Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Tamed by The Beast Bear Justice MC 7 1St Edition Ruby Knoxx Online Ebook Texxtbook Full Chapter PDF
Tamed by The Beast Bear Justice MC 7 1St Edition Ruby Knoxx Online Ebook Texxtbook Full Chapter PDF
Tamed by The Beast Bear Justice MC 7 1St Edition Ruby Knoxx Online Ebook Texxtbook Full Chapter PDF
https://ebookmeta.com/product/kidnapped-by-the-beast-bear-
justice-mc-6-1st-edition-ruby-knoxx/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/rocked-by-the-beast-bear-justice-
mc-9-1st-edition-ruby-knoxx/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/rescued-by-the-beast-bear-justice-
mc-5-1st-edition-ruby-knoxx/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/claimed-by-the-beast-bear-justice-
mc-4-1st-edition-ruby-knoxx/
Broken Out by the Beast Bear Justice MC 3 1st Edition
Ruby Knoxx
https://ebookmeta.com/product/broken-out-by-the-beast-bear-
justice-mc-3-1st-edition-ruby-knoxx/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/sold-to-the-beast-bear-justice-
mc-1-1st-edition-ruby-knoxx/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/mated-to-the-beast-bear-justice-
mc-2-1st-edition-ruby-knoxx/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/secret-baby-of-the-beast-bear-
justice-mc-8-1st-edition-ruby-knoxx/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/alpha-wolf-silvercoast-
wolves-1-1st-edition-ruby-knoxx/
TAMED BY THE BEAST
Ruby Knoxx
* * *
* * *
* * *
I took off from the bar and began walking back to the hotel. I
couldn’t be in there any longer after talking to Mikey. I was still
reeling from the idea that he wasn’t interested in helping out his
sisters, even though it meant that one of them or even both of them
could be in danger. If Tracy really was in a bad situation and Seren
wandered into that, where did that leave her?
I wondered if Mikey would even care if Seren went missing
too. It seemed harsh, but his complete disconnect from his family
ties baffled me.
I lay back on my hotel bed and flipped my phone in my hand,
wondering if I should call Seren.
One thing Mikey said was right: this really wasn’t my
business. But if her good-for-nothing brother wasn’t willing to do
anything to help, then who would? She couldn’t do this alone. I had
no doubt about it that she could protect herself in a dark alley, and I
had seen firsthand that she could handle herself unaccompanied in a
crowded biker bar, but that didn’t mean that whatever situation her
sister was in would be manageable for her. Or for anyone. Not if
they were tackling this single-handedly.
And if she was as smart as she came across, she probably
knew that too. That was why she likely asked her brother to help. He
was in a club, which meant more eyes, more heads for thinking—if
they did that at all—and more muscle.
Well, the Bear Justice MC was already involved in an
assignment, but I could at least help. I might be able to rope a few
others in if it called for it.
“Screw it,” I muttered. I dialed her number and put the phone
on speaker, laying it next to my head.
“Who is this?” her voice asked.
“Aw, you didn’t save my number?” I asked. “I’m kidding. I
didn’t expect you to. It’s Razzer.”
“Oh, right. Hi.” Seren sounded like she was holding back.
What was she holding back? Was she glad to hear from me and not
wanting to show it? Or was she wanting to berate me for using her
number again?
I forged forward before she could chew me a new one. “I
know it’s none of my business, but I talked to your brother, and he
told me everything.”
“He did?”
“Yeah. Again, I know none of this is my business, but just let
me say what I have to say before you tell me to piss off.” I waited
for her to protest, but she didn’t. I had to check to make sure the
phone was still connected before I continued. “I don’t know how
much help he’ll be, and I’m sure you’re thinking the same. But for
what it’s worth, I want to help you.”
“You want to help? Wait, what did he tell you?”
“He said that your sister is missing, and he doesn’t want to
get sucked into family drama again.”
She grunted on the other end. “What a jerk.”
I wanted to agree with her and tell her exactly what I thought
of Mikey Dusk, but that wouldn’t help anything. I didn’t need to air
my own dirty laundry about her family.
“Will you accept my help, or should I take a hike?” I asked.
“Um,” she hummed, drawing her voice out as she thought.
“Yeah, actually. I think so. You’re right. I don’t think he’s going to be
of much use, but I need all the help I can get with this one.”
I was surprised. She said yes. She actually agreed to some
stranger she met on the side of the road helping her with something
as personal as family troubles. I couldn’t believe it.
“Is your sister in it deep?”
“I think so,” Seren said, her voice going soft. She cleared her
throat before continuing, perhaps trying to make herself sound more
to the point. “Whatever she’s got herself involved in, I’m next to
certain that it involves Azure, or at least, I think it does.”
I whistled. “I’m not from here, and even I know who they
are. They’re big.”
“Yeah, which is why I need the help.”
“Well,” I said. “I’m your guy. The other brothers in my club
are on assignment, but if needs be, I can pull some of them off to
help out.”
“I’d really appreciate it.”
It sounded like she might even have been smiling as she said
it. But it might have just been my wishful thinking.
“You know,” I said. “Just telling me what was going on earlier
would have gotten us to this conversation faster. And it would have
saved me having to buy a few drinks for your brother to find out
what was going on.”
“You paid off my brother with booze?” She laughed.
“I wanted to know what was going on,” I said. “I did what I
had to do. I’m a helping kind of guy. I don’t like seeing anyone as
upset as you did at the Talon.” I was laying it on thick, and I hoped
she would pick up on that.
“How would I have known you were serious about helping me
if you didn’t have to work for it?” she said.
“You’ve got me there.” I chuckled. She did get my humor.
And, though it might have been wishful thinking, it sounded like she
was flirting with me, too.
“So, I’ve got to ask—what’s it like growing up with someone
like Mikey?”
“Oh, I see how it is,” she said. “You help me with this, and
now you feel entitled to a family history?”
I laughed. “No, this is purely social curiosity. I know Mikey,
and it’s just hard to imagine that someone like you and someone like
him came from the same parents.”
“I could see that,” she said, her voice softening. She sounded
more relaxed, like we were both walking in the park and having ice
cream, just people who knew each other and liked being around
each other. Like maybe we were going on a date. “Well, he certainly
wasn’t the same guy you know, I can promise you that. He used to
be a good guy. He cared about stuff, had hobbies, even was good in
school. He dropped out and got his GED when he was 17, but that
was just because he wanted to get into the tech college. But we lost
touch when my family moved to Beaumont.”
“I can’t imagine Mikey being ambitious,” I said. “Sorry, he’s
your brother. I don’t need to be talking like that.”
“No, it’s fine. I get it. I see who he is now, and I wonder
where the hell my brother went.”
“Well, time changes us all.”
“I suppose so,” she said. “Look, it was nice chatting with you,
but really, I need to get some sleep. I’m pretty wiped from the day.”
“That’s fine,” I said. “So, I’ll come by tomorrow, and we can
get started on tracking down your sister. You can tell me everything.”
“Sure. I’m at the Motel Hola, on the northeast side of town.
Do you need the address?”
“It’s fine. I’ll get it from my phone. If I get lost, I’ll call you.”
“Sounds like a plan.”
“Seren,” I said, unable to hold back anymore. “I don’t want
you to feel obligated or anything. I’m going to help you through this
as best as I can. But I just thought you should know that I do like
you, you know. And I’m not just saying that because you’re a
beautiful woman. I just want you to know that I do have your
interests at heart over here.”
She let out a little giggle. “Goodnight, Razzer. And thank you.”
“My pleasure,” I said.
If the last word I heard on my deathbed was my name on
Seren’s lips, I would die a happy man.
Chapter 6 – Seren
The third letter, even longer than this, though of similar tenor,
was signed by the representative men in the army,[242] and
concluded by praying that their services and hardships be rewarded
with grants, and that Cortés be confirmed in the government till the
king might be pleased to appoint an infante or a grandee of the
highest class, for so large and rich a country ought to be ruled by
none else. Should the designing bishop of Búrgos of his accord
“send us a governor or captain, before we obey him we shall inform
your royal person.” This sentence, which Las Casas characterizes as
a “great though sweetened piece of impudence,” and several others
not in harmony with Cortés’ own calculated report, were probably the
cause for the disappearance of the letter before it reached the
emperor.[243]
FOOTNOTES
[219] Villa Rica is the name appearing in the first royal charter of 1523, but with
later foundations Vera Cruz became the title. Panes, Extension Veracruz, MS., 1
et seq. The municipal council, however, distinctly calls it la Rica Villa de la
Veracruz and ought to be the proper authority for the form of name first applied.
Carta del Ayunt., in Cortés, Cartas, 1 et seq. ‘Y luego ordenamos de hazer, y
fundar, è poblar vna Villa, que se nombró la Villa Rica de la Vera-Cruz; porque
llegamos Jueves de la Cena, y desembarcamos en Uiernes Santo de la Cruz, é
rica por aquel Cauallero que ... dixo que mirasse las tierras ricas.’ Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 29. ‘Llamola Villa Rica a la nueua poblaciõ, y de la Veracruz, por
auer desembarcado el Viernes Sãto, y Rica, por la riqueza que se auia
descubierto.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii. Although nominally founded adjacent
to San Juan de Ulua, there was no intention to build the town on that unhealthy
and dreary spot. The first actual foundation took place at the harbor of Bernal.
Nearly five years later the town rose anew on the present Rio de la Antigua, where
it became known alone as Vera Cruz. In 1599 the actual or new Vera Cruz found
itself finally planted on the very site of the first nominal foundation. The chief
reason for this change was probably the need for the better protection against
filibusters afforded by the island of San Juan de Ulua, whose batteries
commanded the harbor. See Albornoz, Carta al Emperador, Dec., 1525, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 495. The charter for la Nueva Ciudad de la Vera-Cruz
was granted July 19, 1615. Calle, Mem. y Not., 68; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 30;
Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 27; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 276-7. Alegre, Hist. Comp. de
Jesus, i. 149-50, has some excellent remarks hereon. Few authors, however, are
free from blunders with regard to the different sites, even Lorenzana committing
more than one. Cortés, Hist. N. España, 381.
[220] ‘Los Hombres mas Poderosos entendian en buscar Lugares en los Montes,
y partes mas remotas, para conservar sus Mugeres, Hijos, y Hacienda.’
Torquemada, i. 403.
[222] ‘Figliuoli porse del suo fratello Cuitlahuatzin.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 30.
[223] ‘Ciertas pieças de oro y plata bien labradas, y vn casquete de oro menudo....
Peso todo esto dos mil, y nouenta Castellanos.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 58.
[224] Before the embassy came, says Herrera, ‘Diò orden con voluntad del señor
de Chianhuitzlan, que los tres Mexicanos pressos fuessen sueltos,’ dec. ii. lib. v.
cap. xi.
[225] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 290. Other authorities differ in the spelling.
[226] One of them who had bartered a fine light-colored horse for some property in
Cuba was unable to annul the trade, and thus lost his animal. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 34. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 64, refers merely to murmurs in favor of
Velazquez, which Cortés quiets by placing a few in chains for a time.
[228] According to Gomara the Aztec garrison does ravage the country when the
Totonac revolt occurs, and their forces meet the Spaniards on the field, only to flee
at the sight of the horsemen. Cortés and four others dismount, and mingling with
the fleeing, reach the fort gates, which they hold till their troops come up.
Surrendering the place to the allies, Cortés tells them to respect the people and to
let the garrison depart without arms or banner. This victory gained great influence
for the Spaniards, and remembering the feat of Cortés, the Indians declared that
one Spaniard was enough to aid them in achieving victory. Hist. Mex., 59.
Ixtlilxochitl, who follows Gomara, fights the Aztec garrison as far as the city, and
then captures it. Hist. Chich., 290. Solis assumes that a few Spaniards cut off the
retreat of the townsmen, and rushing forward with some Cempoalans, are already
inside when the leaders come to plead for mercy. Hist. Mex., i. 197-8. The
foremost credit is however due to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 34-5, who, being
present, declares Gomara’s account wholly wrong, that no garrison existed here,
and that no resistance was made. The latter sentence is modified by Tapia, also a
member of the expedition, who states that the town did resist and was punished.
Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 566. Hence it may be assumed that Diaz, as
a foot soldier, was not present to see the probably bloodless rout of the Indians by
the cavalry. The townsmen are not likely to have allowed the Cempoalans to
approach without offering resistance, or, in case they knew of the Spanish
advance, without sending a deputation before the pillage began.
[229] Passing through two towns, the soldiers suffering greatly from heat and
fatigue. Near Cempoala the lord awaited them in some temporary huts with
bountiful cheer, though apprehensive of Cortés’ anger at his deception. The
following day they entered the city. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 35; Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. v. cap. xiii.
[230] ‘Veinte Doncellas (aunque Gomara dice, que fueron ocho),’ says
Torquemada, i. 399, without giving his reasons.
[232] Gomara makes the natives tear down the idols and the sepulchres of
caciques worshipped as gods. ‘Acabo con los de la ciudad que derribassen los
idolos y sepulcros de los caciques, q̄ tambien reuerẽciauan como a dioses.’ Hist.
Mex., 67.
[233] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. ix. xiv. Gomara
places the presentation of the women at the first visit of the Spaniards to the city,
and herein he is followed by Herrera, Torquemada, and Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Chich.,
289.
[234] These proved the more valuable since Cortés’ horse had died shortly before.
He obtained, by gift or purchase, the fine Arriero, a dark chestnut belonging to
Ortiz, the musician, and to García, the miner. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 33.
Gomara assumes that Salcedo brought a caravel, with sixty Spaniards and nine
horses, the vessel having been detained in Cuba for repairs. Hist. Mex., 59; yet he
includes Salcedo as present at the final review there. Id., 14. He is evidently
confused.
[235] For himself and one heir. Further, after conquering and settling four islands,
he might select one from which to receive perpetually for himself and heirs one
twentieth part of all the revenue accruing therefrom for the king. No duty would be
charged during his life on any clothing, arms, and provisions imported by him into
those lands. As an aid toward the expenses of the conquest, a royal estate at
Habana was granted him, and a salary in those lands of 300,000 maravedís. The
other clauses of the commission related to mines, clergy, taxes, and settlers. It
was dated at Saragossa, November 13, 1518, ‘five days previous to the
usurpation of the fleet by Cortés,’ observes Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 3-5. Dated at
Barcelona, says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi. Several are led to suppose that
Velazquez did not receive the notice of his appointment for over a year after its
date, which is unlikely. Mex., ii. 222-3.
[236] Which he failed to enjoy, since he died at sea while en route to New Spain to
take possession. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 465-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi.;
Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 16-17.
[237] Many of these died from hardship, and the rest returned impoverished to
their country. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 374-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xix.;
Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 8.
[238] It has been generally assumed, from a loose acceptance of chroniclers’ text,
that all the treasures were surrendered for the object in view, but this could not
have been the case. The pile of gold dust and nuggets, accumulated by constant
barter along the coast, and increased by the contents of two helmets sent by
Montezuma, formed a respectable amount, of which only a small portion was sent
to the king, as specimens of mining products. Three thousand castellanos were
set aside for the expenses of the messengers to Spain, and an equal sum for
Cortés’ father, ‘Otros 3000 que Cortés enviaba para su padre.’ Las Casas, Hist.
Ind., iv. 498. ‘A su padre Martin Cortes y a su madre ciertos Castellanos.’ Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 62. The disposal of the dust alone indicates an apportionment. Further,
the list of treasure sent to Spain, as appended to the Carta del Ayuntamiento, and
as given by Gomara, shows that much of the wrought metal received from
Montezuma, not counting that acquired by barter, was retained by the expedition.
Gomara writes that the first step of Cortés was to order a division of treasures by
Ávila and Mejía, acting respectively for the crown and the army. All the effects
being displayed in the plaza, the gold and silver amounting to 27,000 ducats, the
cabildo observed that what remained after deducting the royal fifth would belong to
the general in payment for the vessels, arms, and supplies surrendered by him to
the company. Cortés said there was time enough to pay him; he would now take
only his share as captain-general, and leave others wherewith to settle their small
debts. He also proposed that instead of sending merely the one fifth to the king,
the finest specimens should be given, which was agreed to. His list is given in
Hist. Mex., 60-2. Ordaz and Montejo were sent round with a list to be signed by all
who wished to surrender their share in the gold. ‘Y desta manera todos lo firmaron
â vna.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36. The Carta del Ayunt. refers to four of
Velazquez’ men as objecting to the presents being sent elsewhere than to their
leader. Cortés, Cartas, 26-7; Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 563;
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiv.; Torquemada, i. 407; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii.
118.
[239] No generous allusion appears to have been made to the discoverers who
opened the way for him. Gomara alone gives a brief outline of the letter, but the
original or copy has never been found, notwithstanding the close search made.
Since Charles V. received it on the eve of his departure for Germany, it occurred to
Robertson that the Vienna archives might throw on it some light, and the
consequent search led to the discovery of an authenticated copy of the companion
letter from the municipality of Villa Rica, but nothing relating to Cortés’ report. Hist.
Am., preface, x.-xi. Panes insists that the letter must have existed in the Vienna
Court Library at one time. Doc. Domin. Esp., MS., 59-60. Barcia suggests several
ways in which it might have been lost; one being its production before the royal
council at the instance of Pánfilo de Narvaez. Bibl. Occid., tit. iv. ii. 598.
Fortunately the companion letter and other narratives cover its essential points.
[240] ‘El Cabildo escriuiò juntamente con diez soldados ... ê iva yo firmado en
ella.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36.
[241] Written by Cortés’ most devoted friends, and undoubtedly under his
supervision, we cannot expect to find it other than a labored effort to promote his
views. Robertson, whose suggestion led to its discovery in the Vienna Imperial
Library, offers a mere synopsis of the contents. Hist. Am., preface, p. xi. ii. 521-2. It
is given at length in the Cortés, Cartas, by Gayangos, Paris, 1866, 1-34, with
notes, and with the list of presents appended; and in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 417-72,
and in Alaman, Disert., i. 2d app., 41-104, preceded by an introductory sketch of
the expedition by the collector of the papers, and containing the list of presents as
checked by Muñoz in 1784 from the Manual del Tesorero de la Casa de la
Contratacion de Sevilla.
[242] ‘Todos los Capitanes, y soldados juntamente escriuimos otra carta.’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36. ‘El cabildo ... escriuio ... dos letras. Vna ... no firmaron sino
alcaldes y regidores. La otra fue acordada y firmada del cabildo y de todos los
mas principales.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 63.
[243] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 37, gives a long detail of its contents, particularly
of the conclusion, wherein the bishop of Búrgos is pointed out as favoring his
friends and relations in the distribution of Indian governments. Velazquez enjoyed
his special favor in return for the large presents in gold and towns he had made, to
the prejudice of the crown. Cortés, on reading the letter, was highly pleased with
the eulogy bestowed upon himself, and promised to remember it when rewards
came to be distributed, but he objected to the prominence given to the discoveries
of Córdoba and Grijalva, ‘sino á èl solo se atribuia el descubrimiento, y la honra, ê
honor de todo,’ and wished to suppress the statement that one fifth of the profits
were to be given to him. The men declined to hide anything from the king, and so
Cortés no doubt made the messengers hide the letter. Tapia gives a brief synopsis
of it, mentioning the objections raised against the bishop of Búrgos, and the
resolution not to obey any orders contrary to their report till the king had replied to
it—‘é para que otra cosa en contrario de lo que le escrebiamos no se hiciese, que
S. M. sin saber de qué hacia mercedes, no las hiciese, estábamos prestos de
morir é tener la tierra en su real nombre fasta ver respuesta de esta carta.’
Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 566.‘Esta carta no vido el Emperador,
porque, si la viera, no les sucederia ni á Cortés ni á sus consortes el negocio tan
favorable como abajo se parecerá.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 498.
[244] ‘En una nao que ... despaché á 16 de julio del año de 1519, envié a V. A.
muy larga y particular relacion.’ Cortés, Cartas, 51; Oviedo, iii. 261. ‘En veinte y
seis dias del mes de Julio ... partieron de San Juan de Ulua.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 37. On the next page he says July 6th. The naming of Ulua as the port of
departure shows also a carelessness of facts; yet Gomara says:‘Partieron ... de
Aquiahuiztlã ... a veinte y seis.’ Hist. Mex., 6. Still Cortés’ letter, written so soon
after, ought to be correct. Prescott accepts the 26th.
[246] ‘Doña Mayor de Fonseca. El obispo de Búrgos ... por la muerte del Gran
Chanciller ... tornó á alear y á ser principal.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 2; Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi.; Zúñiga, Anales Ecles. Sevilla, 414.
[248] Guzman appears to have started in October from Cuba, when Narvaez’
expedition against Cortés had already begun to be fitted out. Carta de Velazquez,
Oct. 12, 1519, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 472-5; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii.
246-51; Carta al Figueroa, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 402; Las Casas, Hist. Ind.,
v. 2. His appeal to the Jeronimite Fathers, says Bernal Diaz, met only with rebuff.
They considered that Cortés had done well to send so rich a present to the king.
‘Le embiaron al Diego Velazquez â Cuba â vn Licenciado que se dezia Zuazo
para que le tomasse residencia ... Uelazquez, se congoxó mucho mas, y como de
antes era muy gordo, se paró flaco en aquellos dias.’ Hist. Verdad., 38. Martin
petitioned the bishop for the repair and return of the messengers’ vessel to
Velazquez, together with another vessel, both to carry reinforcements to the
Indies. This was needed, partly to prevent the possible conflict between Cortés’
party and the expedition fitting out under Velazquez to support the men he had
already sent under Cortés as his lieutenant. Memorial, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 407-9.
[249] Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 203. ‘Viniéronse con la corte hasta llegar á la
Coruña, y en este camino los cognoscí yo.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 499; Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. vii.
[251] According to Bernal Diaz the bishop of Búrgos retained not only the original
letters of the king, but a portion of the presents, which produced a sharp letter
from Charles. The duplicate letters reached him, however. Hist. Verdad., 38-9.
This author is not well informed about the movements of the procuradores. He lets
the king reach Flanders before they arrive, and there receive only the reports.
CHAPTER XI.
THE SINKING OF THE FLEET.
July-August, 1519.