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Reluctant Editor The Singapore Media As Seen Through The Eyes of A Veteran Newspaper Journalist 1st Edition P. N. Balji
Reluctant Editor The Singapore Media As Seen Through The Eyes of A Veteran Newspaper Journalist 1st Edition P. N. Balji
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“PN Balji is a rare and wonderful fixture in that peculiar world known as
journalism in Singapore. For almost four decades … Balji navigated a
world where ‘truth’ was often a state-sanctioned commodity and real
journalism was a perilous undertaking … Balji’s insights into what it was
like to practise journalism with integrity under these circumstances is an
important contribution to the history of modern Singapore.”
David Plott
former editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review and managing editor of Global Asia
(www.globalasia.org)
___________
Reprinted 2019
The publisher makes no representation or warranties with respect to the contents of this
book, and specifically disclaims any implied warranties or merchantability or fitness for
any particular purpose, and shall in no event be liable for any loss of profit or any other
commercial damage, including but not limited to special, incidental, consequential, or other
damages.
Printed in Singapore
CONTENTS
Foreword
Author’s Note
Annex
I thank my friend, PN Balji, for requesting me to write the Foreword for his
memoirs. He is one of Singapore’s veteran newspaper journalists and
editors, and a very good one.
Balji worked with The Straits Times, The New Paper, TODAY, Malay
Mail and New Nation. I think his greatest achievement as a journalist was
during the ten-year period when he was the editor of the tabloid, The New
Paper. He made the paper commercially successful and intellectually
credible. He also did an unusually good job as editor of TODAY, in the face
of fierce opposition.
Most intellectuals look down on the tabloids. I used to have the same
attitude until I met a veteran journalist and good friend of Singapore,
Arnold Brackman. He was a seasoned foreign correspondent, an expert on
Indonesia and a good friend of Mr S Rajaratnam, our first Foreign Minister.
He was teaching journalism at a college in Connecticut. One day, he asked
me which newspapers I read every day. I said I read The New York Times,
the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post. Professor Brackman
advised me to subscribe to a New York tabloid. He reasoned that the three
papers I read represented the elite opinions of America but not the opinions
of the man in the street. I took his advice and started to read the New York
Post, in addition to the three elite newspapers. The lesson I learnt from
Brackman is that it is important to be in touch with the ground.
Coming back to The New Paper, I recall that the paper once asked me to
write an article for them on ASEAN. I accepted the challenge. I wrote the
article in very simple English and free of jargon. I submitted my article and
received quite a shock when the editor of the paper told me that his readers
wouldn’t understand my article. The editor rewrote my article in a language
and style which was more accessible to his readers. It was a humbling
experience. It taught me that writing for The New Paper was an art which I
did not possess.
I have always admired our journalists. They work under many
constraints. My friend, Cheong Yip Seng’s book, OB Markers: My Straits
Times Story, gives a detailed account of the kinds of pressure under which
they work. I particularly admire the journalists who have not caved in to the
pressure but are able to maintain their integrity. Singapore needs a press
which is both independent and responsible.
Tommy Koh
Professor of Law
National University of Singapore
AUTHOR’S NOTE
My Father’s Son
The chapter I didn’t want to write
M
y father, Poravankara Narayanan Nair, was a poet, actor and trade
unionist all in one. Our home at Block 9 Room 8, Delhi Road, in
the former British Naval Base, doubled as a meeting place and
watering hole for my father and his friends to get together to read poetry,
discuss the next play to be staged and talk about workers’ rights. The
discussions were robust, with points and counter-points being argued but
seldom reaching a consensus. Still, there was hardly any rancour or
bitterness as my father’s friends stumbled home. I was a teenager then,
barely able to make sense of what prompted these men to debate so
animatedly and sometimes wondering if they were just men who were
wasting their time drinking and talking about inconsequential things.
Some 60 years later, as I reflect on those days, reality strikes: oh my
goodness, how could I have failed to realise that my father’s passion for
writing, socialism, drama, righteousness, rights of the underdog and his
ability to keep going day in day out had rubbed off on me? How I wish that
he were alive today! I would have a whisky with him and tell him: “Acha,
you made me the man I am today. Thank you very much.”
As I was planning the contents of this book, I was adamant that I would
not write about my childhood days. Who would care about my growing-up
days in the former British Naval Base in Sembawang? Where would people
have the time to read about my poverty-stricken early life as my mother
struggled daily to put food on the table? In a world where the reader’s
attention span is shrinking by the day, such chapters are normally given a
miss. I have done that many times. My thinking changed as I began
working on this book and asked myself: how did I get into journalism? How
did I develop a deep interest in Malayalam movies? Where did I get my
values from? How did I develop an interest in people from all walks of life?
How did I get to writing commentaries that a former Cabinet minister
labelled anti-government? How did the hidden empathy for the underdog
come out into the open and consume me? I now have the answer: my
father’s latent influence has played a major part in all of this even without
my realisation.
His convictions were powerful and he did not hesitate to express them.
Once, my primary school form teacher, Haridass, added the word Nair to
my name in my report card. I was registered in school as PN Balji, without
the Nair tag. Being a staunch socialist, my father was dead against
descriptions like Nair and Menon, which many Malayalees used to show off
their class and creed. My father was so pissed off that he stormed into the
teachers’ room and told Haridass: “Let this caste system end with me. I
don’t want my children to carry the Nair tag to show that they are from the
upper crust of society.” Much later, at my engagement ceremony in
Singapore in 1974, my father put his foot down with a classy response
when asked what kind of dowry he was expecting from the family of my
wife-to-be, Uma. “Is this a fish market?” he asked, mocking the practice
that was prevalent in Indian society. My father-in-law was speechless and
no dowry was paid. Struggling to make ends meet, I was upset that my
father did not accept the dowry offer. Years later, I was very proud that he
did what he did. Now I can say proudly that every dollar and cent that I
have has come from my own hard work and from my wife’s genius for
making good investments.
Somehow, in some way, my father’s imprint can be found on many of
the decisions I made as editor of The New Paper, and then as editor-in-chief
of TODAY and CEO of Mediacorp Press, which publishes TODAY. I didn’t
realise it at that time; his hidden influence played a part in a high-wire
moment when I was the acting editor of the New Nation and crossed swords
with Lee Kuan Yew over the publication of an article in the paper. Lee
Kuan Yew was furious. James Fu, Lee’s press secretary, relayed the prime
minister’s anger to Peter Lim, The Straits Times chief editor, in this way:
Who is that practising western-style journalism? I was worried that, at best,
my progress in the newspaper would be stymied or, at worse, I would lose
my job. Nothing happened as Peter managed to pacify Lee. More
importantly, I went on to edit The New Paper for ten years, and later
TODAY, for an initial three years and, later on, for another two years. There
were many other attempts to walk that tightrope of Singapore journalism,
which you can read about in the following pages.
My father’s biggest personal disappointment was a month-long strike
that he had organised as president of the Naval Base Labour Union. It failed
miserably. Years later, when I got my job in the Malay Mail, he told me:
“Don’t ever become a union official.” It was advice I have followed
religiously. Just as indelible as those words is an image of him that I have
carried with me from the early 1980s, when I was about to leave for the US
to have an angioplasty done. As I was leaving his home, he pointed a finger
at me and said: “Don’t forget you have two young girls and a wife to take
care of.”
My journalism journey also began with my father, long before I became
a reporter at the Malay Mail on 1 April 1970. He was an avid reader of The
Straits Times. My brother and I were also hooked on it and so, first thing
every morning, there was a race to get to the paper. My father had to step in
to restore the peace – the first to rise will get to read the paper first. As
always, he would be the first to get up.
We didn’t speak much. He was busy with his work and extracurricular
activities. I was busy studying or poaching fruit from the rambutan trees in
the backyard of the black and white houses of the British Navy expats.
One day in 1970, he broke the bad news: he was retiring from his job as
a storehouse man. My three sisters were married. I had just finished my
Higher School Certificate (today’s “A” Levels) and my brother was still in
secondary school. I had to go out and work to feed the family. I applied for
two jobs advertised in The Straits Times, one for a reporter in the Malay
Mail, the other for a special investigator in the Criminal Practices
Investigation Bureau (CPIB). Both the Malay Mail and the CPIB asked me
to attend interviews. Wee Kim Wee, then managing editor of The Straits
Times Press, in whose stable the Malay Mail was parked, headed the
interview panel, and the human resource person made me an offer almost
immediately. The salary was S$250 with a transport allowance of S$50. The
CPIB called me a few days later asking me to join them, but with my dream
job in hand, the CPIB was the last thing on my mind. I walked into Times
House in Kim Seng Road (where a condominium now stands in place of
Times House) with a swagger in my gait and confidence in my head – only
for both the swagger and confidence to be punctured a few days later.
The cause was my news editor, Jackie Sam, who revelled in being a
tyrant. He made life hell for me and many others. Jackie brought to life the
caricatures of editors made famous by Hollywood: smoking endlessly,
trying to look for something on his table hidden by piles of files with paper
chucked all over, barking orders to journalists … Jackie epitomised this
kind of behaviour. Once, he sent me to interview a Big Walk participant in a
kampong in Bukit Timah. I wrote up the interview, he had a quick look at
my report and asked me to go back and talk to the subject again. Nothing
was said about what was missing in the story or the extra questions I needed
to ask. I went back and back and back … 12 times. He must have decided
then that the punishment was enough and he finally rewrote the story for
publication. No explanations, no suggestions, no empathy. It was a far
better story than what I had written. It was crisp, short and flowed
smoothly. That whole episode was intended as an exercise in humiliation
and it worked. Enough was enough. I threw in my letter of resignation. It
landed on the chief reporter’s desk because Jackie happened to be off that
day and a veteran newsman, PM Raman, was in charge. He called me at
home and said: “I am chucking your letter into the bin. Come back to
work.” Raman was like a father figure in the Malay Mail newsroom,
offering a shoulder to cry on for those who got a verbal lashing from Jackie
or one of his cold, piercing trademark stares. I couldn’t go against the
advice of the avuncular Raman.
Together with police inspector-turned-reporter Wee Beng Huat, I was
made to do a punishing shift from 11pm to 8am, followed by a week on the
3am to 11am shift. Beng Huat and I would make regular visits to the
Singapore General Hospital mortuary, meet officers of the Fire Brigade and
talk to his police contacts. It was at around this time that the Singapore
Herald, anchored by media stalwarts such as Francis Wong and Ambrose
Khaw, came on the scene. The Herald began putting pressure on The Straits
Times from the word go. Herald exclusives and stories that angered the
government made many sit up. I remember a picture that was used across a
full page inside the paper with this cheeky headline: “The picture the
government doesn’t want you to see.” Below it was a picture of a military
contingent practising its National Day marchpast on a public road. The
government had ordered the media not to use the picture as they felt that it
would dilute the people’s enjoyment of the actual parade.
The Herald’s Harold Soh, another police officer turned crime reporter,
was getting stories which we could not even smell. Then we found out he
was rewarding those who manned the telephone lines of the Fire Brigade,
the first people to receive 999 calls. Our relationship with the telephone
operators had cooled and the tip-offs dried up. Not wanting the Herald team
to beat us to the crime stories, we also started rewarding the 999 operators
and our relationship returned to “normal”, until one day when we were
meeting them in a coffee shop in Chinatown, CPIB officers barged in and
arrested all of us. We were packed off to the CPIB office in Stamford Road,
isolated in separate cold rooms and interrogated for nearly 20 hours. It was
a totally numbing experience. On one level, I was thinking of my job,
whether I would still be able to continue in journalism. On another level, I
was thinking of how I was going to face my parents and society. Beng Huat
and I spent a lot of time at MacRitchie Reservoir, crying on each other’s
shoulders. A few months later, we both pleaded guilty to corruption and
were fined $1,000 each. The telephone operators were all sacked. That
incident never left me, piercing at my conscience every time I think about
it. We didn’t lose our jobs, but the telephone operators did.
This is it, I told myself. I didn’t want to do reporting any more.
Fortunately, I got moved to the sub-editor’s desk. That was where I found
my true calling.
CHAPTER 2
I go back home every evening not knowing what the paper is going to look like.
The next morning, I am surprised to see a well-edited, well-designed and lively
paper. I don’t know how you all pull it off. Obviously, there is a central
intelligence running through the newsroom and the paper. Keep doing
whatever you are doing.
Working behind the scenes in planning and shaping the reports were
stalwarts like Sonny Yap, who went about his work as features editor
calmly and methodically, without any high jinks. He spoke of what he got
from working in New Nation:
A gritty Singapore indeed. Still reeling from a shock exit in 1965 from
Malaysia, just two years after a ground-breaking merger, Singapore was
struck by a second thunderbolt – the withdrawal of British troops east of
Suez in 1971. The economic and political fallout of these events was huge,
especially for a newly-independent Singapore. The troops were a £70-
million annual burden on the British economy which the then Labour
government decided it could no longer bear. To Singapore, the British bases
were a boon, contributing 20 per cent to the GDP. The quickie divorce from
Malay-dominated Malaysia was the result of an intractable divide over race,
and came in the wake of public sparring between leaders north and south of
the Causeway. It sparked fears of a revival of the 1964 racial riots. Those
events gave LKY the perfect opportunity to use the Internal Security Act to
arrest certain opposition politicians, including union leaders, without trial.
With the opposition neutralised, the country embarked on rapid
industrialisation, changed labour laws to attract foreign investments and
tripled military spending. Nearly everything we see in today’s Singapore –
whether it is the glittering prosperity of the city state or the paucity of
political space – has its roots in how LKY and his lieutenants dealt with that
double whammy.
ST was a huge beneficiary of the dazzling economic growth. As the
country prospered, so did ST. Strict media licensing laws and the
government-enforced closure of its rivals, Eastern Sun and the Singapore
Herald, also helped ST and its parent company to become runaway
economic successes. They paid back the favour by supporting the
government unabashedly, sometimes even if it meant disregarding the most
important stakeholder – the reader. LKY’s strategy for ensuring ST’s loyalty
worked well for both parties from the late 1970s.
Lyn Holloway and Peter Lim used the opportunity to launch the golden
era for Singapore journalists. Both the CEO and editor-in-chief came up
with plans to upgrade journalists’ professional, leadership and intellectual
skills. The icing on the cake was the initiative to give senior editors a two-
week sabbatical of their choice to anywhere every year. Even their wives’
flight tickets were paid for. I asked Peter why the company was so
generous. He reasoned: our senior editors work long hours, this was our
small way of saying “thank you” to the wives. He was disappointed that he
couldn’t convince the board to extend it to the husbands of female editors.
Peter and Lyn also made it a point to send flowers on the wedding
anniversaries of the senior editors and their spouses. Peter intervened
personally to get the company to grant me a housing loan (the company had
no such loan scheme). He also got the company to underwrite my travel
expenses and medical bills when I had an angioplasty done in San
Francisco in 1986, although SPH’s executive chairman at the time, SR
Nathan, had not been in favour of it since the procedure was already
available in Singapore.
The Lyn Holloway-Peter Lim tango effectively skirted the barrier
between the corporate and editorial departments and I have not seen that
partnership repeated since. Peter knew he had to get the buy-in of the CEO
to retain and attract talent, and Lyn had the foresight to realise that editorial
excellence would boost readership and advertising revenue. Like all good
things, this arrangement didn’t last. Soon after, ex-Cabinet minister Lim
Kim San replaced SR Nathan as SPH’s executive chairman in 1988; he
slashed executives’ perks, unceremoniously ending the golden era.
Most of the New Nation’s staff moved to ST after our newspaper was
gifted to the Singapore Monitor in 1982. My five years in ST, beginning in
1982, were difficult. I held important roles, including those of night editor
and news editor, but found it hard to adjust to a newsroom so radically
different from the ones I had known. ST was much more hierarchical and
disciplined. I was a fish out of water trying to swim through a labyrinth of
rules. ST had little choice but to keep a tight rein on the newsroom, with an
ever-watchful and ever-suspicious officialdom scrutinising its reports; one
misjudgement might lead to an internal inquiry, a rap on the knuckles and
perhaps force the company to move certain journalists to other departments.
So when SPH management announced that a new paper would be launched
in 1988, I jumped at the chance of a transfer. Editor-in-chief Cheong Yip
Seng agreed and I was made deputy to the chief editor, Peter Lim, who had
to resign as editor-in-chief in charge of the English and Malay newspapers
under SPH.
The working title was Project 459, supposedly representing the first
three digits of telephone numbers in Toa Payoh, a neighbourhood whose
metrics matched those of our target audience. To reach these readers, our
stories would be short and snappy, and its photographs and illustrations
would be in colour – a big deal then as colour tended to be reserved for
National Day and other special occasions. Each edition would feature a
glossary, giving the meanings of certain words that appeared in the stories.
Mock-ups were shown to potential advertisers and readers.
The marketplace buzz and much of the feedback were supportive, but
when the first copies of The New Paper (TNP) rolled off the presses on 26
July 1988, the reaction was just the opposite. Clearly, Singapore was not
ready for a paper that treated news in a catchy and fun way. Giordano
showed its displeasure by cancelling its advertising contract and the paper’s
sales sank below 50,000 copies a day, much below expectations. Peter acted
quickly. The paper went downmarket, with sensational Page One headlines.
One year after the launch, TNP ran a series of stories on a prostitute in the
UK who counted among her clients famous newspaper editors and British
MPs. The series became an instant hit and Pamella Bordes – nicknamed
Papadum Pam because of her Indian origins – became a talking point
because of the treatment of the story, revealing salacious details of her life
story. Other stories followed in a similar vein and the paper’s circulation
began to breach the 50,000 figure. Like an experienced pilot, Peter was
readying the paper for take-off after a false start.
However, SPH executive chairman Lim Kim San was not happy. He
reckoned that our staff costs were too high because of the highly-paid
western journalists in the TNP newsroom. Peter’s own pay and perks were a
constant source of irritation for the chairman. He hounded Peter often. In
1990, two years after the launch, Peter decided to leave. He asked me if I
would take over as editor, but I was reluctant as I was worried about my
health. I had only recently returned to work after an angioplasty procedure
in the US and believed that taking on the top job would be too much for my
heart. Peter took me to lunch in a small and charming restaurant called
Checkers in Orchard Road to persuade me. I left the decision to my wife,
Uma, as it would mean I would have even less time to spend at home. She
took three days to make up her mind and told me to go ahead and accept the
job.
I did, and my ten years as editor of TNP turned out to be the best
experience that I had in my career. The paper hit new highs in circulation,
helped mainly by breaking news from Operation Desert Shield, the build-up
to the first Gulf War which was launched in August 1990, and the outbreak
of the war itself in January 1991. The 1990 World Cup in Italy was another
rocket booster as most of the football matches during that miracle month in
June and July were played early in the morning, Singapore time. TNP
became the Singapore newspaper to get the first bite of the news from Italia
90. Readers began to lap up the breaking news, analyses and action
graphics, and the paper’s sales began to soar, hitting a daily peak of
150,000.
TNP became my university of life, with my personality seeing a
transformation. I had always been an impossible introvert, speaking very
little and seldom socialising with colleagues. During meetings, I was mostly
silent, speaking only when spoken to. My ten-year editorship of TNP
changed all that. I forced myself to go out and mingle with people. I
accepted invitations to speak at public functions, and I regularly convened
newsroom-wide meetings. Bit by bit, I began to break out of my cocoon.
TNP’s success made the transformation easier. Editor-in-chief, Cheong Yip
Seng, became a catalyst. He believed in TNP, attended nearly every
Tuesday meeting with the editors, praised the paper publicly and endorsed it
many times. All this gave me the much-needed confidence to break out of
my introverted, shy and even reticent personality. Many times, I swung to
the other extreme, becoming very talkative (too talkative, says my wife,
Uma).
TNP gave me a rich understanding of various aspects of publishing.
SPH’s chief operating officer, Denis Tay, took a special interest in the paper,
chairing a weekly meeting of the heads of the editorial, marketing and
circulation departments. Those meetings, where all the departments had to
present reports on TNP’s progress and follow-up plans, were instructive as
they plucked me out of my narrow editorial concerns and made me
acknowledge and understand that the success of a newspaper depended on
all three departments coming together regularly to share information on
what the market wanted. It was from the circulation briefings that I learnt
the most. Its staff was out there on the streets, mingling with readers and
newspaper vendors informally. They had the pulse of the reader; they knew
what readers looked for in an afternoon newspaper, why some editions sold
well, why others didn’t. Their briefings were more art than science; I learnt
not to ask them questions because they saw that as editorial arrogance and
shied away from being open and candid. Our relationship grew; they had no
inhibitions about telling me whether an edition would sell well just by
looking at the headlines and pictures on Page One. They never sugar-coated
their judgements, and most times, they were spot on. The newsroom would
fax the Page One layouts to them daily.
Meanwhile, I had to deal with a strongman executive chairman who
repeatedly threatened to shut us down if we didn’t show him we were
committed to reducing the red ink on our balance sheet. To show him that
we were on the right track, when journalists resigned, we simply reallocated
the work and did not replace them. Soon, Lim Kim San got off our backs
and that removed a big obstacle to our take-off.
My TNP life was my most rewarding newspaper experience, not just
because it became the only afternoon daily to hit a daily sales figure of
more than 100,000 copies a day, but also because of the talented team of
editors, sub-editors, reporters, artists and administrative staff I worked with.
They thrived in an open newsroom environment that was not straight-
jacketed. It spawned a crazy and wild bunch who played and worked hard
and helped make TNP a talking point. I must make a special mention of
editorial artists such as Cel Gulapa, Lee Hup Kheng and Simon Ang;
writers and editors, including T Ramakrishan, R Jegathesan, Ken Jalleh Jr,
Ng Whay Hock, Joe Nathan Lourdes, Pradeep Paul, Suresh Nair, Yaw Yan
Chong, Pauline Loh, Irene Ng and Rosnah Ahmad; photographers like
Philip Lim, Simon Ker and Jonathan Choo, and admin staff, including
Zainah Omar and R Nirmala. It was a dream team of world-class
professionals – some of them are still making waves in their new roles both
inside and outside the newsroom.
CHAPTER 3
Living Dangerously
Who is that practising western-style journalism?
N
early every editor in Singapore has a Lee Kuan Yew story to tell.
Former editor-in-chief, Cheong Yip Seng, has written in his book,
OB Markers: My Straits Times Story,1 of being warned as a rookie
reporter that if he broke an embargo, he would have his neck broken. That
was in the 1960s. Peter Lim, his immediate predecessor at Singapore Press
Holdings, has told us about how he was made to hand over the New Nation
title to a rival newspaper company; and former Straits Times editor, Leslie
Fong, of how he nearly lost his job over his “Thinking Aloud” column.
My own Lee Kuan Yew story began on 3 February 1981, 11 years after I
first entered the newsroom in Times House. It was the eve of Chinese New
Year and I was then acting editor of the afternoon daily, the New Nation.
That day, the Chineselanguage papers had a report on Prime Minister Lee
Kuan Yew’s Chinese New Year message, which had been released for
publication exclusively to the local Chinese-language media. Other media
had to wait until the next day to receive the message for publication the day
after. The first day of this public holiday was one of two days in the whole
year when the New Nation was the only English-language newspaper to be
published, the other being Boxing Day. New Nation journalists made sure
that those special editions were memorable, with stories that would
encourage readers to buy the paper regularly.
The message from the Prime Minister did not just contain festive wishes
for the new year, it carried a compelling news point of national significance.
The Housing and Development Board (HDB), the national housing
authority, was looking at ways to get public housing residents to live near
their parents in the same estate. The political and social impact of his
message was impossible to ignore. The natural expansion of HDB housing
was splintering Singapore families. With ageing citizens preferring to stay
put as their adult children married and moved into homes in newer estates,
it seemed inevitable that over time, such separation on a national scale
would weaken family ties. Unintended though it was, it would inevitably
result in seniors leading lonely lives and, eventually, the state would be
required to look after them.
A New Nation editor called the Prime Minister’s press secretary, James
Fu, and was told about the embargo, which reserved publication for the
Chinese-language newspapers as they did not publish on the first and
second days of the Chinese New Year. Fu said they would release it to the
rest of the media one day later, on the first day of the Chinese New Year, for
publication the next day. Such a rule seemed strange to me, especially when
news of the HDB’s plan was already in the public domain, albeit only in
Chinese. Fu was adamant that the New Nation respect this two-stage
embargo. I appealed, but he refused to budge. Finally, I heeded my
journalistic instincts and went ahead with publishing the story on the first
day of the Chinese New Year.
The New Nation’s report, “Bringing Families Together”, said:2
Mr Lee discussed the problem of parents who are unwilling to move to a new
housing estate and who would rather their children apply for a flat in their
estate. Unfortunately, he said, this cannot be easily done because the old
estates have been fully developed and those blocks that are being rebuilt will
not be enough to accommodate such applicants. He suggested that the HDB
make it more attractive, in terms of price, for the exchange and resale of old
flats. Mr Lee said he was shocked to discover during a tour of Ang Mo Kio on
Jan 25 that there are two old folks’ homes in the estate. He said this is
something we should not encourage.
Within minutes of the paper hitting the streets, the Prime Minister’s
Office called. Peter Lim, who had editorial oversight of the New Nation, got
the brunt of the scolding. Fu relayed the Prime Minister’s angry message:
“Who is that journalist practising western-style journalism?” Through the
press secretary, Peter tried to pacify the Prime Minister by explaining that I
was new to the role of editor and did not know it was accepted practice for
the government to grant the first bite of the Chinese New Year message to
the Chinese-language press. Although I was acting on the journalistic
principle that it was acceptable to publish information that was already in
the public domain, I came to realise that I ought to have checked with the
editor-in-chief before deciding to go ahead. This episode, however, had a
happy ending: the CEO of the newspaper company, Lyn Holloway, later
walked into my room, put his arm around my shoulders and said: “Don’t
worry, Balji. We have taken care of it.” That act of warmth and support has
stayed with me ever since. I had expected the worst. Lee Kuan Yew was
known to be intolerant of dissent, especially from those working in media.
His record with journalists who veered off the straight and narrow path was
legendary. Some have been detained without trial, some blackballed, and
others forced to leave journalism and even the country. My worst fear about
getting into his bad books was that I might be forced to quit journalism
altogether. None of this materialised. Not only did I continue to run the New
Nation until 1982 when we had to gift it to our competitor, Singapore News
and Publications Ltd, but I also edited The New Paper for ten years from
1990 to 2000 and launched TODAY as the founding editor-in-chief and
CEO of Mediacorp Press, its publisher. That stint lasted three years until
2003.
My colleague of many years, Mary Lee, was not so fortunate. She had
been a writer for The Singapore Herald newspaper, which was forced to
close in 1971. Accused of being part of a “black ops” plot mounted by
foreigners, the newspaper had its publishing licence suspended. Lee Kuan
Yew had accused the Herald of “taking the government on” since it began
publication in 1970. Weeks before its closure, another English-language
daily, Eastern Sun, had also been forced to close. Government action
against the media was not confined to English-language publications. The
Chinese-language Nanyang Siang Pau was accused of glamourising
communism and encouraging Chinese chauvinism. Publication of the paper
was suspended briefly and four of its editorial executives were detained for
up to two years.
After the Herald episode, Mary went to the US on a journalism
fellowship, then joined the Sunday Nation team upon her return. She got on
the Prime Minister’s nerves from the very first day in November 1974. She
became the target of his fury because of her “provocative” columns; that
was how the paper’s editor, Cheong Yip Seng, described them publicly. One
commentary that infuriated Lee Kuan Yew was headlined “The Great Paper
Chase”. He wanted Mary sacked for saying that the pursuit of certificates
and degrees was a total waste of time. He felt that she was undermining the
education system. Peter Lim, who was the New Nation’s chief editor at that
time, and Cheong tried to appease the Prime Minister by moving Mary to a
back-end job as a sub-editor. “I wasn’t happy but neither was I living in fear
then,” she would recall in a 2013 article, “How LKY Changed My Life”, on
the Singapore news website, The Independent. It was during the difficult
period in the 1970s that a former classmate, who had not been in touch for
seven years, took her on a car ride so they could talk privately. Be careful,
he told her. Throw out all publications you brought back from the US.
Don’t invite to your home anyone you are not familiar with, and don’t hold
any parties in your place, he advised.
“It wasn’t pleasant. Suddenly, I’m no longer able to trust anyone around
me, except my mother. I cried for days. I knew what I had to do: I had to
leave Singapore,” Mary wrote. At the time, she was a writer at the paper,
handpicked by Cheong to work with him on the Sunday Nation.
Some felt Cheong should have taken responsibility because he had
approved her commentaries and promoted her as a provocative columnist.
In a newsroom that felt under siege, journalists turned fearful, figuratively –
and sometimes literally – looking behind their backs and self-censoring
their own work. Those close to Mary knew that her free-spiritedness and
her uncompromising views on current affairs would make her a target in
Lee Kuan Yew’s Singapore. Leaving her country of birth would be an
eventuality.
In 1975, she left for London, with no money and no idea of what she
would do there. Mary depended on her friends until she got a job at Harrods
as a sales assistant during the Christmas season. Then she went into
journalism working as a sub-editor at a weekly newspaper, did some casual
work at The Sunday Times and was taken on as a sub-editor by The
Guardian. Two years later, she landed a job in Hong Kong with the Far
Eastern Economic Review magazine. There, she was in her element (“full of
adventure,” she wrote) writing commentaries as a correspondent in Beijing
and an open letter to Lee Kuan Yew, headlined “Lee To Lee”, which was a
sharp criticism of Lee Kuan Yew’s stranglehold on Singapore society. “Ease
your hold on Singapore and in 25 years’ time, the island will have grown
into a real garden city where a hundred more flowers – some wild, but all
beautiful – will bloom naturally,” she wrote. That was in 1985. As expected,
the advice was not followed and today’s leadership is struggling to find
ways to allow the wild flowers to bloom.
Mary returned to Singapore in 1995 for “medical and personal reasons”.
The Far Eastern Economic Review kept her on salary for a couple of years
as an “observer”. She earned a Master’s degree in English, then applied to
Singapore Press Holdings for a job. The interview panel was divided. Mano
Sabnani, then managing editor of the English and Malay newspapers
division, was in favour of hiring her, saying that people, especially
experienced journalists, should be given a second chance. The HR people
were not, citing her commentaries and her controversial run-ins with the
government. The ball was kicked into my court for a decision and I took
Mano’s side. Cheong, who was now editor-in-chief, concurred, and Mary
returned to her old Times House haunt, this time as a sub-editor with The
New Paper, after an absence of 20 years.
Initially, it was smooth going in a newsroom that embraced Mary’s
seniority, knowledge of Asia and ability to cut through the clutter in reports
written by young reporters. She played the role of mother hen perfectly,
feeding staff with her homemade kueh pie tee and providing a listening ear.
Her rebellious instincts, however, did show up occasionally and finally
caught fire when the BBC sought her views on Singapore’s ministerial
salaries, which made its politicians the world’s highest paid. She could
hardly have chosen a more controversial topic. Mary told the BBC
interviewer: “It was OK to pay basketball star Michael Jordan millions
because his skills were self-evident. But ministers? Their skills, if they had
any, can’t be seen.” Ouch!
Lee Kuan Yew was not going to keep quiet about that. The salaries idea
was his brainchild and he was hell-bent on paying ministers top dollar
because he said he was having problems getting good people into politics.
He demolished all criticism and the very subject became an OB (out-of-
bounds) marker, an issue that was not for discussion. Even a quarter of a
century later, ministerial pay remains an issue that polarises Singapore
society. It was on 21 October 1994 that the White Paper on Competitive
Salaries for Competent and Honest Government was presented to
Parliament. The central argument that high salaries were needed to recruit
talent was not generally disputed, but it was the amount of money being
proposed, making Singapore politicians the world’s highest paid, that many
could not accept. The media was given specific instructions not to report the
increments that were given every year to the ministers for fear that putting
that kind of information in the public domain would reignite acrimonious
debate and stoke public anger.
Mary’s BBC interview ran smack into the government’s take-no-
prisoners stance on the issue. Lee Kuan Yew’s reaction came fast and
furious and, once again, he wanted action taken against her. An internal
inquiry panel recommended that she be told to go. That decision rested on a
company rule that she had broken: she had failed to seek the editor’s
permission to give that interview. The New Paper appealed to Cheong Yip
Seng, who agreed on a compromise: Mary would be demoted and her salary
cut.
Back in 1981, The Straits Times (ST) had done something
uncharacteristic and unthinkable. It had responded publicly to
Communications and Labour Minister Ong Teng Cheong, who criticised ST
and the New Nation for publishing what he called “irresponsible,
misleading and rumour-mongering” reports on impending bus fare
increases. The reports said the bus company was mulling over two
proposals: the price of bus concession passes to go up between $1 and $10,
and a general fare increase of 5 cents.
The reporters attributed the information to unnamed sources. The group
editor, Peter Lim, went public with a spirited defence of the newspapers and
their reporters, something I have not witnessed since. Such debates had
taken place privately between Cabinet ministers and editors occasionally,
but never in public. As acting editor of the New Nation, I was required to
attend an unusual press conference that Ong Teng Cheong had called to
deny the reports, in the presence of key ministry officials and Singapore
Bus Service (SBS) bosses. Visibly upset, the minister looked directly at the
editors assembled on the opposite side of the table and said in a dramatic
tone of voice: “All the reliable sources you can lay your hands on are here.
Name them.” The line-up included Permanent Secretary (Communications)
Sim Kee Boon, and from SBS managing director Tan Kong Eng, executive
director Lim Leong Geok and general manager Mah Bow Tan.3
At that tense confrontation over the bus fare hike reports, one of the
unnamed sources cited by the newspapers was seated there right in front of
us, his expression impassive. Peter Lim declined to expose him, saying that
professional ethics prevented him from naming our sources. Peter went
further when he said the sources who provided the information were
authoritative but conceded they had now proven unreliable.
One heart-stopping moment came as the press conference was winding
up. Peter noticed that Sim Kee Boon, the Permanent Secretary, appeared
lost in thought. Peter asked him: “You have something else on your mind,
Mr Sim?” Sim Kee Boon said he wondered if The Straits Times would give
an apology. Peter asked: “Is one called for?” Sim Kee Boon felt that in view
of what had been established, an apology might not be out of place. Peter
said he would give the suggestion his serious consideration. In the end, no
apology was given.
This was actually the second confrontation between the minister and
Peter Lim; the first had come the day before when Ong Teng Cheong
slammed the English-language press over their reports on this issue, at an
event attended by Chinese-language newspaper reporters. In the ST report
the next day, headlined “Teng Cheong Raps Straits Times And New
Nation”, Peter had already made clear what the group’s response would be.
He said: “If New Nation and The Straits Times were to name their sources,
no one, not even Mr Ong, we think, would feel that the two newspapers had
been irresponsible.”
In the course of writing this chapter, I caught up with Rav Dhaliwal, the
New Nation reporter who had written the story of the bus fare increase, and
asked who her sources were. She gave me two names. I then asked her why
they had leaked the story to the press. She said: “As the controversy blew
up, I realised that the information was leaked to test the ground. They
wanted to see how the ground would react. If the reaction was negative,
then they would announce a substantially lower increase. Yes, we were used
by these two people for their devious means.”
That long-ago government face-off with the media was a rare moment
when I was proud to be a Singapore journalist. When Peter made the issue
public and responded in a firm but gentlemanly way, he showed all of us
journalists how the media could respond when it felt it had been
unjustifiably reprimanded by the government. I remember him telling
senior editors that if we had done something wrong, we should come clean,
admit our mistake and apologise. If not, we should forward our case
unemotionally and in a balanced manner.
Much later, we would learn that this episode had negative consequences
for Ong Teng Cheong’s political prospects. A new generation of leaders was
being groomed to take over from Lee Kuan Yew and his team. Ong was a
key member of that second tier and this perceived setback was seen as one
reason he failed to become Singapore’s second prime minister. He was also
the go-to minister for matters relating to the Chinese community. While he
focused his attack on the English-language newspapers, no mention was
made of Nanyang Siang Pau, which was the first newspaper to report that
bus fares would go up. When asked by The Straits Times why the English
media had been singled out, Ong Teng Cheong said he had spoken to
Nanyang Siang Pau’s editor-in-chief and registered his unhappiness. Some
political observers saw that as a leadership weakness in an aspiring national
leader and wondered if he could truly be a leader of all races.
More importantly, there was the question of how Lee Kuan Yew would
have regarded the whole episode. Some Singaporeans feel that Lee Kuan
Yew, who believed that editors had to be tamed at all cost, would have seen
this as a weakness in Ong Teng Cheong. Ultimately, it was Goh Chok Tong
who succeeded Lee Kuan Yew as Prime Minister in 1990, and Ong became
Deputy Prime Minister (DPM). Ong Teng Cheong’s appointment as DPM
was referred to in the book, Tall Order.4 When Goh Chok Tong told Lee
Kuan Yew of his intention to pick Ong, Lee Kuan Yew asked why his son,
Lee Hsien Loong, was not on the list. Goh Chok Tong got around that
sticky situation by appointing two DPMs – Ong Teng Cheong and Lee
Hsien Loong.
In 1991, I was involved in another tangle with the government, again
over sources. The New Paper’s ace crime reporter, Suresh Nair, had gotten
hold of a report that detailed a Super Puma crash at Sembawang Air Base,
which took the lives of four crew members. The statement issued by the
Ministry of Defence (Mindef) was brief, as usual. It offered scant details,
such as the name of the aircraft, where and when the accident happened and
how many died. Through his sources, Suresh dug up more information,
including the likely cause of the crash (malfunction of the rear rotor blades)
and the pilot losing control of the chopper after it suddenly spun mid-flight.
The report quoted sources as saying: “The pilot informed the control tower
that he was facing some mechanical problems when cruising between 250
and 350 metres.”
We did not realise that we were contravening Mindef secrecy laws.
Many months later, Suresh learnt that an investigation had been ordered to
find out who had leaked the story. “Between six and eight of my sources
who offered the technical information were pulled up by military
intelligence and interrogated for several days at the Bukit Gombak Base,”
he said. Permanent Secretary (Defence) Lim Siong Guan demanded that we
name the sources. Suresh and I declined because revealing those names was
as good as killing our profession. Lim listened, did not say much and we
left that meeting thinking the matter was settled. Until we were called in a
second time. Again, Lim asked us for the names of the sources, and again,
we declined. We were told that we would be charged in court for
contravening Mindef regulations. In the end, that never came to pass.
Instead, we were fined via private summons. Suresh recalled: “I was told
that some officers and non-commissioned officers who were questioned
were punished with demotions, salary cuts and a salary freeze. The incident
pains me even today, 27 years later, that my buddies who risked their
careers to give me such exclusive information were punished severely.”
It taught me a meaningful lesson. The details published in our report
had been too close for Mindef’s comfort and left no doubt that the
information had been leaked from the airbase. Not only would an employer
find such a leak intolerable, but the law was also clearly against us. If the
team had better understood the ramifications of the law, we could have
handled the details differently and the chances of Mindef coming down
hard on the paper would have been minimised, and the officers involved
might not have had to pay such a heavy price.
Suresh belonged to a rare breed of reporters who thrived on exclusives –
journalists refer to them as scoops – which you hardly find today in our
newsrooms. He cultivated his sources and they trusted him. His scoop days
came to end when late one night, the feared midnight knock on the door
came. Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) officers went to his
home and took him away. He and his wife were terrified. Suresh was
interrogated for many hours: the officers wanted to know if he had bribed
Central Narcotics Bureau officers to get his stories. Suresh denied the
allegations. The episode had the effect the government intended, with
Suresh wanting to move out of crime reporting and into sports journalism. I
raised this with Minister George Yeo during a lunch meeting with editors.
His cryptic reply: “Let the CPIB do its job.” I muttered: “It is unlikely they
will find anything.” Nothing was found and Suresh did not hear further
from the CPIB, but it achieved the chill effect the government wanted to
send to Suresh and others who dared to tread its path.
Then came the General Election in 1997. Buried in the ashes of that
bruising electoral battle was a story in The New Paper (TNP) which
produced in full the police reports that a Workers’ Party politician had made
against Lee Kuan Yew and ten other PAP politicians on Polling Day. The
day before, Opposition politician JB Jeyaretnam had uttered at an election
rally on 1 January: “Finally, Mr Tang Liang Hong has just placed before me
two reports he has made to the police against, you know, Mr Goh Chok
Tong and his team.”
In those police reports, it was alleged a number of PAP ministers had
called Tang Liang Hong an anti-English educated, anti-Christian Chinese
chauvinist, claims “likely to incite religious extremists to hate me and my
family and cause harm to me and my family”. Tang Liang Hong, a lawyer
and Workers’ Party candidate for the Cheng San Group Representation
Constituency (GRC), was fighting an election for the first time. Although a
rookie politician, he was regarded as a triple threat by the ruling party.
Fluent and persuasive in Chinese, English and Malay, he marshalled his
arguments forcefully and pushed PAP leaders to go on a verbal rampage,
hurling accusation after accusation at him. The 1997 election campaign
turned out to be one of the most toxic in recent history, with the PAP intent
on preventing Tang Liang Hong and JBJ from getting into Parliament via
the contest in Cheng San GRC.
I remember that rally speech by JBJ so well. He was the last speaker. He
had finished his speech and was about to leave the stage when he was
handed a piece of paper. He turned back to face the crowd of about 20,000
and uttered those fateful 28 words about the police reports. Technically,
there was a case to sue JBJ as one would not make a police report to praise
another person. So Lee Kuan Yew must have known that he had JBJ and
Tang Liang Hong in his crosshairs. Don’t forget that JBJ was the man who
broke PAP’s monopoly in Parliament when he took Anson in a by-election
in 1981.
The next morning, just after I had put the polling day edition of TNP to
bed and was enjoying a cup of coffee in the office canteen, my editor-in-
chief called. “Get copies of the police reports from the Central Police
Station and use them,” said Cheong Yip Seng, a man of few words. “But the
police don’t release such reports to the media,” I replied. “Call them. They
will release them to you,” came the immediate reply.
Word was sent to the printing department to stop the presses, and to the
staff to wait for a new Page One lead. The buzz in the newsroom was
palpable. I was excited as I knew this would be an exclusive for TNP. I was
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Language: English
Original publication: United States: Lothrop, Lee & Shepard Co., Ltd,
1949
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COPYRIGHT, 1949 BY
LOTHROP, LEE & SHEPARD CO., INC., N.Y.