star Movement 103
Jon Bertilsson, Andrea Lucarelli, and Gregorio Fuschillo
v
vi CONTENTS
8 How Trust Wins Against Criticism: Promise Concept

as a Political Branding Tool. Lessons from Polish
Politics 123
Wojciech Cwalina and Milena Drzewiecka
9 The Ethical Challenges at the Heart of Political
Branding 141
Darren Lilleker and Mona Moufahim
Index 153
Notes on Contributors
Guja Armannsdottir is a Senior Lecturer in Marketing at Nottingham

Business School. She is an active researcher and has had success in the ABS
accredited publications with external and internal collaborates, including
the European Journal of Marketing, International Journal of Market
Research and Qualitative Market Research: an International Journal.
Guja’s research focuses on political branding, female entrepreneurship and
gender and marketing. She is currently collaborating with researchers on
projects in Italy, Iceland, Guernsey and the United Kingdom.
Jon Bertilsson Senior Lecturer in Marketing, is a Brand and Consumer
Researcher at the Department of Business Administration, Lund Univer-
sity, Sweden. He conducts consumer cultural research of consumption
practices, with a particular focus on brands. Jon is currently working in a
project on brand orientation in public sector organizations.
Ken Cosgrove is Professor of Political Science and Legal Studies at
Suffolk University in Boston, MA. Ken’s research interests centre on polit-
ical branding primarily in the United States and Canada especially among
conservative parties, politicians and third sector groups. He is the author
of a book length study on the rise of American Conservatism, Branded
Conservatives (Peter Lang, 2007) and editor of the Handbook of Political
Marketing in the United States along with Jennifer Lees-Marshment and
Brian Conley among numerous other publications. Ken holds a Ph.D.
from the University of Oklahoma and has been an American Political
vii
viii NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Science Association Congressional Fellow, a Carl Albert Fellow and a

Fulbright Scholar in Canada and Brazil and a visiting professor in Taiwan.
He has appeared in a variety of global, national and local media outlets.
He is a strong believer in experiential learning, global understanding
through international exchange programs. Ken teaches classes on polit-
ical marketing, American political institutions, Canadian politics and the
intersection of sports and politics.
Wojciech Cwalina is Professor in the Department of Social Psychology
at the Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin, Poland. His research
interests include political marketing, social psychology, media psychology
and environmental marketing. He is member of editorial board in Journal
of Political Marketing and Social Psychological Bulletin. The author or co-
author of five books, including A Cross-Cultural Theory of Voter Behavior
(Haworth Press, 2007) and Political Marketing: Theoretical and Strategic
Foundations (M.E. Sharpe, 2011), and numerous articles (e.g. in Media
Psychology; Journal of Political Marketing, European Journal of Marketing,
Journal of Environmental Psychology) and book chapters.
Milena Drzewiecka is a Psychologist and Journalist. She is a Lecturer
at the SWPS University of Social Sciences and Humanities in Warsaw,
Poland, teaching political marketing, voting behaviour and image
psychology. Her research focuses on leader’s perception and image
creation in politics. She used to work as a TV political news reporter and
parliamentary correspondent in Poland and she has been working as a TV
producer for foreign media. She also serves leaders and think-tanks with
her expertise on public communication and image strategies. In 2019, she
created the first postgraduate studies in image psychology, Professional
Image, at the SWPS University in Warsaw.
Gregorio Fuschillo is Associate Professor of Marketing at KEDGE Busi-
ness School and member of the Research Center of Marketing and
New Consumption. He conducts research on brand culture with a
particular interest on consumer identity projects and consumption prac-
tices. Gregorio is currently working on morality and solidarity in the
marketplace.
Varsha Jain is a Professor in Integrated Marketing Communications and
the Co-chairperson, Doctoral Program and research at the MICA, India.
She has authored over 100+ publications, including the European Journal
of Marketing, International Journal of Information Management, and so
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS ix
on. Prof. Jain is the recipient of more than 21 national and international
awards and gold medals in scholarship. The recent award includes “JCB
Reviewer of the Year Award 2020”, Journal of Consumer Behavior, USA.
In her research career, she is visiting guest at Emory Business School,
Atlanta, USA, and visiting scholar and guest at The Medill School, North-
western University, USA.
Darren Lilleker is a Professor in Political Communication in The
Faculty of Media & Communication, Bournemouth University and Head
of the Centre for Comparative Politics & Media Research and teaches
across the B.A. Politics, M.A. International Political Communication
and M.A. Political Psychology programmes; and visiting professor at the
University of Zagreb, Croatia. Dr. Lilleker’s expertise is in the inter-
secting areas of political campaigning and public engagement and trust
in politics. He has worked with the UK House of Lords as well as
local communication agencies, political parties and pressure groups. Dr.
Lilleker has published widely on political communication and its soci-
etal impacts including Political Communication and Cognition (Palgrave,
2014) and The Psychology of Democracy (2021) is co-editor of Political
Communication and COVID-19: Governance and Rhetoric in Times of
Crisis (Routledge, 2021).
Jenny Lloyd is an Associate Professor at Warwick Business School,
University of Warwick. She is also a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of
Marketing (CIM) and academic of over 20 years standing. Dr. Lloyd has
been a long-standing member of both the PSA Special Interest Group in
Political Marketing and Academy of Marketing Special Interest Group and
her research focuses predominantly on the drivers and inhibitors of polit-
ical engagement, with specific focus upon political communication and
voter engagement with political brands. She has published and presented
nationally and internationally on the subject and she is co-author of the
textbook Marketing Communications (Routledge, 2020).
Andrea Lucarelli is Associate Professor at Stockholm University,
Sweden. Andrea’s main research interest is related to the geograph-
ical, political and historical dimension of consumption, advertising and
marketing, the politics of marketing and the role of techno-digital culture
in the construction of market and sport phenomena.
Mona Moufahim is a Senior Lecturer at the Stirling Management
School, at the University of Stirling in Scotland, UK. Her research focuses
x NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
on identity, extreme right politics, and political marketing and consump-

tion. Her research has been published in both management and marketing
journals, such as Organization Studies, the Journal of Business Ethics,
Tourism Management, Marketing Theory and the Journal of Marketing
Management. She is the current Chair of the Political Marketing Special
Interest Group of the Academy of Marketing and sits in the editorial
board of the Journal of Marketing Management, the Journal of Islamic
Marketing and the Journal of Political Marketing.
Christopher Pich is a Senior Lecturer in Marketing at Nottingham Busi-
ness School, Nottingham Trent University. He is an Active Researcher
currently focusing on the application of branding concepts and frame-
works to the political environment ranging from brand identity, brand
image and brand reputation. Christopher has published work in a range
of academic journals such as the Journal of Business Research, European
Journal of Marketing, Journal of Strategic Marketing, Qualitative Market
Research: An International Journal, Journal of Political Marketing and
the Journal of Marketing Management. Finally, Christopher is currently
the Managing Editor for Europe for the Journal of Political Marketing.
Gunaro Setiawan is currently a teaching staff for the Master of Business
Administration program at Griffith University. He completed his Ph.D.
at Griffith University, Department of Business Strategy and Innovation.
His research expertise focuses on interdisciplinary studies in the fields of
marketing, management and political science, specifically on the topics of
leadership, branding, consumer behaviour, religiosity, political marketing
and Indonesian politics. His works are currently under review by the
Journal of Consumer Marketing, Business Ethics; ER and Journal of Polit-
ical Marketing. He is currently researching the issues of fake news and
COVID-19 law compliances in USA and Indonesia.
Pranjali Sharma has an M.B.A. from the Indian Institute of Manage-
ment (IIM), Bangalore (India). She holds a Bachelor’s degree in Engi-
neering from the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Banaras Hindu
University (BHU), Varanasi (India). She was the first rank in her batch at
IIT and graduated with an IIT Gold Medal. During her education, she
has been awarded numerous awards and scholarships at the national level
for her academic excellence. In the past, she has worked in managerial
roles with firms such as Mondelez India Foods, e-commerce Jabong.com,
and Vodafone.
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xi
Nathan R. Shrader is a North Huntingdon, PA native and currently

serves as Chair of the Department of Government and Politics and
Director of American Studies at Millsaps College in Jackson, MS. He
previously served as Legislative Aide to Lt. Governor Catherine Baker
Knoll of Pennsylvania, an Aide in the Virginia House of Delegates and
a campaign strategist. Shrader regularly appears as a political analyst on
ABC, CBS and NBC network affiliates throughout the South and has
been featured on Fox News, BBC World Radio, The Washington Post,
Bloomberg News, Reuters, Mississippi Today and dozens of other media
outlets.
Giri Ahmad Taufik is Adjunct Research Fellow at Griffith University
Law Future Centre, and Lecturer at Jentera Indonesia Law School.
He completed his bachelor degree from Padjadjaran University (2005)
and Master Degree from University of Melbourne (2010). In 2020, he
received his Doctoral degree on Article 33 of the Indonesia Constitu-
tion. Currently, he serves as deputy dean of academic affairs in Jentera
Indonesia school of law. His research interests include the relationship
between media and law, anti-corruption and good governance.
Abbreviations
BJP Bharatiya Janata Party

FDR Franklin Delano Roosevelt
GOP Grand Old Party (Republican Party, USA)
IT Information Technology
KPK Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, Corruption Eradication Commis-
sion
M5S Movimento 5 Stelle, Five Star Movement
MP Member of Parliament
NP National Police (Indonesia)
PiS Prawo i Sprawiedliwość Law and Justice
PR Public Relations
SBY Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
SNP Scottish National Party
TVP Telewizja Polska, Polish Television
UK United Kingdom
UKIP UK Independence Party
US or USA United States, United States of America
xiii
List of Figures
Fig. 2.1 The political branding environment ecosystem

(Reproduced from Pich & Newman, 2019: 10) 12
Fig. 2.2 Characteristics of successful political brand identities
(Developed from Marland et al., 2017; Nandan, 2005) 14
Fig. 2.3 Characteristics of successful political brand image
(Developed from Baines et al., 2014; Nandan, 2005; Pich
et al., 2018; Silveira et al., 2013) 16
Fig. 2.4 Key dimensions of personal political brand identities 20
Fig. 2.5 The different political brands after the general election
in 2018 (Developed by the authors) 23
Fig. 2.6 Perceptions and associations used to describe Deputy
Prime Minister Matteo Salvini 25
Fig. 2.7 Perceptions and associations used to describe Deputy
Prime Minister Luigi Di Maio 26
Fig. 8.1 Trust in the government and the opposition depending
on the partisanship and source of message 134
xv
List of Tables
Table 2.1 Implications of successful political brand identities

(Developed from Marland et al., 2017; Nielsen, 2017;
Pich et al., 2020a; Scammell, 2015) 15
Table 2.2 Difference between political brand identity and image
(Developed from Nandan, 2005; Pich & Newman, 2020;
Pich et al., 2018) 17
Table 8.1 Support for PiS. Based on IBRIS (Polish research
institute) opinion surveys 130
xvii
CHAPTER 1
Introduction: Political Branding in Turbulent

Times
Mona Moufahim
Abstract Over the past twenty years, branding theory has gained
currency in helping shape and manage the political products offered by
politicians, political parties, movements and governments. This introduc-
tion chapter briefly highlights the relevance of branding concepts and
frameworks in political markets. A reading list is provided for those who
seek to familiarise themselves with core branding concepts and frame-
works. The rest of the chapter is dedicated to introducing the other
chapters of the book.
Keywords Political brand(ing) · Branding practitioners · Brand

research · Unstable environments · Reading list
At the core of how parties and candidates are conceptualised as brands

is the pervasiveness of marketing logic in the political realm. Advocates
M. Moufahim (B)
University of Stirling, Stirling, UK
e-mail: Mona.moufahim@stir.ac.uk
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2022
M. Moufahim (ed.), Political Branding in Turbulent times, Palgrave
Studies in Political Marketing and Management,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83229-2_1
2 M. MOUFAHIM
of the introduction of marketing principles and techniques in politics

have suggested that, as the citizen is treated more as a consumer and
main focus of decision-making processes, a stronger relationship is more
likely to develop between citizens and political institutions. Consequently,
marketing now plays a significant role in the marketplace testing ideas and
messages, shaping platforms to align with public attitudes, spearheading
campaigning innovations and driving political branding efforts.
Simply defined, a political brand is a combination of signs, symbols,
a name and design used to communicate the values, vision and person-
ality of a political entity, i.e. a politician, a political organisation or even
a nation. A political brand is also a cluster of impressions, associations
and images held by the public towards such entity.1 Brands simplify
consumers’ decision-making (see, e.g., de Chernatony & Dall’Olmo
Riley, 1998; Needham, 2006) in commercial settings and in even more
so in political contexts (Guzman & Sierra, 2009). Brands have been
shown to be useful as ‘shortcuts’ to make complex electoral decisions
(Guzman & Sierra, 2009; Pich et al., 2019). Such markers of identity
help minimise voters’ efforts in differentiating one political representation
over another, in untangling sometimes very complex political programmes
(i.e. the brand would act as ‘summary’ of what the party/candidate stands
for), and in satisfying the public’s need to ‘know’ a party or a candidate’s
policies (Van Steenburg & Guzmán, 2019). Assuming this widespread
brand logic, strategists are urged to develop the political brand iden-
tity and image as well as leverage the brand to establish a competitive
advantage and gain votes (Cwalina & Falkowski, 2015).
If brands are ‘simplifiers’, the task of developing, managing and
growing brands is anything but simple, in often overly complex and
unstable political environments. This is further complicated by the
volatility of contemporary political contexts. Indeed, political uncer-
tainty and instability characterise many regions around the world and,
increasingly, can be observed in what used to be considered more estab-
lished democracies. Scholars have already discussed the challenges facing
those democratic countries (see, e.g., Merkel and Kneip’s 2018 book
Democracy and Crisis), including citizens’ disenchantment with liberal
democracy, their lack of trust in political actors and institutions and
the frustrations with the failure of mainstream political parties in deliv-
ering solutions to issues facing the populace. Uncertainties in the political
environment, including the aftermath of the Brexit referendum in the
UK, international tensions and conflicts, the persistent threat of global
1 INTRODUCTION: POLITICAL BRANDING … 3
terrorism, alongside the proliferation of autocratic, chauvinist or at the

most extreme fascist forces around the world, all contribute to turbu-
lent political times. Such environments certainly constitute tremendous
challenges, but also opportunities for scholars to engage and fruitfully
contribute to an understanding of processes in the political market, using
the lens of political branding theories.
In contexts characterised by a fragmented media environment and a
highly competitive market with fickle voters (the so-called floating voters
with no ‘lifelong attachment to one party’, see Lilleker, 2005), political
brands must ensure that they clearly define their core values. This means
identifying a brand identity and related promise, selecting relevant and
innovative modes of engagement and producing a desired brand image
amongst their target audience by delivering what they set out to do.
Inspiring trust is a key objective for electoral success. Failure to deliver
on a brand promise can be costly at the polls, or in the worst cases, result
in long-term damage to the brand. The various cases studied in this book
show the importance of understanding and engaging with voters, and on
the critical importance of quickly adapting brand strategies to reflect rapid
changes in market conditions.
Academic and practitioner literature is replete with analysis and recom-
mendations about strategic brand management in turbulent commercial
environments and in times of crisis. Existing scholarship on political
branding adapts models and frameworks borrowed from the commercial
world to political contexts (not always without controversy). This creates
significant opportunities for developing and testing ad hoc theories of
relevance for political actors in these particularly unstable and uncertain
times. The topical and provocative content of this volume focuses on
recent political events and phenomena in the political arena. This should
appeal to researchers, branding practitioners and members of the public
seeking to deepen their understanding of political branding and current
events studied using a branding lens.
This book provides commentaries and analyses of brand and branding
processes in various national contexts (Indonesia, India, the UK, the USA,
Italy, Poland), all characterised by tensions and significant challenges.
More specifically, these chapters can also be broadly classified by their
principal focus on individual personal brands (see Chapters 2, 3, 4, 5) or
political party brands (see Chapters 6, 7, 8). Contributors to this book call
on their various disciplinary background and expertise from Law, Social
Psychology, (Political) Marketing, Politics, Media & Communications.
4 M. MOUFAHIM
This multidisciplinary overview enriches existing, emerging, theoretical

and empirical knowledge on political branding. Additionally, each chapter
provides a set of recommendations for political branding practitioners.
Chapter 2 by Chris Pich and Guja Armannsdottir offers a useful entrée
to the field of political branding by providing a review of key branding
concepts and frameworks. These authors explain how political brands are
created, communicated and perceived by various internal and external
stakeholders. They then explore the proposal that political brands repre-
sent a complex ecosystem of inter-related yet often distinct sub-brands.
They proceed to their case study analyses focusing on: 1) the creation
and development of the political brand identity of politicians from the
British Crown Dependency of Guernsey and 2) the brand image of two
prominent Italian politicians: Deputy Prime Ministers Matteo Salvini and
Luigi Di Maio.
In Chapter 3, Ken Cosgrove and Nathan R. Schrader provide a detailed
commentary of the branding processes at play during the gripping 2020
American presidential election, focusing particularly on the brands of
candidates Joe Biden and Donald Trump. The chapter analyses their
respective campaigning strategies and shows that, having individual politi-
cians’ brand themselves, instead of running a coordinated campaign on a
single party brand, can produce mixed results. The emotive and personal
branding employed by Trump and Biden have attracted some voters while
repelling others, who become susceptible to pitches by the opposition
candidate and party.
Chapter 4 by Gunaro Setiawan and Giri Ahmed Taufik studies personal
branding in the context of Indonesia. These authors focus on the devel-
opment of the anti-corruption brand of Jokowi and his subsequent brand
transgression. They show how Jokowi built a successful brand based on
his humble origins and dedication to fight systemic corruption, as well as
how his brand contributed to his two consecutive successful presidential
campaigns. However, during his second term as president, Jokowi trans-
gressed the anti-corruption core value and promises of his brand, which
was subsequently damaged in the eyes of the public.
Pranjali Sharma and Varsha Jain focus on online political brand
building in Chapter 5, focusing on India’s controversial Prime Minister
Narendra Modi. They show that Modi has been very strategic in his use
of celebrity endorsements and social media influencers. This approach
helped him reach wide audiences and to expertly craft an image of a tech-
savvy, responsive and effective leader. Their chapter also highlights the
anti-brand activities deployed by citizens and political opponents of the

divisive Brand Modi.
The focus of the remaining of the book is on different dimensions
of political parties as brands. In Chapter 6, Jenny Lloyd addresses the
critical question of whether branding is a useful way of conceptualising
British politics. She focused her attention on the divisive campaigning
that took place prior to the 2016 EU referendum in the UK. She analyses
the positioning strategies of the major UK political brands and explores
the factors that impacted upon their relative success, both in the refer-
endum campaign and beyond. Importantly, she provides a discussion of
the impact of such deleterious environment on the main British political
parties’ brands.
The 7th Chapter by Jon Bertilsson, Andrea Lucarelli and Gregorio
Fuschillo approaches political brands as ‘platforms’ around the Five
Star Movement, an Italian digital political party. Studying a digitally
platformed party, with its particular use of digital and information tech-
nologies, provides fresh insights into the framing of political branding
strategies. Authors aptly illustrate how brands may serve as the organ-
ising vehicle for social movements and how brand-coordinated activism
expands the range of democracy by helping consumers achieve political
change goals.
In Chapter 8, Wojciech Cwalina and Milena Drzewiecka focus their
chapter on the concept of party brand promise in their Polish case
study. After reviewing different types of brand promises (functional,
symbolic and experiential), and how these are delivered to consumers,
these authors show how the ruling right-wing populist political party, Law
and Justice, successfully builds relationships with voters. More specifically,
they examine voters’ responses to both the party’s brand promises and to
their opposition parties. They illustrate that solely focusing on critiquing
competitors’ brands, would lower voters’ trust and damage the brand.
The book concludes with Chapter 9 by Darren Lilleker and Mona
Moufahim who address a number of issues in relation to the future of
political branding and the importance of ethical considerations for polit-
ical brand management. They reflect on whether the actual practices of
political marketing and branding lack an ethical anchor and thus has
the propensity to undermine the democratic processes which give it a
purpose. Takeaway lessons for practitioners close the chapter and the
book. Readers who seek to deepen their understanding of political brand
6 M. MOUFAHIM
concepts and frameworks can consult the recommended reading list at the
end of this chapter.
Reading List
This short list provides a good starting point for readers who seek to
enrich their understanding of the field of political branding.
1. Ahmed, M.A., Lodhi, S. and Ahmad Z. (2017) “Political Brand

Equity Model: The Integration of Political Brands in Voter
Choice.” Journal of Political Marketing 16 (2):147–179.
2. Cosgrove, K.M (2007). Branded Conservatives: How the Brand
Brought the Right from the Fringes to the Center of American
Politics. New York: Peter Lang.
3. Lilleker, Darren. 2010. Key Concepts in Political Communication.
London, UK: Sage.
4. Lloyd, J. (2006), The 2005 General Election and the emergence of
the negative brand, In Lilleker, D.G. Jackson, N.A. and Scullion,
R. (2006), The Marketing of Political Parties: Political Marketing
at the 2005 British General Election, Manchester: Manchester
University Press.
5. Marland, A. and Flanagan, T. (2014), Brand New Party: Polit-
ical Branding and the Conservative Party of Canada, Canadian
Journal of Political science, 46 (4), 951–972.
6. Phipps, M., J. Brace-Govan, et al. (2010). “The Duality of Polit-
ical Brand Equity.” European Journal of Marketing, 44(3/4):
496–514.
7. Pich, C. and Newman, B. I. (2020), Political Branding: More
Than Parties, Leaders and Policies, Routledge, Taylor and Francis
Publications.
8. Reeves, P., de Chernatony, L. and Carrigan, M. (2006). “Building
a Political Brand: Ideology or Voter-Driven Strategy.” Journal of
Brand Management 13 (6): 418–428.
9. Speed, R., Butler. O. and Collins, N. (2015) Human Branding in
Political Marketing: Applying Contemporary Branding Thought to
Political Parties and Their Leaders, Journal of Political Marketing,
14:1–2, 129–151.
10. Scammell, M. (2015), Politics and Image: The Conceptual Value
of Branding, Journal of Political Marketing, 14 (1–2), 7–18.
Thanks and Acknowledgements I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude

to all authors and reviewers of this book. Their hard work, patience and dedica-
tion during these hard times we have collectively experienced are recognised and
deeply appreciated.
Note
1. For more definitions of core political marketing concepts see: http://www.
political-marketing.org/.
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CHAPTER 2
Political Brand Identity and Image:

Manifestations, Challenges and Tensions
Christopher Pich and Guja Armannsdottir
Abstract The purpose of this chapter is twofold. Firstly, we put forward

key branding concepts and frameworks within political marketing, to
explore political brand identity and political brand image in relation
to different typologies of political brands in international contexts.
Further, we argue that political brands represent a complex ecosystem
of inter-related yet often distinct sub-brands. Nevertheless, all polit-
ical brands should strive to be positioned and perceived as authentic,
united, engaging, trustworthy and understandable by multiple stake-
holders, which in turn can lead to success at the ballot box. Secondly,
we apply theory to practice and provide two specific short case studies
grounded on empirical qualitative research. We conclude by presenting
implications to theory and practice and an agenda for future research.
C. Pich (B) · G. Armannsdottir

Nottingham Business School, Nottingham Trent University, Nottingham, UK
e-mail: christopher.pich@ntu.ac.uk
G. Armannsdottir
e-mail: guja.armannsdottir@ntu.ac.uk
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 9

Switzerland AG 2022
M. Moufahim (ed.), Political Branding in Turbulent times, Palgrave
Studies in Political Marketing and Management,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83229-2_2
10 C. PICH AND G. ARMANNSDOTTIR
Keywords Political brands · Political brand identity · Political brand

image · Political brand positioning · Political brand ecosystem
Introduction
Politics and the political process remains a complex often controversial
area of study. Indeed, over the last twenty years, we have seen the use of
commercial branding concepts, theories and frameworks applied to poli-
tics (Harris & Lock, 2010; Marland et al., 2017; Pich & Newman, 2020).
A brand is not merely a name of an organisation, product, service or
person; a brand is a communication device, which represents a complex
cluster of values, vision and personality (Harris & Rae, 2011; Hatch &
Schultz, 2003; Ströbel & Germelmann, 2020). Indeed, brands are made
up of physical and intangible dimensions, created, managed and commu-
nicated by organisations and brought to life in the minds of consumers
(Aaker & Joachimsthaler, 2002; Essamri et al., 2019; Pich et al., 2020a).
Brands represent promises and quality assurances made by organisations
to give their target markets propositions of what they can expect and
potentially benefit from their brand offerings (Aaker & Joachimsthaler,
2002; Essamri et al., 2019).
Successful brands should be consistent, relevant, authentic and trust-
worthy, communicate clear identities and leave no room for confusion
and ambiguity (Aaker, 1997; Alsem & Kostelijk, 2008). Further, in
order to build and maintain strong brands, organisations must contin-
ually explore and manage current associations and perceptions in the
mind of consumers to keep control and safeguard brands from becoming
meaningless, irrelevant and disconnected from its target market (Anana &
Nique, 2010; Kunkel & Biscaia, 2020).
Therefore, after briefly discussing the benefits of branding, it is not
surprising that commercial branding concepts, theories and frameworks
have been transferred to multiple settings and contexts including the
political environment. Indeed, political brands act as short-cut mecha-
nisms to communicate desired positioning to a multitude of stakeholders
such as supporters, activists, the media, employees and most importantly
voters (Balmer & Liao, 2007; Essamri et al., 2019; Pich et al., 2020a).
In addition, political brands are designed to act as points of differentia-
tion from political rivals in terms of policy initiatives, ideology and values.
2 POLITICAL BRAND IDENTITY AND IMAGE: MANIFESTATIONS … 11
Furthermore, political brands are constructed to encourage identification

and support (Baines et al., 2014; Nielsen, 2017). Political brands signify
a series of promises and envisaged aspirations, which they will enact if
successful at the polls (Pich et al., 2020a). This chapter will discuss types
of political brands and the political branding environment, which repre-
sents a complex ‘ecosystem’. This chapter will also focus on key concepts
such as political brand identity and political brand image which can be
used to understand how political brands develop and present desired posi-
tioning and recognise that this may be different from actual interpretation
in the minds of citizens.
Political Brands
Political brands come in all shapes, sizes and manifestations (Ahmed
et al., 2015; Nielsen, 2017; Scammell, 2015). For example, it is widely
accepted that political parties, candidates-politicians, party leaders, elec-
tion campaigns, political groups, policy initiatives and legislators can
be conceptualised as political brands (Marland et al., 2017). Existing
research has traditionally characterised party/corporate political brands
as a trinity of dimensions including party, leader and policy (Smith &
French, 2009). This trinity of dimensions has been adopted by academics
and practitioners over the last twenty years as a simple approach to ‘make
sense’ of political brands. However, the existing trinity of dimensions fails
to acknowledge the complexity of political brands, the recognition of
the different types of political brands or the interconnectedness of polit-
ical brands (Pich & Newman, 2019). Nevertheless, Pich and Newman
(2019) responded to this and started to map out an ‘ecosystem’ which
goes beyond the party, leader and policy trinity and illustrated in Fig. 2.1
as the political branding environment.
Pich and Newman (2019) expand on the party dimension and it
is this dimension that can be divided into a series of sub-brands. For
example, politicians or Members of Parliament political brand will be the
leader of their local party/constituency. This can include local supporters,
local sponsors-endorses, local activists and party members. Further, the
politician or Member of Parliament may also have localised policies and
initiatives, which could be distinct from party policy (Armannsdottir et al.,
2019; Steenburg & Guzman, 2019). Therefore, this represents a sub-
political brand, which again needs a degree of alignment with the party
Fig. 2.1 The political branding environment ecosystem (Reproduced from Pich
& Newman, 2019: 10)
political brand. The importance of alignment will be discussed later in the

chapter.
Alternatively, there are many different categories of sub-political
brands. More specifically, political groups, lobbyists, movements,
campaigners-endorses, charities and not-for-profit organisations can be
seen as political brands in their own right (Pich & Newman, 2019). These
sub-political brands are often officially affiliated or can be unaffiliated with
the corporate or localised political brands. Further, factions-wings can
also be considered sub-political brands as they can be highly influential as
they can be seen as ‘a party within a party’ and represent a distinct ideo-
logical position within the corporate/local political brand. In addition,
the factions-wings can often put forward a clear vision, agenda and/or
initiatives which they attempt to persuade the corporate/local political
brand to adopt as official policy (Pich & Newman, 2019). Therefore, the
political branding environment (Fig. 2.1) is a complex intricate system,
which represents some of the different manifestations of political brands
but also the inter-related nature of political brands. In order to build
and manage political brands (Marland et al., 2017; Nielsen, 2017; Pich
& Newman, 2019; Scammell, 2015), the concept of brand identity is a
useful construct to consider the internally created position.
Political Brand Identity---Internal

Brand identity relates to the ‘distinctive and relatively enduring charac-
teristics ’ of a brand’s envisioned position (Nandan, 2005; Su & Kunkel,
2019). The construct of brand identity can be understood from an organ-
isational perspective and can be applied to all types of brands including
political brands (Pich et al., 2020a). Therefore, political brand identity
can be interpreted as the desired projection, a narrative formulated and
communicated by individuals within the political organisation. Further,
political brand identity represents what the strategists, politicians and
communication directors want their brand to ‘stand for’ in the minds
of multiple stakeholders inside and outside the organisation (Nandan,
2005; Su & Kunkel, 2019). More specifically, individuals such as politi-
cians, strategists, paid/voluntary staff, activists and supporters create an
envisaged identity developed around physical elements such as logos,
symbols, communication platforms-tools, messages and policies often
designed to appeal to different groups or target markets (Baines et al.,
2014; Schneider, 2004). In addition, political brand identity can be
crafted from intangible elements such as a distinct set of values, narratives,
mission, vision, personality ideology and culture-heritage often brought
to life through preferred imagery and associations (Nandan, 2005; Pich
et al., 2020a). Successful identities irrespective of their manifestation
should ensure their brands are built and managed around a set of simple
dimensions (outlined in Fig. 2.2).
Everyone inside the political brand has a responsibility to ensure
there is consistency between the physical and intangible elements, remain
united and ensure all individuals remain ‘on message’ (Marland &
Flanagan, 2014; Marland et al., 2017). This increases the likelihood of
projecting a clear, unambiguous identity and maintaining an authentic,
credible political brand. Further, clear, understandable, relatable and rele-
vant political brands have the opportunity to design and develop an
appealing and positive identity that resonates and corresponds with the
personal identity of citizens (Marland, 2016; Pich et al., 2020a). This
resonance can lead to the establishment of a close relationship and a
sense of loyalty between the political brand and citizen (Armannsdottir
et al., 2019). Therefore, political brands need to ensure their identities
are believable, grounded on style and substance, live up to expectations,
coherent across all touchpoints and be prepared to amend their offering
Fig. 2.2 Characteristics of successful political brand identities (Developed from

Marland et al., 2017; Nandan, 2005)
in relation to an ever-changing dynamic political environment. Neverthe-

less, strategists, politicians and communication directors need to regularly
reflect on the identity of their political brands and recognise the bene-
fits and implications of strong political brand identities (Marland et al.,
2017). Key benefits and implications of strong political brand identities
can be seen in Table 2.1.
Political brand identity formation and management is an ongoing
process. Indeed, they need to understand that identity is predominantly
an internally created construct yet they do not necessarily have full control
(Armannsdottir et al., 2019). For example, external stakeholders too such
as political competitors, rivals, non-supporters and competing groups
aligned to the political brand can shape political brand identity and often
attempt to re-write the narrative of the political brand identity (Marland,
2016; Marland et al., 2017). The practice known as ‘de-branding’ can
cause problems for political brands as the narrative created-developed by
rivals can influence how the identities of political brands are interpreted
and understood by the public (Marland & Flanagan, 2014). There-
fore, strategists, politicians and communication directors need recognise
that political brand identity formation and management involves various
multiple stakeholders (Pich et al., 2020a). Nevertheless, they need to
Table 2.1 Implications

Implications-benefits of strong political brand identities
of successful political
brand identities Builds long-term relationships and loyalty
(Developed from Develops a sense of community and belonging
Marland et al., 2017; Encourages personal resonance
Nielsen, 2017; Pich Ensures consistent messages are communicated
et al., 2020a; Scammell, Provides consistency across all touchpoints
2015) Unites internal and external stakeholders
Clear positioning
Remain authentic
Ensures brands live up to expectations
Helps develop branding strategies
Pre-empt changes within the dynamic market
Provides distinction from competitors
Helps manage brand alignment
continuously manage and safeguard their political brand and not allow
rivals to highjack the envisaged identity otherwise this can lead to a loss
of control and could lead to undesired narratives to become associated
with the political brand identity (Marland et al., 2017).
Building and managing political brand identity is not just about
creating and raising awareness. Indeed, political brand identities should
demonstrate positive unique characteristics that allow political brands
to project a clearly differentiated position compared with political rivals
(Armannsdottir et al., 2019; Baines et al., 2014; Silveira, et al., 2013).
Further, it is important that citizens recognise the uniqueness and distinct
identities, and this can lead to alignment between the communicated
identity and understood image in the mind of the public, which in turn
can lead to success at the ballot box (Nandan, 2005; Pich et al., 2020a).
Therefore, periodically assessing political brand identity is not the only
construct that needs to be monitored and individuals need to consider
the concept of political brand image.
Political Brand Image---External

Brand image refers to how a brand is perceived externally by consumers
and public. Brand image is generally defined as the ‘perceptions about a
brand as reflected by the brand associations held in consumers memory’
and considered ‘a network of linkages between all the cognitive and
emotional elements ’ evoked by the name of an organisation (Gutman &

Miaoulis, 2003: 106). It is important for organisations to understand how
consumers develop, categorise and access these associations and whether
they form a positive relationship with organisations and their brands
(Aaker, 1997; Anana & Nique, 2010; Kunkel & Biscaia, 2020).
In a political setting, political brand image is the manifestation of the
communicated identity combined with perceptions, associations and atti-
tudes in the mind of the citizen or voter (Pich et al., 2018). Indeed,
political brand image can be seen as the immediate understanding of the
political brand brought to life through top of mind associations, under-
standing of the physical and intangible elements, perceived expectations
of how the brand will perform and supported [or not] by past direct
and indirect experiences (Nielsen, 2017). Political brand image should
also reveal distinct factors of differentiation, which can represent unique
selling points for the brand (Pich et al., 2018, 2020a). Figure 2.3 shows
characteristics of a successful brand image.
It is important to reiterate, political brand image and political brand
identity are related yet distinct concepts (as outlined in Table 2.2) and can
be adopted to examine how political brands are created, communicated
and perceived by various internal and external stakeholders (Nandan,
2005; Pich & Newman, 2020; Pich et al., 2020a).
Fig. 2.3 Characteristics of successful political brand image (Developed from

Baines et al., 2014; Nandan, 2005; Pich et al., 2018; Silveira et al., 2013)
Table 2.2 Difference between political brand identity and image (Developed
from Nandan, 2005; Pich & Newman, 2020; Pich et al., 2018)
Distinction Political brand identity Political brand image
Perspective Internally created Externally interpreted

Definition The desired projection, a narrative The manifestation of the
formulated and communicated by communicated identity combined
individuals within the political with perceptions, associations and
organisation attitudes in the mind of the citizen
or voter
Nature Can be positive or negative Can be positive or negative
Alignment Successful political brands need to ensure there is a degree alignment
between their desired identity and actual image. In addition, the ‘gaps’
between desired identity and actual image need to be as narrow as
possible. However, political strategists need to be aware that universal
alignment is virtually impossible
However, whilst political strategists can create and manage their brand
identity, they have little control over how citizens understand their
brands, and this can be tricky to manage (Marland et al., 2017; Smith
& French, 2009). It is therefore the role of political strategists is to
ensure there is a degree of alignment between communicated identity and
understood image (Marland, 2016; Marland et al., 2017). Misalignment
between communicated identity and understood image can weaken polit-
ical brands as it can damage the clarity of message and positioning. Strong
brand image can help politicians and political parties to build a relation-
ship with voters and citizens and increase brand trust. This is likely to
influence brand loyalty, which supports the notion that a political brand
image is vital for understanding and managing relationships with citizens
(Pich et al., 2020a).
Therefore, utilising the theoretical lens of political brand identity
and political brand image will reveal alignment between desired and
actual positioning (Needham & Smith, 2015; Pich et al., 2018, 2020a).
However, just like commercial brands, political strategists need to be
aware that universal alignment is almost impossible, as there will always
be some misalignment between communicated identity and understood
image (Dahlen et al., 2010; de Chernatony, 2007). Therefore, successful
political brands need to ensure alignment between their desired identity
and actual image needs to be as narrow as possible. This demonstrates the
importance of periodically assessing and monitoring political brand iden-

tity and political brand image with the aid of empirical research/market
research (de Chernatony, 2007; Needham & Smith, 2015; Pich &
Newman, 2020; Pich et al., 2020a). This insight will enable political
brands maintain and strengthen existing alignment or develop strategies
to address any misalignment.
International Applications
So far we have conceptualised politic entities as brands, discussed the
different manifestations of political brands within the political brand
ecosystem. We then acknowledged that political brands are positioned by
political strategists and revealed how they are understood in the minds of
citizens through two appropriate theoretical lens namely political brand
identity and political brand image. This section will focus on two specific
short examples and discuss the application of identity and image to real-
life international contexts and settings. The real-life examples were chosen
as the represented two distinct under-researched political systems and
were in no way selected to compare and contract. Firstly, we will discuss
the identity of political brands in the context of the Channel Island of
Guernsey. Secondly, we will discuss the image of political brands in the
context of Italy. This demonstrates the transfer potential of branding
concepts to politics however acknowledges that core branding theory
may need to be tailored to address the unique settings and contexts. The
chapter will conclude with setting an agenda for further research.
Case 1: Political Brand Identities in Guernsey

Introduction
Case one focuses on the creation and development of the political brand
identity of politicians contextualised in the British Crown Dependency of
Guernsey. To reiterate brand identity relates to the ‘distinctive and rela-
tively enduring characteristics ’ of a brand’s envisioned position (Nandan,
2005; Su & Kunkel, 2019) and can be understood from an organisa-
tional perspective (Pich et al., 2020a). Further, political brand identity
represents what politicians want their brands to ‘stand for’ in the minds
of multiple stakeholders inside and outside the organisation (Nandan,
2005; Su & Kunkel, 2019). Existing research in this area tended to
focus on investigating the phenomenon framed towards political parties

opposed to investigating the identities of politicians (Needham & Smith,
2015; Pich et al., 2020b; Smith, 2005; Smith & French, 2009). Further,
there was little insight into how individuals created and managed their
personal brand identities. Contextualised in the British Crown Depen-
dency of Guernsey and up until October 2020, the island community had
no political parties and Parliamentarians [deputies] stood as independent
candidates. Therefore, this case uses the concept of political brand iden-
tity as its theoretical lens to examine how the deputies’ created, built and
communicated their brand identities in a non-party system. Furthermore,
it highlights the transfer potential and applicability of utilising the concept
of brand identity to establish, manage and express a desired position to
constituents.
Research Design
This case adopted a qualitative research approach to capture rich insight
and contextual understanding rather than propose generalisations, which,
enables researchers to access ‘closed worlds’ (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
This is consistent with the explicit calls for more interpretive research on
different types of political brands to ‘unravel’ the deep meanings ascribed
to political brands and their potential impact on society (Needham &
Smith, 2015). Semi-structured interviews with were deemed appropriate
methods to investigate how Guernsey’s Members of Parliament created,
developed and communicate their desired identities. Guernsey’s Parlia-
ment houses forty deputies [parliamentarians]. Deputies were invited via
email to take part in the study. Nineteen Deputies from across the seven
districts of Guernsey, namely Vale, St Sampson, St Peter Port-North, St
Peter Port-South, South East, West and Castel responded and served
as the sample for this study. Interviews were conducted 7 December
2016–2021 March 2017. Interviews were transcribed verbatim; read and
re-read by the researchers, notes and memos were created during the data
collection process and formed a key part of the analysis process (Kvale
& Brinkmann, 2009), then the data were thematically coded manually
(Butler-Kisber, 2010). The personal stories provided a rich account of
their journey from citizen to elected (often re-elected) Member of Parlia-
ment, which was consistent with the philosophical assumptions of this
study (van Manen, 2014).
Personality not Policies

Politicians on Guernsey develop personal political brand identities based
on five inter-related dimensions including legacy and experience, contin-
uous brand building , personalities not policies, personal relationships and
transient alliances (Fig. 2.4).
Firstly, the identities of political brands in Guernsey were structured
around personality characteristics rather than policies. For example, in
non-party consensus systems it would be a mistake to include focused
policies as part of political brand identity as focused policies are unachiev-
able. Indeed, as there are no political parties in Guernsey and all politi-
cians are independent figures, politicians cannot make promises because
they will be only one among thirty-eight. Policies are only developed
post-election. However, incumbents can communicate political achieve-
ments, retrospective policies or policies in action. Therefore, this record
of accomplishment can be included in subsequent election campaigns.
Secondly, there were many challenges of creating and developing a
political brand identity in a non-party-system. Many politicians argued
that there were virtually no resources in place to support politicians’
prior elections and for politicians’ post-elections. As there was no ‘party
machine’, there were no campaigners or support staff such as administra-
tors, researchers or assistants with limited funding to create and manage
communication campaigns. In addition, several politicians believed it was
a challenge to communicate their own identity given that there was only
one island-wide newspaper known as ‘The Press’, two localised televi-
sion channels [BBC Guernsey and ITV Channel TV] and two local radio
stations [BBC Radio Guernsey and Island FM].
Fig. 2.4 Key dimensions of personal political brand identities

The third dimension of identity building related to legacy and expe-

rience. For example, many deputies highlighted their identities were
founded on their aspirations for civic duty and this underpinned their
desire to put themselves forward as prospective candidates. More specif-
ically, the personal political brand identities were created from personal
biographies, credentials, capabilities, professional and personal experiences
packaged as a clear narrative and communicated via all touchpoints. The
fourth dimension highlighted the significance of personal relationships
between the politician and their voters-constituents, family-friends and
other politicians. For example, the majority had a close, familiar and acces-
sible relationship with their constituents. Therefore, developing a political
brand identity in a non-party system centres on the individual where the
independent politician receives no support from the political institutions.
Finally, it was acknowledged that building a political brand identity was a
long-term, continuous process and all communication strategies and tactics
had to be consistent, clear and integrated for success at the ballot box.
Case One Summary

Subsequently, politicians in Guernsey have the freedom to develop their
personal brand identities unrestricted by political parties and political
institutions. Indeed, Guernsey’s experienced and inexperienced politi-
cians formulated and constructed their own personal brand identities
with the aim of resonating with their constituents often with limited
resources and without the ‘political machine’ found in party-systems.
Nevertheless, if Guernsey’s parliamentarians develop identities based on
similar dimensions such as personality characteristics and experiences
rather than policies and initiatives, how does this influence their desired
position, ability to differentiation and opportunity to allow citizens to
form long-term relationships with deputies? Therefore, this case discussed
through the theoretical lens of political brand identity indicates that
Guernsey’s politicians created their desired identities around key compo-
nents including legacy, heritage and experience, personality characteristics
opposed to focused policies, personal values and acknowledged that brand
building was a continuous process of maintaining presence and communi-
cating personal aspirations. This short case has shown that examining the
identity of political brands is a crucial exercise that needs to be employed
in order to identify a desired position and ascertain what political brands
‘stand for’. However, as we discussed earlier in the chapter, political brand
image and political brand identity are related yet distinct concepts. Brand
identity and brand image can be adopted to examine how political brands
are created, communicated and perceived by various internal and external
stakeholders (Nandan, 2005; Pich & Newman, 2020; Pich et al., 2020a).
Therefore, this case represents only half the story and further research
is needed to investigate the understood political brand image (Marland,
2016; Marland et al., 2017) and assess the alignment between the two
concepts. Remember, misalignment between communicated identity and
understood image can weaken political brands as it can damage the clarity
of message and positioning (Pich et al., 2020a).
Case 2: Political Brand Image in Italy

Introduction
Case 2 considers the brand image of two leading politicians in Italy. The
aim of the case was to understand the brand image of Deputy Prime
Minister Matteo Salvini leader of the Lega Nord Party and Deputy Prime
Minister Luigi Di Maio leader of the Five Star Movement Party contex-
tualised following the 2018 Italian General Election. At the time of study,
Lega Nord, established in 1991, was regarded as a right-wing party whilst
the Five Star Movement, established in 2009, was recognised as an anti-
establishment central party (Albertazzi et al., 2018; Musso & Maccaferri,
2018). Further, the two parties were part of a coalition government
headed by Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte and both Matteo Salvini and
Luigi Di Maio served as Deputy Prime Ministers (BBC News, 2018).
Figure 2.5 shows the political landscape in Italy after 2018 Italian General
Election.
Whilst research has focused on the political parties or their leaders
(Albertazzi et al., 2018; Morini, 2018; Musso & Maccaferri, 2018),
little is known about voters’ perspectives and how they understand the
brand image of these politicians. In addition, there are explicit calls for
further research and understanding on political brands particularly from
an external voter perspective (Ahmed et al., 2015; Armannsdottir et al.,
2019; Nielsen, 2017).
Fig. 2.5 The different political brands after the general election in 2018
(Developed by the authors)
Research Design
This study used qualitative approach to investigate how voters understood
the brand image of the two politicians. Qualitative research was chosen
as little was known about the research area and qualitative research has
been shown to be beneficial for new or under-researched topics (Davies
& Chun, 2002). Three focus group discussions with 10 respondent per
discussion were carried out at the University of Salerno, Italy 28–29 May
2019. The focus group method was deemed appropriate as the ‘emphasis
in the questioning on a particular fairly tightly defined topic, and the accent
is upon interaction within the group and the joint construction of meaning ’
(Bryman & Bell, 2015: 513). Furthermore, focus group discussions were
enhanced by projective techniques such as drawings and word associa-
tions (Bond & Ramsey, 2010) which are often used to offer a deeper
understanding of a particular research problem. Young voters (18–24-
year old) formed the sample for the study as both parties targeted young
voters during their election campaigns (Giuffrida, 2018). The focus group
discussions were conducted in English and transcribed within a week
of them taking places. The focus group transcripts were analysed using
coarse grain and fine grain thematic analysis (Butler-Kisber, 2010) to

reveal several themes, two of which are discussed in this case.
Negative Perceptions and Imagery

The first theme revealed both politicians were perceived negatively.
Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini was described as a traditionalist
who was going to hinder and delay progress in Italy. For example,
the majority of respondents thought his message and position regarding
migrants was dangerous and divisive. The respondents used very expres-
sive words to describe him, such as: superficial, ignorant, reckless, racist,
opportunist and the majority of respondents argued his message was unap-
pealing and alienating especially for young liberal citizens 18–24 years.
However, whilst they did not support what Matteo Salvini and his party
stood for, young voters believed the message and position communicated
by Matteo Salvini was clearly understood by people in Italy, resonating
with his core supporters and represented a ‘brilliant ’ and an effective
communications management campaign, which helped him retain power.
An illustration of some of the perceptions and associations captured from
the qualitative projective techniques can be seen in Fig. 2.6.
Deputy Prime Minister Luigi Di Maio was also associated with nega-
tive imagery and perceptions. According to respondents Luigi Di Maio
was inexperienced and incompetent. However, respondents believed there
were occasions Luigi Di Maio put forward sensible initiatives neverthe-
less the initiatives would never materialise. In terms of the associations
generated from the qualitative projective techniques, Luigi Di Maio was
described as ‘a joke’, ‘baby’, ‘stupid’, ‘lucky to get elected’ and a ‘doll’ in
the sense he looks ‘handsome yet lacks substance’. Figure 2.7 shows words
used to describe Di Maio as part of the qualitative projective techniques
used across the focus group discussions.
However, the majority of respondents ‘hoped’ that Luigi Di Maio
would be a force for good/change within the coalition especially with
his fellow Deputy Prime Minister and encourage his counterpart Matteo
Salvini to limit the rollout of his more controversial policies in govern-
ment.
Fig. 2.6 Perceptions and associations used to describe Deputy Prime Minister
Matteo Salvini
Integrated and Blended Communications

Both Luigi Di Maio and Matteo Salvini used an integrated and blended
approach [both offline and online] in terms of communicating their
desired brand identities to their target markets. However, respondents
revealed Matteo Salvini’s approach was more ‘effective’ and had amassed
‘more active followers ’ than Luigi Di Maio. For example, Matteo Salvini’s
social media strategy was simple. His posts focused on all aspects of life
and not just about politics and policy. For instance, Matteo Salvini’s
framed his communications and messages around relevant aspects that
would have an impact with his target market including pictures of him
with his ‘friends ’, ‘family’, ‘celebrities ’ or what he ‘had for dinner’ or
his personal opinions about ‘sports or entertainment shows ’. This in turn
Fig. 2.7 Perceptions and associations used to describe Deputy Prime Minister
Luigi Di Maio
highlighted a more authentic and approachable identity. Another respon-

dent revealed prior to the election, Matteo Salvini’s attempted to engage
followers on social media by developing a series of ‘competitions ’ where
lucky winners would have the opportunity to have photographs taken
with Matteo Salvini’s or receive a ‘prize’ of a private telephone or Skype
call. This tactic was seen to be popular with his followers and was some-
thing that was novel within Italian politics. Therefore, Matteo Salvini’s
message and policies failed to appeal to the majority of our young voters,
respondents believe Matteo Salvini’s was an excellent communicator and
successful at communicating and engaging with voters on social media
platforms. This was something that Luigi Di Maio failed to replicate
despite being thirteen years young than was not able to do, even though
he is 13 years younger than Matteo Salvini. Subsequently, the majority
of our respondents believe Matteo Salvini’s social media strategy was
instrumental in his 2018 election victory.
Case Two Summary

This short case uncovered negative perceptions and imagery connected
with the political brand images of two leading Italian politicians. In
addition, this case highlighted that respondents believed the images asso-
ciated with the two political brands adopted an integrated and blended
communications approach as part of their election strategies. However,
despite that our 18–24-year-old voters revealed they would not vote for
either politician, they have still provided us with useful insight into the
complexity and challenges of political brand image. Nevertheless, it is
worth remembering that young voters 18–24 years were actively targeted
by both politicians as part of their election campaign. Finally, this case
demonstrates that political brands need to be more than just relevant and
engaging. Political brands need to be authentic, trustworthy and believ-
able in order to form long-term relationships with constituents. Having
a message that resonates with voters and communicating this message in
a unique, authentic way has never been more important and politicians
beyond Italy should reflect on this as they prepare for future elections.
Conclusion
The purpose of our chapter was to understand key branding concepts and
frameworks within political marketing, to explore political brand identity
and political brand image in relation to different manifestations of polit-
ical brands in international contexts. Further, we have demonstrated that
political brands represent a complex ecosystem of inter-related yet often
distinct sub-brands. Nevertheless, all political brands should strive to
be positioned and perceived as authentic, united, engaging, trustworthy
and understandable by multiple stakeholders, which in turn can lead to
success at the ballot box. Therefore, academics, researchers and practi-
tioners should be adopted a pragmatic yet critical approach when applying
commercial branding concepts to political brands and be prepared to
tailor theories and frameworks to suit the diverse setting of politics and
distinct manifestation of political brand.
This chapter also defined and explained key concepts such as polit-
ical brand identity and political brand image. Political brand identity
and political brand image are related yet distinct concepts and can be
adopted to examine how political brands are created, communicated and
perceived by various internal and external stakeholders. Indeed, utilising
the theoretical lens of political brand identity and political brand image
will reveal alignment between desired and actual positioning. However,
just like commercial brands, political strategists need to be aware that
universal alignment is almost impossible as there will always be some
misalignment between communicated identity and understood image.
Therefore, successful political brands need to ensure alignment between
their desired identity and actual image needs to be as narrow as possible.
This demonstrates the importance of periodically assessing and moni-
toring political brand identity and political brand image with the aid
of empirical research/market research. This insight will enable polit-
ical brands to maintain and strengthen existing alignment or develop
strategies to address any misalignment.
This chapter then moved from conceptualisation to application. More
specifically, two international settings with different manifestations of
political brands served to illustrate political brand identity and political
brand image in action. Cases included the Bailiwick of Guernsey and the
Italian Republic. Each case based on empirical research demonstrated the
transfer potential of political brand identity and political brand image
to different types and contexts, which in turn revealed understanding
of desired and actual positioning. Therefore, political brand identity and
political brand image are simple inter-related theoretical lens which should
be used to operationalise political brands and represent the key constructs
to understand and manage different manifestations of political brands.
Below are a series of implications for academics and practitioners to
consider and areas for future research.
Lessons for Practitioners
1. Academic and practitioners can use this chapter to understand the

inter-related different types of political brands and explore the
political branding environment ecosystem in which they operate.
Therefore, future research should be devoted to different types of
political brands underpinned by empirical research, which in turn
will advance the sub-discipline of political branding and illuminate
areas that require further study.
2. This chapter can be used by academics and practitioners to guide
their investigations into political brand identity and political brand
image of different types of political brands and consider character-

istics of successful political brands. Future studies should consider
how political brand identity and political brand image are created,
developed and managed over time. Therefore, longitudinal research
would enrich the sub-discipline of political branding, which up
until this time longitudinal research remains scarce within political
branding-marketing.
3. Assessing political brand identity and political brand image will
reveal alignment between the two constructs. Future research
should investigate the alignment of different types of political brands
in other settings and contexts. Once alignment has been assessed,
academics and practitioners can design and develop appropriate
long-term strategies and tactics to maintain alignment or address
any misalignment.
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työnnetään koko hartiovoimalla. Siinäpä kuitenkin laskumme pettivät.
Alussa kyllä nousi hyvästi niinkauvan kuin virta ei kovin vuolasta
ollut, mutta kun väylä kävi syvemmäksi ja virran paino aina
kovemmaksi, niin — jo herposi käsivarret. Olimme juuri niskalle
pääsemäisillämme, kun tohtori, joka oli "keulamiehenä", väsyneesti
heitti sauvomen virran valtaan ja puhkuen huudahti: "Nyt en jaksa
enään." Eikä siinä sitten auttanut pidätteleminen, kun keula kerran
joutui kosken painettavaksi. Alas kiiti vene ja hyvää kyytiä se nyt
menikin.
Ähmissämme emme kuitenkaan vielä uskoneet, ettei tuosta ylös

päästäisi, kunhan koetettaisiin hiukan matalammasta kohdasta. Yhtä
huonosti päättyi kuitenkin sekin yritys. Oli näet nyt se vastuksena,
että vesi putosi niskalle patouneiden, veden laskeuttua matalalle
jääneiden kivien yli jokseenkin jyrkkänä könkäänä. Sen kyllä
näimme, mutta "valui eli putosi, ylös siitä on sittenkin päästävä",
arvelimme. Niin kuitenkin kävi, että putouksessa sai virta taasen
ryöstetyksi ja paiskasi veneen poikitellen alipuolella olevia kiviä
vastaan. Jokseenkin arveluttavasti puistalteli siinä jo pyörre venettä.
Kosken kovasti painaessa hulmahti jo toisen laidan yli vene vettä
tulvilleen. Köyhästi olisi siinä voinut käydä, jollemme hätäymättä
ponnistellen olisi pian saaneet venettä irti kiviltä ja virran mukaan
käännetyksi. Ja niin saimme laskea toisen kerran kosken alle vasten
tahtoamme.
"Kolmas kerta se toden sanoo", arvelimme, sen pahemmin tuosta

vielä säikähtämättä. "Olisippa saattanut tuossa niin hullusti pian
käydä, että olisimme päässeet ainakin osasta tavaroitamme…
Hengen hätää tuossa nyt ei kuitenkaan vielä… Eihän tuossa niin
jumalattoman syvääkään ollut."
Noin tuumimme vieläkin uhkamielisinä. Kuitenkin katsoimme jo
viisaimmaksi noudattaa Väinämöisen varoitusta, olla "veikan vettä
soutamatta", ei tietysti pelosta, vaan — venettämme säälien; olihan
näet vielä monta muuta kovaa sen kestettävä. Pujottausimme siis
lähemmältä rantaa kivien välitse ja helposti sitä sillä keinoin
päästiinkin kosken päälle. — Sen otimme tuosta kuitenkin
opiksemme, ettemme toiste enään pääväylää yrittäneet nousemaan.
Niin olikin tuo ainoa kerta, jolloin tahallisen uhkarohkeuden takia oli
vaara tarjona.
Suuremmitta seikkailuitta retkesimme sitten edelleen aina

iltamyöhäseen ja pysähdyimme yöksi Pajari-nimiseen taloon. Tuuli
oli meitä päivän kuluessa hiukan autellut, vaikka ensin aamulla oli
vastanen ollut; ainoastaan kovemmissa virtapaikoissa täytyi
sauvomiin turvautua. — Lastin päällä makaillessa ja laulellessa
heitimme huviksemme muutamassa suvannossa uistimen kalan
kiusaksi veteen. Ja äläpäs ollakkaan, niin jopa erehtyikin taimen
tuohon houkuttelevaan täkyyn. Komeasti se hypätä loiskautti ylös
vedestä, tuntiessaan kiinni olevansa. Vaan kun veneellä oli liian kova
vauhti ja lienee koukut liian löyhään kiinni tarttuneet kalan
leukapieliin, niin rivakalla tempauksella se itsensä riuhtasi irti.
Kovasti tuo pisti vihaksi, kun oli jo melkein veneeseen
nousemaisillaan, niin lähellä, että joku joukosta väitti sen
tunteneensa jo — mätikalaksi. Onnekseen se siis vieläkin halkoo
Kemijoen kuohuja, jos nimittäin otti viisastuakseen noista vastoin
tahtoaan tekemistään ilmakuperkeikoista. Me puolestamme saimme
pyyhkiä partaamme — sen verran kuin sitä kullakin oli — vielä
pitkäksi aikaa lohipaistille, vaikka tuossa oli jo ollut niin saatavilla,
että vesi suuhun oli herahtanut. —
Nyt se alkoi jo sauvominen käymään kuin tottuneilta ainakin. Ei
sitä enään söhötty sinne tänne, vaan tanakasti painallettiin yhtaikaa
perästä ja keulasta niin että kohahdellen vene sukkulana syöksyi
sylimääriä eteenpäin joka sysäyksellä.
Hyvää kyytiä sauvoskelimmekin seuraavana päivänä, käyttäen

hyväksemme tuultakin, minkä voimme. Päivä ei ollutkaan vielä pilalle
kulunut, kun jo saavuimme Taivalkosken alle sivuutettuamme useita
pienempiä koskia sitä ennen. Oikein tuntui mielestä hyvältä, kun jo
olimme niinkin pitkälle päässeet. Kukin oli näet hiukan epäilystä
tuntenut ensi päivän ponnistusten jälkeen. Pani ajattelemaan, jotta
mitenhän mahdettanee jaksaa, kun jo alussa noin kovalle ottaa, ja
tämä kuitenkin on vaan leikintekoa sen rinnalla, mitä edessäpäin on
odotettavissa. Julki ei noita mietteitä tietysti kukaan silloin lausunut,
vaan jälestä päin ne toisilleen tunnustettiin, sitten kun pahimmat
vaikeudet oli jo voitettu.
Omin neuvoin ei ollut Taivalkosken päälle pääsemistä

ajatteleminenkaan; sen olimme alempana olevissa taloissa jo
saaneet kuulla. Hevosella siinä aina veneet taivalletaan, vaikka on
vanhoja tottuneita koskimiehiäkin matkalla. Kun tuossa rannalla
kosken alipuolella muuan mies puuhaili hevosineen, niin
käännyimme hänen puoleen, tiedustellen, eikö hän lähtisi
venettämme kosken sivu vedättämään. Aika hölmöläinen hän
kuitenkin näytti olevan. Olisippa luullut hänen kasvaneen tynnyrissä,
jota kärryilleen haalaili: suu auki hän katsoa töllisteli meitä mitään
vastaan virkkaamatta. Ja kun vihdoin kielensä kantimen irroitetuksi
sai, niin ei tiennyt mitään taivalluksesta, eipä liioin koko
koskestakaan.
"Virstaa mie täsä olen veätellyt", hän vaan tuumi vastaukseksi
kysymyksiimme. Hullua viisaammiksi emme kait hänestä olisikkaan
tulleet, ellei muuan poika olisi siihen sattunut tulemaan ja neuvonut
läheisistä taloista hevosta hakemaan. —
Lopussakin sieltä hevonen lähti. Talosta toiseen näet saimme

juoksennella, ennenkuin ihmisiä löysimme; kaikki, sekä miehet että
naiset, olivat niityillä ja metsissä talvikonnun haalinnassa. Sattumalta
koteutui vihdoin muuan vaari ja hänet saimme hevosineen
avuksemme. Sievään se sitten vene siirtyi tuon kilometrin pituisen
kosken sivu. Sen mukaan oli maksukin. "Ruunuhan se on ollut
tavallista tältä taipaleelta kolmilaijoista", saimme näet vastaukseksi
kysymykseen, mitä kyydistä olimme velkaa; — Ruotsin raha on näet
pohjan puolessa melkein yhtä yleisesti käytännössä kuin
Suomenkin, niin että useinkin hinnat määrätään "ruunuissa ja
tolpissa."
Aikomuksemme oli ollut ottaa koskesta valokuva, — insinöörimme

oli näet hankkinut matkalle valokuvauskoneen, voidaksemme
ikuistaa sitenkin matkamuistojamme — vaan jätimme sen kuitenkin
tekemättä, kun koski vähän veden takia ei näyttänyt paljon miltään.
Käsitti kuitenkin, kun tarkasteli noita jyrkkiä kalliorantoja sekä jylhää
pohjalouhikkoa, jonka yli valtava veden paljous hillittömällä vimmalla
hyökkää, pudoten jokseenkin jyrkkänä koskena, — barometri-
laskujemme mukaan noin 8—10 metriä niskasta lyhkäsen kosken
alle — että mahtava on luonnon siinä tarjooma hurja näytelmä
varsinkin tulvan aikana.
Kun olimme saaneet veneemme vesille ja kaikki kuntoon, niin

vedettiin taasen purjetta puuhun ja "annettiin luonnon lykätä." Pitkälti
siinä olikin suoraa suvantoa, kokonaista kuusi kilometriä. Kauvan ei
kuitenkaan tuulta kestänyt ja niin saimme turvautua taas airoihin ja
sauvomiin. —
Puolissa alkoi päivä olla, kun saavuimme Tervolan kirkolle.

Aijoimme sivumennessä pistäytyä pappilassa vieraisilla;
levähtääkkin jo hiukan tarvitsi, kun oli ollut tavattoman helteinen
päivä ja ahkerasti olimme olleet työssä. Saaren rannalla siinä hiukan
siistimme pukujamme, miten parhaiten voimme; tiesimme näet
talossa nuoria neitosia olevan. Sitten sauvoskeltiin pappilan rantaan
ja marssittiin kainostelematta sisälle.
Sukkelaan se käy maalla tutuksi tuleminen. Pian olimmekin kuin

vanhoja tuttuja talon väen kanssa ja hauskassa keskustelussa kului
tunti toisensa perään melkein huomaamattamme. Emme
vierasvaraisesta talosta päässeetkään lähtemään ennenkuin oli
kahvit juotu ja puolisteltu; käytimme hyväksemme myös tilaisuutta
laittaa kotona huolissaan oleville omaisillemme ensimäiset tiedot
matkaltamme.
Eipä juuri haluttanutkaan lähteä ponnistelemaan tuonne

tukahduttavan kuumaan helteeseen; oli lähemmä 30 astetta
varjossakin. Tuommoista kuivaa paahdetta oli kestänyt jo useampia
viikkokausia. Viljavainiot kärsivät jo tuntuvasti veden puutteesta ja
huolestuneena maanmies tuumaili, jotta "jokohan tuhosi nyt kuivuus
viljan niinkuin edellisinä vuosina halla." Ikävällä tähystelee hän
taivaan rannalle eikö pientäkään pilvenhattaraa näkyisi nousevaksi.
Ja jo nouseekin, ensin pienenä, harmaana, mutta kohta
kammottavan laajana ja synkkänä. Tuo pilvi ei kuitenkaan iloa tuota,
vaan huolta huolen päälle. Ei sieltä siunausta tuottava sade lähene,
vaan tuhoa, häviötä tuo pilvi ilmaisee ja uhkaa: tuli siellä tekee rajua
hävitystyötään salon synkissä metsissä. Tuota oli peljättykin, kun
metsä oli pitkällisestä poudasta kuiva kuin taula. Tiesi jo edeltäpäin,
että vähään ei tulen tuhotyöt supistuisi, kun se kerran irti pääsisi
jonkun huolimattomuudesta. Kammottavan vauhdin saivatkin
metsäpalot tällä kertaa. Eikä niitä ollut ainoastaan yhdessä eli
kahdessa paikassa, vaan kun kerran rupesi, niin syttyi kuin kilvan
siellä täällä. — Suurimmat palot meidän matkamme varrella olivat
tietääkseni Tervolan ja Rovaniemen takalistoilla. Tuhansittain ja
kymmentuhansittain siellä turmeltui puita sekä kruunun että
yksityisten metsissä. Palojen suuruuden voi jo arvata siitäkin, kun
tuulen alla, ylempänä jokivarsilla yli puolenkymmenen penikulman
päässä kerrottiin niin sakealti savua olleen, että auringon oli
kerrassaan pimittänyt, ilman niin katkeraksi tehnyt, ettei hengittää
ollut tahtonut saattaa. Mies talosta, jopa kaksikin, oli kyllä
viikkokaudet viranomaisten kanssa sammutustyössä, mutta turhaa
oli taistelu tuota tuhoisaa vihollista vastaan. Se teki tehtävänsä ja
pysähtyi vasta kun luonto itse pani sen raivolle rajat. Ja kun poutaa
yhä vaan kesti, sai tuli kyteä viikkokausia maassa polttaen varsinkin
kuivaneet suomaat syvälti pehmeiksi tuhka-aavikoiksi. "Ei kait niihin
paikkoihin vuosikymmeniin ota ruohonkorsikaan kasvaakseen sen
vähemmin puu", arvelivat ukot.
Meidän pappilaan saapuessamme se alkoi tuolta koillisen puolelta

tuo savupilvi kokoomaan, pian maatuen uhkaavan synkäksi ja
muuttaen ilman harmaan savun sekaiseksi, omituisen tuoksuvaksi.
—
"Lähteä sitä täytyy talosta hyvästäkin;" niinpä meidänkin.

Kokonaista viisi tuntia olimmekin jo tulleet viipyneiksi, vaikka
aikomus oli ollut ainoastaan pistäytyä. Kiire tulikin nyt käsiin ja,
hyvästit otettuamme ystävälliseltä, vierasvaraiselta talonväeltä,
lähdimme taipaleelle.
Kuiva ja hankala koski oli siinä taas noustavana, vaan "emme
olleet enään ensi kertaa pappia kyydissä." Hyvän palan taivalta vielä
sinä iltana katkasimmekin, sauvoen suvannolta jos koskiakin.
Suuremmille koskille emme kuitenkaan vielä ehtineet. "Siellä se
vasta kova eteen koituu", niin meitä peloteltiin. Tuosta kuitenkin viisi!
"Kun on kerran tähän asti päästy, niin suorintaan kait sitä
edelleenkin", me puolestamme arvelimme. Olimme jo alkaneet tottua
tuohon: "Ei se mitään tähän asti, edessäpäin se vasta kovalle ottaa",
jota saimme kuulla alituiseen aina Paanajärvelle saakka; sitten vasta
"alko ääni kellossa muuttumaan."
Jo alkoi ilta kulua yöpuoleen, niin että täytyi ruveta katselemaan,

missä yösijaa taasen saada. Ei näet kaikki talot näyttäneet yhtä
houkuttelevilta ja minkä muutoin päältäpäin katsoen olisi luullut
laatuun käyvän, sinne ei aina ollut niinkään helppo päästä, kun
rannat olivat kauvas matalat ja kivikot. Niin sattui nytkin. Talo kyllä oli
tuossa vankan näköinen, — Mattiseksi kuulimme sitä sitten
mainittavan — vaan veneellä sen rantaan ei voinut mitenkään
päästä. Emme tahtoneet tavaroitammekaan jättää ihan oman
onnensa nojaan. Neuvoteltuamme päätimmekin viettää sen yön
luonnon suuressa tuvassa, s.o. asettaa telttimme jonnekkin sopivaan
paikkaan rannalle; olimme näet varustaneet suuren purjeen
itsellemme telttivaatteeksi siltä varalta, että voisimme ulkonakin öitä
viettää. Ensin kävimme kuitenkin talosta aterian jatkoksi maitoa
hakemassa, ei vähempää kuin kaksi kannua. Akat kyllä talossa
epäilivät, tokko niin paljoa kolmeen mieheen tarvitsee, vaan olisi
heidän pitänyt olla katsomassa, paljonko jälelle jäi.
Kun oli aterioittu, sauvoimme vielä talon kohdalla olevan kosken

päälle. Muutamalle niemekkeelle, jossa oli hiukan epätasaista
nurmikkoa, sitten kyhäsimme pikimmiten telttimme. Rapia yöpaikka
siitä ei kyllä tullut, vaan arvelimme kuitenkin toimeen tultavan. Miten
kuten koetimme siinä kukin kylelle sijaa saada. Makailimme jo
tohtorin kanssa teltissä, tuprutellen hänen matkaan varaamia
papyrosseja, — emme yksikään olleet tupakkamiehiä, mutta tohtori
oli kuitenkin "sääskien varalta" pari laatikkoa mukaan ottanut — kun
"kaakamolaisia" kovin viljalti tunkeusi sisälle tuskastuttavaa
univirttänsä korviemme juurissa virittämään; kolmas kumppanimme
oli vielä pistäynyt veneelle katsomaan oliko kaikki siellä kunnossa.
Silloin kuulemme toisenkin veneen laskevan rantaan. Arvasimme
kohta vierasten asian. Kohta kuulimmekin, miten veneellä tulleet
miehet rupesivat latelemaan kysymyksiään insinöörille.
"Ketä? Mistä? Minne? Mitä varten, mikä asiana?" kaikki nuot

tavalliset kysymykset tulivat melkein yhdessä hengenvedossa.
Vakavasti kertoo insinööri tuon jo satoja kertoja toistetun

vastauksen: "Oulusta omalla veneellä matkalla Paanajärvelle pieniä
tutkimuksia tekemään." Silloin miehistä toinen voittoisalla äänellä
virkahtaa toiselle: "No, enkös mie sitä jo arvannut." — Tuon kaiken
kuultuamme täytyi meidän väkisinkin tohtorin kanssa remahtaa
nauramaan.
Teltillämme miehet sitten pakinoivat kappaleen aikaa. Sanoivat

toiselta rannalta nähneensä meidät puuhailemassa. Uteliaisuuttaan
tyydyttääkseen olivat ottaneet uistelun asiaksi, pistäytyäkseen
katsomassa, mitä kummia kulkijoita me olimme. — Sukkelasanaisia
miehiä ne olivat. Erittäinkin meitä huvitti toisen miehen vastaus
kysymykseemme, mitä he papistaan pitävät. "Eikhään sillä pärjää",
hän näet virkahti lakoonisen lyhyesti.
Saatuaan uteliaisuutensa tyydytetyksi, lähtivät miehet tiehensä.

Me taas vedimme sääskiharsot kasvojemme yli ja painauduimme
levolle tuossa ahtaassa asunnossamme, hiukankaan edes, jos
mahdollista, unta saadaksemme.
III. Tervolasta Rovaniemeen.
Kovin reippaalla tuulella emme olleet seuraavana aamuna

herätessämme tai oikeammin sanoen teltistä ulos kömpiessämme.
Koko yö oli nukkumisen sijaan ollut alituista heräämistä. Kova ja
kuhmurainen oli vuode ollut, eikä hetken rauhaa ollut saanut noilta
kirotuilta sääskiltä: sama ja aina vaan sama surkea vikinä korvan
juuressa, kääntyipä kylelleen tai selälleen. Ja kuumakin oli ollut kuin
pätsissä. Seuraus tuosta kaikesta olikin, että olimme noustessa
melkein väsyneemmät kuin illalla maata pannessamme. Ei
kuitenkaan auttanut muu kuin "tartu sapeleihin vaan taasen", jos
mieli eteenpäin päästä.
Happamilla mielin ja nyrpeillä nenin lähdettiin sauvoskelemaan.

Vähitellen tuo huonotuuli kuitenkin katosi. Pistipä jo joku lauluksikin,
jotta:
Mitä minä itseäni surulliseks’ (-seks’) heitän,

Pienet surut minä ilollani peitän j.n.e.
Ja kohta sujui matka taas jutellen ja laulellen kuin rasituksista ei

mitään olisi tiedetty. —
Yli puolen oli päivä, kun saavuimme Narkauskosken alapuolella

olevalle "lossipaikalle". Kun meille alempana oli kerrottu tuon kosken
olevan kovin pahan noustavaksi, varsinkin näin kuivalla, ja että se
muulloinkin tavallisesti taivalletaan hevosella, niin oli aikomuksemme
vedättää vene kosken ohi. Jopa tuumittiin sitäkin, että annettaisiin
samaa kyytiä mennä kohta ylipuolella olevan Petäjäkoskenkin sivu,
kun oli sanottu sen kerrassaan kahta neljännestä pitkän ja peräti
vuolaan olevan; arvelimme näet parhaaksi mikäli mahdollista
säästää voimiamme vastaisen varalta.
Tunnin toisensa perään sain siinä makailla veneessä päivän

paahteessa. Toiset olivat näet lähteneet hevosen perille, minä jäänyt
veneen vahdiksi. Aikani kuluksi katselin tukkilaisten touhua tuossa
ylempänä ja kuun telin heidän yksitoikkoista tahtilauluaan, jota he
loilottelivat, keksineen tukkeja hinaillessa ja "vastineeksi"
laatiessaan; saimme täällä kuulla sen "ilosanoman", että
Rovaniemen kirkon ylipuolella kaiken muun hyvän lisäksi saisimme
tekemistä tukeista, joita kokonaista 600,000 kappaletta oli alas
tulossa.
Jo vihdoinkin palasivat toverini hevosen kanssa. "Kyllä otti

kovalle", kertoivat he harmistuneina. "Kokonaista kahdeksan
markkaa vaadittiin ylpeillen tuosta parin penikulman vedätyksestä,
josta me luulimme kolmella neljällä markalla suoriavamme."
"Kuuteen markkaan saimme kuitenkin lopussa tingityksi… Ei

auttanut muu keino, täytyi hätävaleeksi sen takia pistää", selitti vielä
tohtori. "Tiellä olimme jo pois menossa, sanoen toisesta talosta sillä
saavamme kun vähän aikaa odottaisimme, vaikkeihän meillä mitään
hevosta tiedossa ollut… Mieluummin sanoimme sauvovamme
kosket, kuin nylkyhintaa maksavamme… Silloin mies jälkeen huusi
kuudella lähtevänsä."
Lopussakin siis taas pääsimme taipaleelle. — Hevosmies teki

vielä tarjouksen, että markan lisämaksusta yksi aina vuorotellen saisi
istua veneen peräteljolla jalkojaan lepuuttamassa. Kiusallakaan
emme tuohon suostuneet, niin kiukuissamme olimme tuosta
nylkemisestä. Kävelimme siis tuon kahden penikulman taipaleen.
Väsymykseksi kyllä tahtoi pakkautua päivän paahteessa astuminen,
helläksi käydä jalkapohjat, mutta emme sittenkään myöten antaneet.
Topuliksi kuluivat insinöörin sukan pohjatkin, hän kun näet oli saanut
jalkansa hankauneiksi eikä voinut kenkiä kävellessä käyttää.
Vinhaan kuitenkin astuttiin. Saimme hiukan hauskuuttakin tuolla
kuivalla kävelytaipaleella muutamasta iloisesta maalaistytöstä, jolla
samat matkat sattui olemaan. Kainostella hän kyllä ensin tahtoi,
vaan ennenkuin matka oli lopussa, oli insinöörimme tytön jo niin
"kesyttänyt", että hän erotessaan pilaillen pyysi muistamaan
häntäkin. Ja vastaukseksi hän saikin insinööriltä:
Älä sure sä.

Että jätän mä.
Kyllä kirjeen sulle lähetän j.n.e.
Sivu puolen oli yö jo kulunut, kun saavuimme Petäjäkosken

ylipuolelle. Kuitenkin, kun olimme saaneet taasen veneemme vesille
ja kaikki kuntoon, päätimme vielä jatkaa matkaa. Vaan "pää se tulee
vetävällekkin." Niin tuntui käyvän meidänkin voimiemme.
Laskimmekin sentähden, kappaleen matkaa suvantoa
soudettuamme, lähimmän talon rantaan. Talonväen ylös ajettuamme
saimme makuusijoja sen, minkä talo voi tarjota. Emme syömään
edes enään joutaneet, niin oli väsymys miehet vallannut. Hetken
päästä kuorsailimmekin jo sikeässä unessa. —
Seuraava päivä oli sunnuntai, heinäkuun 8 päivä. Emme

kuitenkaan joutaneet sitä lepopäivänä viettämään, vaan niinpian kuin
ylös jaksoimme, lähdimme taipaleelle. Sitä ennen kuitenkin
virkistelimme itseämme uimisella. Tuossa puuhaillessamme sattui
muuan mieskin siihen rannalle tulemaan ja rupesi uimaan hänkin.
Miten siinä sitten pakinoittiin, niin satuin kysymään, tokko niillä
seuduin mahtaisi runojen ja loitsujen taitajia olla. Tuostakos mies,
joka muutoin näytti olevan hieman "pyhätuulella", intoihinsa.
"No että vain tarvitte semmosta tämän kauvempaa hakea… Jopa

vain! Mie ne lorut kyllä kaikki osaan rikusta pistheeseen…
Kymmeniä vuosia mie olen Lapinmaassa kullanhuuhonnassa ollut ja
kun sinne kerranki kolmekymmentä kannua priitä vein mukana, niin
jo vain sillä noitain kielenkannat sain kirvotetuksi, sanasalvat
aukastuksi. Iltakauvet mie sitten niitten kansa istuin ja pakinoin: ne
saarnasit tietojaan ja mie panin paperille minkä ennätin. Jo vain
mie…"
Ja kun hän sitä menoaan ylisteli osaamistaan, niin minä, arvellen

että kenties! jotain mieheltä saisin, pyysin häntä lähtemään meidän
mukaamme jonkun matkaa, vaikka kyllä epäilinkin hänen
tietovarojaan; emme näet malttaneet enään taloon pysähtyä, vaikka
mies kyllä lupasi siellä koko päiväksi meille kirjoitustyötä antavansa.
Mielellään hän lähtikin. Ennenkuin kuitenkaan matkalle pääsimme,
täytyi meidän tuon saman miehen kiusaamina käydä katsomassa
muuatta "muinaisrauniota" samalla Raappanan saarella, jolla
yötalomme oli. Soraläjiä ja kuoppia, joista mies vakuutti kiviaseita
löytäneensä ja Helsinkiinkin niitä lähettäneensä, saarella todella
löytyikin, vaan kun emme joutaneet raunioita sen tarkemmin
kaivelemaan, niin en voi sanoa, tokko niillä olisi arvoa
muinaistutkimukselle.
Miehen puheisiin ei näyttänyt olevan paljon luottamista, sen

saimme kohta kokea. Kun näet monen houkuttelun perästä olin
vihdoinkin saanut hänet näyttämään taikataitoaan, niin huomasin
hänen loitsunsa, niin mahtipontisesti kuin hän niitä lausuilikin, ihan
arvottomiksi hänen itsensä sepustamiksi jaarituksiksi, jälkiä loitsuista
noissa loruissa huomasi kuitenkin sen verran, että voi päättää
miehen joitakin loitsuja kuulleen. — Lupasipa hän varmaan lähettää
muka tekemänsä muistiinpanotkin minulle, koska sanoi kyllä
ymmärtävänsä, että herrat ne niille panevat arvoa, vaan itse
puolestaan ei niitä uskovansa eikä niistä välittävänsä. Perille
tulematta ne kuitenkin vielä ovat. —
Hyvä myötänen meille taaskin sattui. Kuitenkaan emme malttaneet

olla sivumennessämme pistäymättä valtiopäivämies Hoikkaa
tervehtimässä. Siihen oli hiukan erityistäkin syytä. Pääkaupungista
matkustaessaan oli näet insinööri sattunut hänen kanssaan yksiin
matkoihin ja silloin muun muassa jutellut aikomastamme retkestä.
Mahdottomaksi hän oli tuumamme toteuttamista arvellut, virkahtaen:
"Tottuneille koskenkulkijoille tuo matka tosin päinsä kävisi, vaan
herrasmiehiltä se kyllä jää suorittamatta." Tekipä siis nyt mieli käydä
näyttämässä, että näin pitkälle sitä on jo päästy. Uskoa hänen se
täytyikin, vaikka ihmettelynsä kyllä lausui. Epäili hän kuitenkin vielä,
miten matkan jatkamisen kävisi, sillä edessäpäin ne vasta vaikeudet
alkavat, arveli hän vieläkin.
Tunnin pari juttelimme kaikenlaista Pohjanmaan oloista. Etenkin

tuli kulkuneuvojen huonous puheen aineeksi. Pontta vailla eivät
ainakaan meistä tuntuneet olevan ne perusteet, joilla hän meille
todisteli Pohjanmaan radan jatkamisen välttämättömyyttä
lähimmässä tulevaisuudessa Tornioon saakka sekä sivuradan
rakentamisen tarpeellisuutta tältä radalta Rovaniemen kirkonkylälle
eli "kaupunkiin", kuten tavallisesti seudulla sanotaan. Suuret,
luonnontuotteista rikkaat alat ovat näet siellä melkein muusta
maailmasta erotettuina ja maakuntaliike, huolimatta kulkuneuvojen
hankaluudesta, on tavattoman vilkas. — Kuinka kurja tuolla
takamailla asuvain kohtalo kulkuneuvoihin nähden todellakin on,
kuinka alkuperäisiin keinoihin he ovat pakotetut useinkin
turvautumaan, hankkiakseen monesti aina rannikkokaupungeista
asti välttämättömimmät elintarpeensa, siitä saimme me
matkallamme nähdä säälittäviä todistuksia. —
Jo olimme taasen rientämässä eteenpäin. Suvanto ja koski toinen

toisensa perästä jäi taaksemme. Ei se kulku kuitenkaan niin luistanut
kuin rasvattu Eipä niinkään! Kerran jos toisenkin sitä sai vaihtaa
purjetta, airoa ja sauvonta, koettaen mikä parhaiten milloinkin
veteleisi. Työtä kyllin antoi Elikon- ja Valajankoskien sauvominen.
Tuosta emme kuitenkaan milläänkään olleet, sillä huvikseen niitä
sauvoskeli, kun ne, varsinkin Valajankoski, olivat luonnonkauniimpia,
mitä koko Kemijokimatkallamme näimme. — Tästä puolin alkoivatkin
jokivarret muuttua hiukan vaihtelevammiksi ja kauniimmiksi kuin mitä
ne siihen asti olivat olleet. Nuo alituiset tasamaat taloineen ja
viljavainioineen pitkin jokivartta olivat näet jo ruvenneet tuntumaan
yksitoikkoisilta ja sentakia tuo vähäinenkin vaihtelevaisuus
hyväntunnelmalla hiveli näköhermoja.
Vielä oli väkevin nikama Valajaa noustavana. Hiukan

levähtääksemme, ennenkuin lähtisimme sen päälle ponnistelemaan,
pistäysimme kosken partaalla olevaan taloon aterioimaan. Siellä
meitä varoitettiin oikeanpuoleista rantaa nousemasta, väkevä ja
kiero kun näet oli siinä kuohu ja kova kallio pohjana, jottei sauvon
ota pohjatakseen; kerrottiin monelta veneenkin siinä täyttäneen.
Vasenta rantaa neuvoivat kosken päälle pyrkimään, vaikka kyllä
sielläkin muutaman kallioniemekkeen kohdalla sanottiin pahan
pyörteen olevan. Päätimmekin valita vähemmän kahdesta pahasta.
Ja helpommin me pääsimme kuin luulimmekaan, vaikka kyllä saatiin
kaikki voimat liikkeelle panna tuossa mainitussa pahassa paikassa,
jottei väkevä hyökky saanut mukaansa ryöstetyksi. —
Ilta oli erinomaisen kaunis. Päätimmekin senvuoksi jatkaa vielä

matkaa ja koettaa ehtiä aina Rovaniemen kirkolle, jonne oli parisen
penikulmaa. Aijoimme panna vaikka yötäkin jatkoksi. Ilveillen ja
laulellen soutelimme sitten tyyniä suvannoita hyvät matkat, mutta
jopa ajan kuluun alkoi väsymyksen mukana kärtyisyys ja
kärsimättömyyskin kumppaniksi tunkeutua. Kun kirkkoa ei alkanut
näkymään, vaikka yö oli jo yli puolen, emmekä "huonolla tuulella"
tahtoneet enään kulkemista jatkaa, niin pysähdyimme aamupuolella
yötä muutamaan taloon pari kilometriä kirkolta. Hyvä siinä olikin talo.
Ja uni kyllä taasen maistui, kun vaan seinäin sisälle päästiin. —
Näin olimme siis vähän rapiammassa kuin puolessa viikossa

nousseet Kemijoen suusta aina Rovaniemen kirkolle eli noin
yksitoista penikulmaa, mikä, retkemme alkupuoli ollakseen, ei ollut
suinkaan huono "rekordi". Tulee nimittäin huomioon ottaa, että
olimme alkumatkasta ihan tottumattomat sauvomiseen, vieläpä
sekin, että jo kulkemamme osa on Kemijoesta valtavin; Rovaniemen
kirkon ylipuolella näet yhtyy Kemijokeen toinen sen päähaaroista,
Ounasjoki, joten veden paljous ja myöskin koskien vuolaus siitä
alaspäin on sen mukaan.
IV. Rovaniemeltä Auttijoen suulle.
Pitkälle oli päivä jo kulunut, kun vihdoinkin heräsimme. Hyvän

unen päälle tahdoimme kuitenkin vielä hyvän aterian. Sitä
odotellessa pistettiin kirjeiksi, jotka sivumennessä aijottiin kirkolla
postikonttoriin viedä.
Kun kaikki oli taasen reilassa, niin miehet kuin venekkin, lähdimme
laskettamaan vinhaa myötästä kirkolle. Siellä ei kauvan joudettu
vitkastelemaan. Pistäyttiin vaan pikimmältään postissa kirjeet sinne
jättämässä ja tietämässä, josko kentiesi kirjeitä meille olisi tullut,
vaan eihän niitä vielä ollut ehtinyt. Matkaa varten teimme myös
pieniä ostoksia, kun "kaupungista" arvelimme parhaiten saavamme,
mitä matkalla tarvitseisimme. Sitten vedettiin purje taas ylös. Ja niin
hyvää kyytiä sitä mentiinkin, että kirkonkylän kohdalla oleva
melkoinen koski noustiin melkein sauvomen koskematta, purjeella
vaan.
Vaikka matkamme kääntyikin enempi itää kohden, jätettyämme

vasemmalle Ounasjoen suun, saimme kuitenkin vielä lasketella
myötätuuleen, sillä tuuli käännälti suotuisasti kulkunsa meidän
matkamme mukaan. Kuohuna se vaan vesi kuhisi veneen keulassa,
ottaen kovan kohinan, missä virta kovemmaksi kävi. Noin
penikulman matkan kirkolta olevaa Olkkakoskea emme kuitenkaan
uskaltaneet purjeessa laskea, aika kivakka kun se näet oli, vaan
tyydyimme tyynempään sauvomalla kulkuun.
Iltapuolella ei meno enään liian rajua ollut. Tuuli oli näet tyyntynyt
ja nyt saimme soudella pitkää suvantoa.
Parin penikulman päässä kirkolta yövyimme Oikaraisen taloon.

Täällä saimme hiukan tietoja kauvempana edessämme olevista
kulkuväylistä. Olimme näet, kuten jo edellä on mainittu,
matkasuunnitelmamme tehneet summassa, kartan mukaan. Emme
tienneet edes, oliko Korojokikaan veneellä kuljettava, saati sitten
muut purot. Talossa kuitenkin iloksemme kuulimme, että
vuosikymmeniä sitten oli Kuusamosta sen kautta voilasteja kuletettu
Ouluun, kun näet ei vielä silloin ollut maantietä Kuusamoon asti.
Hyvillä mielin siis arvelimmekin talon miesten lausuman epäilyksen
johdosta, tokko tuo joki kuitenkaan niin kuivalla olisi kulottavassa
kunnossa, jotta kun lienee muut kulkeneet, niin totta kai mekin sitten
pääsemme. Lohdutukseksi oli näet jo sekin, kun kuuli sitä väylää
edes joskuskaan kuletun, vaikka kyllähän peloitti ajatellessa, miten
mahtaisi tuossa purossa vettä olla, kun ei tahtonut kaikistellen olla
Kemijoessakaan. —
Seuraavana päivänä alkoi taistelu tukkien kanssa.
Kohta yötalomme ylipuolella oli vankka, tukkipuista vitsaksilla ja

rautakettingeillä kokoon pantu viisikertainen "vastine". Aina
kahdeksan penikulman matkan ylöspäin oli joki tukkien vallassa, niin
kerrottiin meille jo talossa. Lohdutettiin kuitenkin sillä, että on niitä
aina suma- ja koskipaikoissa tukkilaisia, joiden on pakko auttaa
matkustavaisia.
Olikin siinä ensimäisen vastineen luona miehiä, jotka auttoivat

veneemme yli. Kovin pitkä vetomatka ei tuossa ollutkaan, sillä paljon
ei pölkkyjä vielä ollut näin alas ehtinyt kokoontua. Oli näet vasta joku
päivä sitten ruvettu ylempää päästelemään. Tulossa kuitenkin oli
tukkeja kosolta, koko 600,000 puuta, kerrottiin meille täälläkin, kuten
olimme jo alempana kuulleet. — Mikä sanomaton haitta
tuommoisesta tukkipaljoudesta on venematkustajalle, sen tietää vain
se, joka itse on kokenut. Koetitpa keskijokea tai rantaa, mistä
hyvänsä, aina vaan tukkeja ja tukkeja joka paikassa. Rantoja et voi
kulkea, sillä pitkin suvantoja ja koskia on puita matalaan ja kivikoille
tarttunut, maaten siinä kulkijan tiellä pitkin jos poikkikin. Ei siis muu
neuvoksi, kuin ponnista keskijokea, sielläkin miten kuten pujotellen
uiskentelevain tukkien välitse. Kysytään siinä kärsimystä.
Suuri on tukeista vastus suvannoissa, vaan vielä suurempi

koskissa, sen saimme kokea. Ei kyllin siinä, että ne tekevät kosken
päälle sauvomisen kaksin, kolmin verroin hankalammaksi, missä
nimittäin ensinkään voi sauvoa, vaan vieläpä niiden takia alituinen
hengenvaarakin on tarjona. Ei näet tiedä millä hetkellä saa veneensä
murtuneeksi tukkien keskellä, kosken mukana kun niitä ehtimiseen
syöksyy. Samalla kertaa siis, kun kaikella väellään saa ponnistella
hiukankaan eteenpäin päästäkseen kosken kovissa kuohuissa,
täytyy vielä ehtimiseen varoa venettä pölkkyjen sysäyksiltä, jollei
mieli kalojen ruuaksi joutua. Saattaapa vielä rannoiltakin yhtäkkiä
irtautua koko suuri kasa sinne ruuhkautuneita puita ja silloin: katso
eteesi, jos mielit ehein nahoin leikistä suoriuta. —
Kovin oli meitä peloteltu ylempänä olevilla pahoilla koskilla, joiden

sanottiin olevan tosipahoja jo muutoinkin, saati sitten näin kuivan
aikana ja tukkien täyttäminä. Olivatpa jotkut väittäneet, että kolmen
miehen oli kerrassaan mahdoton niistä päästä, varsinkin kun vielä oli
vene niin lastissa kuin meidän.
"Kun olisi parikymmentäkään miestä, niin sitten tuota –, vaan

kolme… Kyllä siellä vielä monasti kovalle ottaa ja tyssäkin eteen
tulee, sen saatte nähdä." Noin vakuutettiin. Vaan "sittenhän tuon
näkee kun sinnekkin tulee", arvelimme me. "Eipähän tässä auttane
takasinkaan palaaminen."
Hitaasti, hitaasti se kuitenkin matka kului, vaikka olikin suvanto

kulettavanamme ja työtä kyllä teimme kuin jätkät. Moni hikihelmi oli
otsalta jo tähän asti vyörähtänyt, vaan nyt se vasta hikoilemisen aika
alkoi. Takit, housut ja saappaat ne oli jo monesti ennenkin saatu
riisua päältä, vaan ei nyt enään sekään keino tahtonut auttaa.
Itsepäisinä kuin ainakin suomalaiset olimme yli puolen päivää

puohanneet ja kolmatta penikulmaa olimme, kuin olimmekin
eteenpäin päässeet. Tuossa se jo kosken korvalla vasemalla
rannalla vastaamme helotti tuo pitkin matkaa mainittu
"porokuninkaan" Tenniläisen talo. Upealta se näyttikin näin
sydänmaassa, seisoen tuossa kunnaallaan, heleän punaiseksi
maalattuna, vihreine ikkuna- ja nurkkalautoineen sekä saman
värisine eteisineen, — ei muutoin juuri kovinkaan sopusointuisat värit
— niin että kysymättäkin arvasi, mikä se oli talojaan. Rikas se kuului
olevan, upporikas, niin oli kerrottu. Porojakin pitäisi olla yli
tuhannenviidensadan.
Talossa oli meitä matkalla kehoitettu kaiken mokomin käymään.

Teimmekin työtä neuvottua. Miten kuten pujottauduttuamme
veneinemme tukkien välitse niin pitkälle että maalle pääsimme,
astuimme taloon, pyytääksemme ruokaa rahan edestä. Vesi oikein
kielelle herahti ajatellessamme nyt kerrankin taasen saavamme
pureksittavaksi hiukan muutakin kuin leipää, kalaa ja piimää.
Tapasimme vanhan isännän kotosalla. Hän oli sisälle

astuessamme kammarissaan tekemässä poikansa kanssa joitakin
laskuja. Lienemmekö tulleet sopimattomaan aikaan vai miten, se
vaan, että oudon kylmäkiskoisesti vieraat vastaan otettiin; yleensä
näet pitkin matkaamme olivat ihmiset olleet hyvin ystävällisiä ja
kohteliaita, minne vaan olimme tulleet, tarjoten mitä talossa vaan
parasta löytyi. Hiukan oudolta tuntui meistä siis tuo ynseä
vastaanotto. Tuskin tervehdittiin ja istumaan käskettiin,
puhelemisesta ei puhettakaan: jätettiin vieraat vaan siihen niine
hyvineen. Ei tehty edes noita tavallisia kysymyksiäkään. — Vasta
jonkun ajan päästä talon nuorimies pistäysi muutaman sanan
haastamassa.
"Täällä sitä oisi", kävi joku nainen kappaleen ajan kuluttua ovelta
sanomassa.
Kun arvasimme sillä ruokaa tarkoitettavan, niin menimme uteliaina

katsomaan, mitä hyvyyksiä siellä sitten oli.
"No — istu ja pala! Silakkaa, leipää, piimää! Ja porokuninkaan

talossa!" — Siinä koko kestitykset!
Täytyihän sitä näön vuoksi hiukan maistella kuitenkin, vaikka

veneessä olisi itsellämme parempaakin ollut. Ja sitten maksettiin ja
lähdettiin.
"Semmoista se on, kun pohattain tykö menee. On totta vie

'aristokraattinsa' sydänmaassakin." Niin päättelimme kun pettynein
toivein ja äkäisin mielin astelimme jälleen veneellemme.
Saimmepa kuitenkin taasen tekemistä, joka hiukan karkotti äreää

tuultamme, joskin se toiselta puolen antoi uutta syytä
suuttumukseen. Talon kohdalla olevan koskenkorvan näet olivat tukit
kerrassaan sulkeneet. Tuo muutoin vähäpätöinen korvake oli tuosta
muuttunut oikein mahtavaksi kuohuksi. Keskiväylää siitä kaikki vesi
hyömälsi tulista vauhtia, painautuen kautta kapean uran, jonka tukit
olivat sille jättäneet, niin valtavana aallokkona ettei siihen pienellä
veneellä ollut yrittämistäkään. Kahden puolen väylää olivat tukit
pitkin jos poikkikin patouneet pohjakallioita vastaan aika ruuhkiksi. Ja
yhä uusia pölkkyjä niitä tuli, mitkä tulista vauhtia kiitäen alas väylää,

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Ebook Political Branding in Turbulent Times 1St Edition Mona Moufahim Online PDF All Chapter

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Political Branding in Turbulent times

1st Edition Mona Moufahim

Harvard Business Review: Strategies For Turbulent Times

Radical Teaching in Turbulent Times Martin Duberman s

Resisting Gendered Norms Civil Society the Juridical

Turbulent Fluid Flow 1st Edition Peter S Bernard

Fallen Angel Ingram Mona

Troll Proof Branding in the Age of Doppelgangers 1st

Innovation in Advertising and Branding Communication

Restless Mothers Turbulent Daughters Situating Tribes

More information about this series at

Palgrave Studies in Political Marketing and Management

1 Introduction: Political Branding in Turbulent Times 1

8 How Trust Wins Against Criticism: Promise Concept

Guja Armannsdottir is a Senior Lecturer in Marketing at Nottingham

Science Association Congressional Fellow, a Carl Albert Fellow and a

on identity, extreme right politics, and political marketing and consump-

Nathan R. Shrader is a North Huntingdon, PA native and currently

BJP Bharatiya Janata Party

Fig. 2.1 The political branding environment ecosystem

Table 2.1 Implications of successful political brand identities

Introduction: Political Branding in Turbulent

Keywords Political brand(ing) · Branding practitioners · Brand

At the core of how parties and candidates are conceptualised as brands

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

of the introduction of marketing principles and techniques in politics

terrorism, alongside the proliferation of autocratic, chauvinist or at the

This multidisciplinary overview enriches existing, emerging, theoretical

anti-brand activities deployed by citizens and political opponents of the

1. Ahmed, M.A., Lodhi, S. and Ahmad Z. (2017) “Political Brand

Thanks and Acknowledgements I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude

Political Brand Identity and Image:

Christopher Pich and Guja Armannsdottir

Abstract The purpose of this chapter is twofold. Firstly, we put forward

C. Pich (B) · G. Armannsdottir

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 9

Keywords Political brands · Political brand identity · Political brand

Furthermore, political brands are constructed to encourage identification

political brand. The importance of alignment will be discussed later in the

Political Brand Identity---Internal

Fig. 2.2 Characteristics of successful political brand identities (Developed from

in relation to an ever-changing dynamic political environment. Neverthe-

Table 2.1 Implications

Political Brand Image---External

emotional elements ’ evoked by the name of an organisation (Gutman &

Fig. 2.3 Characteristics of successful political brand image (Developed from

Distinction Political brand identity Political brand image

Perspective Internally created Externally interpreted

importance of periodically assessing and monitoring political brand iden-

Case 1: Political Brand Identities in Guernsey

focus on investigating the phenomenon framed towards political parties

Personality not Policies

Fig. 2.4 Key dimensions of personal political brand identities

The third dimension of identity building related to legacy and expe-

Case One Summary

Case 2: Political Brand Image in Italy

coarse grain and fine grain thematic analysis (Butler-Kisber, 2010) to

Negative Perceptions and Imagery

Integrated and Blended Communications

highlighted a more authentic and approachable identity. Another respon-

Case Two Summary

1. Academic and practitioners can use this chapter to understand the

image of different types of political brands and consider character-