Madrasa Education, State and Community Consciousness: Muslims in West Bengal

Author(s): Bonita Aleaz

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , Feb. 5-11, 2005, Vol. 40, No. 6 (Feb. 5-11, 2005),
pp. 555-564
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

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 Madrasa Education, State and
Community Consciousness
Muslims in West Bengal
How does education foster a sense of identity? This article looks at the madrasa system of
education in West Bengal in an attempt to understand its role in shaping Muslim identity.
While different madrasas cater to different groups within the community, the schools, whether
government supported or non-government run, also differ in the range of subjects they offer.
What emerges also is that while the state government ostensibly supports madrasas,
very little is done to improve their conditions either by way of infrastructure or curricula
reforms. Madrasas, despite being the focus of attention and concern, continue to function in
relative isolation, doing little to alleviate the poverty of the ordinary Muslim in the state.

BONITA ALEAZ

ne might say there are two entry points to this article. education laid down in the first world conference on Muslim
The 'within state' exigent circumstances which lead education. The third section looks at emerging madrasa education
Nandini Sundar among others, to focus on the renewed from pre-colonial times in India with specific reference to West
pedagogical endeavours of the rightist Rashtriya Swayam SevakBengal. In conclusion, the instrumentalist vis-a-vis constructivist
Sangh (RSS) [Sundar 2004] and the 'without state' phenomenarole of the principal actors in shaping education and civil society
which has till date received inordinate hype as the 'Huntingtonian is referred to.
thesis' [Huntington 2002]. The Samuel Huntington thesis is sought to be portrayed against
Sundar raises a very pertinent query "If schools are one of thethe backdrop of the ensuing discussion. All forms of madrasah
modes by which nations imagine and reproduce themselves, education have been under intense scrutiny and attack since the
debates over schooling systems - availability, cost, curriculum, ignominy of 9/11. Generalist notions have been heightened by
language, pedagogical techniques - are at the heart of this the supposition that there exists a fundamental divide between
imagining" [Sundar 2004:1605]. She then goes on to explore the the Muslim and the 'other' and they are bound to clash. In India,
educational interventions made by the RSS/Bharatiya Janatanotions regarding madrasa education have socio-historical con-
Party (BJP) and their implications for the future production ofnections. That they have referred primarily to closed systems of
'citizens'. education intended only for the Muslim community has only
This article engages in a similar enterprise. The query, how-exacerbated pejorative attitudes. More recently, two other pheno-
ever, shifts to the nature of madrasa education prevalent todaymena drew attention to the Muslims and their specific mode of
in Muslim societies, with specific reference to the state of West
education: (i) Newspaper reports as well as assembly proceedings
Bengal in India. It tries to locate the connections between desired
recorded the fact that there was a significant demographic trans-
education and emerging consciousness. The theoretical premiseformation in the Muslim population in the country. In West
is that both these forms, as reflected in the human person,Bengal
are itself, the community constituted only 15 per cent of the
the result of shaping and moulding that goes on at two levels:
population in1971, it rose to 21.81 per cent in1981, but it had
the state, which may have as its ultimate objective an eclectic
increased to 23.61 per cent by 1991 (Report of the Madrasa
generation of desirable citizenry; and the community, where Education Committee, 2002). Much of the demographic change
ensuring continuity may be the desired goal. The making of wasthe attributed to the large-scale influx from Bangladesh. (ii) What
citizen is a resultant of the interface between these two prime
was a matter of greater concern to the government of India was
actors, and the value accorded to education by each. The 'formed'
the simultaneous mushrooming of madrasas all along the north
individual thus, can be adequately assessed as capable of 're-
Bengal corridor. It was revealed that the 50-kilometre Siliguri
producing desired knowledge' or not. A related observation is
corridor stretching from Islampur in the north, and eastwards upto
that notions of civil society, their utility and application the
are West Bengal-Assam border, was being frequented by the
intricately related with this interface. Thus, the generalist image
Pakistani Inter Service Intelligence Agency (ISI) as a conduit for
of the latter as a 'vibrant conduit' is disclaimed; it no doubt exists
arms and drugs to neighbouring Nepal and Bangladesh (Times
of India, February 15, 1999).
as a conduit between state and society but its vibrancy may well
be 'inward' directed.
Such information widely propagated in the national and inter-
This article has three main sections: the first introduces the
national media merely heightened consciousness towards
concepts which frame the parameters of the study; this is followed
Huntington's observations regarding the inevitable and funda-
by a brief glimpse of how certain select states in the Muslim mental clash of two civilisations, the Muslim vs the other. Rather
world contour their educational system and perceive desired
than entering into a discussion of this position, we try to explore
change. This is presented in the backdrop of the parameters oftypes and forms of madrasa education in West Bengal and
the

Economic and Political Weekly February 5, 2005 555

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 the nature of the resultant individuals themselves. Against this such as Serif Mardin (1995:278-79), 'Civil society is a western
backdrop the query may be posed: dream, a historical aspiration', and as such does not translate
(i) Are all Muslims Jihadi Muslims? (ii) What kind of shaping into Islamic terms. 'Civility', he argues 'a latent aspect of civic
and moulding is necessary to enable one/a community to enter culture, is a shared civilisational idea. But not civil society with
the mainstream of national socio-political life? (iii) Does the its prizing of rule of law, human agency, and the autonomy of
prevailing situation in Bengal enable altogether different assump- society and individuals from the state' (ibid).
tions to be made about the Muslim, if so why? For the majority of Muslims, Islam is simultaneously religion,
state and society, the inseparable three 'ds', 'din', 'dwala', and
I 'dunya' of classic Islamic thought. The rule of law and civil
Civil Society and Islam society are modern conceptualisations based on the autonomy
of the religious sphere (with its specific theological speculation
Questions related to the realm of civil society stil seem to be on spiritual and ethical values) and the political sphere (with its
the most popular when dealing with community consciousness. secular approach to governance, legitimacy, sovereignty and the
Thus, what are the notions of civil society prevalent in the separation of legislative, executive and judicial powers). This
contemporary period? Civil society has been understood as the is not to say that competing philosophical trends have not
panacea that can cure the il s afflicting the modern state. It has challenged emergent Islamic thought in its periods of growth.
been variously defined by different theorists but a minimal The first radical transformation in Islamic thought occurred after
definition would be that provided by John Keane: the death of Ibn Rushd (1198), when one can say the creative
The emerging consensus that civil society is a realm of freedom interface between theology, religious law and philosophy was
correctly highlights its basic value as a condition for democracy; interrupted; schools of law ceased their disputes and separated.
where there is no civil society there cannot be citizens with It was since 1945, however, that Islam expressed its full rejection
capacities to choose their identities, entitlements and duties within of the enlightenment interventions experienced during the
a political - legal framework [Keane 1998:114]. colonial period. The second radical transformation concerning
However, Keane's definition presupposes equal amounts for the triple 'd' continues; yet it may be said that the contest between
everyone in the realm of freedom or in other words the notions philosophical systems and religion has more or less ended with
of civil society are presumed to be the same every where that the latter gaining an inordinate upper hand [Mohammed Arkoun
is, it fosters a non-state autonomous sphere; allows empowerment 2002:41]. More specific to the Indian context have been theo-
of citizens: a trust-building associational life: and encourages logians such as Maulana Abu al-A'la al-Maududi who categori-
interaction with rather than subordination to the state. cally denounced any connection between Islam and 'democratic'
positions such as civil society (Maududi:41-42). On the other
A review of western literature indicates that western history
hand,Oxford scholars such as Hamid Enayat (1982) regret the
and institutions disproportionately define the terms of the debate.
However, when the debate about civil society reaches out to the fact that the western world, intent on defining concepts such as
civil society, and democracy never got reconciled to the post-
east, the discussion moves onto a different track altogether. The
colonial situation emerging in the east, or, the process of
works of scholars from India offering a totally different concept
of civil society may be cited [Mahajan 1998: Chatterjee 1997;democratisation emerging in Islamic societies. However, the
Chandhoke 1995] for instance. internal obstacles of Muslim states could never be glossed over
Alternate theoretical suppositions are cited to challenge theBassam Tibi (1996:23-31) corroborates Enayat's view that "it
is neither inordinately difficult nor illegitimate to derive a list of
very basic notions of a predetermined civil society - that habits
democratic rights and liberties" from Islamic sources, 'given a fair
of reciprocity, of pervasive cooperation lead individuals to
cooperate in the public sphere. Rather, it may be stated that thedegree of exegetical talent.' These group of scholars would not
configuration of forces and the 'construction' of civil society agree that Islam and democracy do not go together. Indeed, they
may well take on completely different dimensions in a climate have liberal or 'open' Islam in view, 'not the ideology of Islam'.
of perpetual suspicion, or when one group pervasively succeeds Tibi would further hold that the concept of an 'Islamic state '
in dominating the other. Ample evidence may be cited to indicate is a misinterpretation of the sharia- since, in Islamic history sharia
was never implemented as an integral system. Thus the goal of
that social capital, an essential component of civil society exists
"rethinking Islam is an adaptation of religious doctrine to changed
'within' and not 'between segments' in societies reflecting multiple
identities. Group identities have the potential to create strong historical circumstances" (p 30). What has been missed so far
reservoirs of social capital within segments, but they do not is an adaptation of either the ethical and legal precepts of Islam
or the attitudes and institutions of traditional society to democ-
facilitate an urge to reflect these attributes into the public sphere.
We confirm one of the suppositions made by Tocqueville racy. in This is obviously a much more difficult task than the mere
reformulation of democratic principles in Islamic idioms.
this respect that civil consciousness, associational life and edu-
cation has an 'internal effect' upon the 'inner moral life' of those
who are affected by the construction process. The group therefore II
becomes stronger 'within itself', more able to withstand external On Muslim Education
pressure: they do not necessarily become fundamentalist or
communal,or they do not reflect tendencies to challenge the state The first world Conference on Muslim education was held
between April 4-6, 1977. All major countries either espousing
on a perpetual basis. These would be the characteristics of a group
under perpetual duress. Islamic faith or having considerable Muslim populations were
In the Muslim world, while the existing reality may conform represented, among them India. Two major questions confronted
to the above position, academic debate, however, reflects two the conference: Should educational planning be based on the
distinct positions: on the one hand there is a strong resentment principle of continuous adjustment to social changes? Or should
educationists draw up their plans and programmes with a view
against the use of the concept 'civil society', to Turkish scholars

556 Economic and Political Weekly February 5, 2005

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to inspiring children with a noble ideal so that they may know that "Islam does not forbid the development of science and
not only that they should resist the influences that make the technology. However, (he felt) it does prescribe the ends to which
individual the slave of external forces, but also that they should technology should be applied. For instance, Islamic society should
fight for the establishment and maintenance of god-given values consider science as a moral inquiry dealing with what is empiri-
and re-direct technology, science and other concomitant forces cally found to be good for man within the bound of Islamic
for the benefit of humanity? The scholars who met at the con- injunctions just as the science of nutrition deals with what foods
ference rejected the first principle and opted for the second are wholesome for man" [Khan 1981:2].
[Muhammad Khan 1981:ix]. At a conference organised on, 'Islam in South East Asia:
Some of the points from the report of the committee on Regional Faithlines and Faultlines in the Global Umma' by the
education and society at this, first world conference on Muslim Chinese University of Hongkong in 2002, the papers presented
education are worth noting. showed how some of the Muslim states in the vicinity of the
The committee thoroughly discussed the interrelationship, Indian subcontinent have constructed the educational curricula
interdependence and interaction between the education system of their Islamic institutions, that in turn construe notions of civil
and the social, economic and political institutions of a society. society or display 'umma' consciousness. This discussion also
The committee did feel that an educational system cannot be provides a bird's eye view of the extent of desired change seen
adequately reformed on Islamic lines without simultaneously by the Muslims in their attitude towards state and larger society.
reforming the social, economic and political institutions of a Indonesian Muslims primarily adhere to the Sufi tradition, and
particular country. The committee referred to the notion of the may be considered traditionalists. But exigent circumstances
Islamic state and said that an Islamic notion of education was
arising from the contemporary needs of Indonesians to instill
modern
hard to conceive of without realising the requirements of the forms of education as well as the need to retain adherence
Islamic state [Khan 1981, Appendix para 1.2]. to their faith have impelled a novel method of refurbishing their
Islamic education was a life long process of preparing an faith. Rather than a direct onslaught on traditional education
Sufi
individual to order his own life in accordance with the injunctions
systems, a successful coupling of religion through modern uni-
of Islam and to fully contribute to the reconstruction and develop-
versity system has been tried out. By presenting the scholarly
ment of the society in order to implement these injunctions heritage of the 'tawasuf' (theosophical school) through formal
(ibid 2.1). university style courses, the modern adult Islamic educational
foundations like Paramadina, Tajkeya Sejati, and others have
They were strongly critical ofun-Islamic activities and behaviour
in the organisations of Muslim youth and felt that immediate helped 'de-couple' Sufism from the Sufi orders, Tarekat and the
re-ordering of all organisations such as girl guides and boy scouts
old style Pesantrens (institutions for imparting education to
should be undertaken to eradicate un-Islamic attitudes and behaviour.
children) with which many cosmopolitan Muslims earlier had
Youth should engage in extra-curricular activities and organise negative associations [Julia Day Howell 2002].
opportunities for speech-making, debating, creative-writing Saroja and Dorairajoo's (2002) research shows two types of inter-
conducting conferences and symposia on issues affectingpretations the may be made with regard to Muslims in modem day
community and the Muslim umma in general (ibid 2.3). Thailand. They are both exclusivist and accommodative. The
The committee took note of the fact that all knowledge which state however, has had a history of contentious relations with
helps Muslims to order their individual and social life in accor-
Islam despite the religion having enjoyed 'state religion' status
dance with the injunctions of Islam is desirable and essential, in history. Southern Thailand has borne the brunt of state op-
that unless the curricula of all subjects at all levels of education
probrium since 70 per cent of the population are Muslims.
focused on Islamic beliefs and injunctions, merely adding one
Regardless of their perceived and experienced crisis of identity
subject of theology or Islamic studies to the curriculum cannot the southern Muslims accept Thai as the language of privilege
make the education system Islamic. Moreover they felt systematicand the educated. Moreover consistent efforts have been made
work according to their knowledge had not been undertaken to emphasise secular subjects in Yala Islamic University to enable
anywhere to reformulate the educational goals and objectives the inMuslim youth to compete with non-Muslims.
order to focus on Islamic beliefs and injunctions (ibid 3.2). Riaz Hasan (2002) examines the extent of 'umma' (religious
It was strongly recommended that the most vigorous community) and consciousness across select Muslim populations. It
planned efforts should be made to provide free, compulsory mayandbe mentioned that 'umma' consciousness is a learned and
universal education to all children to the extent that they areappropriated
able consciousness which occurs specifically through
to read, write understand and express the fundamental teachingsthe method of education .The Muslims of south and south-east
of Islam and other sciences and arts which may enable them to specifically display 98 per cent 'umma' consciousness
Asia
comprehend the nature of creation and man's place in the universe
whereas countries such as Turkey and Kazhakastan show lesser
as the vice regent of 'Allah Subhanahu wa Taala'. This taskdegrees of the same. This situation calls for a freeing of 'his-
should be given the highest priority (ibid 4.2) torical' Islam from the bonds of 'normative Islam', which would
It was further felt that their educational system shouldgive
con-ample space to each regional umma to focus on the normative
tribute to the unity and consolidation of the Muslim umma andsuitable to its own location. The Islamic educational system
part
should serve as a'bulwark against any dissensions (ibid of 5.1)
southern Asia particularly does not reflect this tendency.
Despite the clear emphasis on Islamic 'adab' (etiquette) and
Finally, Syed Farid Alatas (2000) shows how the lack of
mode of behaviour, science, technology or development in alternative
other interpretations or popular voice has helped the con-
form was not abhorred, however, the clear instruction was to
struction of an uni-dimensional view whereby civil society and
the state are considered one and the same. He uses Indonesian
incorporate these subjects primarily through Islamic tutors
(ibid 7.5; 8.1 and 8.2). and Malaysian terminological usage to explicate the phenomena.
Wasiullah Khan in his explication of the basic principles
The Malay/Indonesian equivalent of civil society is 'mujtama
enunciated by the committee further felt that it should bemadani/masyarakat
clear madani', that is those who desire a vibrant

Economic and Political Weekly February 5, 2005 557

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civil society seek greater political space and participation, but Figure: Muslims Groups in Bengal
those who specifically define society in terms of the above
mentioned two terms are actually asking for a religion-based Ideological and class
distinctions of
society. According to them in Islam, civil life can only be lived Muslims
in a 'masyarakat madani'. It is by the 'madinah' (religious
Hanafi - Ulema based Mohammadi Radicals Low caste groups
community) that a madani (city) type existence is established, (the orthodox) (moderates)
informed by the ethical system of Islam. These concepts, defined
by the intellectual continue, and contour societal existence. Ananta Toer's description of the directions initiated by the Dutch
for initiating education in the Dutch East Indies [Dalmia
III 1999:1336]. Today such a allegation has only metaphorical
Nature and Form of Madrasa Education semblance, yet, it is used by us to designate notions of 'acceptable'
in India educational processes and thereby 'production of knowledge' in
the contemporary period. Who can produce valid acceptable
Macaulay's Minutes (1834) though long redundant yet, knowledge?
still Through which educational system it can be
remain significant because still appears to lay down the norms, produced? These are viable questions which need answers.
precepts and ideas governing 'acceptable' forms of education Bengal Muslims at the turn of the century: Muslims in West Bengal
in India today. He felt 'it was impossible' for the colonial like theirco-religionists elsewhere, conform to innumerable sectoral
government "with our limited means, to attempt to educatedivisions.
the A prophetic tradition ('hadith') had in fact foretold
body of the people. We must at present do our best to form thataafter Mohammad's death Muslims would be demarcated into
class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom 72 quarrelling groups, and all of them save one, was destined
we govern; a class of persons Indian in blood and colour,forhell. but Today, truth-claims are made by all Muslims everywhere,
what their respective schools teach is the ultimate truth.
English in taste, in opinions, in morals and in intellect" [Macaulay
1957:716-18]. Four broad groups could be identified at the turn of the century
In feudal society, inevitably it was the religious institutionamong Muslims of Bengal, with minor changes these groups can
which was entrusted with transmuting power (founded as itstill was be located in the contemporary socio-political structure of
West Bengal (see the Figure).
upon the control of weaponry, land and riches), into divine right;
ecclesiastical authority was deployed tojustify and thereby solidify
(i) The hanafis clung to patristic attitudes and obscurantism and
the rule of the new warrior class. In the complex societies spawned
denied the fact that thorough revision of either the Quranic suras
by late capitalism, Pierre Bourdieu maintains, the schoolor
has
the sharia were needed. They wished to emphasise that the
taken over this work of sanctification of social divisions. So that
philanthropic appeal of Islam rather than Islam as a sectional
not one but two species of capital now give access to positions religion (the Jamait-e-Islami-Hind is an example of this school).
of power, define the structure of social space and govern the life
Also that Islamic sanctions had unquestioned and unequal
chances and trajectories of groups and individuals. His definition
supremacy over human consciousness; thus every religious
of the formation of social alchemy is also very significant. sanction
It is must be respected ('bila kaifa without question'), how-
soever out of date.
a process whereby "a social hierarchy dis-simulates itself, to those
it dignifies no less than to those it excludes, as a scale of human
(ii) The mohammadis, who were another outgrowth of the sunni
excellence, how a historically arbitrary social order rooted intradition.
the They were characterised by: desires to bring back
materiality of economic and political power transmutes itself traditional
into simplicity and purity of faith. They wished for a refined
what displays very outward appearance of an aristocracyand
of rejuvenated Bengali Muslim society, based on values and
intelligence. Under this angle the granting of an elite degree is
principles helpful for development and modern scientific thinking.
not so much a 'rite of passage as... a rite of institution': it does
But there was no drastic desire for change or reform, since it
not demarcate a before and an after so much as it differentiates
was felt the commoners would not accept any change. (These
and elevates those destined to occupy eminent social positions
two groups comprise the broad ideological branches which
from over whom they will lord" [Bourdieu 1996:ix-x]. subsequently have been broken down into location-specific
Bourdieu between the 'reproduction of knowledge' and ideologies,directly
the bearing on the syllabi offered by the different
'production' of knowledge. The former refers to the role that
madrasas).
the common masses are to play after being nurtured through (iii)theThe radicals comprised the third group. They wished to come
educational process that is to reproduce or preserve capitalistout of the bondage of fatwas (religious diktats or decrees issued
society. The latter on the other hand,is the production of education
by the ulema) on the basis of logical reasoning. This group has
of a higher order. During imperial times the latter was a function
been extremely influenced by the folk culture and philosophy
attributed to the metropolis while the former, its transmission
of Bengal. Their main position has been that the sharia would
and replication, was assigned to the common masses ofhave theno effect on Bengali Muslims unless related to local culture,
colonised country. Likewise it may be argued that the educational
based on humanism and liberalism. However, this group lost
system of the metropolis can be viewed as a means of preservation
much of its individuality in course of time, due to the absence
and reproduction of the authority, not only cognitive authority
of viable leadership or voice in the emergent period.
but also political authority, among the natives of the colonised
(iv) A fourth emergent group, may be identified as the low castes
country. Very clear concepts prevailed regarding the type who ofdesired economic benefits for themselves. This emergent
education which could be taken to the colonies, the buildings,
class, which was distinct from the largely elitist background of
the clothes to be worn by those desiring education in these the other three, served in a way to increase consciousness among
institutions - the pattern worked out for the colony was to thebelatter. Against the onslaught of the backward castes, and the
in close semblance to the metropolis. Vasudha Dalmia, refersnationalist outpourings of the Hindus, the upper classes fell back
to the above mode of functioning while mentioning Pramodeya on religious orthodoxy as a means of self-preservation.

558Economic and Political Weekly February 5, 2005

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Such feelings generated exclusiveness among the Muslims of Identity created problems in the immediate pre-and post-
Bengal. independence periods which were subsequently resolved as the
The first three groups may be roughly categorised as the 'ashraf Muslims of West Bengal became engaged in a common struggle
or aristocrats whereas the last group conformed to the ajlaf or for existence. However, the search for Bengali Muslim identity
commoner category. (The ideological categorisation was re- emerged very forcibly after the creation of Bangladesh in 1971.
flected in the debates during the turn of the century. Today The dilemma confronting the community was whether to extend
modified formations of the same continue). allegiance to the rich, indigenous Bengali culture or the culture
The educational structure which emerged in Bengal was of a greater Islam. In fact, it is still in a perpetual state of
an offshoot of the ideological and class structure as identified psychological dichotomy, forever torn between its Bengaliness
above. and Muslimness. Given its socio-economic and educational back-
The mere division of the Muslim society into four classes doeswardness, its emerging identity becomes subsumed vis-a-vis
not adequately describe the Muslims of Bengal. A more serious both, the larger identity of the majority Hindus in West Bengal
division has been along linguistic grounds. The two distinct and of the economically more powerful Urdu-speaking Muslims.
identities of Urdu and Bengali speaking Muslims in Bengal in
fact shape Muslim intra-personal relations in the state and class
System of Education
divisions are arranged accordingly. Immense amount of research
has been done in this area, locating the specific identities alongTwo types of educational systems may thus be identified as
linguistic identities such as Dhurjati Prasad De (1998); Amalendu
imparting Islamic mode of education: (i) the traditional, privately
De (1982) Rafiuddin Ahmed (ed) (2001) and Joya Chatterji run system, fashioned after the Sufi tradition, which intended
(1995). It is not our purpose to record the tussle between the to train boys as preachers and interpreters of tradition and (ii) the
two yet a few words may be said to clarify the present structure.
government - sponsored madrasas (madrasa - meaning centre
At the time of partition (1947) 60 million Muslim were left
of Islamic learning).
behind - leaderless, impoverished and suffering from a deepThe ashrafs, being proud of their lineage initially refused to
sense of insecurity. Reposing unflinching faith in Nehru's secular
accept the British overtures, to include them within the proposed
leadership and in the good will of their compatriots, they aligned
secular and modernised system of education. They remained
their fate with India's destiny and set out renegotiating their
patrons of the private institutes which were, in many instances
identity according to the dominant idioms of the Indian state.
mere extensions of mosques. In the 18th century, Maulana Abdul
Their hopes were raised by Nehru's own determination to con-Ali Bahar-Ul-Ulum (ocean of learning) was invited by a noble-
solidate India's secular, democratic base and the achievements
man of Burdwan to open an institution of learning in Bengal.
made by India in the early years of independence. However, the
The Nizamiah system with no fixed syllabi was established. The
chain of events beginning from the theft of the sacred hair emphasis
of was on books and commentaries written by the teachers
themselves. The focus was on the revealed sciences, such as
the Prophet from the Hazratbal shrine (1963) to the recent Gujarat
carnage (2002), and the Hindutva campaigns orchestrating a pan- hadith (traditions of the Prophet), theology and jurisprudence.
Hindu identity and the passivity of the self-professed avowedlyThroughout the late 19th century innumerable futile efforts
secular Indian state, have rudely shaken their confidence inwere made by the colonial power to bring in the Muslims within
a reformed educational structure which would facilitate their
India's secular values, made them conscious of their rights as
a minority, prompted the need to assert their self-identity, that
absorption into the administrative system as well. Finally, the
has in turn propelled them towards a radical rethinking of theirefforts of liberals such as Syed Ahmad Khan and the visible
role. The initial euphoria over national integration has given way
impact of a growing polarisation between the economically and
to a sense of anger, disbelief and betrayal. socially well-entrenched Hindus in comparison with the Muslims
West Bengal presents a slightly different picture. It is true that
shrouded in obscurantism paved the way for government
Islam in India unfolds a bewildering diversity of Muslim com-sponsored madrasas.
munities, each with its specific cultural attributes. Bengal's The non-governmental madrasas today speak of the innumer-
specificity derives from the fact that here Islam's existence in
able sectoral divisions among the Muslims. There are about
contradistinction with the host culture and the forceful assertion
30,000-40,000 madrasas in India today of which more than 90
of a latent Bengali identity is vindicated by history. Before theper cent fall within the non-governmental category and they
second half of the 19th century, Muslims allowed the British follow
to the tenets of either of the following schools: Deobandi,
skilfully manipulate their sentiments to the latter's advantage. Barelwi, and the Furfura Sharif.l Since the original intentions
There was a shift in attitude when the aristocrats of Bengal felt were to train preachers and those who could help administer the
the need to press for greater educational and employment Muslims, the course of study involved natural philosophy, law,
opportunities. The ashraf-led (aristocratic) movement was, theology, astronomy, geometry, arithmetic, logic, Arabic, Urdu,
however, elitist in character. No genuine attempt was made to rhetoric, in other words a mix of the rational and revealed sciences.
initiate truly progressive changes. The exclusiveness of the ashrafsToday the ideological bent of the school determines the greater
was projected in their attitude towards language (preference for
or lesser weight paid to Islamic vis-a-vis secular subjects. The
Urdu and English over Bengali) and their refusal to identify with
mushrooming of such schools all along the Indo-Bangladesh
anything local or Bengali.The Bengali Muslims on the other hand border became a cause for concern to the West Bengal govern-
had failed to form a viable middle class. However, by the turn ment in the wake of the demolition of the Babri masjid in
of the century, Bengal Muslim society witnessed the emergence December 1992. Allegations have been made by both the national
of a middle class, keenly conscious of its Islamic identity while
and the international media that these schools fostered terrorists.
retaining close links with local culture. It sought neither to be Their links with terrorist - related activities remains largely
swayed by feelings generated by Urdu nor to be influenced by unproven. The government of West Bengal undertook massive
Hindu culture and Sanskritised Bengali. drives to 'flush out' possible terrorists from such unauthorised

Economic and Political Weekly February 5, 2005 559

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madrasa, their search did not yield anything significant enough madrasa offers all the above mentioned courses of study. Apart
to merit banning the institutes altogether. What was revealed was from such madrasas there are the junior madrasas (equivalent
the pitiable efforts made by the absolutely downtrodden Muslim, to madhyamik) and the high madrasas, which though managed
hoping to glean shreds of acceptable human form, from within by Muslim boards would follow the government syllabi sanc-
the folds of his/her religious setup, since, the secular setup was tioned for secular government-sponsored schools with the dis-
in actuality the realm of dominance by the majority Hindus and tinction of having Urdu as the medium of instruction.
secondly, a more serious and practical concern was that this Excluding the Calcutta madrasa, there are only three insti-
remained outside the reach of the poverty stricken Muslim.2 tutions under the West Bengal Board of Madrasa Education
The structure ofgovernment madrasa education: Warren Hastings (WBBME), i e, the senior madrasas at Furfura, Beldanga, and
established the first government madrasa in 1791: this was the Batna, offering Kamil and MM courses of study.
Calcutta Madrasa. The main objective then was to provide a Table 1 shows the number of madrasas, strength of students
training ground for public services and the legal profession to and teaching staff of high and senior madrasas.
Muslims at a time when Persian was still the official language Tables 1 and 2 give an idea about the number of madrasas
and fiscal and judicial administration was carried on in accor- existing in the state and the comparative pass percentages of the
dance with Muslim law. In his minutes of 1785, Hastings referred different madrasa courses. The number of madrasas as given in
to the changed conditions of the Muslims, "they had lost those Table 1 may be contrasted with the figures for general school
sources of emoluments which can enable them to bestow much education given in Table 3.
expense on the education of their children and are deprived of The West Bengal Board of Madrasa Education was given the
that power which they possessed, of endowing or patronising status of a statutory autonomous body in April, 1995, on the basis
public seminaries of learning".3 of the West Bengal Board of Madrasa Education Act, 1994.This
The year 1915, can be demarcated as the most importantact empowered it to function as an autonomous body., with the
landmark in the history of madrasa education and its developmentsame academic, administrative and financial powers as enjoyed
in eastern India in more recent times. On the recommendations by the West Bengal Board of Secondary Education., West Bengal
of Maulana Abu Nasser Mohammad Waheed, then principal of Council of Higher Education and such other bodies in the state.
Dacca Senior Madrasa, the government of West Bengal intro-The act was intended not only to empower the madrasa board
duced the new scheme of madrasa education. The former ob- with mere administrative functions but also to make these in-
served that the employment opportunities of the Muslims was stitutions centres of interest and attraction to the members of the
restricted due to the strong sentiment for theology based edu-
minority community and inspire their confidence as an avenue
cation in madrasas and the consequent lack of knowledge in working for their advancement in the society.
general subjects. He travelled the whole Arab world and France
to study the Muslim education systems and came to the conclusion IV
that basic changes towards a modernisation of this form of Issues that Matter
education were necessary to bring the level of madrasa education
at par with the prevailing system of education in the schools.These institutions were supposed to offer courses equivalent
The idea was that the product of madrasa education should be to normal courses offered by other secular institutions, in other
able to pursue higher studies in all areas of knowledge, profes-
words despite retaining their Muslim ethos and flavour they were
sions and services and go on to a successful career. to be bridges between the Muslim and the non-Muslim world.
This was accepted by the government, therefore all subjects Table 1: Type of Courses in Madrasas, Number of
taught at the school level were included in the syllabi of junior Students and Teachers
high madrasas and high madrasas. In addition, Arabic and Urdu
No of Madrasas No of Students No of Teachers
courses were also included in the scheme. Thus the successful
1 Senior madrasas
candidates from high madrasas could pursue further studies at
Alim 82 43,050 1148
the undergraduate and postgraduate levels at the institutions of Fazil 17 9860
higher education in the country [D P De 1998, Sufia Ahmed 1996] Kamil (UG) 4 3670 336
Thus in Bengal, two distinct parallel systems of madrasa Mumtazul
Muhaddethin (PG) 3 About 15 per Shares with
education began working, they continue to do so today. year Kamil teachers
(i) The old model of madrasa education with Alim, Fazil and Total 103 56,580 (excluding MM) 1484
Mumtazul Mahaddethin (MM) degrees designated as senior 2 Junior madrasas 166 60,180 1105
3 High madrasas 238 1,90710 3142
madrasas and (ii) The new scheme of high madrasa education Total 404 2,50,890 4247
moderised and brought at par with the standard of high schools Grand total 507 3,07,470 5731
of West Bengal.
Source: Reportof the Madrasa Education Comm
The overwhelming majority of Bengali Muslims being Sunni, 2002, p 9.
Hanafis, their madrasas follow the Hanafi and not the Lucknawi
Table 2: Performance of Students Who Passed High Madrasa,
system. The few Shias who migrated during the colonial period Alim, Fazil, Kamil and MM Examinations for the years 1998-2002
along with Wajid Ali Shah set up their own madrasas. Even today, (In percentages)
a few of these may be visible in West Bengal, however, there Year H Madrasa Alim Fazil Kamil MM
are nearly none in Bangladesh. Besides these some Deobandi
madrasas also exist in West Bengal. 1998 55.17 64.97 65.20 80.76 98.14
1999 54.56 63.90 66.55 70.00 91.07
A madrasa can offer the following degrees - Alim-(matri-2000 57.46 62.80 68.42 68.42 77.08
2001 63.20 67.90 78.34 72.45 88.00
culation, orclasses from I-X); Fazil (higher secondary or classes XI
and XII); Kamil (graduate degree); and Mumtazul Muhaddethin 2002 64.16 65.61 75.24 83.96 84.48
(MM, which is the postgraduate course). An integrated senior
Source: Ibid, p 15.

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However, nothing of that has been achieved. They remain islands
of exclusion neither able to provide passage to their students into
the world of professionals, nor are they able to train the Muslim
students adequately to allow resumption of secular education
after initial training.
A glance at the syllabi of the graduate and postgraduate degree
courses indicates very starkly the impracticality of the learning
process the young Muslim students undergo. At the Kamil level
they appear for 10 compulsory papers and an additional one, i e,
for an examination of 1,100 marks. The subjects taught are four
papers on Arabic literature; one each on 'Tafsir', 'Hadith',
'Fetah', Theology of Islam; History of Islam and culture, juris-
prudence and an optional language. At the postgraduate level
they do a course for 1,000 marks where hadith consists of 800
marks and Islamic history another 200 marks.4
The government's entire endeavour seems to be misplaced.
They took over the running of these institutions conforming to
the principle of continuity, since the colonial times.5 However,
the resolve to treat these students at par with others undergoing
secular forms of education falls far short of expectations.
Government-run educational institutions in West Bengal, unlike
other institutions, have produced some of the best scholarship
in the country. However, the same cannot be said of the
government-run Muslim educational institutions.
The functioning of the madrasas, the type of students they
produce, the attitude of the Muslim community towards the entire
process and thereby their identity construction can be gauged
by following the reports of certain governmental documents such
as the legislative assembly proceedings of the government of
West Bengal, the reports of the Minorities Commission as well
as other similar documents. The opinions of Muslim intellectuals
also illustrate the attitude towards madrasa education today.
The assembly proceedings of the contemporary period indicate
that since the demolition of the Babri masjid (1992), madrasa
education, indeed has frequently come up for discussion. This
fact allows for two kinds of analyses, one it reflects an instru-
mentalist strategy aimed at both long- and short-term goals; the
ultimate result being retention of status quo in the socio-political
structures. It also reflects on the positive constructivist process
that we will refer to later.
What immediately strikes the observer is that concerns related
to the community have almost never been raised by the ruling
party, it is left to the opposition to draw attention to their cause,
the government thus becomes an unwilling ally to the desire for
change or reforms.
The reports from1984-2001 bring the following facts to light:
(1) These institutions lack even the minimalist infrastructure
needed for imparting higher education to students. The coursework
is unnecessarily weighted, obscure and impractical .The students
follow the syllabi of the West Bengal, government along with
the pursuit of specific Islamic studies at the school level itself,
comprising: Arabic theology, language and jurisprudence (Re-
port of the Madrasa Education Committee, 2000). At present the
weightage of general subjects in madrasa education is only 50
per cent which keeps the students intellectually below par,
compared with other general students and thereby unfit for
pursuing higher education in the general stream.
Requests were repeatedly made by leaders of the community
to incorporate a 'rational' learning procedure in the system of
education, as the present system was both ineffective, and
wasteful.6 The Kidwai Commission investigated the com-
plaints launched by the Madrasa Board and a section of Muslim
Economic and Political Weekly February 5, 2005 561
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intellectuals and found serious reasons for the reform of madrasa
education, however, no efforts have since been undertaken in
this respect.
(2) Funds are not sanctioned on a regular basis, unlike other
governmental institutions. For instance, in a significant case -
the Maulana Azad Educational Society vs the Calcutta Port Trust
(the West Bengal Minorities Commission took up the case to
the Bench of the Commission) it was indicated that the Society
made appeals to the Port Trust for release of grants for 19 schools
run by the Society situated in the Port Trust area. However, the
required Rs 10 lakh was not forthcoming. Rather, similar insti-
tutions run by the majority community were being allocated their
requisite funds. No specific reasons were being given for the
withholding of funds (Report of iht West Bengal Minorities
Commission, 1996-March 1999).
The Minorities Commission felt that its powers were seriously
abrogated. Under section 4(2)(a) of the rules governing the
Commission's jurisdiction, they were to function with the same
powers as that of a civil court, but in the absence of a legal cell
or advisors it was not considered possible to exercise such powers
effectively. The Commission was further seriously hampered
because it did not have any proper infrastructure and the govern-
ment never seemed to respond to its proposals. Moreover close
cooperation with the district magistrates was needed for the
Minorities Commission, only the former could supply all the data
needed for investigation, however, this contact was largely missing.
A more serious allegation was the government did not respond to
its requests that the follow-up actions to their proposals should be
known to them (Report WB Minorities Commission, p 4).
(3) Within the course of three years at least 10 cases for up-
gradation of junior madrasas into senior ones had been made
however, but those madrasas were refused permission on paltry
grounds.7 This renders the future of madrasas wishing to be
considered at par with other secular institutions in the state quite
bleak. Some of the cases cited were, Aminia Junior High Madrasa
at village Dakshin Harimul, District South 24 Parganas; the Paikar
Madrasa, etc. Similarly, the non-recognition of Chandrakona
Islamia High Madrasa and of Quasiah Junior High Madrasa
situated in the North 24 Parganas are some other situations that
have come to light (Report of the Minorities Commission).
Table 3: Number of Schools (General Education) in
West Bengal by District 1999-2000
District Primary Junior/High High/Higher
Secondary
Bankura 3428 136 389
Birbhum 2503 114 383
Burdwan 3862 210 849
Kolkata 1435 112 774
Cooch Bihar 1783 92 225
Darjeeling 1182 63 758
SDinajpur 1316 43 165
Howrah 2254 152 511
Hooghly 2742 184 598
Jalpaiguri 1953 84 279
Malda 2009 108 298
Midnapore 9631 589 1127
Murshidabad 3109 173 455
Nadia 2675 138 414
24 Parganas(N) 4260 320 1152
Purulia 2995 122 273
24 Parganas(S) 3852 320 74
N Dinajpur 1396 59 141
Total 52,385 3019 8865
Note: Information relating to C
table.
Source: Directorate of School Ed
(4) The Muslims have no voice in the deplorable state of affairs.
Demands for inclusion within the wider network of school,
college, and university education have not been accepted. The
leader of the opposition party in the assembly indicated that any
efforts by the students of these institutions to draw the attention
of the government to their plight were severely curbed. For
instance, a peaceful procession of about 10,000 students on their
way to present a memorandum to the chief minister of the state,
demanding better. prospects in future was dealt with ruthlessly
by the police .They were lathi-charged so violently that many were
hospitalised with severe injuries. This indicated a government
seriously abrogating the norms of democratic governance. The
doors of access were reserved for only a few.(Report West Bengal
legislative assembly, 117th Session, 2001; words used by Sultan
Ahmed Abdus Salaam Munshi and Sailaja K Das, MLAs).
(5) Appointment of teachers to government-run educational
institutions was through the State Public Service Commission,
however in the case of the madrasas such appointments remained
vacant. (West Bengal School Service Education (Amendment)
Bill, 2001).
(6) A more serious allegation, impugning both government officials
and in this case certain Muslim elites as well, was made with
reference to utilisation of wakf funds. Two basic characteristics
of wakf were and continue to be perpetuity and permanence. This
means that the nature and purpose for which the property is
originally endowed, in principle, remains unaltered. Ostensibly
these funds were to be used for the educational progress of
backward Muslim boys and girls.
However, the wakf investigation board discovered that millions
of rupees worth of endowment funds had been indiscriminately
appropriated (General Discussion on Budget, February 2001).
In the light of some of the problems associated with the manage-
ment of wakf properties, the 1 0th fiqh seminar, among others made
the following observations: awakfs are to be held in perpetuity;
Muslims of India along with the government are responsible for
their protection and development; sale or transfer of any awaqf
is abhorrent. The wakf board's proposals on the correct method
of disbursement of funds was overruled on many occasions.8
(7) The West Bengal government's literacy drive conducted in
the 1990s was remarkable, yet, its impact remained largely
unrecognised among the backward Muslims of the state.
The above accounts perhaps reveal only the 'instrumentalist'
attitude of the government in not addressing the cause of Muslim
educational institutions at all.9
What do the Muslim intellectuals feel about the government's
role in ameliorating the problems of the Muslims vis-a-vis their
specific madrasa system of education.
v of 1989 (Responses to starred questions) c
Reaction of Intellectuals
Unlike Aligarh Muslim University or the Jamia Milia, their
degrees were not recognised. The entire system of education
being controlled by the state, the institutions were severely
handicapped. Two types of teachers with two grades of remu-
neration patterns prevailed in the state, the lecturer or professors
and the maulvis. This seriously hampered smooth administration.
Professor Tanvir's views were strongly corroborated by the
librarian of the institute Khasid Ahmad. He felt local Muslims
were not in a position to deliberate upon their plight. The facts
and figures detailing the employment position of Muslims in the
state was highlighted by them to show the inefficacy of this form
of education as a whole.10
The disparity in employment statistics is amply brought out
from Table 4.
Table 5 once again shows the stark reality with respect to the
Muslims.
The Report of the Madrasah Education Committee further
brought out that the current nature of Madrash education was
responsible for the deplorable condition of the Muslims. More
than 90 per cent of the 23.61 per cent (1991 Census) Muslims
in Bengal were below the poverty line and they were engaged
in such petty occupations, Most were traditional artisan, petty
traders, tailors, embroidery workers, hawkers, mechanics, driv-
ers, rickshaw-pullers, tonga wallas, weavers, book- binders, glass
workers, carpet makers,coolies and so on. Most of these jobs
required unskilled or semi-skilled labour and belonged to the
unorganised sector [Report of Madrasah Education Committee
Table 4: Statistics Showing Employment Figures of
Muslims in the State
Year Absorbed from Muslims Percentage
Employment Exchange of Total
1986 9138 371 4.06
1987 10,253 214 2.09
1988 12,298 409 3.33
Source: Government of W
Table 5: Muslim Students and Teachers in General Education
in the State
Institutions Year Others Muslims As Percentage
of Total
Industrial training Institute
(ITI) 1981-86 7405 150 2.07
Medical 1977-81 2265 42 1.85
Nursing 1977-81 10,400 1.85
Receivers of scholarships in
agriculture studies 1977-83 151 2 0.26
Profs at Cal Univ 1989 643 11 1.74
Source: Figures obtained from West Bengal Leg
'Bam Jamanaje Musalmader Chakuri O S
November 1989.

We had undertaken extensive interviews of a number of in- Table 6: Comparative Figures Showing Muslims in Higher
tellectuals regarding the efficacy of madrasa education in the Administrative and Judicial Services, West Bengal
state, some of their views are worth highlighting. 1977 1988
Professor Tanvir Ahmad, the current principal of the Calcutta Government Services Total No Muslims Total No Muslims
(West Bengal cadre) of Posts of Posts
Madrasa was scathingly critical of the entire system. He felt it
was a complete waste of resources, and amounted to beguiling IAS* 254 2 291 1
young minds into a fool's paradise. What was needed was IPS 204 4 206 9
WBCS 1595 38 1583 80
immediate implementation of the Kidwai Commission Report, WB higher judicial service 80 2 186 6
which categorically called for change in this form of education.
Note: IAS Indian Administrative Service; IPS Indian
The students who entered the stream of higher education, the West Bengal Civil Service.
Kamil and MM degrees had absolutely no future in the state. Source: In Table 5.

562 Economic and Political Weekly February 5, 2005

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2000]. However, other reports are also worth noting which enable in general towards a jihadi outlook? The answer would be in
a more comprehensive analysis. the negative since the 'boundedness' of actions propels with-
The period 2001-02 was very significant, innumerable inter- drawal rather than aggressive outward behaviour. Herein lies the
national events had occurred which put state governments on alternative notions of civil society - as exemplified by Muslim
high alert. Madrasas became the target of attention and it was attributes. The epithet 'communal' is rendered by the 'other',
during this time that the most serious calls for abolition of the who singular notions of state and society. It is the Muslim's
entire system of madrasa education was also made by funda- obsessive denial of the two separate spheres of state and society
mentalist Hindu groups in India. However, the West Bengal which makes him/her the subject of pejorative opprobrium.
government refused to be swayed by such reports and staunchly The analysis given above has followed the historical structural
indicated that the non-governmental madrasa would not be forced method to see the interface between the macro (in this case the
to fall in line and adopt a modern educational system. They were state) and the micro (the Muslims). A two dimensional view is
influenced to a large extent by the Kidwai Report which indicated possible following this mode of analysis. A view from the level
the value of the continuance of Arabic studies - for employment of the macro shows the immense possibilities available to legitimise
purposes in west Asia as well as to staff the innumerable dip- state power vis-a-vis state minorities. On the other hand, a view
lomatic missions of west Asian countries in India. from the level of the Muslims, the micro level, shows the limits
of available space. The Muslim, the 90 per cent ajlaf (poverty-
Secondly, the government had targeted both vidyalayas (edu-
stricken) cannot and does not rebel, state largesse being essential
cational institutions run by the Hindus) as well as the madrasas
for reformative measures. for existence.
A third factor, generally appreciated by the Muslims despite Lastly and more importantly, community studies as developed
their differences of political ideology was the prevalence of by a academicians, for too long, have been either ensconced within
general feeling of well-being and inclusiveness in the state, whichthe academe deconstructing the 'white man's/woman's burden',
arose due to the same government being in power over the lastor engaged in the development of alternate creeds based on their
local identity. What needs to be done is donning the garb of the
27 years. In general, the Muslims felt, it was not difficult to reside
in the state. One could get a ration card for Rs 200 even if oneother. Understanding the other totally from within their faith
did not belong to the below poverty line category. If one con- system, educational structures, and modes of reflection and
formed to the political ideology of the party in power, safe passage activism as experienced and lived in by the other. Only then can
could be obtained almost in all matters.ll a more comprehensive understanding of the 'neighbour'/the
A more significant development was visible in the almost other be totally grasped. This study has been humble attempt in
that direction. B1
regular organisation of a gathering called 'Milan Mela'-(unity
fair) a collective effort organised under the aegis of the govern-
ment. The initiative was taken by the West Bengal Minorities Address for correspondence:
Development and Finance Corporation (WBMDFC) for compre- aleaz@satyam.net.in
hensive development of the backward classes adhering to the
various religious groupings within the state. Thus, vocational Notes
training, awareness programmes, soft loans for self-employment,
cultural programmes for incentives to budding artistes of these[The author wishes to acknowledge with gratitude the fruitful discussions with
Preman Niles, Philip Wickeri and David Kwan - Suh and all the other scholars
communities, were organised. Since its inception, the corporation
(all of whom cannot be named) at IASACT, 2004, Chinese University of Hong
had disbursed loans to about 20,580 beneficiaries, and the amount Kong. The facilities provided by IASACT contributed immensely towards
disbursed was about Rs 77.90 crore [Milan Mela, January- this research. My interviews with the editor of Kalam newspaper, A H Imran,
February 2004]. These facts, however, do not obviate the positive
and the assistant editor of Meezan Weekly, Sultan Ali also helped immensely.]
constructivist role of the state as well.
1 The overwhelming emphasis of the Deobandi curriculum is on
jurisprudence so much so that Islam is seen as synonymous with the
VI Sharia - at the same time the rich tradition of theology (kalam ) is ignored,
they find no room for interpretation. The Barelwis on the other hand,
Conclusion claim to be the true representatives of Sunni Islam. They believe in the
continuity of the Prophet. They are politically conservative and support
We had started out with the specific intention of delineating
the Muslim League in India. Shias and Sunnis are the two main groups
of Islam of which the Sunnis are the majority. The split rose from an
the Muslim consciousness/identity through a perusal of the sys-
early dispute over who should be the leader of Islam after the death of
tem of education under which they are largely ensconced. That
Muhammad. The larger group, the Sunnis, argued that the successor
90 per cent of the Muslims remain confined within the parameters
should be appointed by election and consensus, as tradition dictated.
of madrasa education is indicative of the specific identity/con-
(Sunni comes from the Arabic word 'Sunna', meaning 'tradition'.) The
sciousness framing process to which they are exposed. Mentionsmaller group believed that Muhammad's successors should come from
may be made of the purpose behind madrasa education - under his family, starting with Ali, his son-in-law. These, the partisans of Ali,
were named from the word Shia, meaning 'partisan' in Arabic. The
Islam, distinctions between the secular education processes and
Furfura Sharif is the most mystically oriented of the three, does not
religous education are not really made, all are supposed toespouse
be political opinions and largely draws its following from the low
well-versed in the dictates of Allah through their respective
class Muslims (divisions mentioned follows the categorisation of historians
of Bengal such as Dhurjati Prasad De (1998), Bengal Muslims in Search
educational systems. However, as indicated above, conscious-
of Social Identity, University Press, Dhaka).
ness undergoes specific shaping and moulding which does These
not three schools of thought (madhabs) referred to in the article are
allow free will to be expressed. They remain subject to community
derivations of the four schools originating earlier, viz, Hanafi, Maleki,
Safi'i and Hanbali, named after four Imams who on the basis of their
founds without community shapers of identity. Reference is made
to the ulemas who govern non-governmental institutions interpretations
of of the scriptures established these schools of thought.
At the turn of the century, the groups as mentioned,despite their close
learning and the larger state structure which defines educational
theological proximity, were clearly visible. The Hanafis (Muslim
institutions under their aegis. Does this process push the Muslim
intellectuals would distinguish them from the Barelwis, even though they

Economic and Political Weekly February 5, 2005 563

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 have the same origins) are largest in number in West Bengal today. The Government of West Bengal, Milan Mela, January-February 2004.
Hanafi school is followed by approximately 30 per cent of Muslims world- Macaulay, Thomas Babington (July 10, 1933): 'Speech in Parliament on
wide, and largely in the Indian subcontinent as well.The presence of four the Government of India Bill' in G M Young, Macaulay, Prose and
different schools of religious law within Sunni Islam should not be viewed Poetry, Harvard University Press,Cambridge, MA, 1957.
as a schism. On the contrary, there is little or no animousity between Report of the Madrasah Education Committee, West Bengal (the Report
the schools. Instead there is a healthy cross-pollination of ideas and logical of the Kidwai Conmmission) September 2000.
argumentation that serves to refine each school's understanding of Islam. Report of the Moslem Education Advisory Committee,Government of West
It is not uncommon, or disallowed, for an individual to follow one school Bengal, 1934.
but take the point of view of another school for a certain issue. Bengali Report of the West Bengal Minorities Commission, (1996-March 1999).
Muslims would not use the term Barelwi Hanafi simply because they West Bengal School Service Education (Amendment) Bill, 2001.
dwell in Bengal and not Bareli (UP), secondly, Hanafis allege the former West Bengal Legislative Assembly, General Discussion on Budget,
have incorporated certain rituals which distort the pure form of Islam. February 2001.
Barelwis are mostly the Urdu speakers in West Bengal and can be found
mostly in Asansol, Rishra and such industrial urban areas of West Bengal
today. Their numbers are not more than 15-20 per cent. Secondary Sources
Deobandis, similarly, claimed separate theological recognition, primarily Ahmed, Rafiuddin (ed) (2001): Understanding the Bengal Muslims:
due to their intellectual exegis of the scriptures and the widespread Interpretative Essays, OUP, New Delhi.
popularity of the Deoband Madrasa in Uttar Pradesh. Actually they are Ahmed, Sufia (1996): Muslim Communit, in Bengal, University Press,
also very much a part of the Hanafi school of thought. In West Bengal Dhaka, (2nd edition).
their mode of interpretation dini siksha is followed in many madrasas. Alatas, Syed Farid (2002): 'Islam Democratisation and Civil Society in
Furfura Sharif again is part of the Hanafi order, merely more mystical Indonesia and Malaysia' paper presented at conference on 'Islam in South
in approach. The Pir Silsila (order of the Pirs) was started by them. They East Asia: Regional Faithlines and Faultlines in the Global Ummah'
do have considerable following particularly among the poor. organised by the Chinese University of Hongkong.
As for the four different groups mentioned in the article (p 7) as is visible
Arkoun Mohammed (2002): 'Locating Civil Society in Islamic Contexts'
from the above, all of them are intricately intertwined with the dominant
in B Amyn Sajoo (ed), Civil Society in the Muslim World Contemporary
Hanafi ideology initiated by Imam Abu Hanifa. Mohammadis and radicals Perspectives, IB Tauris Publishers in Association with the Institute of
do not any longer exist as collective bodies, but may have individual Ismaili Studies, London/New York.
following.
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564 Economic and Political Weekly February 5, 2005

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