Sensitive Research in Social Work

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Sensitive Research
in Social Work
Sharif Haider
Sensitive Research in Social Work
 Sharif Haider

Sensitive Research in
Social Work
Sharif Haider
Health, Wellbeing and Social Care
Open University
London, UK

ISBN 978-3-030-85008-1    ISBN 978-3-030-85009-8 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85009-8

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
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This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Contents

1 Sensitive Social Work Research  1

2 The Philosophy of Sensitive Social Work Research 21

3 The Ethical Aspects of Sensitive Social Work Research 81

4 Skills Required for Sensitive Social Work Research123

5 Risk Assessment and Management for Sensitive Social

Work Research161

6 Managing Emotion for Sensitive Social Work Research185

7 Collecting Data for Sensitive Social Work Research219

8 Analysing Data for Sensitive Social Work Research289

v
vi Contents

9 Interpreting and Presenting Findings for Sensitive Social

Work Research325

Appendixes355

Index 359
 List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Six dimensions of sensitive social work research 9

Fig. 1.2 A research process 13
Fig. 2.1 The first set of building blocks forming a piece of work’s
research paradigm 24
Fig. 4.1 Gibbs’ (1988) reflective cycle 147
Fig. 5.1 The risk management cycle 171
Fig. 8.1 A basic thematic map 301
Fig. 8.2 Frequency of words used by the research participants to
indicate the benefits of widening participation in social work
education306
Fig. 8.3 A pie chart of average hour social workers work directly with
children, young people and families 319
Fig. 9.1 The process of drafting a dissertation 342
Fig. 9.2 A simple mind map depicting perpetrators’ perspectives of
intimate partner abuse 343

vii
 List of Tables

Table 1.1 Definitions of sensitive research 3

Table 2.1 Ontological and epistemological questions 25
Table 2.2 Differences between quantitative and qualitative research 41
Table 3.1 Teleological vs deontological (developed based on Newham
& Hawley, 2007; and Csiernik & Birnbaum, 2017) 87
Table 4.1 An example of lists of activities of a research project 140
Table 5.1 Risk assessment of a specific matter related to a research
participant165
Table 6.1 A distress protocol for researchers 195
Table 8.1 A table of suitable matches between analytical techniques
and types of data 313
Table 8.2 A comparison of effective procedures for social workers’
continuing professional development 316
Table 8.3 Social workers’ wish lists for their professional development 317
Table 8.4 Demographic details of respondents 318

ix
 List of Boxes

Box 1.1 Sensitive Research and Threats to People 8

Box 2.1 Reasoning for the Positivist Paradigm 28
Box 2.2 Research Example: Mixed Methods 37
Box 2.3 Deductive and Inductive Methods 38
Box 2.4 Research Example 46
Box 2.5 Digital Storytelling 54
Box 2.6 Netnography 56
Box 2.7 Bracketing 59
Box 2.8 Research Example 59
Box 2.9 An Example of Arts-Based Research 67
Box 2.10 Case Example 69
Box 3.1 Harms Vs Benefits 85
Box 3.2 Guidance for Informed Consent 98
Box 3.3 Gillick Competence 106
Box 3.4 Information Sheet for Children 107
Box 3.5 Data Protection Principles 112
Box 4.1 Communication Needs 127
Box 4.2 Active Listening 128
Box 4.3 Tips for Reflection 144
Box 4.4 What Is an Argument? 148
Box 4.5 The Literature Review Process 151
Box 5.1 Principles of Risks Assessment 165
Box 5.2 Checklist for Good Practice 169

xi
xii List of Boxes

Box 5.3 Helena’s Safety Protocol 177

Box 5.4 Lone Working Checklist 178
Box 6.1 Experiences of Physical Harm due to Research Participation 192
Box 6.2 Checklist to Ensure Researchers’ Personal Safety 192
Box 6.3 Principles of Managing Emotional Distress 199
Box 6.4 Managing Emotional Distress 203
Box 6.5 Self-Care Techniques 206
Box 6.6 Strategies to Manage Vicarious Trauma 209
Box 6.7 Support Transcribers 209
Box 7.1 Nine Criteria to Become a Successful Interviewer 225
Box 7.2 Accept Silence 230
Box 7.3 Some Tips to Interview People with Disabilities 238
Box 7.4 An Example of Structured Observation Field Notes 241
Box 7.5 An Example of Field Notes for a Non-participant,
Unstructured Observation 242
Box 7.6 A Framework for Recording Field Notes 243
Box 7.7 Six Tips for Observation 244
Box 7.8 Extract of a Focus Group Discussion 251
Box 7.9 Competence of a Facilitator 252
Box 7.10 Planning Focus Groups for Sensitive Research 254
Box 7.11 Research Example of a Photovoice Research Method 266
Box 7.12 Photovoice Research Methods 267
Box 7.13 Asking Sensitive Questions Sensitively 275
Box 8.1 An Example of an Interview Transcript (Unedited Version) 293
Box 8.2 Coding Strategy 296
Box 8.3 An Example of Using NVivo Software to Code a Transcript 299
Box 8.4 Tips for data analysis in sensitive social work research 312
Box 8.5 Statistical Tests 320
Box 9.1 Four Components of Data Interpretation 328
Box 9.2 Extract from Research Diary and Report 335
Box 9.3 Forms of Writing 340
 List of Activities

Activity 1.1 Develop Your Research Questions 14

Activity 2.1 Suitability of Quantitative Research for Sensitive Topics 43
Activity 2.2 Explore and Justify the Research Approach for a Sensitive
Research Question 44
Activity 2.3 Challenges in Ethnographic Fieldwork 55
Activity 2.4 Identify the Research Paradigm 70
Activity 3.1 Ethical Frameworks for Research with Human
Participants82
Activity 3.2 Collect Data Ethically 86
Activity 3.3 Tuskegee Syphilis Study 89
Activity 3.4 Ethical Principles in Sensitive Social Work Research 91
Activity 3.5 Ethical Research 93
Activity 3.6 Confidentiality in Research 96
Activity 3.7 Case Study Regarding Voluntary Participation 99
Activity 3.8 Case Study Regarding Challenges of Utilising
Questionnaires Online 101
Activity 3.9 Informed Consent and Online Discussion Forums 102
Activity 3.10 Payments to Participants 103
Activity 4.1 Case Study Regarding Disclosure 135
Activity 4.2 Develop a Gantt Chart 137
Activity 4.3 Develop a Weekly Activity List 139
Activity 5.1 Identify Risks 168

xiii
xiv List of Activities

Activity 5.2 Conduct a Risk Assessment 173

Activity 5.3 Develop a Safety Protocol 179
Activity 6.1 Case Study Regarding Personal and Professional
Boundary190
Activity 6.2 Benefits Versus Risks 194
Activity 7.1 Relevance of Interviews as a Research Method 231
Activity 7.2 Develop an Interview Guide 236
Activity 7.3 Ethical Issues for Observations 246
Activity 7.4 Children and Participant Observations 248
Activity 7.5 Different Ways to Conduct Focus Groups 250
Activity 7.6 Identify Practical Issues Associated with Walking
Interviews261
Activity 7.7 Identify a Suitable Research Method(S) 278
Activity 8.1 Keyword analysis 305
Activity 9.1 Techniques for a Writing Plan 342
 1
Sensitive Social Work Research

Research is about systematically exploring and expanding knowledge and

understanding of a topic. Researchers across the board agree that the suc-
cess of their research projects depends on the way they approach them.
They must think strategically, critically, creatively and sensitively, all of
these attributes being important for sensitive social work research because
this type of research is different from other types due to sensitive topic,
potential threats both intrinsic and extrinsic, risks and harms which
oblige researchers to carefully and sensitively prepare, plan and conduct
their studies. This book is intended to equip mostly social work students
and practitioners with the knowledge, skills and values required to suc-
cessfully conduct sensitive social work studies. In order to achieve this
objective, the first chapter aims to explore a number of definitions of
sensitive research, its distinctiveness and the significance of undertaking
this type of research in social work.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 1

S. Haider, Sensitive Research in Social Work,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85009-8_1
2 S. Haider

Sensitive Research
Although the name ‘sensitive research’ gives an idea of what such research
concerns, defining it is difficult because it is socially constructed. Probably
for this reason, it embodies a wide range of perspectives. For some
authors, it is researching sensitive topics that makes a particular study
sensitive, while for others the term refers to researching vulnerable peo-
ple, which warrants a sensitive approach to conducting research. The
term ‘sensitive’ is also often used interchangeably with the terms ‘vulner-
able’, ‘hidden population’ and ‘hard-to-reach’ people. Some also hold
that if a particular piece of research poses risks to participants and
researchers, the study can be deemed as sensitive. So the definition of
sensitive research is not simple or straightforward. Nevertheless, a num-
ber of writers have made attempts to define it. Table 1.1 gives the various
definitions of sensitive research.
Based on these examples, one can see that some authors define sensi-
tive research loosely and widely, others narrowly. Some authors concen-
trate on threats to people involved in research, some only on taboo topics
(Farberow, 1963), and some on the ethical aspects of research. Three
elements can be identified from these definitions:

1. Research topic
2. Participants
3. Threats

Research Topic The word ‘sensitive’ is subjective, so it can cover a wide

range of topics, but some authors argue that some topics are more threat-
ening and arouse more emotion than others. Based on a meta-analysis of
sensitive survey studies, Lensvelt-Mulders et al. (2005, P. 462) identify
nine main domains of sensitive topics: research studies about

sexual behaviour, drug and alcohol abuse, criminal offences and fraud,
ethical problems, and attitudes involving abortion, euthanasia and suicide,
charity, politics, medical compliance, psychological problems and a diverse
miscellaneous category.
 1 Sensitive Social Work Research 3

Table 1.1 Definitions of sensitive research

Authors Definition
Farberow Farberow (1963) treats ‘taboo topics’ as sensitive.
(1963)
Sieber and ‘[S]tudies in which there are potential consequences or
Stanley implications, either directly for the participants in the
(1988, P. 49) research or for the class of individuals represented by the
research. For example, a study that examines the relative
broad social implications and thus can be considered socially
sensitive. Similarly, studies aimed at examining the relation
between gender and mathematical ability also have
significant social implications’.
Renzetti and A sensitive research topic is ‘intimate, discreditable or
Lee (1993, incriminating’. They are ‘laden with emotion or which inspire
P. ix) feelings of awe or dread’ (Lee, 1993, 6).
Lee (1993, P. 4) ‘Research which potentially poses a substantial threat to those
who are or have been involved in it’.
Wellings et al. ‘If it requires disclosure of behaviours or attitudes which would
(2000, P. 256) normally be kept private and personal, which might result in
offence or lead to social censure or disapproval and /or which
might cause the respondent discomfort to express’.
Campbell Campbell (2002) asserts sensitive topics are often ‘difficult’
(2002, P. 33) topics such as ‘trauma, abuse, death, illness, health problems,
violence, crime – that spawn reflection on the role of
emotions in research’ (33).
Barnard (2005, A sensitive research project deals with ‘socially charged and
P. 2) contentious areas of human behaviour’.
Dickson-Swift The sensitive research ‘has the potential to impact on all of the
et al. (2008, people who are involved in it … the potential harm to the
P. 11) researchers conducting the research as well as to the research
participants taking part’.

(continued)
4 S. Haider

Table 1.1 (continued)

Authors Definition
Liamputtong ‘I refer to the “vulnerable”, “difficult-to-access” and “hidden
(2007, P. 4–6) populations” of several social groups: Homeless people,
children and adolescents, older people, people with
disabilities, chronically and terminally ill persons, women
who have experienced violence such as rape and domestic
violence, female and male sex workers, gay men and lesbians,
indigenous populations, people from ethnic minority
backgrounds, the mentally ill, illicit drug users and dealers,
and those who are affected by stigmatised diseases such as
mental illness and HIV/AIDS. The list is not exhaustive, but
these groups of people are often hard to reach; they are the
silent, the hidden, the deviant, the tabooed, the marginalised
and hence ‘invisible’ populations in society … A closely
related issue with vulnerable and marginalised people is the
concept of ‘sensitive research … I would include issues like
miscarriage, abortion, exploitation of the marginalised, the
critically ill, being old, children who work as prostitutes and
so on, as sensitive research’.
Mallon et al., ‘Sensitivity is often thought of in terms of two key elements:
(2020, P. 2) Firstly, the inherent sensitive or taboo qualities of the
research topic itself and secondly the methodological and
practical means of sensitively addressing such “sensitive”
issues’.

Although the domain of sensitive topics emerged from survey research,

it resonates with qualitative research as well. Many research areas in social
work can be deemed as sensitive, so by definition they fall within the
category of sensitive research.

Mallon et al. (2020) agree that the core of sensitive research is ‘emotion’.
This could be a result of undertaking research project, and it could be
experienced by participants, researchers and others associated with the
research, including readers. However, they advise against using the term
‘sensitive research’ normatively and routinely for a range of research topics
related with emotions. This does not imply they deny that emotions
should not be used to categorise sensitive research—indeed, far from it.
They advise that researchers critically explore the complex mix of emotions
experienced by everyone in their research before labelling their studies as
sensitive research. According to them, researchers should take account of
 1 Sensitive Social Work Research 5

broader experiences, including the reactions of others to our research, and

complex emotions that fundamentally affect how researchers make knowl-
edge claims about all sorts of divergent issues. (P. 1)

Participants As mentioned earlier, research on ‘vulnerable’ people is also

associated with sensitive research, probably because vulnerable individu-
als may experience the ‘risk of potential harm require special safeguards
to ensure that their welfare and rights are protected’ (Moore and Miller,
1999, P. 1034). The term ‘vulnerability’ is applied ambiguously, and only
a few authors have defined it (Bracken-Roche et al., 2017). The word
‘vulnerability’ originates from the Latin ‘vulnerabilis’ and the verb vul-
nerare, meaning ‘to wound’. The term is thus used to describe the poten-
tial for risk, danger and poor outcomes (Dorsen, 2010). For Boldt (2019),
vulnerability is ‘a state of physical, emotional and cognitive stability that
is in danger of being disturbed or destroyed due to being susceptible to
destabilizing influences’ (P. 2–3). Nyamathi (1998) asserts that vulnera-
ble individuals are ‘impoverished, disenfranchised, and/or subject to dis-
crimination, intolerance, subordination, and stigma’ (P. 65). According
to Nyamathi’s definition, vulnerable people include children, minority
ethnic groups, immigrants, sex workers, users of and dealers in illicit
drugs, the unemployed, homeless, gay people, lesbians and the chroni-
cally ill, including those with mental distress and their caregivers.
Vulnerable people are also associated with ‘hard-to-reach’ and ‘hidden’
populations (Melrose, 2002) because they are invisible (Stone, 2003),
silent groups in society (Liamputtong, 2007).
Ten Have (2016) holds that we all are vulnerable, but our vulnerability
increases because of concerns about our physical and mental health
(Boldt, 2019). Quest and Marco (2003) view ‘social vulnerability’ as also
making people vulnerable, so vulnerability becomes manifest if someone
is unable to protect their own interest or lack autonomy. People are per-
ceived vulnerable if they

• cannot decide for themselves to participate in the research

• cannot make decisions due to their position in hierarchical ordered
institutions
• are socially disadvantaged
• have cognitive impairments or are mentally distressed
6 S. Haider

• lack autonomy
• have limited access to services (Johnson et al., 2016)
• are stigmatised
• have particular health conditions associated with stigmas
• are excluded from the main spheres of public and economic life
• are in environments that constrain freedom and restrict access to most
resources (Johnson et al., 2016).

This list allows the conclusion that assumptions are made when label-
ling people as vulnerable. In some instances the person may not be vul-
nerable, even though they have one of the above characteristics.
Another way of exploring vulnerability is by concentrating on the
interaction between an individual’s characteristics and their environment
(Luna and Vanderpoel, 2013). Vulnerability is therefore context-­
dependent. This way, researchers can explore layers of vulnerability, which
will help to fully safeguard their participants. According to Millum et al.
(2019, P. 4)

a woman, in herself, is not vulnerable, but a woman living in a country that

is intolerant of reproductive rights acquires a layer of vulnerability. In turn,
an educated and well-off woman in that same country might overcome
some of the consequences of such intolerance, while a poor woman acquires
another layer of vulnerability. Moreover, an illiterate, poor woman acquire
sill another layer. On this view, vulnerability is not binary category: the
metaphor of layers gives flexibility to the concept.

Sensitive researchers must carefully explore the interactions between

an individual’s characteristics, their situation, their environment and the
nature of the study in order to decide whether and how they should
approach their project sensitively.

Threats If a project poses substantial threats to both participants and

researchers, it can be called sensitive research. This definition moves away
from focusing on research topics, concentrating instead on the vulnera-
bility of participants, and on threats to researchers and participants. Lee
(1993) proposed three threats for sensitive research:
 1 Sensitive Social Work Research 7

Intrusive threats: These are concern areas that are private, stressful and
sacred. An example is topics related to sexual practices. Bereavement-­
related research can also be sensitive because of its association with emo-
tion; it is a highly emotionally charged topic. This subject could upset
people and make researchers feel uncomfortable. According to Lee (1993)

research into such areas may be threatening to those studied because of the
levels of stress which it may induce. An additional problem here, which
also affects research into the private sphere, has to do with maintaining and
appropriate demeanour in face-to-face contact with the researcher. (P. 6)

So both researchers and participants can experience psychological and

emotional harms, which makes research in these areas sensitive.
Threats of sanction: Studies related to deviance and the presence of a
researcher could instigate fear because of the possibility that deviant
activity will be disclosed and participants will consequently be stig-
matised or incriminated. The presence of researchers can also some-
times make participants frightened because ‘it produces a possibility
that deviant activities will be revealed’ (Lee, 1993, P. 6). For example,
the fear of scrutiny can cause participants to perceive researchers
investigating organisations or managements to be organisational
agents. Lee (1993) provides an example, when John-Johnson (1975)
was openly accused by one of the social workers of being a spy for the
state governor’s office. Some researchers have also had to hide or leave
their own countries because of their research. Research into an area
which is hidden, and findings from these studies, are unwelcome.
Engaging with this type of research could put researchers at risk of
harm and abuse.
Finally, sensitive researchers will conduct their research with people and
groups who are oppressed, powerless and marginalised, such as ethnic
minority groups, asylum seekers and refugees. Participants may fear
‘exploitation or derogation or be sceptical about the research’ (Lee,
1993, P. 7).
Political threats: These occur when researchers are involved with social
conflicts, mostly with powerful individuals. Arbitrary rules and regula-
8 S. Haider

tions by corrupt individuals pose risks and entails risks and threats to
researchers conducting their legitimate research. Furthermore

elites, powerful organizations and governments are often sensitive to the

way in which their image Is portrayed. As a result, in an attempt to forestall
what they regard as genitive criticism they may be led to impugn a research-
er’s motives, methods and credibility. (Lee, 1993, P. 9)

It is rare, but not unheard of, for researchers to be arrested, detained,

expelled or even killed. The death of Giulio Regen is an example of the
risk researchers undergo when carrying out sensitive research. Regen
was a PhD student from the University of Cambridge who was tor-
tured to death while involved with field work on trade unionism in
Egypt (Glasius et al., 2018). Although this is an extreme example, with
the risk of such extremes as this being statistically low, it does indicate
the risk to researchers of conducting sensitive research.

Box 1.1 Sensitive Research and Threats to People

Lee and Renzetti (1990) assert that, although any topic can potentially
become sensitive depending on the context, some areas can pose more
threats than others. For example:

a) where research intrudes into the private sphere or delves into some
deeply personal experience;
b) where the study is concerned with deviance and social control;
c) where is impinges on the vested interests of powerful persons or the
exercise of coercion or domination; and
d) where it deals with things sacred to those being studied which they do
not wish profaned. (P. 513)

These three dimensions of research focus on what to research with

whom, and on the threats to both participants and to researchers them-
selves. These three dimensions are to an extent interlinked, and are cer-
tainly helpful when categorising sensitive research, but the concerns are
that these they fail to acknowledge the complexities associated with social
work research because such research is closely linked with social work
practice, meaning that it deals with the uncertainties, unpredictabilities
and complexities stemming from a diversity of interests including social,
 1 Sensitive Social Work Research 9

political, economic, environmental and administrative ones. It deals with

the power relationships that are inseparable from the conduct of research.
It cannot be denied that the definition of sensitive social work research
must go beyond these three dimensions and incorporate what such
research does, how and to whom. The three dimensions emerged from
the social sciences, and although social work is within that realm, it has
three additional facets (Fig. 1.1) that make social work research sensitive:

• Outcomes
• Accountability
• Inclusiveness

A definition of sensitive social work research can thus be delineated

along six analytical dimensions.

Outcomes: Research mostly aims to extend theoretical boundaries, pro-

vide new insights and address gaps in our understanding. Not only
social science research but also most social work research is criticised
because of its perceived failure to help shape the development and
implementation of policy (Shucksmith, 2016). As Donnelly et al.
(2019, P. 832) say:

social work research is often seen as intrinsically people-oriented, reflecting

the focus of our professional work, and has often been driven by top-down

Sensitive social work research

Fig. 1.1 Six dimensions of sensitive social work research
10 S. Haider

policy rather than practice driven initiatives which has arguably compro-
mised its significance and impact.

One of the fundamental aims of sensitive social work research is that it

should generate and produce knowledge to change the practice social
work practice. It should also help shape the development of policy at
local, regional, national and global levels, as well as its implementation
that would improve the life of vulnerable, marginalised and stigma-
tised people. Dominelli (2005) suggests that social work research
should bring about social change and enhance well-being, and in doing
so it should seek to transform social work practice. Shaw and Gould
(2001) likewise maintain that it ought to enhance the body of theory
and knowledge about social work and provide evidence to improve
social work practice.
Sensitive social work research should go beyond the norms of academic
research that is restricted to explaining, exploring and describing social
reality: it should bring about positive social change, and in doing so
should serve the best interest of the research participants. Not only
individuals but families and communities should benefit from the
positive outcomes. A sensitive social work research study should be
judged on the effect it has on people’s lives.
Accountability: Commitment to enhancing the well-being of partici-
pants should be a sensitive social work researcher’s first priority. They
should proactively take every action they can to safeguard their partici-
pants and others involved in their research. They must manage every
aspect of the research process in order to avoid the risk of injury, abuse,
exploitation and harm. However, they should not hesitate to report
any maladministration and neglect of duty they observe. Duty of care
to participants and others should be exercised throughout the period
of the study. Researchers must also act to forestall harm to others. For
example, if they come across instances of abuse while the study is
underway, they must report it. They should also offer psychological
and emotional support to participants and others involved. Researchers
must play a significant role in protecting the rights and promoting the
interests of research participants, and must be accountable for the
quality of their research.
 1 Sensitive Social Work Research 11

Inclusiveness: Participants should be seen as individuals with agency

(Dominelli, 2005). This means that they should actively contribute to
the research, and therefore that they must be treated with respect and
dignity. They should not be perceived as passive actors in studies;
whenever possible, researchers should involve them in the design, data
collection, implementation and dissemination phases of the research
(Dominelli, 2005). This is important because it helps ‘hold practitio-
ners and academics accountable to those who are affected by their
work and question the privileging of their research’ (Dominelli, 2005,
P. 249). Sensitive social work research should be underpinned by the
principles of human rights, and researchers must adopt processes and
practices that are ethically and culturally sensitive. Butler (2002) holds
that social work research should focus on emancipation. Strier (2007)
accuses mainstream research of being a microcosm in which ‘the
research realities of oppression of the larger society are reproduced’
(P. 861). Sensitive social work researchers should therefore focus on
social liberation through radical transformation of the power relation-
ships between researchers and their participants. One path to achiev-
ing this would be to actively create and provide room for the participants
to be actively involved in the research wherever possible. Egalitarian
power relationships create such opportunities for active participation.
Researchers are also perceived to have expertise as well as the power and
authority over the production of knowledge, and are therefore seen as
taking pride and ownership of the production of knowledge produced
as part of their research. The production of knowledge from sensitive
research should acknowledge the interdependency and intersubjectiv-
ity between researcher and participant (Bilotta, 2020; McLaughlin,
2006; Rogers, 2012). Strier (2007) suggests that researchers

voluntarily renounce the privileges associated with their hegemonic status

in favour of shared ownership of knowledge. Given that research is in fact
a shared journey, researchers are called upon to reduce the exclusionary
barriers to genuine participation and to provide participants with a sense of
real control over the research process. (P. 862)
12 S. Haider

Although this suggestion is based on anti-oppressive social work research,

it should also be the case for sensitive social work research because the
core of that research is equality and fairness, which entails active and
profound commitment by researchers to protecting social work values
and ethics in their research endeavours.

Why Sensitive Social Work Research

Some social work researchers may not see sensitive social work research as
an attractive way of producing knowledge because of the ethical, social,
political, legal, psychological and emotional challenges it might pose, all
of which require the researcher’s full attention. To manage these chal-
lenges effectively, researchers must invest time and be committed and
motivated. That does not mean that other types of social work research
do not demand equivalent levels of attention. They do indeed, but sensi-
tive social work research adds additional layers of responsibility in terms
of research input, process, output and outcome. Sensitive social work
studies therefore demand that the researcher carefully consider a number
of factors throughout so as to reduce the risks, threats and harm to
research participants and others involved, including researchers them-
selves. Sensitive social work research is about transforming marginalised,
stigmatised, oppressed and discriminated people’s lives influencing or
changing policy, practice and service provision and serving the best inter-
ests of those who should gain the most from the research.
Not to conduct sensitive social work research could mean a significant
number of people and some subjects becoming invisible, which may con-
sequently affect the development of policy and service provision. This
would be morally and ethically unacceptable and does not fit with wider
social work values. As Sieber and Stanley (1988, P. 55) argue strongly:

sensitive research addresses some of society’s most pressing social issues and
policy questions. Although ignoring the ethical issues in sensitive research
is not a responsible approach to science, shying away from controversial
topics, simply because they are controversial, is also an avoidance of
responsibility.
 1 Sensitive Social Work Research 13

Conducting sensitive social work research can be complex, risky,

emotionally demanding, time-consuming and morally, ethically and
legally challenging, but is nevertheless desperately needed in order to
understand the lived experiences of people who are likely to be vulner-
able in various respects. This understanding of lived experience will
inform and improve both those people’s lives and the practice of
social work.

Research Process
A research process enables the systematic conduct of studies. Figure 1.2
illustrates a prototypical research process. It has six distinct stages.
Meticulous consideration must be given to a number of issues and
challenges, and decisions about how to proceed at each stage must be
thought through and made. Although the research process looks lin-
ear, the researcher will most likely move forward and backward between
stages when undertaking their research. The process is thus not always
as orderly as presented in Fig. 1.2; it can become messy, in particular
as regards sensitive research, where the researcher must constantly go
back and forth to ensure the quality of research. For example, while
designing the data collection stage, researchers may wish to tweak
research problems.

Write the
Research
Analyse and Report
Interpret
Collect Data data
Research
Design
Literature
Review
Research
Problem

Fig. 1.2 A research process

14 S. Haider

The desired research topic must firstly be chosen, a choice based on con-
siderations of practicability and value. Once the subject has been identified,
the researcher can concentrate on developing their research question(s).

Activity 1.1 Develop Your Research Questions

Based on the chapter so far as regards the aspect of sensitive social work
research, think carefully about
• the area you are planning to explore
• why this area interests you
• what you know about the area
Note your answers. Now develop your research question(s).
Keep a record of those question(s). You will need to return to them as you
study each chapter of this book. By doing so, you will develop your under-
standing of research paradigms, methodologies, methods, ethics, risks and
benefits, emotions, data analysis and interpretation and the presentation
of sensitive social work research. This activity will also help you develop
your own research as you study each chapter.

The nine chapters of this book will enable the researcher to understand
every stage of the research process and equip them with the tools and
techniques they need to undertake their sensitive social work research.

Structure of the Book

The introductory first chapter discusses the definitions and significance
of sensitive social work research.
Chapter 2 concerns research paradigm and methodology. It begins by
defining the terms ‘research paradigm’, ‘axiology’, ‘ontology’, ‘epistemol-
ogy’, ‘methodology’ and ‘method’. Understanding these concepts is piv-
otal to understanding how researchers’ philosophical positions and
worldviews affect their research. The chapter advocates question-led
research design, and in doing so it establishes the relationship between
ontology, epistemology and methodology. The chapter also gives readers
an understanding of positivism, constructionism, interpretivism, femi-
nism, post-modernism, critical social research and pragmatism, and of
the distinction between quantitative and qualitative research, and mixed
 1 Sensitive Social Work Research 15

methods as an alternative to solely quantitative and qualitative research.

The second part of the chapter focuses on research strategies such as sur-
vey, ethnography, narrative, case study, phenomenology, participatory
action research and visual arts–based research. All these strategies are dis-
cussed in a way that informs sensitive social work researchers’ selections
of suitable research strategies. Both the advantages and the disadvantages
of these strategies and the way they should be employed are discussed in
the chapter.
Chapter 3 concerns ethical frameworks for sensitive social work research.
Ethical theories, principles and rules are discussed in this chapter. Readers
will obtain an overall understanding of how, where and when they can apply
ethical theories, principles and rules. Case studies and activities supplement
the discussion of the complexities associated with ethical issues in sensitive
social work research. Anonymity, confidentiality, privacy, informed consent,
voluntary participation and data management are explored, with examples
for readers to grasp how they must carefully plan their studies. The chapter
concludes by discussing the process of gaining ethical approval.
Chapter 4 outlines some of the core skills such as planning, prioritisation,
organisation, time management, self-aware, reflection, critical thinking, active
listening, probing and prompting that are required to undertake sensitive
social work research. All of these skills are crucial to successfully conducting
sensitive social work studies. This chapter also focuses on the practical issues
involved in using these skills. It also examines the ways in which researchers
should build relationships and rapport with their participants, discussing the
issues of silence, dealing with anxiety, and self-disclosure. Techniques to con-
duct debriefings and review the literature sensitively are also presented.
The emphasis in Chap. 5 is on the risk assessment and management of
researchers, participants and others involved in sensitive social work
research, all of whom might run physical, psychological and emotional
risks. The chapter explores the significance of risk assessment and man-
agement of sensitive social work research and the way researchers should
undertake these. A clear account of managing physical safety in sensitive
social work research is given, along with a description of how to develop
a safety protocol. Finally, the chapter presents the techniques required to
deescalate violent and disruptive behaviour.
Chapter 6 covers the emotional aspects of sensitive social work research.
It begins by defining emotion and its significance for sensitive social work
16 S. Haider

research. It then provides techniques to manage emotion in the conduct

of studies. Finally, vicarious trauma and its management are discussed in
order to help researchers conduct their research in a sensitive manner.
Chapter 7 is about research methods in sensitive social work research. The
aim of the chapter is to provide a detailed account of the widely used research
methods in this field and the processes involved in the design and deploy-
ment these methods. Interview, focus group, observation, walking interview,
photovoice and participatory arts research methods are explored in this chap-
ter and each one’s strengths and weaknesses highlighted, which will help
researchers decide what method(s) will best fit with their research question(s).
The pragmatic issues of employing all these methods are explored.
Analysing qualitative and quantitative data is the focus of Chap. 8,
which begins by discussing techniques of organising and preparing data
for analysis. It then deals with the analysis of qualitative data, briefly dis-
cussing widely used forms of qualitative data analysis such as thematic,
narrative, keyword, constant comparison, ethnographic, conversational,
semiotic and content analysis. The strengths and weaknesses and the pro-
cess of implementing these forms of analysis are also discussed. The last
part of the chapter focuses on quantitative data analysis. Both descriptive
and inferential statistics are briefly discussed.
Chapter 9 concerns a number of ways in which sensitive social work
researchers can interpret and present their findings. The chapter covers
the main techniques for interpreting findings and several structures suit-
able for their research. The last part of the chapter focuses on writing
research reports and dissertations. Tips and techniques for writing effec-
tively and efficiently are explored.

Key Summary
Sensitive social work research is more than just collecting and analysing
data about a sensitive topic from vulnerable people; it is about making
positive differences in vulnerable people’s lives. In the process of doing so,
it includes them in the research process. Furthermore, human rights and
empowering values should be part of every aspect of the research process.
The research processes and the outcomes of sensitive social work research
should both be emancipatory and transformative in nature.
Sensitive research should not only contribute to theory but also
improve the practice of social work.
 1 Sensitive Social Work Research 17

Although existing social work research aims to embed equality and

fairness in the research process, it falls back into the traditional researcher/
participant roles. Existing power imbalances therefore still operate, and
to some extent have the potential to reinforce existing social discrimina-
tion. Sensitive social work researchers start from the premise that research
participants have the capacity to generate information and knowledge,
and that they are in the best position to tell their stories and their interests.
Sensitive social work research and social work practice are intertwined,
as both aim to make positive differences.
Respecting diversity and inclusiveness should be the priority of all
researchers including sensitive social work researchers.
Sensitive social work research accepts the principles of anti-oppressive
practice. Researchers must therefore adopt anti-oppressive practices includ-
ing the sensitive use of language for all the associated research activities.
It is paramount for sensitive social work researchers to be politically
astute and grasp the political matters that intersect with all aspects of
their research process, both overtly and covertly.

Questions for Critical Reflection

How do you define a research problem?

How can you involve service users as a partner in your research?
After developing your research questions, what you need to do next?

Key Terms

Sensitive research
Sensitive social work research
Research topic
Taboo topics
Hidden population
Hard-to-reach
Research participants
Research threats
Vulnerabilities
18 S. Haider

Stigma
Economic life
Intrusive threat
Threat of sanction
Political threat
Research outcomes
Research accountability
Research inclusiveness

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20 S. Haider

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Liamputtong, P. (2007). Researching the vulnerable: A guide to sensitive research
methods. Sage Publications.
 2
The Philosophy of Sensitive Social Work
Research

Their philosophical positions generally influence researchers, both con-

sciously and unconsciously, in the way they undertake their research. This
chapter aims chiefly to outline the paradigms sensitive social work
researchers draw on to help formulate their philosophical positions. The
chapter argues that it is vital for sensitive social work researchers to be
explicit about their philosophical positions, which should help determine
the research approaches and methods they adopt. Understanding philo-
sophical research perspectives not only informs researchers how they
need to conduct their research, but also improves their choice of research
approach and method and enables them to defend those choices robustly.
This chapter therefore explores:

• the definitions of key research concepts such as paradigm, axiology,

ontology, epistemology, methodology, approach and method.
• the way in which positivism, interpretivism, constructionism, post-
modernism, feminism, critical social theory and pragmatism can be
used in sensitive social work research
• quantitative and qualitative research and the differences between them

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 21

S. Haider, Sensitive Research in Social Work,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85009-8_2
22 S. Haider

• a number of research strategies to help researchers select those suitable

to answer their research question(s)
• the strengths and weaknesses of the various research strategies

A number of questions occur to researchers when they intend to con-

duct research. Some researchers probably know which specific area they
want to focus on, but they may have questions such as whether it is viable
to study in that area; whether it is feasible; how they go about it; how
they collect data and from whom; how they access, analyse and interpret
data and how to write, among many others. All of these are legitimate
and practical questions, but the answers depend on a number of factors
such as the resources available and the amount of time and degree of
access to participants. Meanwhile, they need to formulate research ques-
tions. For example, whether a researcher wishes (say) to ascertain the
experiences of domestic violence and abuse against older men or investi-
gate the prevalence of personality disorders among young female prison-
ers, they will need firstly to understand how their target populations
views the world, meaning how they construct knowledge and social real-
ity. Answers to these questions are important when conducting research
systematically, ensuring the methodological rigour that ultimately enables
them to achieve academic legitimacy.
When researchers, whether sensitive or not, develop research ques-
tions, they engage with a concept called the ‘paradigm’, which will be
explored next.

Paradigm
The word paradigm originated in the late fifteenth century via late Latin
from the Greek paradeigma, from paradeiknunai, ‘to show side by side’,
with the elements para- (‘beside’) and deiknunai (‘to show.’) Kuhn (1970)
in his influential book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, based on his
work on the philosophy of science, defined paradigm as

universally recognised scientific achievements that, for a time, provide

model problems and solutions for a community of researchers’ i.e.
 2 The Philosophy of Sensitive Social Work Research 23

• what is to be observed and scrutinised

• the kind of questions that are supposed to be asked and probed for
answers in relation to this subject
• how these questions are to be structured
• how the results of scientific investigations should be interpreted
• how an experiment is to be conducted
• what equipment is available to conduct the experiment. (Kuhn, 1970,
Section V, P. 43–51)

Simply put, a paradigm is an assumption about ‘how things work’

(Brown & Duenas, 2020)—that is, a set of beliefs that guides the way
research is conducted. A research paradigm will thus guide researchers’
answers to research questions, meaning that it will influence and shape
the research process. Although it may not be explicitly referenced by
some researchers, acknowledging it helps readers understand and exam-
ine the philosophical basis of a given research study. Hesse-Biber and
Leavy (2011, P. 38) thus state that

paradigms or worldviews are neither right nor wrong; one way of seeing is
another way of not seeing. However, paradigms are powerful ways of look-
ing at that reality, and they are windows giving us information about the
social world and often frame the particular questions we seek to answer.

Building Blocks of Paradigms

Brown and Duenas (2020) suggest that the paradigm of a piece of work
is constructed from a few building blocks, the first four being:

• Axiology
• Ontology
• Epistemology
• Methodology

They developed this model based on Grix’s (2002) paradigmatic build-

ing blocks, which embody philosophical assumptions that direct research-
ers’ thinking and action (Mertens, 2014). Figure 2.1 illustrates the way
building blocks are interlinked, leading researchers to begin with their
philosophical position and proceed to the selection of research method.
24 S. Haider

Axiology Ontology Epistemology Methodology Methods

Fig. 2.1 The first set of building blocks forming a piece of work’s research paradigm

Axiology

This refers to the study of values and value judgements. It has two
components:

• Ethics, which deals with morality

• Aesthetics, which deals with beauty, taste and judgements (Farrow
et al. [2020])

Chapter 3 of this book explores the ethics and values of conducting

research.

Ontology

The origin of this term can be traced back to the eighteenth century, from
the Latin ontologia, in turn from the Greek ōn, ont (‘being’) and λογία
(logia), meaning ‘the study of a certain subject’.
Ontology seeks to answer the ‘what’ question of the nature and form
of reality (Corbetta, 2011), whether the investigated reality is indeed real
and exists objectively and independently of human interpretation—that
is, outside the human mind. That is a singular truth is out in the world
for researchers to explore.

Epistemology

This term dates to the mid-nineteenth century, being derived from the
Greek epistēmē (‘knowledge’), in turn from epistasthai (‘know, know how
to do’). Insofar as it concerns social work research focuses on the
 2 The Philosophy of Sensitive Social Work Research 25

Table 2.1 Ontological and epistemological questions

• What is there? • What is knowledge?

• What types of things are there?
• How can we describe existence?
• What kinds of categories can
things be assigned to?
• Are the categories of existence
hierarchical? (Farrow et al.,
2020: 9)
• How can we claim to know
anything at all?
• What justifies a belief?
• What is the relaitonship
between the knower and what
can be known? (Farrow et al.,
2020: 9)

Ontological Epistemological
questions questions

relationship between researchers and participants. Answers to epistemo-

logical questions (Table 2.1) depend on those to ontological ones.

Methodology and Methods

Research methodology and research methods are two distinct concepts,

although some use them interchangeably. Simply put, research methods
are techniques to collect data, while methodology is the

logic of scientific inquiry; in particular with investigating the potentialities

and limitation of particular techniques or procedures …The term pertains
in the science and study of methods and the assumptions about the ways in
which knowledge is produced. (Grix, 2002, P. 179)

A researchers’ methodological approach is underpinned by specific

ontological and epistemological assumptions. However, the research
methods of any given study are inextricably linked to the research
question(s).
Figure 2.1, which is adapted from Grix (2002) and Mertens (2014),
shows the interrelationship between a researcher’s ontological, epistemo-
logical and methodological positions. Researchers’ ontological positions
26 S. Haider

can affect what and how they decide to study (Grix, 2002). The aim of
this diagram is to demonstrate the logical relationships between key con-
cepts in research. Methods should be viewed as free from ontological and
epistemological assumptions, and the choice of research method should
be guided by research question(s) (Grix, 2002).
This diagram also constitutes a warning to researchers to refrain from
‘method-led’ research that uses familiar methods prior to working out the
methodology, epistemology and ontology. Instead it encourages ‘question-­
led’ research in which research questions indicate the appropriate research
method(s). Grix (2002) maintains that choosing the research method
first (i.e. ‘method-led-research’) undermines the interconnectedness of
the five key components of research, and argues that a research study
should be judged the way its constituent components logically cohere.

Positivism
There are two versions of positivism. The one initially developed in the
nineteenth century is now not used even by those who fully subscribe to
the core principles of positivism. In the twentieth century a new version
of positivism developed in order to minimise some of the weaknesses of
the previous version. The principles of positivism indicate that the social
world can be understood and explained through observation, measure-
ment, mathematical methods and models and statistical analysis. These
generate hypotheses based on what is known about the subject of the
research, and try to test those hypotheses using samples of the popula-
tion. Explore Box 2.1 for an example of a research study based on
positivism.
Although positivism enables the natural sciences such as physics and
chemistry to advance our knowledge and understanding, a particular
criticism doubts that it can answer all questions. Its ability to predict,
control variables, measure precisely, exist independently and replicate
research is also disputed (Bryman, 2016). Its research outputs have been
scrutinised, and different ways of seeing the uncertain, unpredictable,
complex and volatile social world have been developed. Rather than
believing that absolute truth exists independently, some researchers have
 2 The Philosophy of Sensitive Social Work Research 27

started to look for provisional truths for their research outcomes. For
example, Freud’s perceived unconscious mind is constructed by both
internal and external factors and is fluid and dynamic, in that the interac-
tion of internal and external factors shapes that unconscious mind.

Characteristics of Positivism

• Positivism is based on the principle that the world (in the present case,
the social world) exists outside the individual and can be investigated
by borrowing the methods used by the natural sciences.
• The social world can be understood objectively by using scientific
principles of deductive logic (see Box 2.3), logical determinism, ratio-
nality and causality, as well as mathematical and statistical analysis.
• It is inductive, meaning that researchers focus on a specific issue, then
extrapolate these to the general; it aims to generalise findings based on
empirical observation.
• The researcher’s role is to be neutral and objective; they must conduct
their research rationally and logically.
• There is a concern about whether objectivity possible. Grbich (2004)
asks how objective objectivity actually is.
• Statistical analysis and modelling fail to capture the complexity, con-
tingent and context-specific reality of the social world. It is difficult to
understand human beings, their interactions and behaviours.
• In some cases it is of prime importance to observe social interactions
rather than relying solely on questionnaire or structured interview
responses.
• The social world is complex, chaotic, uncertain and volatile, so the
value and influence of rational, ordered, logical and systematic analysis
might be limited.
• Predetermined and mostly closed questions fail to recognise the diverse
responses of respondents that reflect the reality of the social world.
• Some authors (e.g. Bryman, 2016) suggest that the focus on causal
explanations do not always portray the real picture of the social word
under investigation.
28 S. Haider

• Ignoring the role of intuition and subjectivity in generating knowledge

leaves positivism to tell one side of the story which can be wrong, and
in doing so it contravenes the fundamental principle of positivism.
• Although positivism flaunts its ability to replicate research studies, it is
not always possible to achieve this because of the difficulties of verify-
ing hypotheses and analyses.

Box 2.1 Reasoning for the Positivist Paradigm

Choi et al.’s (2019) quantitative study investigates the effects of volunteer
support on female survivors of intimate partner violence (IPV). They do so by
comparing those who had received voluntary support (VS) and those who
had not after leaving their abusive partners. All participants of this study
were Chinese females aged over 17 who had left their abusive partners.
Baseline data were collected, and a follow-up measurement conducted after
six months. Thirty-two female IPV survivors who had received VS and 48 who
had not participated in the study, which collected quantitative data using a
number of measurement scales: the Abuse Assessment Screen used to assess
the occurrence of IPV, Brief-COPE to measure the various coping strategies,
the Interpersonal Support Evaluation List-12 to assess the participants’ per-
ceptions of social support, the Dispositional Resilience Scale to measure the
resilience of the female IPV survivors, the Short Form Health Survey to deter-
mine their health-related quality of life and the Beck Depressing Inventory,
version II to determine the participants’ symptoms of depression. They also
collected participants’ demographic and socio-­economic characteristics. Their
findings suggest that women who received VS are more likely to use adaptive
coping strategies than those who did not, and that VS helped them develop
skills to deal with their lives and with stressful situations.
Comment
If you read the article fully, you will understand how the authors justify
the research and how, when they present and analyse data gathered from
the questionnaires, they attempt to adopt objectivist perspectives in that
they view social reality as independent of consciousness or experience. In so
doing they identify objective meanings. In short, they assume that ‘social
facts exist independently of people’s perceptions’ (May, 2011, P. 9).

Interpretivism
Interpretivists reject the idea of using methods intended to understand
the physical sciences. Human behaviour is different from physical objects,
so, what humans do and why they do it cannot be investigated using the
 2 The Philosophy of Sensitive Social Work Research 29

same principles as those used to study physical phenomena. People act

and react to others’ acts as mediated by interpretive processes in which
they actively engage and make sense of their surroundings. They do not
passively respond to external stimuli. Interpretivism is based on the
understanding that social realities are fluid and dynamic, that our view-
points are constantly changing, as therefore is the way we interpret our
world; indeed, those interpretations are constantly contested. The notion
of an objective reality in the social world waiting for researchers to dis-
cover it is a myth, one that makes it difficult for researchers to employ
research methods that are effective in the physical sciences. According to
Thomas (2009, P. 75),

the main point about interpretivism is that we are interested in people and
the way that they interrelate – what they think and how they form ideas
about the world; how their worlds are constructed. Given that this is the
case we have to look closely at what people are doing by using our own
selves, our own knowledge of the world as people. We have to immerse
ourselves in the research contexts in which we are interested – for example
talking to people in depth, attending to every nuance of their behaviour,
every clue to the meanings that they are investing in something.

Characteristics of Interpretivism

• People interpret and make sense of their experiences in the contexts in

which they live. They create their realities through interpretation.
Multiple realities are thus possible, as different people experience the
same phenomena differently.
• Subjectivity, rather than objectivity, is crucial for this stance.
• Interpretivism tends to be associated with the use of qualitative research
methods such as semi-structured and unstructured interviews, focus
groups and observations.
• Human behaviour and thinking processes can be studied only in the
social environment in which they operate.
• This position focuses more on issues related to the micro or individual
level—that is, to individual action. It could thus ignore the macro
issues of structural influence on people and their actions.
30 S. Haider

Constructionism
Constructionism, sometimes labelled as constructivism, asserts that social
phenomena and their meanings are continually being accomplished by
social actors. It implies that social phenomena are not only produced
through social interaction but are in a constant state of revision (Bryman,
2016, P. 29).
This school of thought does not subscribe to the idea that social reality
can be explored through standardised measurement and observation, basi-
cally therefore rejecting the fundamental principle of positivism. They see
that people construct their understandings of themselves and their world
at particular times, occasions, and, for particular purposes, drawing on
many discourses from their contexts. So the idea that knowledge is a

‘mirror of reality’ is replaced by the conception of the ‘social construction

of reality’ where the focus is on the interpretation and negotiation of the
meaning of the world. (Kvale, 1996, P. 41)

Social constructionist researchers typically focus on dialogue and

negotiation with a view to co-constructing realities, which make it differ-
ent for them to remain detached from the subjects of their research.
Researchers and participants are jointly involved in making sense of social
reality, so the researcher’s role is not that of conveyor and receiver of
knowledge, but as a co-constructor of knowledge together with their par-
ticipants (Savin-Baden & Major, 2013).
Hammersley (2014) argues that, although there are similarities
between interpretivism and constructionism, some differences do exist.
According to him

interpretivism tends to assume that people’s behaviour is governed by sta-

ble perspectives built up to make sense of and deal with their circum-
stances, [while] constructionists view people as constructing particular
understandings on particular occasions in a much more fluid way, drawing
upon a range of conflicting discourses available to them. Similarly, inter-
pretivism assumes that it is possible for researchers to grasp the modes of
experience and ideas of others, even those who belong to quite different
cultures, whereas constructionists raise questions about whether such
 2 The Philosophy of Sensitive Social Work Research 31

understanding is possible. Indeed, constructionists often question whether

understanding other people and perhaps even understanding oneself, is
ever fully possible. They argue that the ‘understandings’ we produce of oth-
ers’ intentions and motives reflect our own cultural or personal assump-
tions and practices. (P. 181)

Characteristics of Constructionism

• The main principle of constructionism is that social reality is socially

constructed, implying that objective facts do not exist and that reality
can be known only through individual interpretations.
• Knowledge is constructed and subjective.
• Knowledge is multifarious rather than singular.
• Knowledge is power, so whoever creates knowledge gains power.
• Researchers fully participate in the research process.
• This position tends to be associated with qualitative research methods.

Postmodernism
Grand theories such as Marxism tried to explain social world through
patterns of interrelationship (Agger, 1991). Postmodernists such as
French philosopher Lyotard rejected the idea that grand theories are able
to explain the world because it is complex, chaotic and uncertain. Hence,
postmodernism views the social reality is constructed in a number of
ways depending on individuals and social groups. So, truth is multifac-
eted which is opposite to positivism. Meaning postmodernists refuse to
accept social world is ordered and can be investigated objectively reality.
Instead, they view social world as chaotic and unknowable (Grbich, 2007).
The realities are constructed within a specific social and cultural con-
text (Grbich, 2004). So, meaning cannot be separated from that specific
social and cultural context. Postmodernism perceives multiple realities
and they are not fixed. So, no true reality exists; truth and reality exist
only in the subjective experiences of individuals, their perceptions of
their daily lives and the way they make sense of all these (Fontana, 2002;
Grbich, 2004).
32 S. Haider

The nature of postmodernism encourages researchers to adopt qualita-

tive and use multiple methods to provide voices to different research
participants.

Characteristics of Postmodernism

• Postmodernism does not strive for generalisation, but rather focuses

on short narratives in specific contexts.
• No objective reality exists in the world of social work, so there is no
single truth.
• Self-reflexivity is crucial to the creation of knowledge, as therefore is
the way in which researchers’ own beliefs have been socially con-
structed and how they affect their research.
• Truths, realities, logic and reasoning are constructed within particular
societies and cultures.
• The roles of researchers and participants are blurred and traditional
relationships between the two are not neutral (Liamputtong, 2007).
• Participants’ own understandings of social realities are the man facet of
postmodernism (Liamputtong, 2007).
• Postmodernism challenges traditional premises such as objectivism and
grand narratives. Instead, it focuses on mini-narratives within specific
social and cultural contexts where ‘no pretensions of abstract theory, uni-
versality or generalisability are involved’ (Grbich, 2004, P. 26). It is diffi-
cult to come to a conclusion when objectivity and certainty are rejected.
• Multiple social realities made it difficult to make policy decisions
about particular subject areas.
• The rejection of logic, rationality and grand narratives leaves postmod-
ernists very limited options for theoretical explanations.

Feminism
The main aim of feminist research is to capture women’s life experiences in
a sensitive manner that should be beneficial to women. It thus focuses on
both the process of conducting research and on its outcome. Feminism
 2 The Philosophy of Sensitive Social Work Research 33

challenges the ‘passivity, subordination and silencing of women’ (Maynard,

1994, P. 23). According to Stanley (1990, P. 14) ‘it is the experience of and
acting against perceived oppression that gives rise to a distinctive feminist
epistemology’. McCarthy (1996) has conducted research on the sexual
abuse of women with learning disabilities in London, focusing on the
lived experiences of individual women with the aim of improving their
lives. She positions her research in a wider political context. O’Neill (1996)
asserts that this methodological approach enables research participants
(i.e. women, in this case) to become involved and to play an active role
constructing knowledge, and in doing so to strive for empowerment and
social change. She believes that feminist research should bring benefits to
women, and that their voices need to be heard and listened to. The knowl-
edge generated from this study did indeed empower women and bring
about social change. So feminism is thus an action-­oriented research
methodology that aims to give a voice to marginalised people.
Feminism proactively encourages the inclusion in their research of
emotions and researchers’ own feelings. For Campbell and Wasco (2000),
researchers should be open about their identities, beliefs, values and emo-
tions in the research context, and should discuss them and make them
public. Some sensitive researchers also hold that research should discuss
the emotions and feelings involved in conducting sensitive research. This
will be explored in Chap. 6.

Characteristics of Feminism

• It aims to root out gender discrimination, and by doing to achieve

gender equality.
• Not only moral but also political commitment is the bedrock of femi-
nism, which seeks to bring fairness and equality to females and to
change their lives.
• It gives voice to women and other marginalised people (Cancian,
1999; Renzetti, 1997). Hence, qualitative research has gained more
currency among feminist researchers compared to quantitative
research, but a few writers have suggested the use of mixed methods
research. Some advocate the use of participatory research methods.
Another random document with
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Third Part.
 CHAPTER VIII.
“AS GOMEZ WOULD SPEAK.”

“It is your turn, mi amigo!”

“Ready!” responded Hal, rubbing his eyes and then springing to his
feet.
As he did so, he caught up the Mauser rifle which had lain at his side
as he slept.
It was past sunrise. When he had lain down, the earth was still
wrapped in darkness.
There had been a bargain that he should sleep an hour, then rise
and stand guard while Juan snatched an hour of refreshing sleep.
Was it all a dream? Hal wondered, as he surveyed the scene with
alert eyes while Juan had already commenced to snore.
A dream it certainly was not. The rifle with which each was provided
was a reality. So was the small Cuban flag which Juan now wore
proudly pinned to his tattered jacket.
Havana was now many miles behind. They were well up in the hills.
Around them all was verdure and bloom.
This bit of wild forest beauty had escaped the devastating hand of
the Spaniard.
It was Easter morning, Hal remembered, with a thrill. Surely, in this
spot, nature was doing floral honor to the day.
Not a sound was heard save the calling of the birds, the buzzing of
insects. Perched on a rise of ground, screened by thick bushes, a
foe might have stood within a hundred feet and not discovered them.
“The only danger,” smiled Hal, “would come from Juan’s snoring.”
Amid all this solitude of nature, however, Juan’s nasal notes did not
seem a source of danger.
“Jupiter! What’s that?” muttered Hal, suddenly.
From his perch he had an excellent view up a long, winding ravine.
“The glint of the sun on steel, as sure as I’m a sinner,” muttered the
boy.
Turning, he gave Juan’s nearer shoulder a quick shake.
“Ready, senor,” murmured the Cuban, waking at once. “My hour is
up, then?”
“No, but something else is up,” whispered excited Hal, pointing up
the ravine. “Look there!”
Juan looked, and became instantly awake.
“The enemy!” he muttered, his eyes flashing ominously. “Heaven be
thanked that at last we have guns. We can fight!”
“Fight that force?” demanded Hal, aghast. “My friend, have you
counted their number?”
“No.”
“I have.”
“Well?”
“They number at least sixty.”
“No matter!” grated Juan. “We can worry them. We shall be killed, of
course, but perhaps we can settle three or four of their men first.”
“See here,” remonstrated Hal. “I’m ready for fighting, but not for
suicide.”
“It is the way we Cubans fight,” rejoined Juan, proudly. “We care not
what the number of the enemy. We always fire when we see one.”
“We’ll fire, then, if you say so,” agreed Hal. “If you asked my opinion,
though, I should say that we had better wait until we have had a
chance to offer ourselves at the nearest Cuban camp.”
Juan fixed his wide open eyes on our hero for an instant.
“I have no doubt you are right, mi amigo,” he said, an instant later.
“Our Cuban blood is too hot. We lack the cool judgment of you
Americanos. Senor, will you take command?”
“Until we reach camp, if you wish it.”
“I beg you to do so.”
“Very well; though I warn you,” smiled Hal, “that I shall not give the
order to attack thirty times our number.”
Juan sighed, but remained silent.
“They are going to march by within a hundred feet of us,” whispered
Hal, following the course of the ravine.
Juan grasped his rifle tightly to still the trembling of his fingers.
By this time, the head of the column was within five hundred feet.
At the head rode a half a dozen mounted Spanish officers.
Behind them marched a captain and two lieutenants in command of
the infantrymen.
Tattered and dusty-looking were these soldiers. Many of them
limped, as if used up by a long forced march. Just at the foot of the
hill from which Hal and Juan glared from covert, the captain, at a
sign from one of the mounted officers, cried:
“Halt!”
It was a popular order, as the relieved faces of the men instantly
showed.
“Break ranks.”
Arms were stacked, four sentinels mounted, and the horses
tethered.
Just at that moment, two dust-covered troopers rode up the ravine
from the direction of Havana.
They dismounted before the captain, talking with him in quick
murmurs.
“My colonel,” called the captain, saluting one of the mounted officers,
“the scouts tell me that there are none of the enemy within forty
miles.”
“I do not believe there are any rebels nearer, captain,” laughed the
colonel. “So let your poor fellows get some of the rest they need so
badly. True, we have no breakfast to offer them, but I have caught
sight of a stream through the trees. Let those who would like to take
a swim.”
No proposition could have met with greater favor. As with one
accord, the soldiers began to move off between the trees, while the
scouts cantered away.
“You four,” cried the captain, selecting a quartette of his men, “will
hurry up with your swim, and return here to relieve the sentinels, that
they, too, may have a plunge.”
With the men went their officers, nine in number. The heat of the day
made cold water a luxury that could not be resisted.
Down in the camp, with the horses and stacked arms, remained only
the four sentinels.
Even these looked wistfully through the trees as the shouts and
plashing of water came to their ears.
“Jupiter!” whispered Hal, his eyes beginning to sparkle. “I’m
beginning to feel some of the Cuban hot blood myself.”
“If we could only capture that camp!” murmured Juan, eagerly.
To his intense delight, Hal made this whispered reply:
“By thunder, we’ll try it, if we go under for it!”
“Oh, my brave friend,” quivered Juan Ramirez, “you have spoken as
our brave Gomez would speak!”
For a few moments the heads of the two youths bobbed together in
earnest, whispered conversation.
When they had finished, Juan crept off through the bushes with the
stealth of an Indian.
He reached a spot twenty feet away from our hero before he halted
and signaled back.
Through the bushes the muzzle of Hal’s rifle protruded.
As he aimed at one of the sentinels, a curious thrill swept over the
American.
He was about to take a life, and unfairly, it seemed, since he must
fire from ambush upon an unsuspecting foe.
Yet, even as he hesitated, the remembrance came back to him of the
evening before, when a Spanish officer had proposed to send him
over the fatal ferry to Morro Castle.
The enemy would not hesitate; he must not. Besides, war consists of
killing; war is gauged only by its successes.
With these thoughts surging through his mind, Hal Maynard steadied
both hands and vision.
Crack!
His rifle spoke, and the sentinel at whom he had aimed dropped and
lay still.
Crack!
Juan had waited only for this signal. Before the first sentinel had
struck the ground, the second had received his death-wound.
Crack! crack!
Right on the heels of the first two shots came the next pair.
Before the last two sentries had time to turn, run or fire, they had met
their fates.
In a twinkling Hal was on his feet. The fire of battle was in his blood;
the spirit of freedom possessed his soul as his voice rang out full and
clear!
“By platoon, battalion charge!”
An answering yell came from Ramirez as that youth too leaped to his
feet.
Together they rushed down the hill-side, shouting commands to an
imaginary battalion.
Crack! crack! crack! crack! crack!
Without stopping to aim, they fired their repeating rifles through the
trees as fast as they could.
“Viva Cuba Libre!” they shouted in unison.
Through the woods came the startled yells of the bathing Spanish
soldiers, just out of range of vision.
Reaching the ravine, Hal made for one stack of rifles, Juan for
another.
Seizing each a rifle in either hand, they commenced discharging
them two at a time in the direction of the creek.
“Al machete! al machete!” (To the sword!) roared Juan, keeping up a
thunderous rattle of musketry.
“Surround the enemy!” thundered Hal. “Give no quarter to Spaniards!
Every foe killed to-day is a foe the less to meet to-morrow.”
All the while the incessant banging of guns rang out.
To the startled bathers by the creek it seemed as if they had fallen,
naked and unarmed, into fierce, one-sided battle.
“Keep a-banging and a-shouting,” muttered Hal, as he sped by Juan.
Ramirez obeyed with a will, while Hal, though he still continued to
yell, busied his hands by gathering up the rifles an armful at a time.
There was rope around in plenty among the camp baggage.
Working like a Trojan, Hal quickly had thirty of the rifles lashed upon
two of the horses.
Juan turned and saw with blazing eyes what his comrade had
accomplished.
“The Spaniards are running,” he quivered. “If it were not so, we
would have them on our hands by this time.”
And he worked like a beaver to help Hal lash the remaining arms
upon other horses.
There were many cartridge belts strewn around. These, too, were
lashed across the saddles, as well as a few cases of ammunition.
“Here are four less of the enemy for our men to deal with,” cried
Juan, spurning with his foot the body of one of the four slain
sentinels.
“It was a tremendous piece of cheek,” blurted Hal, vaulting into one
of the saddles, and seizing the halters of two led pack horses.
“The Spaniards must still be running,” chuckled Juan.
“I imagine few of them stopped for their clothes,” laughed Hal. “But
mount, my friend, mount! When the enemy halt——”
“It will be a half an hour before they do,” derided Ramirez. “Oh, mi
amigo, you were born a master of strategy. It was magnificent—that
charge of a battalion of trees—that fusilade fired by four hands!”
“Into saddle! forward!” urged Hal. “It is our turn to laugh, now, but in
sixty seconds it may not be. When the enemy discover the trick,
rivers of blood would not satisfy them!”
Smiling grimly, with a full realization of the peril, Hal Maynard urged
his mount into a trot.
 CHAPTER IX.
BATTLE IN EARNEST.

“Viva Cuba Libre!”

Ramirez shouted that stirring battle-cry with the full strength of his
lungs.
“Oh, it’s just glorious!” declared Hal, turning his sparkling eyes upon
his comrade. “Two recruits, with six horses and sixty rifles!”
“Our comrades—that is, our comrades-to-be—will embrace us!”
uttered Juan.
Click-clack! Hoofs rang out sharply on the stony bed of the ravine.
“Even if they turn to follow, we are leaving the Spaniards behind,”
cried Juan.
“Very likely; but what if we were to encounter a second body of the
enemy here in this ravine? Our turn to laugh would be over.”
That thought urged them to greater speed. When the ravine
narrowed, Hal, with two of the led horses in tow, took the lead,
Ramirez following closely.
“Juan, my comrade!”
“Si, mi amigo!”
“We are coming out of the ravine. There is a plain ahead.”
Three minutes more of hard trotting brought them out into open
country, dotted here and there with small groves of palms.
“Better halt,” advised Hal, reining up.
Ramirez did the same, without questioning.
“Rope the horses abreast,” directed Maynard. “You can ride on one
side of the line, I on the other. In that way we can keep the brutes at
a gallop, if needed.”
Dismounting, they quickly accomplished this task. Within two
minutes they were once more in saddle.
“You must be our guide,” suggested Maynard, as he settled down in
saddle. “Where shall we find the nearest Cuban camp?”
“I do not know,” replied the Cuban. “I know where Major Alvaredo
was the day before yesterday, but—diablo!—the Cubans are not
likely to camp for two hours in the same spot. All I can say, mi amigo,
is that we had better ride eastward, trusting that we shall meet some
pacifico who can tell us the way more particularly.”
“Forward, then!”
From a trot they broke into a gallop, urging the pack horses on by
liberal lashing with ropes.
In two minutes more our friends had covered over half a mile.
“I heard yells,” muttered Hal, looking backward over his shoulder.
Ramirez looked, too, then broke into a hearty laugh.
Back on a hill, near the mouth of the ravine, they saw a sight
calculated to inspire mirth.
Spanish soldiers, some of them nude and many half-dressed, dotted
the hill.
In the first fright of surprise, these men had fled. Then, finding that
none of their number were killed, and that no foe pursued, they had
halted, turned about.
They had probably found their four dead comrades, and must have
divined, from the absence of such footmarks as a battalion would
have made, that they had been tricked.
So they had pursued until now they had reached a spot whence they
were able to see the exact strength of the attacking force.
Frantic shouts now rent the air, reaching our young friends even at
that distance.
In the lead of all the Spaniards, Hal could make out the uniform of
the Spanish colonel.
“He seems mad,” observed Hal, quizzically. “If those soldiers were
close at hand, unarmed though they are, they would make things hot
for us.”
Ramirez nodded, his face darkening.
“Mi amigo,” he suggested, tremulously, “suppose we stop and give
them fight.”
“With these horses and all these guns destined for the insurgents?”
demanded Hal. “My friend—nit! We have no right to risk losing such
splendid supplies.”
“At least,” begged Ramirez, “let us halt and fire a half a dozen shots
into them.”
“Fire at unarmed men?” retorted Hal. “Not while I’m here to stop it.”
“Mi amigo, you are right,” replied Juan, with an air of self-reproach.
“But do not blame me. We have so much reason to hate that uniform
of Spain that we cannot resist the temptation to fire upon it wherever
we see it.”
“I don’t blame you,” nodded Hal. “But my grievances against Spain
are of such recent date that I can wait for fair fight.”
No attempt was made by the Spaniards to pursue the pair across the
plain. Such a chase would have been futile, anyway, for jaded men
are no match for galloping horses.
In another half hour the foe were left five miles to the rear.
Our young friends, too, had come to the end of the plain. Before
them stretched a gradual slope leading up into the hills.
“I think we can halt to breathe our horses,” proposed Hal. “What do
you say?”
Ramirez nodding, both threw themselves out of saddle to stretch
their legs.
“It’s odd that we haven’t met a single passer-by,” commented Hal.
“What else would you expect?” demanded the Cuban, shrugging his
shoulders. “Spain has burned down all the country homes, and
driven the people into the cities. Even if pacificos had the courage to
remain out here in the country, on what could they subsist? There is
not enough food out here to feed a rat.”
“They would have almost as much to eat here as in the cities,”
remarked Maynard, growing misty-eyed over the remembrance of
the thousands of starving Cuban reconcentrados he had seen in
Havana. “But we must go on, Juan. The more I think, the hotter my
blood becomes. I shall not be happy until I stand under the Cuban
flag.”
Ramirez stretched out his hand, grasping our hero’s warmly.
“I can never forget, mi amigo,” he murmured, huskily, “that it was you
who gave me the happiness of being able to take to the long grass.”
Mounting again, Hal gave the signal to go forward. Up the slope they
moved at a jogging gait, being compelled once more to lead their
pack horses.
Hal reached the highest land just in advance of his comrade.
Like a flash Maynard wheeled about.
“Halt! Dismount! Don’t come to the top,” he cried. “Tether your
horses—so. Follow me.”
Rifle in hand, Hal led the way, Ramirez following without a word.
“Look down there,” cried Hal.
In a valley to the northward rested a squad of Spanish cavalry men,
some twenty in number, and commanded by an officer.
Ramirez looked, his eyes flashing with hate.
The enemy were dismounted, with horses tethered.
“We can fire now!” breathed the Cuban. “Those men are armed.”
“Wait!” warned Hal. “Come here. Now look down there.”
Down the southward slope of the hill, less than half the distance
away of the dismounted cavalry was a sight that made the Cuban’s
blood boil still hotter.
Four pacificos, their hands bound and roped together, were slowly
ascending the grade.
Ahead of them rode three Spanish cavalrymen; behind the prisoners
a like number of guards.
“What do you say now?” quivered Hal.
“The pacificos must be saved. They are to be taken to Havana or
shot. The latter would be the most merciful fate.”
Ramirez spoke jerkily, at the same time swinging his rifle into
position.
“Not yet,” commanded Hal. “Those fellows are coming this way. We
can fire straighter when they are nearer. If they keep to their course,
they will go by within fifty feet of here.”
“You command,” grumbled Ramirez, “but it is hard to wait.”
“It’s common sense,” declared the American. “If we were to fire now,
and miss, the cavalry in the valley on the other side of the hill could
reach here before the fight was over. We should be killed, and all to
no purpose.”
“You have a plan?” questioned Ramirez.
“Thunder, yes!”
“If it works as well as the other did my patience will be rewarded.”
“Slip back to the horses. Get four more rifles—loaded ones.”
Ramirez vanished, though it hardly seemed as if he had gone,
before he was back again.
“Here they are, senor, and loaded.”
“Good. Now crouch down, after placing two of the rifles at my side
and two by your own side. Whatever you do, don’t fire until I give the
word.”
Ramirez obeyed, though the suspense made him tremble.
His eyes flashed like jewels as he saw the four Cubans and their
guard come nearer.
“Surely they are near enough now to open fire,” he whispered
hoarsely.
But Hal shook his head emphatically. “No, no, my comrade! When
we fire, we must take no chance of missing. Now, not another word,
but you will hear me whisper ‘fire’ when they are within a hundred
feet. You take the fellow in the front rank on the extreme left.”
Juan protruded the muzzle of one of his weapons through the
bushes that screened them from sight.
He shook so with impatience as to make the bushes rattle.
“Steady,” whispered Hal.
Ramirez, by a tremendous effort at patience, got a better grip on
himself.
Nearer, still nearer, came the six troopers and their captives.
Hal himself found it hard to restrain the temptation to fire, though he
held himself in check to the last.
But at last the whispered word came: “Fire!”
Two jets of flame shot out from the bushes; two troopers reeled from
saddle and fell.
Crack! crack! Two more were down.
Crack! crack! A fifth trooper fell, all within the space of five seconds.
Ramirez, firing with the deadly aim of hatred, had brought down all
three of his men, but Hal missed at the third shot.
“Car-r-r-r-r-rajo!” vented the solitary remaining trooper, wheeling and
putting spurs to his horse.
Crack! Ramirez fired again, bringing this fellow down, too.
Hal darted to his feet and started down the slope, Ramirez posting
after him.
At the first sound of fire, the four pacificos had thrown themselves to
the earth. Now they raised themselves, peering eagerly at their
rescuers.
“You are friends of Cuba?” panted Hal.
A hot chorus in the affirmative answered him.
“You will fight with us? There are more foes near.”
“Si, si, si,” (yes, yes, yes) cried one of the pacificos, while the other
three raised a tumultuous shout of:
“Viva Cuba libre!”
Hal and Juan instantly busied themselves with freeing the quartette.
“Follow us to the top of the hill at your best speed,” yelled Maynard.
He reached there ahead of the rescued ones, faced them, and
shoved into the hands of each a rifle.
As these were repeating weapons, each still contained several
shots.
Below, on the other side of the hill, an animated scene was going on.
The squad, a few moments before lolling on the grass, had now
sprung into saddle.
Their officer was bawling himself hoarse with his rapidly delivered
orders.
For a few seconds the squad seemed uncertain whether to flee or
fight.
Hal kept his little force out of sight by making them crouch behind the
bushes.
“I have waited a year and more for such a chance as this,” sobbed
one of the pacificos, kissing the barrel of his rifle, and Hal, looking
the emaciated wretches over, had no doubt that they would fight to
the last breath.
Juan slipped back to where the horses were tethered, returning with
more cartridges.
Hal, in the meantime, had restrained the others from firing.
“It would do little good at this range,” he explained, “and from what I
have heard the Cubans are not so rich in ammunition that they can
afford to waste any.”
All the time he kept his eyes on the squad below.
Their officer had decided upon an attack, for at a quick command
from him the troopers spread out in skirmish line and advanced.
Instantly the pacificos began to take eager aim.
“Don’t fire yet,” ordered Hal.
“But senor,” pleaded one of the quartette, “it is so hard to see the
Spaniards, and yet not fire!”
“The best fighters,” rejoined Hal, promptly, “are those who can keep
cool and obey orders.”
“The senor is right, mi amigos,” ejaculated Ramirez. “Twice he has
restrained my impatience, and in consequence we won both times.”
Bang! A line of fire ran along the skirmish line below, the reports
sounding as one.
Whish! whish! A tornado of whistling bullets tore through the leaves
of the bushes that sheltered the little Cuban force.
“Oh, mi amigo!” suddenly groaned Ramirez, turning white.
For one of the bullets had struck Hal Maynard.
Up flew his hand to his forehead.
In the next second he keeled back—stretched out.
 CHAPTER X.
UNDER CUBA’S FLAG.

“Ten lives shall not pay for that one!” exclaimed Juan.
But hardly were his words out when Hal sat up, wiping away the
blood from his forehead.
“I’m a long ways from dead yet,” he gritted, wiping away the blood.
Ramirez ran to his side.
His nervous fingers glided swiftly over the American’s forehead,
making quick examination of the wound.
“Santa Maria be praised!” cheered the Cuban. “The wound is not a
deep one.”
“Glancing bullet, likely,” muttered Hal, rising to his knees, and picking
up his rifle once more. “The shock knocked me over, I suppose.
Perhaps fright had something to do with it.”
“Fright?” echoed Juan, indignantly. “Nothing of the sort.”
“Well, I’m certainly feeling some fright,” smiled Hal, his face more
than a trifle pallid as he took another look down below at the squad
trotting upward.
They were just aiming for another volley, those Spaniards, who were
now hardly more than an eighth of a mile away.
“Down!” warned Maynard, himself setting the example.
He had no more than ducked when the volley came.
“Up!” quivered Hal. “Give ’em some of their own medicine!”
Six shots rang out, almost simultaneously. Two saddles were
emptied.
“Keep a-pumping,” ordered Hal, breathlessly, as he discharged his
own piece as fast as he could work the mechanism.
His own wound had been caused undoubtedly by a glancing bullet,
but this is the most painful kind of injury. It maddened him, made him
utterly reckless.
Five more saddles were quickly emptied By this time the firing was
general.
Clack! clack! clack! rang the hoofs. The cavalry, firing at will like their
opponents, were now within a few yards of the top of the hill.
The Cubans were overmatched. Hal felt that the last few moments of
his life had come.
Yet only one thought actuated him. Before he closed his eyes he
would send as many Spaniards as possible to their last account.
Crack! crack! crack! Half of the Spaniards were out of the fight by the
time the two forces came face to face at little more than arm’s length.
Bang! A ball from Juan Ramirez’s rifle passed clean through the
head of the lieutenant in command, killing him instantly.
“No quarter!” yelled Juan as the six leaped to their feet for hand-to-
hand combat.
“On the contrary!” thundered Hal. “Any enemy who throws down his
gun must not be harmed!”
A ball from a cavalryman’s revolver sent one of the pacificos
staggering back—dead.
Hal immediately avenged by killing the trooper.
Now one of the enemy threw down his sabre and revolver, crying for
quarter.
“Spare his life, then,” shouted Hal, running forward.
That command acted like magic. Not another shot was fired, for not
one of the eight surviving Spaniards lost a second in surrendering.
This they followed up by dismounting and submitting to being tied.
Ramirez, with blood running from a wound in his left shoulder,
superintended the work of tying.
There were eight of the prisoners. As soon as bound, they were
ordered to remount, and were next lashed to their saddles.
“The dogs!” vented Juan, gnashing his teeth as he looked the
troopers over. “Of course they surrender, for the Cubans treat their
prisoners of war kindly, and it is easier to surrender than to be shot.
Besides, these fellows know that the Cubans cannot be bothered
long with prisoners and that they will be set free.”
“This is horse fair day for us,” laughed Hal. “Besides the horses
which the Spaniards ride, there are four more below which appear to
be uninjured.”
This was the fact. Hal’s little command now had eighteen horses in
all.
As soon as these had been corralled, the field was gone over for
every weapon and cartridge that could be found.
Fifteen minutes were thus consumed.
At last Hal had time to think of the pacifico who had been killed.
He was dead beyond a doubt.
“My brother,” huskily murmured another of the pacificos.
“He died nobly, in a good cause,” said Hal, soothingly.
“He died for Cuba!” cried the dead man’s brother, throwing back his
head proudly. “I shall pray to the Almighty that I may die in the same
splendid way.”
Hal was ready to proceed, now, yet before the start could be made
there was one sad duty to perform—the saddest that belongs to war.
A shallow trench was dug, and in this the man who had been slain
was laid.
Then, while the rest stood by with uncovered heads, murmuring
silent prayers, two of the pacificos covered the still form over.
There was no time to bury the Spanish slain.
Indeed, the Cubans, embittered by more than three years of
suffering under the infamous war methods of Spain, were in little
mood to do anything decent by the remains of the slain foe.
“The buzzards shall get them,” cried Juan, disdainfully. “The
buzzards alone, in Cuba, do not go hungry!”
As Hal’s little command and considerable train moved forward, our
hero heard the story of the pacificos.
Some fourteen months before they had broken away from Havana.
Since then they had lived in hiding in the woods, subsisting mainly
on roots and fruit.
Once in a while they had received morsels of meat from passing
bodies of Cuban soldiers.
But the law of the Republic of Cuba forbade them to join the army
without weapons and ammunition, which was the only reason they
had remained pacificos.
That very morning they had been surprised and surrounded while
sleeping.
Incapable of resistance for lack of arms, they had been forced to
surrender.
They were on their way to Havana when rescued. Had their journey
been finished they would undoubtedly have been shot in the prison
yard of either Morro Castle or the Cabanas Fortress.
From these men Hal learned that the Cuban commander, Major
Alvaredo, was supposed to be somewhere in the neighborhood,
though that officer’s exact location could be only a matter of
conjecture, for the Cubans moved from point to point with the speed
of human lightning.
“I shall volunteer to the first Cuban commander I meet—no matter
who he is,” declared Hal.
“Volunteer?” echoed Juan, smiling. “It is too late for that, mi amigo!
Judging by the trail we have left behind, you are already a full-