Amurru Akkadian - A Linguistic Study - Shlomo Izre'el - 1991

AMURRU AKKADIAN: A LINGUISTIC STUDY
VOLUME II
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

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HAR,VAR,D SEMITIC MUSEUM
HAR,VAR,D SEMITIC STUDIES
Frank Moore Cross, editor
Syriac Manuscripts: A Catalogue Moshe H. Goshen-Gottstein
Introduction to Classical Ethiopic Thomas O. Lambdin
Dictionary of Old South Arabic Joan C. Biella
The Poet and the Historian: Essays

in Literary and Historical Biblical Criticism Richard Elliot Friedman, Editor
The Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice Carol Newsom
Non-Canonical Psalms from Qumran:

A Pseudepigraphic Collection Eileen M. Schuller
The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls Elisha Qimron
An Exodus Scroll from Qumran Judith E. Sanderson
You Shall Have No Other Gods Jeffrey H. Tigay
Ugaritic Vocabulary in Syllabic Transcription John Huehnergard
The Scholarship of William Foxwell Albright Gus Van Beek
The Akkadian of Ugarit John Huehnergard
Features of the Eschatology of N Ezra Michael E. Stone
Studies in Neo-Aramaic Wolfhart Heinrichs, Editor
Lingering over Words: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern

Literature in Honor of William L. Moran Tzvi Abusch, John Huehnergard,
Piotr Steinkeller, Editors
A Grammar of the Palestinian Targum Fragments

from the Cairo Genizah Steven E. Fassberg
The Origins and Development of the Waw-Consecutive: Mark S. Smith

Northwest Semitic Evidence from Ugaritic to Qumran
Amurru Akkadian: A Linguistic Study, Volume I Shlomo Izre'el
Amurru Akkadian: A Linguistic Study, Volume II Shlomo Izre'el
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

AMURRU AKKADIAN:
A LINGUISTIC STUDY
by
Shlomo Izre'el
With an Appendix on the History of Amurru
by
Itamar Singer
VOLUME II
Scholars Press
Atlanta, Georgia
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

AMURRU AKKADIAN: A LINGUISTIC STUDY
by
Shlomo Izre'el
©1991
The President and Fellows of Harvard University
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Izre'el, Shlomo.
Amurru Akkadian : a linguistic study / by Shlomo lzre'el ; with an
appendix on the history of Amurru by ltamar Singer.
p. cm. - (Harvard Semitic studies ; no. 40-41)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 1-55540-633-5 (acid-free paper : v. 1). - ISBN 1-55540-634-3
(acid-free paper : v. 2)
1. Akkadian language-Dialects-Amurru (Ancient kingdom)
2. Amurru (Ancient kingdom)-History. I. Simzer. Itamar.
II. Title. III. Series.
PJ3595.A48I98 1991
492'.l-dc20 91-28525
CIP
Printed in the United States of America

on acid-free paper
(§
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

INTRODUCTION
This text edition includes all the texts which were used as the corpn, base for the
linguistic research presented in this study.
As already mentioned in section 0.2 of this book, the texts included in our corpus
were unearthed in three different archaeological sites: Tell El-Amarna in Egypt.
Boghazkoy in Anatolia and Ugarit in Northwest Syria.
The standard editions for these text are: for the EI-Amarna letters, Knudtzon 1915
and Rainey 1978; for the texts from Ugarit, mainly PRU Ill, PRU JV and Ugaritica V
(Nougayrol 1955, 1956 and 1968 respectively); for an additional text published by
Fales, OA 23 (Fales 1984). The texts from Boghazkoy have been transliterated and
translated here from their cuneiform edition in KBo 28 (Kiimmel 1985).
Museum numbers (whenever these were available to me) and primary publications
of each text are indicated in a subtitle to each of the respective texts. For
abbreviations. see the abbreviation list, pp. 203-209 below.
Museum numbers for the Amama texts are given in hoth Knudtzon and Rainey's editiotLs. as weU ats in
Moran 1987 for each of the respective texts. Museum numbers of the texts found at Ugarit were taken
from ~an Soldt 1986: Appendix I, where other important archaeological data are also offered Findspols
for the Boghazkoy texts are listed in Kiimmcl's edition, KBo 28: XU. 111c Amur.ru texts from
Boghazki\y have now been published in trarLsliteration with trarLslation by llagenbuchner ( I 989: II:
370-379, nos. 260-264). See postscripl at the end of0.2 (vol. I, pp. 24-25).
The texts are designated according to accepted abbreviations: EA for the El-
Amarna texts; RS and the excavation number for the Ugarit texts; Bo and their
inventory number for the Boghazkoy texts.
The grounds and reasonings for the inclusion or omission of texts from the corpus
have been discussed in detail in section 0.2.
All the texts have been transliterated and translated anew on the bases of the
existing cuneiform copies, published and unpublished photographs, former
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Introduction
transljterations, translations and textual observations of scholars who have dealt with
these texts, certain collations, and conclusions from the results of the linguistic
investigation.
The edition presented here of the Amurru letters from Amama has benefitted much
from the new standard translation recently published by William L. Moran (Moran
1987). Moran has provided many new readings. Many of them have been based
upon collations of the texts both by Moran himself and by Edmund 1. Gordon
(Moran 1987: 11).
The notes following each Amarna Amurru text in this edition lay stress on Moran's
significant contributions to the understanding of these texts. In addition, deviations
between his renderings and my own are indicated. The reasonings for these
deviations between the two translations will be best appreciated upon studying the
grammar of these texts, where occasional references to previous translations may also
be found.
Fragmentary signs are marked by brackets or half-brackets. Mmor blemishing of

signs, wherever the reading was beyond doubt, have not been marked. For other
indication marks please refer to the sigla list given on pp. 211-212 below.
I have endeavored to transliterate the texts as closely as possible to the underlying

phonemic structure as one can get. For example, I transliterated ta rather than da, dci
rather than ta and the like, wherever etymological considerations required such a
rendering.
In Chapter 1 of this book I have tried to stipulate the interrelationship between

graphics and phonology. The main point to be stressed when discussing this issue is
that spelling traditions should be treated together with phonological features when
investigating P(eripheral) A(kkadian) texts in general, and Amurru Akkadian as a
representative of PA traditional systems in particular. The main reason for this would
be that writing habits and traditional spellings from different schools may obscure
observation of the phonemics of the language under investigation. Hence, one should
strive at an accurate representation of the underlying phonological system of the
described language in srite of significant spelling variations found in the texts.
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Introduction
In a way which may prima facie seem contradictory to this, I have not made any
effort to translate into Akkadian the Sumerograms occurring within a sequence of a
text. A quick glance at the Signlist (Appendix I, pp. 111-132 below), will highlight
this reluctance on my side, since many of the attested logograms may be open to
several interpretations with regard to their actual readings. This is especially manifest
in the inventory list RS 16.146+. Admittance of wrong interpretations may lead to
wrong values, which may in themselves be destructive for linguistic analysis. (This
claim will be repeated later on, seen from a different angle, from a different aspect of
text editing, i.e., restorations.) The Signlist should be consulted whenever an
interested reader may seek the author's view for a specific rendering, or whenever be
may seek the author's view for an alleged Akkadian reading for this or that
logogram. A comprehensive list of both the syllabic sign values and the logograms
attested in the texts is supplied in the Signlist. Comments on new readings and
renderings of Sumerograms wilJ be found in most cases also in the Signlist.
A list of rare values is supplied in Appendix II (p. 133 below).
I have not endeavored to list all changes and differences in reading and
interpretation from previous existing editions of these texts. Some of the more
important deviations from the accepted readings are, nevertheless, listed in the notes
which follow each of the newly edited texts. It is only the most conspicuous changes
and some critical comments that will be found in these notes.
Notations of O(bverse), E(dge), R(everse), L(eft side) are indicated only wherever
I bad access to such information.
Various abbreviations used in the text edition are listed in the general abbreviations
list (pp. 203-209 below).
I should like to refer the interested reader to the grammatical analyses offered in
volume I in order to get a better understanding of the new translations and the overall
interpretation of all the other texts in this volume as well. I do believe that linguistic
analyses of various features, and through these the understanding of the overall
structure of the language of the corpus dealt with in this study, will prove to be the
most important basis for the correct rendering of each of its individual texts.
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Introduction
Text restorations may also be found throughout. Some are old, being the result of
the work of other scholars; some are new. I have tended not to restore a text, and
especially not to repeat existing, sometimes even widely accepted restorations, where
I found them too speculative. I find speculative restoration rather destructive for
cultural and historical analyses, since scholars sometimes tend to forget the nature of
the evidence supplied by such restorations. As far as grammatical or linguistic
analyses are concerned, there is no need to stress the uselessness of any restorations.
Apart from a few texts and text extracts which have appeared sporadically in
English translation, this is the first time that a modem English translation of the
Amurru corpus appears (as noted by Moran [1987:17 n. 17J, Mercer's El-Amarna
edition [1939J "ne fut pas reussie"; the English translation of Winckler's edition of
the Amarna tablets [1896bJ is too old). A few comments on the English translation of
the texts are hence in order.
Unfortunately, the task of translating Akkadian texts into English is not an easy
task. This is especially true in translating PA texts, not only because of their diversity
of dialects and intrinsic variation (cf. Moran 1987: 27-28; also Izre'el forthcoming
b}, but also because their formulaic expressions and habit_ual idioms. These formulas
are as difficult to decode as are proverbs, which are heavily culturally oriented.
To his splendid essay on translating Akkadian texts in his Letters from

Mesopotamia, Oppenheim gave the title "Can these Bones live?" (Oppenheim 1967:
Part II, pp. 54-67). Well, can they? Can one bridge the linguistic and cultural gap in
order to make understandable Akkadian literature to contemporary peoples?
Oppenheim did his best in translating with the guidance of a motto by St. Jerome:
Non verbum e verbo, sed sensum exprimere de sensu (ibid., p. 67). Similarly, one
might repeat this rule, adapted from the words of a translator of contemporary
children's books into Israeli Hebrew, Uriel Ofek: Which is the best English
translation? It is that which renders the Akkadian original text as if its author would
have written it himself in contemporary English (cf. Offik 1975: 27).
This approach to translating Akkadian texts is sufficient for the general public's
interest or for scholars whose main interest is history and related matters. However,
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Introduction
this methodology is not applicable to a text edition which is to serve as a corpus for
linguistic analysis or for other scholarly investigations.
A related problem is what register of the translator's tongue should be used in

translating these ancient texts. Some scholars tend to use archaic diction or a higher
register when translating ancient texts. While there can be some justification for the
translation of ancient poetry in higher or older registers, I, myself, am a strong
opponent of translating into registers of language higher in level or older in time than
the actual language found in any of the text to be translated. As noted above, a good
English translation is that which renders the Akkadian original text as if its author
would have written it himself in contemporary English. This is especially true for
letters or other administrative texts, which form the corpus for this study. To confom1
with everything that has hitherto been said, I have tried to translate the texts presented
here into plain contemporary English. Consequently, one may note differences in
translation among various occurrences of the same Akkadian word whenever the
immediate linguistic environment demands it. For example, an etymon such as aldku
can be translated by the English equivalents "go", "go forth", "arrive", and the like.
Literal or close to literal rendering of the Akkadian coloring of idiomatic

expressions and proverbs, which in themselves may sometimes show structural traits
of the substrata (cf. section 6.2 in the granimatical study; also 0.1 in the introductory
chapter), may be used in order to yield accuracy in translation.
Special notice should be given to sentence constituent order ("word order"). In

accordance with the methodology explained above, the sentence constituent order
should reflect the expected contemporary English order within the constraints of each
of the occurring linguistic environments. The simplex, i.e., the unmarked sentence
constituent order, is an SPO (i.e., subject-predicate-object) order, as it is in plain
contemporary English. Any change in this order should always mark a change in
meaning. In other words, a change in the expected unmarked English sentence
constituent order always denotes an emphasis of some kind in the original Akkadian
text.
An apparent exception is found at letter openings. In the originals, the core, i.e.,
standard Akkadian order has always been retained as a scribal practice also in the
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Introduction
periphery. Thus, I have translated these letter openings according to their SOP order.
In the body of the letter, the Ak.kadian letters from Amurru exhibit an SPO order
even if the simplex is assumed to be either PSO (in the earliest letters) or SOP (in the
later letters) (see section 5.2.l in the grammatical study). Hence, when an Amurrite
scribe chooses to use an SOP order for the opening section of his letter, he is using a
formulaic order by rote. My translations of the opening formulas of all the letters in
the corpus uses this very Akkadianized word order, thus imitating the Ak.kadianized
formulaic word order used by the ancient scribe of Amurru.
A word of apology may be in place here. l know that some of the explanations and
comments given above may seem to many readers superfluous. To some they may
even look offensive. My intention was not to instruct, but to explain plainly my
arguments for this or that tendency in my translation, and to communicate my
deliberations over the selection of words and structures. If the outcome is deficient or
inadequate, I accept all responsibility.
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

EA60
VAT 343; WA 91; W 38; Sch 21
0 1 [a-naJ 1LUGAL dlJTUx EN-ia

2 um-ma 1iR-das-ra-tum
3 iR-ka, ep-ri sa GiR.ljA.-'ka,'
4 a-na GiR.ljA LUGAL EN-ia
5 7-su u 7-su am-qut
6 a-mur a-na-ku iR LUGAL u
7 UR.GI, sa E-su u
8 KUR a-mur-ri gab-ba-su
9 a-na LUGAL EN-ia a-na-$a-ar-su
10 aq-bi as-ta-ni a-na 1pa-ba-na-te
11 LU.MASKIM-ia le-qa-mi
12 ERIN.MES til-la-tim a-na na-$a-ri
13 KUR. 11jA 1 LUGAL a-tm-ma gab-bi
14 [L]UGAL.ljA sa LUGAL ERIN.MES [lur-ri
15 tu-'ba'-u-nim KUR.ljA
16 a-na ba-'ba'-lim is-t[uJ
17 [ SjU 1-ia u SU ,tia 1,[-za-nu-te.MES(?)I
E 18 l sJa7 LUGAL EN-Lia u'1J
19 [ a-n Ja-$a-ar-s[ u1-,m 1 a 1-nu 1-ma1J
20 [1paJ-lia-na-'te 1 L[U.MASKJM-iaJ
R 21 yi-is-al-su LUGAL d[lJTJUx
22 sum-ma la a-na-$a-ar
23 URU.$u-mu-ri URU.ul-la-sa
24 i-nu-ma LU.MASKIM-ia
25 i-na si-pir,-ti LUGAL dlJTUx
26 ,, a-na-ku SE.KIN.TAR SE.ljA
21 sa URU.$u-mur ugab-bi
28 KUR.ljA a-na LUGAL dUTUx-ia
29 EN-ia a-na-$a-ar-su
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EA60
30 ii LUGAL EN-[i]a lu-u yi-da-an-ni

31 ii yi-ip-[q]f-id-ni i-na SU
32 1pa-!Ja-na-te LU.MASKIM-ia
0 1 [To) the king, my Sun-God, my lord:

2 Message of Abdia§irta,
3 your servant, the dust under your feet:
4 At the feet of the king, my lord,
5 7 times and 7 times 1 fall.
6 Look, I am the king's servant and
7 a dog of his house, and
8 all the land of Amurru
9 I guard for the king, my lord.
10 I said repeatedly to PalJannate,
11 my com.missioner: "Bring
12 auxiliary troops to guard
13 the lands of the king". Now, all
14 the kings under the (command of the) Hurrian king
15 wish to plunder
16 the lands from
17 my hand? and from the hand 7 of the m[ayors 7J
E 18 [oJf the king, [myJ lord, [and]
19 [I gjuard t[hem. Now 7,]
20 [(as to) Pa]hannate, [my] c[om.missioner,]
R 21 may the king, the Sun-God, ask him
22 whether I do not guard
23 $umur (and) Ullassa
24 when my com.missioner
25 is on mission of the king, the Sun-God.
26 I also guard the barley harvest
27 of $umur and of all
28 the lands for the king, my Sun-God,
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

EA 61
29 my lord.
30 So may the king, my lord, recognize me,
31 and may he commit me into the hand
32 of Pabannate, my commissioner.
Comments:
ll. 13-14: Lit. "all the kings of the king of the Hurrian troops". Cf. Carruba 1971:
212-3; Moran 1987: 234 n. 4.
l. 16: Moran, however, (1987: 234 n. 5) noted the possibility of the existence of two
more signs at the end of this line, which he read as 'lib'-[b]i. My transliteration is
based on the copy of Schroeder, where no sign is expected at the end of l. 16.
As for the first sign on l. 17, he noted that the space was seemingly too large for the
SU sign. Note, however, that this line is found at the bottom of the tablet, for which
cf. also the following line.
lUJbiili "to plunder" may retlect a semantic borrowing from a West Semitic dialect.
Cf. for BH J:,a!Jol lo /:Iii/Jal ugzelii lo giizal "he never robs"; lit. "a plunder he has
not plundered and a robbery he has not robbed" (Ezekiel 18: 16).
I. 30: Moran (1987: 234-5 n. 8) suggests to translate the occurrence of idil in this
context by "avoir souci de", "prendre interet pour".
EA61
A~h 1893.1--41: 410; Sayce 1894: pl. XXXI no. UI
0 [a-na 1LUJGAL dUTU EN-ia

2 [um-Ima 1iR-a-si-ir-te iR[-ka,J
3 lu 7Jfi-id G[IR.if]A.-ka, URI.GI,)
4 [s)a E LUGAL EN-ia a-n[a
5 [GiR 1.MES1 LUJG[AL1 EN1-i]a 1 nu1-[
R traces
2 ]LU[
3 [URU].uf?-la 1-as-se?.KJ a-n[a
4 ]URU.~u-mu-ri[
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

EA 62
5 [ ga]b 1-ba KUR MAR.T[U

6 l ] LUGAL dUTU EN-i[a
7 ] LUGAL dUTU EN-ia [
8 ] ,, a-wa-tam li-te[-ra
9 ] a-na iR-su [
0 [To the k.i]ng, the Sun-God, my lord:

2 [Mess[age of Abdiasirta, [your] servant,
3 [and?] the mud of your f[ee)t, a d[ogl
4 [o]f the house of the king, my lord. At[
5 [the feet of the kJi[ng, m]y[ lord I, .. [
R l
2 )(man)[
3 Ullassa t[o
4 } ~umur[
5 al ]l the land of Amurr[ u
6 J the king, the Sun-God, m[y] lord[
7 ] the king, the Sun-God, my lord I
8 J and may he se[ndJ a reply [
9 ] to his servant l
Comments:
l. 3: Moran (1987: 235 n. I) reads IURU uJl-'la-zi'.Kl. See 3.3.1.4.4 for both
possibilities.
EA62
VAT 1680; WA 158; W 126; Sch 28
0 [a-na 1Jpa-lia-n[a]-te be-U-'ia'[

2 [um-ma )1i[R-]a-Ji-ir-te i[R-ka-ma]
3 [a-na GiR].MES he-U-ia [am-qutl
4 mi-Ji-nu a-wa-te.MES-'ka' b[e1-tt1]
10
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EA 62
5 (.fo? ta 1-daJb-bu-ub-su-nu [iq 1-bJu1-n[im 1 ki-a-am(?)J

6 [ta 1-dab1-bu1 ]-ub be-U [ ar?-tJa 1[
7 [ KUR mi-]i$-ri.'Kl' '11' te[-
8 [ .JMES KUR m[i?-i]$?-•ri1'. 1K1? 1 (
9 (u 1 ia 1-nJu LU.MES [i 1-J•na1• 'lib'-bi URU.$11-mu-ri.Kl
10 (a-na na-$Ja-ri-sil u1 i$ 1-Jbat1-su u
11 (URU.$11-mJu-ri.'K/ 1 ERIN.M(E]S URU.se-el1-'la 1 [-li).Kl
12 [i1-nu?-ma 1 Jia-nu 'UJ'.MES (i-Jna lib-bi-si a-na na-$a-ri-si
13 '11'( in-nJi-ri-ir a-'na'-ku is-tu URU.ir-(qat.K)l
14 11[ a$ 1-ba 1-a]t? a-na-ku URU.$[uJ-mu-ri.Kl
l5 u as-US [E]-ka i(s-t(u UZU.SU-ti
l 6 ERIN.MES URU.se-e[l1-Jla(-[Ji.'Kl 1 s(ujm-ma ,,-ul as-bti-ku
17 a-na-(kJu [iJ-'na' (URU1.i,-'1-qar?.K]l s[uJm-ma i-na a-sar E ni-ib
18 as(-b)a-'ku' u [lu 1-,P i1]-sar-ra-pu-nim
19 'i-na' [IZl'-te.MES [URU.$u)-nm-ri.Kl
20 u E.GAL-li[mJ ERIN.MK~ URU.fr-et,-la-li.Kl
21 ,, 'i'-nu-ma in-ni-ri-ir a-na-ku-m(i1]
22 i.f-tu URU.ir-qat.KI u ak-su-ud-m(i a-)na-ku
23 i-na URU.$u-mu-ri.K[IJ 11 ia-nu LU.MES
E 24 .fo as-bu i-na E-GAL-lim u a-nu-um-ma
25 LU.MES sa as-bu-nim i-na E.GAL-lim
R 26 1Ja-bi-DINGIR 1B1-si-Ta-nu 1ma-a-ia
21 1ar-sa-wa a-nu-um-ma 4 LU.MES
28 sa as-bu-nim i-'na' E.GAL-lim
29 ,, iq-bu-nim su-nu a-na ia-si
30 Je-ez-zi-bti-an-na-si-mi is-tu SU-ti
31 ERIN.MES URU.se-et,-la-li.Kl u u-se-ez-zi(-bti1-sJu-:nu
32 is-tu SU-ti ERIN.MES URU.se-et,-la-li
33 (4 ZJ/.M[EJS 1,-wi-i-mi 25 sa i-du-ku-nim
34 [ERIN.MES URU.se-et,-Jla-li.Kl u i-nu-ma x-bi
35 )'ra'-te.MES
36 Jx-a-nu-te.MES
37 ]x-su-nu is-tu URU.$u-mu-ri.Kl
11
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EA62
38 in 1-na?J-be-t[u-m]a la-a af-ru-ud-'mi 1

39 (am?-n,;?_ni]m 1 'i 1 -[k]a-[aJz-zi-bu-nim
40 [LU.MES J!Ja-za-nu-te.MES a-na pa-ni-ka
41 [u t]e-es-te-nem-me a-na sa-su-nu
42 [u? 1DUJMU-a-ma-a-ia i-nu-ma i-sap-par
43 [a 1-na 1 muJJJ' 1-bi-'ka1• u i-ka-az-zi-ib
44 [a-na pa-n]i-ka u te-es-te-nem-me
45 [a?-na 1 a 1-wa?-]te.ME.~-Ju 1DUMU-a-ma-a-ia
46 iJt1-ti-[slu <ERIN>.MES URU.se-e!J-la-:li[.KJI
47 -Jnim a-na $a-ha-at
48 [URU.$u-muj-ri.<Kl 1 u il-te-q[ej
49 [LU 1.MES? a?-na 1 [$a-bat URU-'la'-ma
E 50 'LU' .MES mar-$a-a an-ni-na
51 as'-ku-,m i-na URV.$u-mu-[rij
52 a-na na-$a-ri-si
L 53 URU.$u-m]u-ri.Kl
54 ]be-li-ia
55 KJJ? LUGAL-ma
0 [To ]Pabannate my lord(:

2 (Message of] Ab(dijasirta, [your] se[rvant:]
3 [At the fee]t of my lord [I fall.]
4 [ wh]at are your words[, my lord,(?)]
5 (which you] have been (s]aying? (The]y s[aid:? "Thus1]
6 [you were sa]y[ing]." My lord,[ yo]u 7[
7 Eg]ypt and you[
8 ]s of Egypt 7[
9 (And there were n(o men [ijn ~umur
IO [to gu]ard it,[ and (so)] the troops of Sehlal [capt]ured it, as well as
11 [~um]ur,
12 [since ]there were no men [i]n it to guard it.
13 So I [came to ]help from the city of lr[qat],
14 and I [capture]d7 the city of ~umur,
12
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EA 62
15 and I saved? your [houseJ f[rojm the hands of

16 the troops of Se!]lal. Had I not
17 been staying [iJn [IrqatJ, had I been staying
18 in a place which was calm, then [indeed] .the troops
19 of Se!]lal [would have] set ~umur
20 and the palace a[blaze].
21 When I came to help
22 from Irqat and reached
23 ~umur, there were no men
E 24 who were staying in the palace. Here are
25 the men who were staying in the palace:
R 26 Sabi'ilu, Bisitanu1, Maya,
27 Arsawa. There were 4 men
28 who were staying in the palace.
2 9 They said to me:
30 "Save us from the hands of
3 1 the troops of Seblal". So I saved them
3 2 from the hands of the troops of Seblal.
3 3 [4 l]ives I saved; there were 25 whom
34 [the troops of Seb]lal killed. And when ...
35 ].. s
36 J... s
37 J them? from ~umur
38 they fl]ed?, and I definitely did not expel.
39 [Why djo the mayors
40 lie to you,
41 [and yet yo Ju keep listening to them?
42 [Also] Bin'ammaya, when he writes
43 [tjo you and he lies
44 [t]o you, you keep listening
45 [to] his [wor]ds. Bin'ammaya
46 [took 1) <troop>s of Se!]lal [w]ith him,
47 [and t]hey[ went11to capture
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EA 62
48 [~umjur. So I have taken

49 [men? in 7 order? to 7 !capture the city, but
E 50 the men are sick. Those (men)
51 l stationed in ~umu(rl
52 to guard it.
L 53 ~um)ur
54 Jmy lord
55 ].. the king.
Comments:
ll. 5-6: The restoration of kiam and the interpretation which follows have been
suggested by Hayes (1984: 224, 225).
ll. 6-10: Moran translates: "(moo seigneur,) [tu as par/le [comme suilt: 'T[u es 1111
ennemi de l'E)gypte, let! tu [as commis 1m crime contre des Egjyptiens.' [Que mon
seigneur ecoute. II n'y avait pjas d'hommes dans ~umur pour la garder (comme ii
l'avait comm]ande, .. .''. He based his translation for these lines on the following
proposed transliteration ("restoration libre"): [ ... ki-ia-ajm (6) [ta-dab-bul-ub he-I{
[at-tla-lmi Lll.KURI (7) Isa KUR mi-Ji$-r(iK11 te(-pu-us lum-na) (8) la-na LU.JME.~
KUR m(i-il~-'ri 1 • 1 Kf11 (li-is-mel (9) [be-Ii ia)-nu LU.MES (i-l'na• •W,1-hi
URU.$u-mu-ri.Kl (10) [a-na na-$]a-ri-s[i ki-ma qa)-be-fo (cf. Moran 1987: 236
and p. 237 nn. l-2 and Knudtzon: I: 348-350).
l. 10: The second "it" may perhaps refer to "the house", or "the palace", whkh is
mentioned later (11. 20ff; also perhaps I. 15). The resumptive pronoun -.fi on I. 12
(twice) refers to "the city".
l. 14: All former translations have relied upon the reading ,, [i-BAN-ni-mla at the
beginning of this line (Knndtzon: I: 350; cf. Moran 1987: 237 n. 4). However, the
space is too narrow for this restoration, and Schroeder's copy shows four horizontal
wedges for the second, visible half of the sign before a(-na-ku). hence to be read
tJa rather than mJa. Moreover, the sign BAN is never used in the Amurru corpus.
In the Ugarit Akkadian corpus it is used only as a logogram (Huehnergard 1989:
399); and it is very rare both in PA and in OB (Buccellati 1979: 99). The
suggestion offered here overcomes these difficulties, and seems to fit very well in
the context.
l. 15: The sequence AS-US is incomprehensible to me, and may reflect an omission
of an additional sign in the middle.
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EA 156
I. 20 etc.: In the whole Amarna corpus the spelling E.GAL-lim occurs only in this
letter (restored also in EA 37 l: 18, another letter of Abdiasirta). Thus there is no
comparative basis for the long-maintained reading for this sign complex, i.e ..
E.GAL-si "its (f) palace" (cf. Moran's translations for this text: "le palais" rather
than "son palais" [I 987: 2361).
ll. 18-20: Lit. "(they) would have burned ~umur and the palace with fire".
I. 33: For a different interpretation of this line, see Moran 1987: 236 and n. 7 on p.
237. I, however, see no difficulty in the old reading and translation (see discussion
in 3.10).
I. 34: The sign before Bl looks like MA or BA according to Schroeder's copy; more
like KU in Moran's collations.
I. 38: This restoration was suggested by Moran (l 987: 236 and n. 8 on p. 237).
II. 42, 45: Moran (1987: 236-237), following Albright (1946: 13). reads this PN as
Yamaya (for Albright's transcription la 'maya). Hess (I 984: 270) follows. Both
Knudtzon and Schroeder have a DUMU sign at the beginning of I. 45 (cf. also
Moran, foe. cit., n. 10). I take this name as a Semitic name construed of the
theophoric component 1·amm- following the component bin- "son of" and suffixed
by -tiy(a), hence: binrammtiya.
I. 50: For an-ni-na "these". see 2.1.2.
EA 156
VAT 337; WA 34; W 42; Srh 83
0 1 a-na LUGAL EN-ia DINGIR-ia d[U]TUx-ia

2 um-ma 1a-zi-ri iR-ka-ma
3 7-su u 7-su a-na GiR.MES EN-ia am-qut
4 a-nu-um-ma mi-ri-is-tum
5 sa e-te-er-ri-is
6 dUTUx EN-ia a-na-ku iR-'ka'
7 a-di da-ri-i-ti
8 u DUMU.MES-ia iR-k[a
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EA 156
9 a-nu-um-ma 2 LU.i[R1.MES1J
10 at-ta-din DUMU.MES-[ia1J
11 u li-ip-pu-s[u?-nim1 ,:ab1-b;?J
12 so i-qab-bi L[UGAL1 EN1-ia?J
13 u li-wa-as-sar[-an? -ni? LUGAL ?J
E 14 i-na KUR a-mur-r[i J
Reverse uninscribed
0 1 To the king, my lord, my Sun-God:

2 Message of Azim, your servant:
3 7 times and 7 times at the feet of my lord I fall.
4 Here is the request

5 which the Sun-God, my lord,
6 requested repeatedly. I am your servant
7 forever,
8 and my sons are your servants.
9 I hereby give two se[rvants1,J

10 (my 7J sons.
1 l T[hey] should do [whatever7J
12 the [king, my lord, I says.
13 May [the king, my lord,] assign [me]
E 14 to the land of Amurru.
Comments:
l. 9: What can be seen at the end of this line is a horizontal wedge (Schroeder;
Moran's collations). Moran (1987: 391) suggested "at[taches]", yet without giving
the Akkadian equivalent.
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EA 157
EA 157
VAT 624; WA 36; W 49; Sch 84
0 [a-na] LUGAL-r[i EN-ia DINGIR-ia u dUTUx-iaj

2 [q(J -b[i -ma]
3 um-ma 1a-z[i-ri iR-ka-mal
4 7-su ii 1-'su' a-'na' [GiR.MES EN-ia]
5 DINGIR-ia u dUTUx-ia a[m-qut]
6 i-na-an-na lu-u i-de,-an-nli I

1 LUGAL EN-ia i-nu-ma U)iR-[kaJ
8 a-na-ku a-di dci-ri-ti is-tu a-ma-te EN-ia 'la' a-pa-af-far
9 EN-ia is-tu pa-'na'-nu-um-ma

10 a-ra-'-a-am a-na LU.JR.MES
11 LUGAL EN-ia u LU.ME.~ GAL-bu-te.MES
12 sa URU.~u-mu-ri la-a u-wa-as-sa-ru-ni-ni
l3 u i-na-an-na la-a l1i-if-fam
14 la mi-im-ma-an a-na LUGAL EN[-ija
l 5 la e-te-pu-us LUGAL-ru EN[-iJa
16 i-de, LU.MES.be-el ar-ni[-s1/J
l7 u mi-i-nu-um-me-e
18 mi-'ri'-is-ta-s[u] s[a LUGAL EN-iaJ
19 a-na-k[u lu-]'11' a[d-dinJ
20 u[
E 21 a-na L
22 '' [
23 •u 1'1
24
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EA 157
R 25 11 ki-a-am I
26 a-na dUTUx i-na(-an'!-na 1
27 11 bd-la-af[
28 sum-ma LUGAL KUR {,a-[at-te
29 a-na nu-k1,r-tam UGU-ial it1-ta 1-ak11
30 '11' LUGAL-ru EN-ia ERIN.ME.~ l10-x[
31 '11 1 GIS.GflJGIR.ljA. id-din-an-ni
32 (a(-na i-re-q-~u-ti-ia
33 11 KUR-su sa LUGAL EN-ia a$-~ur
34 sa-ni-tam i-na [10-mut-is

35 u[s-]se-ra-am LU.DUMU.K[l]N-ia
36 '11 lu-u 1 [a]d1-'di 1 -[in 11
31 11 mi-i-na-am-me-e sa id-din-<nu>-nim
38 LU.MES lw-za-an-nu-1,-tum
39 11 a-na-ku lu-u ad-din
40 a-na LUGAL EN-ia DINGIR-ia II dLJTUx-ia
41 'lu-1P ad-din a-di dd-ri-ti
0 [To] the king[, my lord, my god and my Sun-God.)

2 [s ]a[ y:)
3 Message of Az[iru, your servant:]
4 7 times and 7 times at [the feet of my lord,]
5 my god and my Sun-God, I [fall.]
6 Now, may the king, my lord.

7 know that [your) servant
8 am I forever. I shall not depart from the words of my lord .
9 My lord, for a long time

10 I have longed to (be of) service
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EA 157
11 to the king, my lord, yet the "greats"

12 of ~umur have not permitted me.
13 Now, there was no sin,
14 not anything, that I have committed
15 against the king, my lord. The king, my lord,
16 knows [his 7J malefactors.
17 Whatever the request

18 o[f the king, my lord may be,]
19 I[ shall ind]eed g[ive.J
20 And l
E 21 to I
22 and I
23 and? [
24 [
R 25 And thus [
26 to the Sun-God. N[ow'!
2 7 and the Iife of[
28 Should the king of Haltti
29 [goJ to war against me,
30 may the king, my lord, give me
3 1 troops of .. [ J and chariots
3 2 to assist me,
33 that I may guard the land of the kin~. my lord.
34 Furthermore, quickly
35 send my messenger here,
36 so that I may [gi]v[ef.
3 7 Whatever the mayors

38 will give,
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EA 158
39 I too shall certainly give

40 to the king, my lord, my god and my Sun-God;
41 I shall certainly give forever.
Comments:
I. 10: For LU.ME,tiR standing for an abstracn1oun, see 1. I. The same has been
suggested by Moran ( l 984: 298-9).
I. 11: Moran (1987: 393 n. 2) notes that the "greats" were Egyptian officers staying
at ~umur and governing it (see also ibid., pp. 34-5 n. 69; p. 62 n. 3).
I. 13: The accepted reading and interpretation for this sequence of signs is as if it
were a negated verbal phrase, i.e., la a-!Ji-if-fax "I did not sin" (cf. most recently
Moran 1987: 393 n. 3). The reading suggested here overcomes the difficulties
raised by this form both in the morphological and in the syntactical domains.
I. 28: While "Hatti" is the common modern rendering of this GN, our Amurrite
scribes were consistent in their spelling of this name with a final TE sign. This
spelling, no doubt, reflects their actual pronunciation of this name (cf. 1.15 for the
different spellings of Ce and Ci signs).
EA 158
C 4758 (12205): WA 40: W 44
0 a-na 1tu-u-tu EN-ia a-bi-i[aJ

2 um-ma 1a-zi-ri DUMU-ka iR-ka[-maJ
3 a-na GiR.MES a-bi-ia am-qut
4 a-na mu!J-l1i a-bi-ia lu-u sul-mu
5 1t11-1,-tu a-nu-um-m[a a)t-[t]a-din

6 ef-ri-is]-ti LUIGALI EN[-ila
1 ll mi-nu-um-ma e-ri-is-tu-' su'
8 fa LUGAL EN-ia li-is-pur
9 u a-na-ku a-[n]a-an-din
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EA 158
IO sa-ni-tam a-mLuJr at-ta i-na as-ra-nu

11 a-bi-ia ,, mi-nu-um-me e-ri-is-ti
12 1tii-11-tii a-bi-ia su-pur
13 ii a-na-ku lu-11 •i'-din
14 [a)-mur at-ta a-bi-ia 11 EN-ia

15 [ii] a-na-ku DUMU-ka KUR.MES a-mu-ri
16 [KUR.MEJS-ka ii E-ia E-ka
17 [ ii ]mi-nu-um-ma e-ri-is-tt,-ka
18 [su-up)-ra-am ii a-na-ku
19 [gtib-b ]ti e-ri-is-ti-ka lu-u ad-din
20 (1, a-m]ur at-ta a-na pa-ni

21 [LUGAL EN)-ia as-bti-ta
22 [as-suJrx-ri LU.MES sa-ru-tl,
23 [a-wa-t)a 1 za-pu-ur-ta
24 [a-na mub1-!JJi1-ia a-na pa-ni [
E 25 [LUGAL EN-i)a 'iq'-'bu'-nim
26 [ii )at-ta la tii-wa-as-sar-fo-nu
R 27 [,,? a-Jmur at-ta a-na pa-ni

28 [LUGAL JEN-ia 'ki-i-ma a'-ia-si
29 J as-bti 1-ta [
30 (ii?) a-wa-te.MES za-pu-ur-ta
31 [a-n)a mu!J-l1i-ia la tii-wa-as-sar
32 'ii' a-na-ku iR-du sa LUGAL EN-ia

33 [ii] is-tu a-wa-te.MES LUGAL EN-ia
34 [ii] is-tu a-wa-te.MES 1tii-u-tii a-bi-ia
35 [/Ja a-pa-af-fa-ar a-di da-ri-is
36 ii •sum1-ma?' LUGAL EN-ia la i-ra-am-an-ni

3 7 ii i-ze-i-ra-an-ni
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EA 158
38 u a-na-ku mi-na-am lu-u aq-bi
0 To Tutu, my lord, my father:

2 Message of Aziru, your son, your servant:
3 At the feet of my father I fall.
4 May all be well with my father.
5 Tutu, I hereby give

6 the re[quesJt of the ki[ngJ, my lord.
7 Whatever the request
8 of the king, my lord. may be. may he write,
9 and I will give.
l 0 Furthermore, look, you are there,

11 my father, and whatever the request of
12 Tutu, my father, may be. write.
13 and I shall certainly give.
14 [L]ook, you are my father and my lord.

15 [andJ I am your son. The lands of Amurru
16 are your [landJs, and my house is your house.
17 Whatever your request may be,
l 8 [wri Jte here, and I
19 shall indeed give your (entire?) request.
20 [LoJok, you are staying

21 with the king, my lord.
22 [Heaven foJrbid that treacherous people
23 should say a malicious word
24 [agains[t me
E 25 in the presence of [the king, mJy[ lord.]
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EA 158
26 You should not aUow them.
R 27 [Ltook, You are in the presence of

28 [the king, ]my lord, 'instead of'(?) me.
29 J you are staying [
30 Do not aUow
3 1 malicious words against me.
32 I am a servant of the king, my lord,

33 [andJ I shaU not depart
34 from the words of the king, my lord,
35 and from the words of Tutu, my father, forever.
36 If°! the king, my lord, does not like me,

3 7 but hates me,
3 8 then I, what can I say?
Comments:
1. 5: The reading aJt-[t)a-din has been suggested by Moran (1979: 247 with n. 4).
I. 13: Both Moran and Gordon rejected the possibility of reading either ad or i for
the sign before din (Moran 1987: 394 n. 3). However, it is hard to tell what else
could we expect besides either ad, i, or id (perhaps, though less probable, also a).
In my opinion, the presence of an i sign here is quite plausible. I base this reading
on WA's copy, on the drawing of this sign in the collation made by Moran himself,
on a collation made by Rainey. and on a photograph of the tablet from the Cairo
Museum. The remnants of the sign are ~ . The same opinion was held by
Knudtzon (I: 642 n. b ).
11. 21-22; 27-28: Moran (1987: 394) translates: "tu es au service personnel du roi". I
am hesitant to accept this interpretation of ana piini x asiilm. especially with regard
toll. 27-28, where kima aydsi is taken as denoting "instead of me" (so also Moran).
l. 22: This restoration has also been suggested by Moran (1987: 394 n. 5; already
1984: 299).
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EA 159
l. 23: Knudtzon (I: 642) restored (a-wa-te.MESJ in the plural, according to I. 30.
However, the cuneiform copy (WA). as well as a new photograph of the tablet
made in the Cairo Museum, show a vertical wedge just following the break at the
beginning of the line. This fits better the restoration of a TA sign. Since we have
here two substantives in apposition (cf. 3.3.3.3). both possibilities are
grammatically admissible.
EA 159
V/ff 1658: WA 35: W p. 408-9; Sch 85
0 I (a-na) LUGAL EN-ia DINGJR-ia dUTUx-fa

2 fum-mfa 1a-zi-ri LU.iR-ka-ma
3 [7-.fJu 1l 1-su a-na GiR.ME.~ EN-ia
4 IDINGJR-iJa It dLJIT(U:,:-ia am-qu-11t
5 fis-tu Ja-ma[-te.MES LfUGAL EN-ia DTNGIR-ia

6 (1l dUTJUx-ia la a-pa-af-far
7 [EN-ia Jat-ta ki-i-ma dJSfKUR
8 Lil a]t-ta ki-i-ma dUTUx l
9 1,,1 kJi7-i u-ka-az-zi-lbu''-nim 11
10 ]x.MES a-na pa-ni EN-ia l(?)
11 [a?-mu)1•? a-na-k11 1,-ba-an-ni I

12 [URU.,f[u-mu-ri i-na-a[n-na
13 Jul
14 [i?-na? su]l-mi-is I
15 fURU.,f]u-mu-ri ki-i-[me'1-e?
16 fi1-ba1-Ja.f-si ki-i-me-e I
17 I UR.GT, .fa LUGAL E[N-ia
18 fi1-na 7J KUR-su .fa EN-i[a
19 f;?-M?-a.f?-s]i? 1l rvuMU.MES 1 l-ia?
C. 5 lines missing
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EA 159
R 25 Jx-ru EN[
26 bJa 1-nu-ta I
27 LUGALJ-ru EN-i[a
28 [a 1-mJa1-te.MES-s[u
29 I Jus-se-r[a 1-am 1
30 [ iJ/?-l[i 1
31 I Ix[
32 ]11[
33 JG/Ii.MES [
34 Jna-AZ-ZI-mi [
35 .]MK~ ,, GISI.
36 1SUN.MES si-1
37 Jx sa i-'bd'-as-s[i
38 Ja-na EN-ia ,,-[
39 [u 1 as-sJum LU.MES !Ja-za-an-nu-u[-te.MES

40 [a 1-qdJb 1-bi gdb-bi-su-nu
41 [LU.MES sja-ar-ru-u-tum EN-ia-ma[ la(-a)J
42 [ta-qf-i]p-su-nu
43 [EN-i]a URU.$u-mu-ri i-na-an-na-ma

44 [i-nja lw-mut-is u-bd-an-ni-si
45 [i-n]a-an-na li-qf-pa-an-ni
46 [i-nJu-ma 11-bd-an-ni URU.$u-nm-ri
Left side broken
0 [ToJ the king, my lord, my god, my Sun-god:

2 [Messajge of Aziru, your servant:
3 (7 ti [mes and 7 times at the feet of my lord,
4 [m]y [god], and my S[ujn-God, I fall.
5 I shall not depart [from the ]wor[ds of the k]ing,
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EA 159
6 my lord, my god, Land] my LSu]n[-God].

7 (My lord, Jyou are like the Stolrm]-God,(
8 [y Jou are like the Sun-God. [
9 (So? ho]w? can (...... ].s
IO lileJ in the presence of my lord? I(?)
11 [Loo]k 7, I am noLw] rebuilding l

12 1$Jumur I
13
14 tsaf]ely I
15 [$]umur a[s'1
16 !there? i]s'1 as I
17 J a dog of the king, [my J lo[rdj
18 (in 7] the land ofm(y( lord(
19 !there? iJs?, and (my 7J sons[
C. 5 lines missing
R 25
26 elloquent 7 I
27 the kinJg, m[y] lord[
28 hi[sJ [wor]ds 1[
29 I Jsendl here?
30 l
31 L
32 [ ]and l
33 ]oil [
34 J ..... l
35 ]sand I -(trees[
36 J wild cows .. [
37 ] .. that there isl
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EA 159
38 I shall[ ] to my lord
39 [Concerjning the mayor[s,

40 (11 sa]y 1: ALI of them
41 [are tJreacberous [people]. My lord,l do not]
42 [truJst them.
43 M[y lord,] (as for) ~umur, I am now

44 [qJuickly rebuilding it.
45 [N)ow may be have confidence
46 [thJat l am rebuilding ~umur.
Left side broken
Comments:
11. 9-10: For these lines, see Moran 1987: 395 with n. l.
l. 26: Moran (1987: 395 n. 2) suggested [...1? 1 -nu-ta "implements".
I. 33: With Knudtzon: l: 646 and Moran 1987: 395 n. 2 (cf. also Giacumakis 1970:
102) read samnu "oil" for Glfi.MES. samnu is regularly written logographically as
i or i.GIS (AHw: 1157b). Perhaps the scribe understood the first sign (GIS) as a
determinative. Cf. .f.Gl,fME.5 in a letter from Qatna (EA 55: 12). It is also possible
that G/,5 stands separately for "wood", "trees", or the like (cf. EA 161:56).
l. 34: Moran (1987: 395 n. 2) suggested lx ma 1 J-na as-sf mi-[ ... J "lx miJnas of
myrtle".
l. 36: Moran (1987: 395 n. 2) suggested (x KUS.MES] SUN.MES "lx skins off wild
cows".
11. 41-2: This restoration has been suggested by Moran (1987: 396 n. 3).
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EA 160
EA 160
Goleoischeff"; WA 34a; W 48
0 l [a-na ]LUGAL-ri GAL-bi E[N-ia DINGIR-ia dUTUx-ia]

2 [um-m]a 1a-zi-ri LU.iR[-ka-ma]
3 7-su u 1-su a-na GiR[.MES EN-ia]
4 DINGIR-ia 11 d(JTUx,ia am-[qut]
5 EN-ia DINGIR-ia dUTUx-ia

6 a-na-ku uJ.iR-ka ,, DUMU.MES-ia
7 ,, SES.MES-ia LU.MES.JR-tum
8 sa LUGAL-ri EN-ia a-di da-ri-ti
9 a-nu-um-ma gab-bi mi-ri-is-te.ME.~

lO sa LUGAL EN-ia 11-se-es-se-er
l1 usa it-ta-af-#
12 lis-Jt" uzu.KA pf-i
13 LUGAL EN-ia u-se-es-se-er
14 a-nu-um-ma 8 GIS.MA.MES '11' [GIS].TASKARJN-nu.MES

15 u GIS.MES GAL-bu-tu[m1 Jb[e 1-Jnu
16 gab-bi sa it-t[a-aNfl
17 is-tu UZU.K[A pt-ii
18 LUGAL-ri EN-i[a DINGIR-ia dUTUx-ia]
19 [a-n]a-ku lu-u [11-se-es-se-er (?)]
20 ]LUGAL-ri I
R 2l [ Ji-qa-a[b-bi
22 [ tJa? -ba1-an-nl i1
23 -rja-am sa E[N-ia
24 u LUGAL.MES KUR nu-l1a[-as-se)
25 n[aJ-ak-ru-nim it-ti-[ia ]
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EA 160
26 u la u-ba-an-ni-si I
27 URU.~11-mu-ri i-na MU.K(AJM-ma
28 a-bd-an-ni URU.~u-mu-ri
29 EN-ia a-na-ku Ll)JR-ka a-di da-ri-ti
30 u LUGAL a-na LU.[MEI,~ sa-ar-ru-ti
31 [s]a (i]-k[a]l-111-u-nim kar-#-ia
32 a(-na pa-n]i EN-ia la te-se-em-mi
33 u LUGAL-ru EN-ia DINGIR-ia udlJTUx-ia

34 LU.DUMU.KIN-ri-su li-is-pur-ra-am
35 it-ti LU.DUMU.KIN(-ri-Jia
36 u li-il-(qe 7J gab-bi
31 sa i-qa-ab-bi (LJUGAL( EN1-ia'!J
38 EN-ia i-na-an-na l
39 (ki-)i-me-e ri-ba-(an-ni URU7 sa'!J
40 [LUGALJ EN-ia DINGJR-ia [dUTUx-ia)
41 [u LJUGAL-ru EN-ila LU.DUMU.KIN-ri-ka 7J

42 [it-t]i LU.DUMU.KIN-[ri-ia'1J
43 [i-naJ [la-mut-is us-se-ra-am
44 [rl] bi-il-ta-su sa LUGAL EN-ia u-ba[IJ
0 1 (To Jthe great king, (myJ lo(rd, my god, my Sun-God:)

2 (Messa)ge of Azim, (your !servant[:)
3 7 times and 7 times at the fee(t of my lord],
4 my god, and my Sun-God, I fa(IJ.]
5 My lord, my god, my Sun-God,

6 I am your servant, and my sons
7 and my brothers are servants
8 of the king, my lord, forever.
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9 Now then, I am preparing all the requests

10 of the Icing, my lord.
1 I Whatever has come out
12 Iolf the mouth
l 3 of the Icing, my lord, I am preparing.
14 Here are 8 ships, and boxwood-[logs],

15 and large logs[ J...
16 Everything which has [come out]
17 of the mo[uth ofJ
18 the king, m[yj lord[, my god, my Sun-God,]
19 'I' am indeed [preparing?.]
20 ]the king[
R 21 Jsa[yjs(
22 yo]u? should? rebuil[d?
23 .. ] .. of [my] lo[rd.
24 The Icings of Nuba(sseJ
25 were at war with [me, J
26 so I could not rebuild I(?)I
27 ~umur. Within a year (now)
28 I shall rebuild ~umur.
29 My lord, I am your servant forever.
30 0 Icing, do not listen to the treacherous people
31 [wjho [djenounce me
32 b[eforJe my lord.
33 May the king, my lord, my god, and my Sun-God,

34 send his messenger here
35 with my messenger,
36 that he may tak[e] everything
37 which [the k)ing[, my? lord?,] commands.
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38 My lord, [may? he 7] now [know 7)

39 (tlhat I am rebuil(ding the 7 city 7 of!)
40 [the king,) my lord, my god, [my Sun-God.)
41 [O k]ing, m[y] lord, send

42 [your 7 messenger here wit)h [my 7] messenger
43 [qu] ickly,
44 [that! he may transpo(rtl the tribute of the king, my lord.
Comments:
*This tablet has probably been donated to the Museum of Moscow (Moran 1987: 14
n. 5 after Ktihne 1971: 2 n. 8).
EA 161
BM 29818; BB 35; W 51; photo: BB pl. 22
0 a-na LUGAL GAL-bi EN-ia DINGIR-ia d[UTUx-ial

2 um-ma 1a-zi-ri LU.iR-ka-ma
3 7-su u 7-su a-na GiR.MES EN-ia DINGIR-'ia' dUTUx-ia am-qut
4 EN-ia a-na-ku LU.iR-ka ,, i-na ka-sa-di-ia

5 a-na pa-ni LUGAL EN-ia u aq-ta-bi
6 gab-bi a-ma-te.MES-ia a-'na' pa-ni EN-ia
7 EN-Ii-mi a-na LU.MES sa-ar-ru-ti
8 sa i-ka-lu-u-nim kar-$i-ia
9 a-na pa-ni LUGAL EN-ia la-a te-se-em-me-e
lO a-na-ku-mi LU.iR-ka a-di da-ri-ti
11 u as-sum 1[1a-an-i LUGAL EN-ia iq-ta-bi

12 EN-ia i-na URU.tu-ni-ip as-ba-ku
13 u la i-de 4 i-nu-ma ka-si-id
14 im-ma-ti-i-me-e i-se-em-mi
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l5 u e-te-el-li i-na ar-ki-su

16 u la-a a-ka-sa-ad-su
11 u li-ik-su-u-ud 1lia-an-i
18 i-na sul-mi 1, li-is-al-su
19 LUGAL EN-ia ki-i-me-e 11-ta-na-bal-su
20 SES.MES-ia u 1be-ti-DINGIR iz-za-zu-nim
21 a-na pa-ni-su GU4 .MES 0Z1MES u MUSEN.MES
22 NINDA-su KAS.ME.~-su i-din-nu-nim
23 [ANJSE.KUR.RA.MES ANSE.MES at-ta-din

24 (aJ-na KASKAL-ni-su u LUGAL EN-ia
E 25 a-ma-te.MES-ia Ii-is-mi
26 'i'-na a-la-ki-i-ia a-na mu-bi LUGAL EN-ia
R 27 1{ia-an-i i-la-ak a-na pa-ni-ia
28 u-ut-ta-na-ab-bal-ni ki-i-ma
29 Mi.um-mi ki-i-ma a-hi
30 11 i-na-an-<na> i-qa-ab-bi EN-ia
31 is-tu-mi pa-ni 1!Ja-an-i
32 ti-ir-ta-qf-i-mi DINGIR.MES-nu-ka
33 u dlJTUx lu-u i-du-u-nim
34 sum-ma la i-na URU.tu-ni-ip as-ba-ku
35 sa-ni-tam as-sum ba-na-i-su sa URU.~u-mur

36 LUGAL-ru EN-ia iq-ta-bi LUGAL.ME.~ KUR nu-[ia-as-se
37 na-ak-ru it-ti-ia 11 URU.lj.A-ia
38 i-le-eq-qu-nim i-na UZU.pf-i 1lia-ti-ip
39 11 la 'u'-ba-an-ni-si i-na-an-na
40 i-na t,a-mut-is u-ha-an-ni-se
41 u EN-ia lu-u i-de, i-nu-ma

42 BAR-su-nu sa u-nu-te.ME.~ said-din
43 LUGAL EN-ia 1[w-ti-ip i-le-eq-qe
44 uKU.GI u KU.BABBAR-pa sa LUGAL
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4~ EN-ia id-din-an-ni gab-ha i-le-eq-qe

46 1tza-ti-ip u EN-ia lu-u i-de.
47 sa-ni-tam ap-pu-na-ma LUGAL EN-ia

48 iq-bi am-mi-i-ni-mi tu,-ta-na-bal
49 LU.DUMU.KIN-ri LUGAL KUR fµJ-at-te
50 u LUDUMU.KIN-ri-ia la tu,-ta-na-bal
51 u an-nu-u KUR EN-ia u LUGAL-ru
52 EN-ia is-ku-na-an-ni
E 53 'i'-na LU.MKflza-za-nu-ti
54 li-il-li-ka-am LUDUMU.KIN-ri be-li-ia
55 u gah-bi sa aq-ta-hi a-na pa-ni be-li-ia lu-u-din
56 TIL Zl.MES GIS.M.A.MES i.MES GI,fTASKARIN.MES u.'GIS .MES li-dilnJ
1
0 l To the great king, my lord, my god, [my Sun-]God:

2 Message of Azim, your servant:
3 7 times and 7 times at the feet of my lord, my god, My Sun-God, I fall.
4 My lord, I am your servant. When I arrived

5 in t'1e presence of the king, my lord, I said
6 all my words in the presence of my lord:
7 "My lord, do not listen
8 to the treacherous people
9 who denounce me in the presence of the king, my lord.
10 I am your servant forever."
11 The king, my lord, has spoken about ijan'i.

12 My lord, I have been staying in Tunip,
13 and I did not know that he had arrived.
14 When I heard,
15 I went up after him,
16 but I did not reach him.
17 Let ijan'i arrive
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18 safely, so that the king, my lord,

19 may ask hlm how I took care of hlm:
20 my brothers and Beti'ilu served
21 hlm; they gave (hlm) oxen, sheep and goats(?), and poultry,
22 hls bread, and hls beer.
23 I have given horses and donkeys

24 for hls trip. May the king, my lord,
E 25 hear my words:
26 When I came to the king, my lord,
R 27 ijan'i met me;
28 he took care of me like
29 a mother, like a father.
30 Now my lord says:
31 "You concealed yourself
32 from ijan'i." Your gods
33 and the Sun-God be my witnesses
34 if I am not staying in Tunip.
35 Furthermore, the king, my lord, has spoken about

36 the rebuilding of ~umur. The kings of Nu!Jasse
37 were at war with me, and they have taken
3 8 my cities by order of ijatip,
39 so I have not rebuilt it. Now
40 I will rebuild it quickly.
41 May my lord know that

42 half of the supplies that the king, my lord,
43 gave ijatip has taken;
44 and (as for) the gold and the silver which the king,
45 my lord, gave me, all (of it) ijatip
46 took. May my lord know.
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4 7 Furthermore, the king, my lord, also

48 said: "Why do you take care of
49 the messenger of the king of Hatti,
50 and of my messenger you do not take care?"
5 1 This is the land of my lord, and the king,
5 2 my lord, has appointed me
E 53 mayor.
54 May the messenger of my lord come,
55 that I may give whatever I have said before my lord.
56 May he give provisions. ships, oil, boxwood, and (other kinds of) wood.
Comments:
U. 4ff; 26ff: A verb in the t-form in this subdialect of Amurru Akkadian cannot be
interpreted as implying a successive action in the future (3.6.3), and hence an
interpretation of the form iqtabi on I. 5 in the future is very unlikely. As far as the
iparras forms on ll. 27 and 28 are concerned, their past tin1e implication is readily
admissible, since the iparras formation in Amurm Akkadian is an unmarked verbal
form, and hence no tense or aspectual in1plication can be excluded for these lines
(cf. 11. 12-16; 41-46; see 3.6.1). The translation and interpretation of these lines
offered here might imply more than one visit of Azim in Egypt, i.e., the one
recalled in this letter, the other demanded by the Pharaoh in the successive letters.
However, there is no evidence that Azim indeed fulfilled eventually the Pharaoh's
demand and his own promises and went to Egypt. Hence, the visit of Azim attested
in EA 169 and EA 170 may have well occurred formerly to EA 161. The historical
implications for this interpretation of the linguistic data is given by Singer in his
historical analysis below (Appendix Ill); already lzre'el and Singer 1990: Part Two.
I. 21: For UZ.MES, see Signlist no. 122b/88a.
I. 30: The last sign of inanna has been omitted erroneously by the scribe, as is proved
by the correct spelling of this adverb in l. 39 (pace CAD: l/J: 142a)
l. 44: A collation of the sign for "silver" has shown that this sign should not be read
:jar (thus the interpretation of this sign by Knudtzon: I: 652; already before him,
e.g., Winckler 1896a: 122). The sign present is simply KU.BABBAR, followed by a
phonetic complement: ,[#.if (cf. also BB's copy for EA 161: 44, which does
resemble the actual form of this sign, and shows clearly the additional UD
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EA 164
component at its left. Its first component, namely KUG, resembles its shape in
EA 169: 19 (Schroeder 1915a: no. 93; also in his signlist, p. 91, no. 185b).
l. 56: (a) The subject of the verb at the end of this clause is the messenger (cf.
EA 160: 44). (b) GIS in 'GIS 1 .MES is almost certain (collated; so also Moran 1987:
398; cf. Knudtzon: I: 653).
EA 164
VAT 249; WA 38; W 45; Sch 88
0 1 a-na 1tu-u-tu EN-ia a-bi-ia

2 um-ma 1a-zi-ri iR-ka-ma
3 a-na GiR.MES EN-ia am-qut
4 1l1a-ti-ip i-il-la-ka-am
5 u u-ub-ba-la-am a-ma-te.MES
6 LUGAL EN-ia ha-nu-tam u DUG.GA-ta
1 u ba-ad-ia-ku ma-gal ma-gal
8 u KUR-ia u SES.MES-ia
9 LU.MES JR sa LUGAL EN-ia
10 u LU.MES JR 1tu-u-tu EN-ia
11 ba-du,-nim 'ma-gal1 ma-gal
12 i-nu-ma i-il-la-kii.-am
13 sa-ar-ru sa LUGAL EN-ia
14 UGU-ia is-tu a-ma-te.MES
15 EN-ia DINGIR-ia rd UTUx-ia 1
16 u is-tu a-ma-te.'MES1 1tu-u-tu

17 EN-ia la a-pa-af-far
18 EN-ia a-nu-um-ma 1t,a-ti-ip

19 iz-za-az it-ti-ia
20 a-na-ku u su-u-ut ni-il-la-ak
21 EN-ia LUGAL KUR lia-at-te
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E 22 i-il-la-ka-am i-na KUR nu-[1a-as-se

23 11 la i-le-'-e a-/a-k[a]
R 24 [l]i-ip-!u,-ur LUGAL KUR [10-'at 1 -te
25 11 a-nu-um-ma i-il-la-ak
26 a-na-ku 11 1lw-ti-ip
27 LUGAL EN-ia a-ma-te.ME.~-ia

28 li-is-me-e EN-ia pal-t,a-ku
29 is-tu pa-ni LUGAL EN-ia
30 It is-tu pa-ni I tll-U-flt
31 11 a-nu-um-ma [)INGIR.MES-ia
32 11 LU.DUMU.KIN-ri-ia u 1 /11 1-11-[t[as-'am'-m[il
33 1t11-u-t1111 LU.ME.~ GAL-bu-te.ME.~
34 sa LUGAL EN-ia II lu-u a-al-la-ak
3 5 11 ki-i-ia-am 1tl't-u-fl't
36 11 LUGAL EN-ia ,, LU.ME.~ GAL-bu-te.MES
37 sum-ma-mi ni-is-ku-uk mi-im-ma
38 UGU 1a-zi-ri fa la SIGs-iq
39 11 ki-i-ia-am tu,-ut-ta-mi
40 a-na DINGIR.MES-ia u a-na dA
41 u a-nu-um-ma a-na-ku
42 11 1lw-ti-ip LU.JR LUGAL ha-nu
43 1tu-u-t11 lu-u ti-i-de,

44 'i'-nu-ma a-/a-ka-ak-ku
0 1 To Tutu. my lord. my father:

2 Message of Aziru, your servant:
3 At the feet of my lord I fall.
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4 ijatip has come

5 and brought the eloquent and pleasing
6 words of the king, my lord,
7 and I am very very glad.
8 My country and my brothers,
9 the servants of the king, my lord,
IO and the servants of Tutu, my lord,
I I are very very glad,
12 since the breath of the king, my lord,
13 has come
14 to me. I shall not depart from the words of
15 my lord, my god, my Sun-God,
16 and from the words of Tutu,
17 my lord.
I 8 My lord, now ijatip

19 is staying with me.
20 He and I wiU go.
21 My lord, the king of Hatti
E 22 has come into Nu!Jasse,
23 so I cannot go.
R 24 !Left the king of Hatti leave,
25 then I will go,
26 lfatip and I.
27 May the king, my lord, listen to

28 my words: My lord, I am afraid
29 of the king, my lord,
30 and of Tutu.
3 1 Here are my gods
32 and my messenger. Let me put
33 Tutu and the "greats"
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34 of the king, my lord, under oath. Then I shall go.
35 Thus (should) Tutu

36 and the king, my lord, and the "greats" (swear):
37 "We shall not plot anything
38 against Azim which is not good."
39 Thus you shall be put under oath
40 before my gods and Amon.
41 Then ljatip
42 and I, the servants of the king, will be loyal.
43 Tutu, you should know

44 that I would come to you.
Comments:
l. 32: The precative is undoubtedly a l sg form, written according to the spelling

habits of the Amurru scribes (2.4. l .3). Rainey ( l 978: 95) suggested an emendation
of the text, to render the 3rd person. Moran (1987: 403 and n. l on p. 404)
followed.
U. 33, 36: For the "greats", see above note for EA 157: l l.
l. 37: For the verb, cf. Winckler 1896a: 109. Winckler has suggested a reasonable
etymology for this root by comparing Hebrew fo/s "conspiracy", "planning evil" or
the like (Jeremiah 5: 26). He was followed by Knudtzon (I: 663) and Ebeling (in
Knudtzon: II: 1508). AHw (p. 1179) suggested saqiiqu as a West Semitic loan;
Rainey (I 978: 92) suggested an emendation of the text to ni-iJ-ku-un' "we shall
put".
I. 39: The form tuttammi is a Dt form, and hence should be interpreted as passive.
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EA 165
VAT 325; WA 33; W 47; Sch 89
0 I la-nja LLUGAL EN-ia DINGIR-ia dUTU,.-ial

2 um-ma 1La-zi-ri iR-ka-ma]
3 7-su u 7[-su a-na GiR.MES EN-ia am-qut]
4 EN-ia DINGIR-ila dUTU,.-ia]

5 mi-i-na-am alp-pu-na-ma 11-ba-?-i I
6 pa-ni LUGAL EN-i[a
7 ha-nu-ta 11-ha- ,l-i
8 a-di da-ri-ti 11[ a-na-ku]
9 11 1ha-a-lu-ia LU.MES(.iR-kJa
10 KUR LUGAL EN-ia a-na-a~-~11-ur

11 1, pa-ni-ia a-na LU.MEl,.iR-tum
12 sa LUGAL EN-ia i-na sul-mi
13 'pa-ni' LUGAL EN-ia ha-nu-tam /11-11 a(-mw-'!I
14 E[N-i]a a-nu-um-ma a-na-ku

15 11 1[ia-ti-ip ni-il-la-ak
16 1 1, 1 li-i-de. EN-ia i-nu-ma
17 (ka-Jas-da-ku i-na [ia-m[ut-]is
18 LUGAL KUR {ta-at-te [i-na KUR nu-ba-as-.fr]

19 a-si-ib u pal[-ba-ku is-tu pa-ni-suJ
20 as-surx-ri[-m Ii 'i' (-it'!-la-ka-am]
21 '11' KUR-'su'( sa LUGAL EN-ia ileqqe 1]
E 22 '11' UGU a-ma[-ti su-wa-ti]

23 iz-za-az l[i7-ip1-ru.1-ur11
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R 24 'u' li-tu,-ur i[-n]a?[ KUR?-Ju?]

25 •1l' a-nu-um-ma a-' al'[-la-ka-am]
26 a-n[a-k]u u 1lia-ti-ip 'a'(-na-ku]
27 L[UViR• 'LUGAL' ba-ni ma-'gal' ma-'gal'
28 [EN7-ia'1J mi-im-ma-a i-na •uzu.sA EN (-ia)

1
29 [la ta-sa-ka]-an ka-as-'da-ku'

30 p(a1-n]a1[-nu 1-um 7 Jal-n)a LUGAL KUR ba-'at-te'
31 'u 1 [a-n)u[-um-m)a ka-as-'da-ku'
32 a-na a(-ma'!_,-j? p)a-ni dUTUxl EN1-iJa7
33 EN-ia (sum 1-ma7 i)-na xx l -Ima
34 as-ba-ku 1, i-la-ka[-am LUGALJ KUR lra-a(t-t)e
35 i-na KUR MAR.TU KUR LU[GA)L EN-'ia'
36 ki-i la u-wa-as-sar-an-ni
37 LUGAL EN-ia a-na na-~a-ar KUR-su
38 " i-na-an-na i-na KUR 1111-ba-as-se
39 a-si-ih 2 1-tim KASKAL-nu i-na URU.tu,-ni-i[p)
40 u pal-[ia-ku is-tu sa-[ia-fi-su
41 URU.tu,-ni-ip li-ip-fu,-ur
42 'sa-ni'-tam EN-ia a-na LU.ME.~ s(a-ar-ru-tij

43 'la' te-se-em-me-e a-na[-ku u1 SEs'l.MES1-ia?J
44 •1, 1 DUMU.MES-ia L[U.MES.iR sa LUGAL EN-ia)
45 a-di da-ri-(ti
0 (T)o the k(ing, my lord, my god, my Sun-God:(

2 Message of [Azim, your servant: I
3 7 times and 7 [times at the feet of my lord I fall).
4 My lord, m(y) god[, my Sun-God,]

S what e[lse should I seek?]
6 I see[ k] the [ (?) ] beautiful face
7 of the king, m[y) lord, l
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8 forever. Ba'luya
9 and [I] are [yo]ur [servant]s.
10 I am guarding the land of the king, my lord,

11 and my concern is with the service of
12 the king, my lord, in peace.
13 May I s[ee 7] the beautiful face of the king, my lord.
14 [M]y lo[rd], now then, ljatip

15 and I are leaving.
16 May my lord know that
17 I [will ar[rive quic(k[ly.
18 The king of Hatti is staying

19 [in Nubasse,] and [I am] afr[aid of him.[
20 Heaven forbid that hie should come[
21 and [capture 7J the land[ of the king, my lord.]
E 22 For [this] reas[on]

23 I stay. L[et him leave[
R 24 and return t[o his 7 land''.]
25 then I wi[ll come,]
26 ijatip and I. '11
27 am a servant of the king, very much devoted.
28 [My lord,(?) do not ta[ke anything

29 to heart. First?
30 I approach the king of Hatti;
31 [the[n I come
32 to s[ee7 the f[ace of the Sun-God[ m[y 7 [lord 7.[
33 My lord, [if?) I stay [i]n ....... ,
34 then [the king of] Hat[tJi will com[el
35 to Amurru, the land of the ki[n)g, my lord,
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36 since the king, my lord,

37 has not permitted me to guard his land.
38 Now he is staying in
39 Nul)asse, 2 travel-units from Tunip,
40 and I am afraid of his attacking
41 Tunip. Let him take leave!
42 Furthermore, my lord, do not listen

43 to t[;eacherousJ people. ll and my brothers (?)I
44 and my sons are s(ervants of the king, my lord,]
45 forevelr. I
Comments:
I. 28: Lit. "the heart of my lord."
U. 36-37: Hayes (1984: 176) understands ki-i as an exclamative "how"
EA 166
VAT 250; WA 31; W 46; Sch 90
0 [aJ-na 1[ia-a-i SE.5-ia

2 um-ma 1a-zi-ri SES-ka-ma
3 a-na UGU-ka /11-11 sul-nm
4 ,l is-tu ERIN.MES ~a-bi p{-[a-te
5 sa LUGAL EN-ia ma-gal /11-u sul-mu
6 mi-i-na-am ap-pu-na-ma
7 u-ba- 1-i pa-ni LUGAL EN-ia
8 ba-nu-ta 11-ba- 1 -i
9 a-na-ku 11 DUMU.MES-ia
10 u SES.MES-ia gab-bu u).MES.iR
11 sa LUGAL EN-ia ba-ni
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12 a-nu-um-ma a-na-ku u 1!Ja-ti-ip

13 ni-il-la-ka-am i-na-an-na-ma
14 i-na lw-mut-is 1lw-a-i
15 UZU.lib-bd-ku-nu lu-u i-de,
16 i-nu-ma ka-as-da-ku
17 [i]s-tu a-ma-te .MES EN-ia

E 18 la a-pa-af-far
19 ,, is-tu a-ma-te.MES-ku-nu
R 20 a-na-ku u)JR sa EN-ia
21 LUGAL KUR lw-at-te i-na KUR nu-'lia'-as-se

22 a-si-ib u pal-lw-ku
23 is-tu pa-ni-su as-surx-ri-mi
24 i-na KUR MAR.TU i-la-<kii>-am
25 u sum-nw URU.tu-ni-ip
26 is-bi-if-ma 2 1-tim KASKAL-nu i-na a-sar a-si-ib
21 u pal-!;a-ku is-tu pa-ni-su
28 ll UGU a-ma-ti su-wa-ti
29 iz-za-az a-di pa-fa-ri-su
30 u a-nu-um-ma i-il-la-kii-am
31 i-na [1a-mut-is-ma
32 a-na-ku u 1lw-ti-ip
0 [T]o tJ.a'ay, my brother:

2 Message of Azim, your brother:
3 May it be well with you,
4 and may it be very well with the pl}t troops
5 of the king, my lord.
6 What else
7 should I seek? I seek
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8 the beautiful face of the king, my lord.

9 I and my sons
l 0 and my brothers. all (of us) are servants
11 of the king, my lord, (we) are loyal.
12 Now then, ijatip and I

13 are now coming
14 in haste. ija'ay,
15 your heart truly knows
16 that I shall arrive.
17 I shall not depart

E 18 lfJrom the words of my lord,
19 nor from your words.
R 20 I am a servant of my lord.
21 The king of Hatti is staying

22 in Nu!Jasse, and I am afraid
23 of him: Heaven forbid that he should
24 come into Amurru.
25 If he attacks
26 Tunip, (note that) there are 2 travel-units to the place where he stays.
27 So, I am afraid of him.
28 For this reason
29 I am staying until his departure.
30 Then I shall come

31 quickly indeed,
3 2 ijatip and I.
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EA 167
Comments:
I. 4: Egyptian p<}t is the term for "archers". In the Amarna letters and in other texts
from that period (e.g., RS 20.33, see below), this term is preceded by the term for
"troops", usually in the logographic writing ERIN.MES, as in RS 20.33: 19' and
21 '. Here the Sumerogram is glossed by Akkadian ~<lbi (see Signlist no. 393/226;
also 3.3.2.1 ). lo Akkadian texts from the Amama period the term ~at,; pi(({),Ui
serves to convey the meaning "troops of the regular (Egyptian) army" (Rainey
1978: 87 s.v. pif<ltu; Moran 1987: 42-43 n. 97). As against the practice used by
Moran, I thought it unsuitable to adhere to the original Egyptian meaning, i.e.,
"archers". However, l could not find a better general term in English to convey the
actual meaning. Hence I have chosen to use the original Egyptian term in my
translation.
EA 167
VAT 326; WA 32; W p. 408; Sch 91
O (a-na 1t11-u-tu EN-ia a-bi-ia (?))

2 [um-ma 1a-zi-ri iR?-ka-ma)
3 (a-na GiR.ME.~ EN-ia am-qut(?)I
4 [a-na mut1-{,i EN-ia lu-u sul-mu (?))
5 (is-tu a-ma-le.MES('?) LUGAL EN-ial

6 [la a-pa-]'af'-far( 11 is-tu a-ma-te.MES-ka (?)]
7 [/a a-pa-]af-far[ a-di da-ri-ti (?)I
8 [mi-i-n(a-am ap-p(u-na-m)a [u-M-'-il

9 [pa-ni LUJGAL ba-nu-(ta 14-ba-'-il
IO [a-na-ku(?) iR?J-ka 'u' [DUMU-ka(?)J
11 [LUGALJ KUR tw-at-te [i-na KUR nu-tw-as-)se

12 [a1-si-ib u I[ i-ip-fu,-u Jr
13 r 111 a-nu-um-ma I ?
14 a-na-ku 11 1b[a-ti-]i[p)
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EA 167
15 ni-i-la- 1 ka 1 -'am 1 li-na [w-mut-iJs
16 mi-im-ma-a[m-ma i-na UZU.lib-bi-kaj

E 17 la ta-sa-ka[-aln[ ka?-Jas'1-dta'1-ku 1]
18 'i'-na fol-mi u pa-ni E[N-ial
19 lllu-u a-nmr ba-nu-ta,-am
R 20 liJ-na KUR nu-lw-as-se LUGAL KUR [la-at-tlel

21 a-si-ib ,, pal-ba-ku is-tu pa-ni-s[ul
22 2 l-'tim 1 KASK[ALJ-nu i-na a-sar a-si-ib
23 is-tu URU.tu,-ni-ip ,, pal-[10-ku
24 '1P li-ip-fu 4-ur u ka-as-da-ku
25 'as'-surx-ri an-na-ka-am i-na KUR MAR.TU

26 KUR EN-ia i-il-la-ka-am-ma
21 u pal-[10-ku is-tu KUR EN-ia
28 1tu-u-tu i-na-an-na a-'mur1•

29 UZU.lib-bi-ia u a-ma-te.MK~-ia
30 am-ma-la i-na ti-ir-:;f UZU.'lib'l-bi-ka 11
31 [ka-Jas-du it-ti 1tii-u-tu EN[-iaj
32 [EN-ia l'lu-1, 1 [10-di-ia-ta
33 li-nu-ma] ka-as-da-ku a-nal-ku 1
34 [a?-na? a 1-ma 1-J•a 1-ri' pa-ni LUGAL E[N-iaJ
0 [To Tutu, my lord, my father (?)J

2 [Message of Azim. your servant?: I
3 [At the feet of my lord I fall. (?)]
4 [May it be well with my lord. (?))
5 [I shall not deplartl from the words? of the king, my lord,J

6 Land I shall not depjart [from your words (?)]
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EA 167
7 [forever1.J
8 [Wh]at el[se should I seek?]

9 [I seek the] beautif[ul face of the kilng.
10 [I? am? ]your [servant 7J 'and 11 [ your7 son 7.J
11 [The king of] Hatti is (st]aying

12 (in NutJas)se. When [he leave ts,
13 then [ (?)
14 Jj[at)i(p] and I
15 will come [quickJly.
16 Do not take anytbinlg]

E 17 (to heart. I shall arlri(ve 7)
I 8 safely, so that I Im lay see
19 the face of (my) lo[rdl, the beautiful (one).
R 20 [l)n NutJasse there stays

21 the king of Hatt[i.] and I am afraid of h.i(m].
22 There are 2 trav(el)-un.its from Tun.ip to the place
23 where he is staying, so I am afraid.
24 Should he depart, then 1 (can) come.
25 Heaven forbid that he should come here, into Amurru,

26 the land of the king, my lord.
27 So, I fear for the land of my lord.
28 Tutu, now look 7,

29 my wish and my words,
30 in accordance with (your7( wish,
31 [have r]eached Tutu, [my] lord.
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EA 168
32 !My lord, lmay you rejoice,

33 [since] I come [
34 Ito? seje? the face of the king, lmyJ lolrd.J
Comments:
I. 10: For this restoration, cf. EA 158: 14-15.
I. 23: The two first signs, noted as uncertain by Knudtzon (I: 670-1 with n. c), are
clear in Schroeder's copy.
ll. 28-31: Moran (1987: 407-8 and nn. 2-3) has also seen that ammala and itti should
be rendered "in accordance with" and "chez" respectively. However, his restoration
akaJsadu at the beginning of I. 31, taking it as a Canaano-Akkadian indicative. is
improbable for this dialect. See further 0.2 for this letter; also 4.5 s. v. itti.
EA 168
VAT 1659: WA 37: W 43: Sch 92
0 [a-n]a LUGAL EN-ia DIING)JR-'ia d•jUTUx-iaJ

2 um-ma 1a-zi-ri iR-k[a-mal
3 7-fo 11 7-'su' a-ln]a GiR.MEIS EN-iaJ 1d1 UTUx-ia am-qut
4 1d1 UTUx EN-ia DJNGJR-'ia' I ?

5 lka-as-Jda-ku i-na fo[IJ-m[il
6 [a-no a-ma-)'a'[-ri ]'pa'[-ni (?)
7 [LUGAL 1 EN?-]ia 11P 'LU'.DIUMU.KIN.MES(?)]
8 tu11{,[a-ti-ip i-ka-a[.r-sa?-du,?-nim?J
9 [i-na s)ul-mi 1l u-nu-tu[m.MES fa? LUGAL JEN-ia D[/NGJR?-ia?]
lO [;?-110 1 GJlf 1MA 1.ME.~ [k)a-as-du,-ni[ml
11 [i?-na'! s]uf?-mi-is i-na KUR L[UGAL'! EN?-ia?]
12 Ix -' id1 u I
1
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EA 168
R I sju'! n[,,?
2 Jip-pu-s[a 1
3 JsiiG I?
4 1-il-/[a?-ak1
5 I (I. 9 of the obverse)
6
7 a-na-ku (?)I
8 [u ,~KtMES-ia II (?)JDUMU.M(E,~J-ia
9 (LlJ'?.MES'']. 1}R'! 1 [ Ja'! LUGAL 7J EN-ia
sla 1 LUGAL EN-'ia'(?
II J(I. 3 of the obverse)
12 -ija'11DJNGIR-ia ip-1
E 13 i-ma-lik-ku pf i-pu-.v[a?
14 (a-ldi ka-sa-di-ia a-na p(a-ni-ka('?)
L 15 (t]11-bal-l
16 1,LU.D[UMU'I.KJN'I
0 [Tio the king, my lord, my g(o]d, [my Sun-]God:

2 Message of Azim, yo[ur) servant[:]
3 7 times and 7 times at the feet[ of my lordl, my Sun-God, I fall.
4 0 Sun-God, my lord, my god, I(?)

5 I will have [arrlived safely
6 [to? sje[e'1 the Jf(ace of)
7 (the king, Jmy[ lord), and [the 7 Jm[essengers'!J
8 [and? t{Jatip (will( arri(veJ
9 [sa]fely, and the object[s of? the king,] my lord, [my?J g[o<l'?,(
10 will have [a]rrived [in? sJhjps
11 [safjely 7 in the land of the? k(ing,'I my'I lord'I.]
12 J.... and I
R l t]he[y 7
2 (will d[o 7
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EA 169
3 J..... I (?)
4 he? ]will? g[o?
5
6
7
8 [and? my? brothers? and'1 ]my son[s]
9 [are? sejrv[ants? of? the? Icing,?) my lord,
10 [m)y? [god?] .. [ o]f? the Icing, my lord [ (?)
11 [
12[m]y?[ ] lliya .. [
E 13 they? will? take? counsel.? J? wilC ope[nf my? mouth1[
14 [un)til I reach [your? ]pr[esence.1)
L 15 [You? can? )give? l(ife?
16 and the m[essenger1
Comments:
I. RIO: Knudtzon's suggestion (l: 672) to read [a-)di [d]a-(ri-Jtu after [DINGJR?-ita'!,
which would be difficult from the linguistic point of view, is unlikely according to
Schroeder's copy.
I. Rl3: The first two signs, namely i ma, are fairly discernible in Schroeder's copy;
hence the tentative reading and interpretation suggested above. Por the idiom in the
second half of this line, cf. CAD: E: 215-6. Por the doubUng of the kin i-ma-lik-ku,
see 1.12 (for similar spellings for forms of this verb, see CAD: M1 : 154-6; such
spellings are also attested in Ugaritica V: no. 157: l; cf. Huelmergard 1989: 49).
EA 169
VAT 1660: WA 39: W 52; Sch 93
0 One or two lines missing

1 Jx
2 s]ul-mu
3
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EA 169
4 J-sa-a-nu ia-nu
5 LUGAL EJN-ni
6 nJi1-dag-gal
1 [at-Jta tu-[baJl-la-fa-an-ni
8 (uJ at-ta tu-us-mi-it-an-ni
9 a-na pa-ni-ka-ma a-dag-gal
IO u at-ta-ma EN-ia
11 II EN-ia li-is->mi<-me
12 a-na LU.MESJR-su 1a-zi-ri LUJR-ka
13 i-na as-ra-nu la t,1-wa-ab-lti-ir-su
14 ar-bi-is u.f-Je-ra-as-su
15 II KUR.MES sa LUGAL EN-ni li-na-aNUI"
16 sa-ni-tam a-na 1t1,-ut-t11 EN-ia

17 si-me a-ma-te.MES LUGAL.MES KUR nu-lw-as-se
18 a-na ia-si iq-bu-nim
E 19 a-bu-ka-mi i-na KU.GI.MES
20 ta-ap-sur-su
21 [a'-na LUGAL KUR mi-i~-ri
R 22 II ma-te,-e-mi u-wa-sar-su
23 is-tu KUR mi-i~-ri
24 u gab-ba KUR.KUR.MES II gab-ha
25 LU.MES ERIN.MES su-u-tu
26 [kJi-'a'-am-ma iq-bu-nim
21 la-a-mi •u•-u~-~i-mi
28 1a-zi-ri is-tu KUR mi-i~-ri
29 u i-na-an-na LU.MES su-u-t11
30 is-tu KUR.MES i-pa-'ta'!•-ru-nim
31 •11' ut1-ta-na-',-i-du-nim
32 a-n[aJ mul1-[,i-ia a-bu-ka-mi
33 (i-Jna KUR mi(-il~-ri a-si-ib
34 [11 7) ni-i!pJ-pu-us nu-kur-ta it-ti-ka
35 Jx-a-n,a LU.MES-su-nu u si-me
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EA 169
36 [a-na(?) 1tu-ut-tJu(?) EN-ia 1a-zi-ri

37 [ar-t,i-is us-seJ-ra-am
38 MAS]KJM 1.MES
39 KUR ]nu-t,a-as-se
C. 5 lines rnis.~ing,
including the lower edge
L 45 ]li-iz-zi-iz
46 lnu1-KUR it-ti-ka
47 ]ip[ ]x[ gaJb 1-bi
0 )..
2 w]ell
3
4 ] there is no ... [
5 the king,J our [lo)rd,
6 wje'! look.
7 [Yolu can give me [lJife,
8 [andJ you can put me to death.
9 I look at your face:
10 it is you who are my lord.
11 My lord should listen
12 to his servants: Aziru, your servant,
1 3 do not delay him there.
14 Send him here quickly,
15 that he may guard the lands of the king, my lord.
16 Furthermore, to Tutu, my lord:

17 Hear the words of the kings of NubaMe.
18 They said to me:
E 19 "You sold your father
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EA 169
20 to the king of Egypt

21 for gold;
R 22 so when will he release him
23 from Egypt?"
24 All the countries and all
25 the people of the Sutu-troops
26 said to me thus:
27 "Aziru will not leave
28 Egypt."
29 So now the Sutu people
30 are deserting the lands,
31 and keep alerting
32 me: "Your father
33 will stay in Egypt,
34 [so?J we shall make war with you."
35 ]... their people. Listen!
36 [To? TutJu,? my lord: [SenJd
37 Aziru here (quickly]
38 gove(rnors 7
39 ]Nubasse
C. 5 lines missing,
including the lower edge
L 45 Jmay he stand
46 )war with you
47 Jde[sert? aJlt'1
Comments:
*The sender of this letter is presumably Beti'ilu, Aziru's son; its addressee is an
Egyptian official, who may well have been Tutu (see 0.2). The interpretation
offered here for II. 16-17 and 36 reflects this understanding.
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EA 170
I. 4: Moran (1987: 408 with n. 2 on p. 409) translated "lEn moil ii n'y pas de
[dupl]icite; he suggested to restore at the beginning of this line la-na ia-si SA). For
this suggestion, Moran compared other occurrences of this idiom in the Amarna
letters, including in EA 371 of Abdiasirta. Note, however, that in all other cases (as
in EA 371: 18 below), the negation yonu comes first. Moreover, it is very difficult
to explain both the plene writing for sanu and the spelling of the /fa/ syllable by SA
(for the latter argument, cf. 1.10).
I. 6: What can be seen before the sign DAG is a horizontal line (cf. Schroeder's copy),
which may either be an alignment line, or the right hand side of the signs Pl or NI.
Pl (for yv, thus Knudtzon: I: 672 and n. d) is excluded, since no Canaanite prefixes
are attested in this subdialect of Amurru Akkadian in general, and in this Jetter in
particular. For a I pl form, cf. EN-ni "our lord" (11. 5, 15). See further the notes on
this letter in 0.2. Another possibility is to read la'-dag-gal as a I sg verb, to
conform with the following lines (for the value a for NJ in the Jerusalem Amarna
letters in particular and in PA in general, cf. Moran 1975a: 151, AS: no. 228).
However, this seems to be a less likely solution (cf. a-dag-gal in I. 9).
I. 11: For li-is->mi<-me, see 1.15.
11. 25, 29: The reading s1,-u-tz1, i.e., with a sr, (ZU) sign rather than with su (SU), is
according to Schroeder. Knudtzon transliterated slul, but commented on the
possibility that the sign in question was indeed ZU (p. 674 n. d). See also Signlist
no. 6/5.
I. 31: For this meaning of the verb, see AHw: 693b.
I. 46: For m?-KUR perhaps read nu7 -k,,r-<ta>? (Signlist no. 60/32).
EA 170
VAT 327; WA 143; W 125; Sch 94
0 1 a-na LUGAL EN-ni

2 um-ma ldlSKUR-lu-ia u um-ma
3 lbe-ti-DINGIR a-na GiR.MES EN-ni ni-am-qut
4 a-na mub-lti EN-ni lu-u fol-mu
5 u an-na-kam is-tu KUR.MES-su
6 sa EN-ni dan-nis sul-mu
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EA 170
7 EN-ni mi-im-ma-am-ma
8 i-na lib-bi-ka fa ta-sak-kan
9 fib-ba-ka la tu-us-ma-ra-a~
l O EN-ni ki-i-me-e te-le-'z-e-mi
11 u pa-ni-su-nu ~a-bat :Zu-Zi-la-ma-an
12 ki-i-me-e i-na as-ra-nu
13 fa 11-wa-a[1-[1e-ru-ka
14 sa-ni-tam ERJN.MES KUR [ra-at-te

15 1/u-Pa-aK-Ku ifs-te-qu-nim
16 URU.ljA KUR am-q£ 11 is-tu URU.ljA
17 1a-ad-du-mi i/5 -te-q11-nim-mi
E 18 11 be-U-ni li-i-de4
19 sa-ni-tam ki-a-am ni-is-te-mi

R 20 1Zi-Ta-na
21 ifs-li-kam-mi >1,!<
22 ,, 9·10,000.ME.~ ERIN.ME.~ GiR
23 it-ti-su sa ils-li-kam
24 u a-ma-ta la nu-tar-ri-i~
25 sum-ma i-na ki-it-ti i-bci-as-su-nim
26 11 i-ka-sa 1.-du-nim
27 i-na KUR nu-ba-as-se
28 11 1be-ti-DINGIR
29 a-sap-par a-na pa-ni-su
30 ki-i-me-e pa-ni-.fo-n11
31 ni-~a-ab-bat u LU.DUMU.KIN-ip-ri-ia
32 ar-bi-is a-na mut,-[1i-ka
33 a-sa,.-ap-par ki-i-me-e a-ma-tam
34 ut-te-er-ka sum-ma i-ha-as-si
35 u sum-n,a ia-nu
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EA 170
36 a-na 1GALDJNGJR 11 1iR.dURAS

37 a-na 1DUMU-a-na 11 1GAL-~i-id-qi
E 38 um-ma 1a-mw·-dJSKUR
39 a-na mu[1-t,i-ku-nu lu-1, Jul-nm
40 lib-ba-ku-nu la t1l-11s-ma-ra-:~a-nim
L 41 11 mi-im-ma i-na SA-ku-nu la ta-sak-kan-:nu-nim
42 11 an-na-kam is-tu E.MES-ku-nu
43 dan-nis sul-mu II a-na 1a-na-ti
44 sul-ma qi-bi
0 1 To the king, our lord:

2 Message of Ba'luya and message of
3 Beti'ilu: At the feet of our lord we fall.
4 May it be well with our lord.
5 Here, in the lands of
6 our lord, it is very well.
7 Our lord, do not take anything

8 to heart;
9 do not torment yourself.
10 Our lord, as soon as you can,
11 meet them,
12 so that they will not delay you
13 there.
14 Furthermore, the troops of Hatti

15 (under) Lupakki have captured
16 the cities of Amqu, and they have even
17 captured (some) of the cities of Haddumi.
E 18 May our lord know.
19 Furthermore, we have heard thus:
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EA 170
R 20 Zitana
21 came,
22 and there were 90,000 infantry soldiers
23 who came with him.
24 But we did not verify the matter.
25 If they are reaJJy there,
26 or are arriving
27 in NulJasse,
28 then I will send
29 Beti'ilu to him.
30 As soon as we
31 meet them, I will send
32 my messenger quickly to you,
33 so that he may send a reply
34 to you whether that is so
35 or not.
36 To Rabi'ilu and Abdi.. ... ,

3 7 to Binana and Rabi~idqu:
E 38 Message of Amurba'lu:
39 May it be well with you.
40 Do not torment yourself.
L 41 Do not take anything to heart.
42 Here, with your families,
43 it is very well. Say "hello"
44 to Anatu.
Comments:
11. 9, 40: Lit. "Do not torment your heart."
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EA 171
EA 171
VAT 1723; WA 185; W 285; Sch 95
0 [a-na LUGAL dlJTU-ia be-li-ia

2 ]{II Ax ? a-n[a GiR.JME(SJ LUGAL ,dlJTU'[ be-liJ-ia >TAB<
am-qut
3 (be-If a-na-ku (?)Ji-ra-am a-na i-re-bi
4 [i-na u)lR-dJu,-ti sa LUG[ALJ rd UTU' be-li-ia
5 lu 1ia-Jan-ba-mu la u-wa-as-.for-an-ni
6 [u? as?-tja?-par-su-nul LU.MEJS.DU[MU.JKllJN-r[i)-ia
7 (a?-na? )LUGAL be-li-i(a ,,? -Ju'1-nJu 11ia-an-lia-mu
8 (i-]na KASKAL-ni u[ il-te-qe-su-nu
9 [u )id-din-nu DINGJR(.ME.~1) s(a LUGAL1 be 1-(U-ia
10 (r,'1 Jit-ta-aNu-nim LU.MES.DUMU.K[l)N-ri-ia
11 (is-tfu SU-ti 1ia-an-lra-mu
12 a-na-ku i-te-ru-ub i-na L( U].iR-du,-ti
l3 'sa' LU(G)AL >d<dUTU be-li-ia u 1ia-an-ba-mu la u-wa-as-si-ra-an-ni
14 [u ]'i'-na-an-na 'LUGAL' he-1{[-ia )x -ta,-ni
15 fu-wa-ru( ]x-bi ( rt1-t wa-ru
16 'ki'-it-ti-ia [ J 11 [
17 d, UTU' LUGAL be-U(-ia l/i-x( I li-qab-hi-su-nu
18 u 'a'[-n]a-'ku' LU.iR rd •(UTU LUGAL be-li-ia 11 (?)]
19 mi[ -im 1 -]ma LUG[AL

20 u 'a'-na-ku e[-pu1-us1 a'1-na 1J
21 dUTU LUGAL be-ltl-ia gab-ha e-ri-is-ti (?)f fa LUGAL be-li-ia
22 fo-ni-tam be-U I 1ia-a]n-ba-mu
23 i-nu-ma i-~a ~a 1[-bi'1

24 is-(tfu KUR.JJA. (M]A(R 1.TU1
25 l 1-bi-ir l
26 [LUGAL be-l]f-ia l Jmi I ]nu
27 l ]x-ru? ia 1-nu-mi l
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EA 171
28 a 1-J•na 11 -ku a-na [

29 I -wa-)as-sar-su [
30 [ Jnu-k1,r[
E 31 [u 7] 'a'-wa-te.ME.~ an-nu[-tam
32 [sa 7J dlJTU LUGAL be-li-ia [
R 33 [a 1-wa1 (-te.MES an-nu-tam [
34 •11 1 a-na-ku is-tu a-wa(-te.MES-su 1 )
35 II is-tu LUlR-su [?
36 sa dlJTU LUGAL be-U-ia
31 la a-pa-af-far
Rest of reverse uninscribed
0 (To the king, the Sun-God, my lord:

2 [Message of Aziru, your servant] ... a[t the feejt of the king, the Sun-Go<l, my
(lord(, I fall.
3 [My? lord 7,JI desire to enter
4 (into the servjice of the ki(ngj, the Sun-God, my lord,
5 [but Yajn!Jamu does not permit me.
6 (17 )sent my messengers
7 [to 7 Jthe king, m[yJ lord, [and'!J Yan!Jamu [met 7 the]m'I
8 (o]n the way and( he 7 captured 7 them 7.I
9 The god(s] o(f the king 7. my 7 lord'!,J granted
10 fthat7 (my messengers got away
11 (frojm the hands of Yan!Jamu.
12 I have entered into the service
13 of the king. the Sun-God, my lord, but Yan!Jamu (still) does not permit me.
14 Now the king, [my) lord, l ].. me?
15 ]they will send 7[ ] ••••• [ they? Jwill send 7
16 my loyalty I J and l
17 the Sun-God, the king, (myj lord[ Jmay he 7[ ] may he tell them.
18 I am a servant of the [Sun-]God 7, the? king 7, my lord.J
19 Wh[atev]er 7 the ki[ng, the 7 Sun-God 7, my? lord 7, may? request 7,J
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EA 171
20 I [shallJ f(ulfilt? for 7J

21 the Sun-God, the king, [my] lord, [the 7 request1] of the king, my lord.
22 Furthermore, [myJ lord[, YaJflbamu

23 when the tro[ops7J will leave?[
24 fr[o)m the lands of [AJm[urru?
25 de]lay? [
26 [The king,] my [lorJd [ J.. [ J..
27 ( J.. there? is7 no 7 L
28 ]'1' 1 to'! [ YanbJamu'1
29 will peJrmit him [
30 [ Jwar[
E 31 [and71the[se] words[
32 [of?] the Sun-God, the king, my lord, [
R 33 these [worJds 7 L
34 I shall not depart
35 from the wor[dsJ
36 and from the service? of [ (?)
37 the Sun-God, the king, my lord.
Comments:
l. 2: (a) For Azim being the sender of this letter, see 0.2. (b) >TAB< is perhaps a
neglected, yet not erased beginning of an AM sign, which follows.
I. 12: Moran (1984: 298-9) suggests to render LU.JR-TUM-ti rather than

L[UJlR-du,-ti.
l. 15: Moran (1987: 4ll-412 with n. 6) suggests to restore 1pu 1J-u-wu-ru, to be

interpreted as a rather strange spelling for the name of the well known Egyptian
officer Pawuru.
61
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EA 371
EA 371
BM 134868; Gordon 1947: 6-11, 16-17;
photo: Pendlebury 1951: pl. LXXX
0 C. 9 lines missing
10 )x u/1 l
11 i1-111a ,~U.MES l Jx
12 la a-na-~a-'ar1 -su-11u
13 G)AL-tu a-di LUGAL dlJTU
14 [EN?-ia 1 yi-ma-Jlik a-11a iR.MK~-su
15 ]x EN-ia a-di
16 -11a-~a-a Jr as-ri-su u
11 LUGAL? d?LJJTU? EN-ia ki-'ma?•
I8 ] ia-11u lib-ha .fo-na-am
19 Jx ERIN.MES URU.se-,.-e[r-la-li
20 ]-di i-nu-ma la-a DUG.GA
21 ]'u' ti-i~-ba-tu-nim
1
22 [URU .~u?-mw-'1.JKI qa-du LU.MES sa
E 23 a'1]-la-ki a-110 pa-ni-su
24 )-ru LU.MES.Mk~lKJIM-ka.'1
25 [sum?-ma 1 u?-utll in.-ni-ri-ir
R 26 [a?-na?-ku? ]qa-du GIS.GJGIR.lfA.-ia
21 [qa?-du 1 ERJN1.MES 1J-ia u sa-ar-pu
28 [URU 1.KJ'! ,,? £'l.GAL 1]-lim u ma-a!J,-~u-nim
29 [gab 1-ba 1 LlJ?.MEs'11 sa i-na lib-bi E-ti
30 ] URU.Kl LUGAL EN-ia is-tu
31 m ]a-[,i-i~ ma-[,i-i~ u
32 ]x i-na KU.BABBAR./fA
33 is-]tu pa-ni LUGAL.MES
34 i-na U]ZU.pf-su-nu yi-i~-bat
35 UJRU.Kl u ap-lu-ub
36 I Jx UGU-ia u?
62
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EA 371
37 MJES-su-nu i-na KU.BABBAR

38 Jx LU.MES.MAS[KJIM-ka.'
39 JAN[ m]a 1
0 C. 9 lines missing
10 J.. ... I
11 i]n the bands of [ ]..
12 (.. I guard them
13 blig until the king. the Sun-God,
14 [my? lord1, thlJnks of his servant.
15 ] .. my lord, until
16 guarlds his place, and
17 the king 1, the Su]n[-God1,] my lord, as?
18 ] there is no hypocrisy
19 [ ]. . the troops of Seglal
20 [ J.. since it1 was1 no good
21 ]then they captured
22 l~umur?J together with the men who
E 23 gjoing to him
24 ).. your commissioners
25 [Had I not] come
R 26 to help together with my chariots (and)
27 [together? with ?J my [troops 1]. they would have burned
28 (the? city? and? the pala]ce 1, and killed
29 [al1 1 the'! people 7] who were inside the house.
30 ) the city of the king, my lord, from
31 k ]illed, killed, and
32 j.. for silver
33 fr]om the kings
34 by !their order he should capture
35 the c]ity. So I was afraid?
36 ].. to me
37 ]their [ ]s for silver
63
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RS 15.24+50
38 ]. . your commissioners
39 J•. [ ] •.
Comments:
*My collation of the text suggests a wider tablet than what is implied by Moran's
restorations. Our respective translations hence differ in various respects.
I. 14: Renger (1988) suggests that maldku in its occurrences in the Amarna letters
denotes "to rule" rather than "to think" or "to decide".
I. 18: For libbu sam2, see Moran 1987: 3.57 n. 7.
11. 24, 38: Comparing with the last line of l. 38, the last sign in line 24 is perhaps to
be interpreted as QA (collated).
l. 35: This reading has been suggested by Moran (1987: .566 n. 6).
RS l5.24+50
D 3914; PRU Ill p. 18, pl. XIV
0 l um-ma 1a-bu-us,-ka,f-maf
2 a-na LU.MA.~KIIM 11-ga-ri-it(?)
3 SES-ia qi-I bli-ma
4 lu-11 sul-mu a-na mu[l-[ri-ka

.5 DINGIR.ME.~ sa KUR a-mur-ri
6 DINGIR.MES sa KUR u-ga-ri-it
7 u DINGIR.MES sa-a LUGAL EN-ka
8 a-na sul-ma-ni PAB-rn-ka
9 SES-ia ki-i-me-e
IO LU a-na LU tap-pf-su
11 ii-ta-nap-par II
12 at-ta SES-ia
13 a-na m11[1-[1i-ia
I 4 a-na mi-ri-il-ti-ka
64
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RS 15.24+50
15 u #-bu-ti-ka
16 su-up-ra a-na-ku
17 /11-1, a-na-din-na-ak-ku
R 18 u a-na-ku 1SES-ia
19 a-na mu!J-!Ji-ka a-sap-par
20 mi-ri-il-ti-ia ,, #-bu-ti-ia
2 I ta-na-din-mi u EN-ia
22 lu-11 i-de 4
O I Message of Abuskla:J
2 To the commission[er of Ugarit, (?)J
3 my brother, say:

5 May the gods of Amurru,
6 the gods of Ugarit
7 and the gods of the king, your lord,
8 guard you safely.
9 My brother, as
IO one partner to another
I I frequently corresponds,
12 you, my brother,
13 write
14 to me
15 concerning your request
16 and desire. I
17 shall indeed give (it) to you.
R 18 I, my brother,
19 will write to you:
65
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

RS 16.111
20 "Give my request
21 and desire." My lord
22 indeed knows.
Comments:
I. 10: Lit. "a man to his fellow man."
RS 16.ll l
D 4235; PRU Ill pp. 13-14, pl. XL
0 [ulm-ma Mi.ul-mi
2 a-na Mf LUGAL KUR u-ga-ri-it
3 DUMU.Mf-ia qf-bi-ma
4 DINGIR.MES sa KUR u-ga-ri[-ilt

5 ii DINGJR.MES fa KUR a-mur-ri
6 a-na sul-ma-ni PAB-ru-ki
1 it-ti LUGAL KUR u-ga-ri-it

8 1, it-ti-ki mi-nu-me-e
9 sul-ma-nu fe-ma te-er-ri
l O DUMU.Mf-ia at-ti-ma ti-i-de,

I J ki-i-me-e gab-ha E-ia
12 'i'-na .~A IZI :i-sa-ti
13 al-ta-kan-su
14 II mim-ma i-na •sA 1 E-'ia'
15
R 16
17
18 l'u 1' •at? 1 -'ta 1 -par [(?)I
66
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RS 16.111
19 [ Jx ZA.ME[,~1 ]a-na DUMU.Mf-ia

20 u a-na LUGAL KUR u-ga-ri-it
21 il-te-qa-a DUM[U.JMf-ia
22 li-'il'-qe x x x.'MES11 -ma
23 ] XX [
24 Ix gab1 [ lsum-ma DUMU.Mf-ia

25 'a'-[n]a la-lqe 1-s]u 1-nu la-a i-ma-gur
26 a.f-ra-nu-ma iR.M[ESJ fa DUMU.Mf-ia
27 fi-il-q11-ni NfG NU-ta-su
28 la 1-n]a1 LU.DUMU.KIN-ri-ia
29 -]1, lu-' u' la-a
30 [i-lla-aq-[q)u-ni
0 Message of Ulmi:
2 To the queen of Ugarit,
3 my daughter, say:
4 May the gods of Ugarit

5 and the gods of Amurru
6 guard you safely.
7 Send a reply:
8 Are things well with you
9 and with the k.ing of Ugarit?
l O My daughter, it is you who know

11 that when I set
12 all my house
13 on fire,
14 then everything within my house
15
R 16
67
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RS 16.146+161
17
18 ]and'![ Ji? sent
19 he has taken l Js'1 to my daughter
20 and to the king of
21 Ugarit. My daughter,
22 let him take I Is? and'1
23
24 I If my daughter
25 does not agree to take? them.
26 then let the servants of my daughter
27 take (them'1) there.
28 May? they? I I his .....
29 [tJo? my messenger. [TheyJ should not
30 take.
Comments:
I. 27: For the sequence of signs NiG NU-ta-su Nougayrol (1955: 14) suggested
n11llatas11 "pour rien".
RS 16.146+161
D 4261; PRU Ill pp. 182-186, pl. LI; photos: Ugaritica V pp. 622-623, figs. 14-14,\
0
f11p-p11 an-n11-u SQ 11-nu-te.ME.~ Mf.NINLUGAL Mf LUGAL-ti
2 4 ta-pal su-qul-la-li.MES KU.GI
3 qa-d11 NA,.ME.~-.fo-nll KI.LA.Bl-su-nll 7 me-at 62
4 I URU KU.GI Kl.LA.Bl 2 me-at 15
5 2 ta-pal lj.AR.MES GiR.MES 11 SQ .~U-ti KU.GI
6 KILA.Bl-su-nll 6 me-at 28
7 I GAL l mis-q,, 1 nam-zi-tum KU(.G(l 'Kl'LA.Bl 180 1
8 2 ta-pal SQ qtib-li KU.GI Kl LA.Bl 40
68
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

RS 16.146+161
9 GAL.MES KU.BARBAR KI.LA.Bl-su-nu 1 li-im 70

10 20 TUG.ME.MES SALLAMES sa KUR [rur-ri 20 TUG.ME.MES SALLA sa
KUR MAR.TU.Kl
l l 20 TUG.so-bat-tum sa KUR [1ur-ri 20 TUG ..fo-bat-tum sa KUR MAR.TU.Kl
12 50 TUG.SIG,.ZA.ME.~ 10 TUG.GADA.MES 10 TUG.GU.£ GADA
13 50 TUG.SIG,.ZA.MES sa GJS.GU.ZA sa sfK.ZA.GiN
14 3 Gl.~.NA.MES sa ZU.SUN GAR.RA qa-du GIS.GiR.GUB.MES-su-nu
15 ll 7+Jl GISNA.ME.~ sa GIS.TASKARIN
16 11 GJl.(GU.ZA ZAG.BI.U.~ KU.GI GAR.RA qa-du GIS.GiR.GUB-su
17 ll GIS.J•GU1 [.ZJA GJ.(ESI sa ZU.SUN GAR.RA qa-du GIS.GiR.GUB
18 I J KU.GI GAR.RA sa NA,.ZA.GiN.ME.~ tam-lt1-11
19 [ Jx sa GIS.ESI qa-du GIS.GiR.GUB[-sli-'n'a
20 I GJl,(GU.ZA Gl.~.TASKARIN qa-du GIS.GiR.GUB-st,/-m,'!I
21 l J•slh.TIR'1 KU.GI GAR.RA
22 l Jx
23 l KI.LA-s)u-nu 1 GUN 2 li-im
24 l KIL)A.ME.~-su-nu 1 GUN 2 me-at
R 25 l Jx Kl VD.KA.BAR <.Kl.LA-su-nu> 2 li-im 1' me-at
26 Ix SJEN VD.KA.BAR Kl.LA-su-nu 3 GUN
27 [x]+l sa-ap-lu VD.KA.BAR KI.LA-su-nu 2 GUN 1 li-im 5 me-<at1>
28 Ix) DUG.MES VD.KA.BAR Kl.LA.ME.~-su-nu l GUN
29 5 'kan-nu'-um VD.KA.BAR KI.LA-su-nu I GUN 6 me-at-
30 5 R[lf.'MES11 UV.KA.BAR KI.LA-su-nu 1 '/i 1 -im
31 4 sa q11-ut-rli-ni] VD.KA.BAR Kl LA.BI 1 li-im 2 me-at
32 9 sa ma-si-sul-te? UD.KJA.BAR qa-du ku-ku-bi-si-na Kl.LA 9 me-at
33 20 GAL.MES VD.KA.BAR Kl.L[A.-s]u'1-nt11f! 9 me-at
34 7 qu-uf-ma-i-su VD.KA.BAR KI.L[Al-.fo-'nu' 5 me-at
35 1 nam-[ra-rum VD.KA.BAR TUR qa-du 2 GAL.MES Kl/LA ]6 me-at
36 5 u-ru-ut-!Ju VD.KA.BAR Kl.LA 6 me-at
37 7 IZI.GAR VD.KA.BAR Kl.LA I me-at 70
38 2 sa la-qe JZI.MES VD.KA.BAR Kl.LA 2 me-at 60
39 10 PfSAN VD.KA.BAR GAL 6 PfSAN VD.KA.BAR TUR 2 SA-si-na KU.GI
GAR.RA 4 KU.BARBAR GAR.RA
69
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

RS 16.146+161
40 3 Kl.NE.NE.MES UD.KA.BAR KILA-su-nu 2 GUN l li-im 6 me-at

41 6 NA 4 .mar-!Ju-su sa i DUG.GA ma-lu-u
42 20 uq-q,, sa zu.suN 4 sa MUN sa zu.suN
43 4 TUG.SIG •.ZA sa GIS.GU.ZA SUxNiGIN 53 ZI.MES
44 NA •. KiSIB 1DU.d/,~KUR LUGAL
0
Thls tablet is (the tablet) of the belongings of Queen Al]atumalk.i.
2 4 pairs of gold pendants
3 with their (precious) stones, their weight: 762.
4 I gold "city"-jewel, weight: 215.
5 2 pairs of gold anklets and bracelets,
6 their weight: 628.
7 1 cup, 1 drinking-vessel, 1 stein 7, of gold, weight: 80.
8 2 pairs of gold buckles, weight: 40.
9 Silver cups, their weight: 1070.
10 20 Hurri(-style) sheer gowns, 20 Arnurru(-style) sheer gowns.
11 20 Hurri(-style) sabattu-garments, 20 Arnurru(-style) sabattu-garments.
12 50 bolts of shaggy material, IO linen cloths, IO linen cloaks.
13 50 bolts of blue wool shaggy material for chairs.
14 3 ivory-plated beds with their footstools.
15 2 7 boxwood beds.
16 [ 1 Jgold-plated armchair with its footstool.
17 (lJ ivory-plated ebony [c)ha[ijr with a footstool.
18 [ J gold-plated I I, (within) which lapis lazuli is inlaid.
19 [xi ebony [ I with their footstools.
20 [ J boxwood [cJhairs with t[heir] footstools.
21 I J gold-plated pindu7(-stones 7).
22 J••
23 tJheir[ weight): I talent 2000.
24 J their [weigJht: I talent 200.
R 25 J.. of bronze, <their weight:> 2700.
70
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RS 16.146+161
26 lxJ bronze [caujldrons, their weight: 3 talents.

27 [x+]l bronze bowls, their weight: 2 talents 1500.
28 [x] bronze (wine1) jars, their weight: I talent.
29 5 bronze jugs, their weight: I talent 600.
30 5 bronze jugllet]s1, their weight: 1000.
31 4 bronze censelrs], weight: 1200.
32 9 [brojnze polishing-too[ts?J with their flagons?, weight: 900.
3 3 20 bronze cups, weight: 900.
34 7 bronze containers for ashes, weight: 500.
35 l small bronze jar with 2 cups, we[ight: J600.
36 5 bronze urut!Jus, weight: 600.
3 7 7 bronze lamps, weight: 170.
38 2 bronze coal-tongs, weight: 260.
39 10 large bronze cases, 6 small bronze cases, 2 of them gold-plated, 4 silver-
plated.
40 3 bronze braziers, their weight: 2 talents 1600.
41 6 chlorite1 vessels filled with good oil.
42 20 ivory cosmetic-cases1. 4 ivory saltcellars.
43 4 bolts of shaggy material for chairs. Total: 53 expenditures.
44 Seal of King lr(i)tessub.
Comments:
l. I: For this reading of the queen's name, cf. Huehnergard 1987a: 105 s.v. '/j; 147
s.v. MLK. Cf. Grondahl 1967: 31, 92, 157-8. See further vol. I, p. 20.
l. 4: For URU read iilu rather than alu (as suggested in CAD: A,: 375b for the parallel
Qatna occurrences). According to Nougayrol (1955: 182 with note on pp. 182-3),
the correct rendering of this tenn should be "city" or the like. Cf. further Mishnaic
Hebrew r;,. sel ziihiif! "a city of gold" (e.g., Shabbath 6a).
l. 7: The reading namzitu is preferable, since in the Amurru Akkadian syllabary the
value si is acceptable only in PN's (Signlist no. 84/59), despite the reading namsitu
suggested by Nougayrol (1955: 183), and accepted by the CAD (N 2: 165a). See
further Salonen 1966: 192; cf. CAD: N,: 257b; also AHw: 730a. The translation
"stein", i.e., a beer mug or the like, seems to fit this context best.
71
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

RS 17.116
1. 19: The restoration GifGU.ZJA "chair" at the beginning of this line seems to be
unlikely. "Chair" is mascuJine in this and other Amurru texts (2.3.1.1.1 s.v. kuss,2).
1. 32: For the translation of fa ma-si-.fol-te as "polishing tools" (lit. "of the
polishers"), cf. maso.fo "to polish"; miisistu "polisher (f)'' (CAD: M,: 360, 367a
respectively). The attached containers (ku-ku-bi-.i'i-na, cf. CAD: K: 499) might
support this interpretation better than Nougayrol's "creusets" (Nougayrol 1955: 32;
also Saloneo 1966: 265). For the construction with sa, see 2.3.3.1 no. 7.
I. 33: Comparing with I. 9, Kl.LIA-.i'J1/-nluf1 seems more likely than Nougayrol's

.i'uqul lta-.i'i-n la (l 955: 185). Akkadian kiisu can be either m or f.
I. 34: For qufma'i.i'(s)u "container for ashes", see 2.3.3.1 no. 8.
l. 36: For urutl111, see 2.3.3.1 no. 6.
1. 41: For this rendering of marl1u.fo, see SteinkeUer 1982: 25 l n. 50. The form of
this substantive as it appears in both the cuneiform copy and in the photograph is
indeed mar-!Ju-su, i.e., with a l111 sign. Nougayrol's mar-!Ja-su is a printing error
(quoted also in the dictionaries, AHw: 61 lb; CAD: M,: 281b).
RS 17.ll6
D 4582; PRU IV pp. 132-134, pl. XI
0
I' llu-u .i'ul-mu )'a?-na?•[ n111J!J-'l1i'-ka DINGIR.MES
2' l.i'a KUR URUJ.11-Ka-ri-it dJSKUR
:r drJi-/Ja-ni dpf-id-ra-i
4' [,,"1 /;?-iJm? DINGIR.MK~ PAB-ru-ka
5' l,~ES-)ia a-ma-te.MES sa a-na pa-ni

6' 111K1i-u-za-li ta-ad-lm-ba-.i'u-nu
7' al-te-me-.i'u-nu !Ja-da-ak-ku dan-nf.i'
8' 1l as-sum a-ma-ti sa DAM-ti-ka

9' a-mur Mi-tum .i'a-a-.i'i iJ-tu pa-na-nu-ma
IO' a-na ka-a-sa ti-i!J-ta-!i
11' 1l a-na mu!J-l1i-ia a-ma-te.MK~
72
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RS 17.116
12' sa la-a ba-nu-ti ti-id-lbJu-ha

13' u as-fam-mi-ka-'ma 1 a-na LU[GALJ KUR URU.kar-'ga'-mis
14' al-ta-par Mi-ta sa-a-si
15' an-na-kam a/-te-qe-si
16' u Mi-tum sa-a-si
17' i-na sa-nu-ti-si i-na as-ra-nu
18' la-a u-ta-er-si it-ti
R 19' SES.MES-Si a/-ta-kan-su
20' u .~E.~-ia lu-u i-de,
21' SES-ia a-mur a-na-ku 11 at-ta

22' SES.MES DUMU.MES sa-a I LU-lim S[E]S.M[ES?-1re? 1
23' ni-i-nu u i-na be-ri-ni alml-'mi 1 -ni
24' la-a DUG.GA-ni ma-an-nu-me-e
25' $[-bu-te-ka a-na mu[1-l1i-ia
26' [sa t]a-sap-par-ra a-na-di-na-ak-ku
27' [u alt-ta $i-lm-ti-ia lu-u ta-na-di-na
28' [a?-mur?J l £-tum ni-i-nu
29' ($f?-bu?-t]a? (m]im-ma te-pu-sa a-na mu[1-[li-ia
30' (ta?-fap?-par'1-ra 7 a?-na'1-ku? ]a-na-di-na-ak-ku
31' l'dan-nfs1
32' ]a
33'
34' -In? ]-ub-fa-nu
L 35' J.~U I gu-u-za-/i
0
l' [May it be well J1 with? 1 [ y]ou. May the gods
2' [of] Ugarit, the Storm-God,
3' [DN, R)ibbani, Pidray
4' (and the thousan]d? gods guard you.
5' My[ brother], I have heard
73
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RS 17.116
6' the words that you said

7' to Gozalu. I am very glad.
8' Concerning the matter of your wife,

9' look, that woman had sinned
to' against you long ago,
11 ' and to me she spoke
12' words that were not pleasant.
13' Yet it was for your sake that I wrote to the klingJ of
14' Carchemish. That woman,
15' I brought her here;
16' that woman,
17' I did not return her
18' there again. I have
R 19' put her! with her brothers.
20' My brother should know.
21' My brother, look, you and I

22' are brothers, sons of one man. We are
23' brothers, so why should we not have good (relations)
24' between us? Any
25' desires you may have of me
26' [and you] write me (about it). I will give you,
27' [and yJou, may you give me my desires.
28' [Look,] we are one fanlily.
29' Should you have any (busine]ss'! with me,
30' Lyou'! should'! write 1 me'!, (and'1)] I will give you.
31' ]very I
32' )..
33'
34' sai)d 1 them
L 35' ]the1 hand 1 of? Gozalu.
74
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RS 17.152
Comments:
*This is a letter of Sauskamuwa of Amurru to Ammistamru of Ugarit, as is clear from

the contents.
U. 2'-3': Albright (1957: 35) suggested dJ,~KUR (3) lfo ljUR.SAG l~a-p,i-ni "Baal
~aphon" (the same Weippert 1964: 194 n. 66). This suggestion cannot be
maintained both on grounds of the syllabary (BA for pa is most improbable). and
especially since the sign preceding BA could hardly be ZA. (For the Ugaritic god
Baal ~aphon and its Akkadian equation, see Ugaritica V: 44 no. 18 I. 4. See also
Nougayrol 1956: 132 n. I.) The traces of the first sign show almost clearly the sign
RI, which would give the reading of the deity rihhani "Ribbani", now attested from
Ebia (MEE 4: 291, no. 810; cf. Gordon 1987: 26).
I. 28': This reading has been suggested by Kiibne (1973b: 178 n. 33).
RS 17.152
04613: PRU /Vp. 214, pl. XXI
0 um-ma ILUG]AL KUR a-mur-ri

2 a-na LUGAL KUR u-ga-ri-it
3 'DUMU'-ia qi-hi-ma
4 /11-1, slull-mu a-na n111lb-l1i-kla

5 li-im DINGIR.MES 'PAB'-ru-lkaJ
6 a-nu-ma 1ad-dlti-ar-ia.J
7 a-na mu{l-bi ka(-a 7-)Ji
8 a-na :pa-ri-is-bi
9 al-tap-par :pa-ru-us-lw l?I
10 kl;?-]•;'1• ma' 1-~f-me-e
l l (;'/b]a?-as-si su-<bi-la>
12 lmi-]na-me-e
13 (t(a'1-qab-bi a-na-(ku(
75
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RS 17.152
R 14 a-na-din
15 u is-tu LU.'GAL'1•[DAM.GAR(?)]
16 li-il-qe-ma l?J
17 sAM-su a-na-011-din
0 I Message of [the k]ing of Amurru:

2 To the king of Ugarit,
3 my son, say:
4 May it be well wi(th y(ou.

5 May the thousand gods guard you.
6 I hereby send
7 Add(arya) to you
8 for parrusl1e.
9 S(end 7 I as much parrus[ze as
to there is
11 at your disposal.
12 'I' shall give
13 (whJatever (price)
R 14 [yo]u 1 say.
15 Let him get (it)

16 from the 'chief?•( merchant 1J, and
17 l shall pay its price.
Comments:
I. 6: This restoration is implied by the parallel letter OA 23 (I. 7). Fales (1984: 165)
suggested 1ad-d[ar'-ia,J.
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OA 23
l. 11: The scribal omission assumed at the end of this line relies upon the parallel text
OA 23 (I. 13), and has been offered by Fales (1984: 165-6).
l. 16: According to his restoration of the parallel verb in OA 23: 17, Fales (1984:
164) suggested to emend the last sign and read li-il-qe-.fo! "he should take it".
However, Nougayrol's copy shows very clearly the sign MA.
OA 23
Fales 1984: 163-166; photo: tav. XVII
0 1 um-ma LU sa-ktn KUR a-mur-ri

2 a-na LU sa-kfn
3 KUR u-ga-ri-it
4 DUMU-ia q£-bi-ma
5 lu-u fol-mu a-na m[u[1-t,]i DUMU-ia

6 DJNGIR.MES PAB-ru-ka
7 a-nu-ma 1ad-dar-ia.
8 'a'-na mu[,-bi-ka al-tap-par
9 as-.fom :par,-ri-is-[li
10 DUMU-ia ki[-i)
E 11 ma-~{-me-el?I
R 12 a-na SU-ti-ka
13 i-ba-as-si .fo-bi-' la'
14 a-na-ku sAM-su
15 'a'-[na)-din
16 u is-tu LU.G[ALJ LDAM,.GAR

17 li-il-qe[-su7J
0 I Message of the prefect of Amurru:

2 To the prefect
3 of Ugarit,
77
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RS 17.228
4 my son, say:
5 May it be well with my son.

6 May the gods guard you.
7 I hereby send Addarya

8 to you
9 for parrus[,e.
IO My son, send me as
E 11 much as there is
R 12 at your
I 3 disposal.
14 I shall p[a]y
15 its price.
16 Let him get lit?l

17 from the chief merchant.
RS 17.228
D 4621; PRU IV pp. 141-143, pl. XXVI; photo: Ufit1ritirn Ill p. 34, fig. 43 (sic)
o is-tu u.-mi an-nli-l'i'-im

2 ld/,51 .TAR-mu-wa DUMU ZIAIG3K5 LUGAL KUR a-mur-ri
3 a-kan-na iq-fe.-hi al-nla 1a-mis-tam-ri
4 DUMU nfq-me-pa LUGAL KUR URU.u-[g)a-ri-it

5 ma-a a-nu-um-me-e DUMU.Mi Mi.ra-hi-ti DAM-ka
6 .fo [Ii-fa ra-ha-a te-ta-pa-as a-na ka-a-slaf1
7 " a-na-ku a-di im-ma-ti as-ha-ku
8 ,, a-na-~a-ar EN [,i-fi-ka
9 a-nu-um-ma-me-e DUMU.Mi Mi.ra-'hi'-ti EN ll1Ji-fi-ka
10 le-qe-sa 11 1l at-ta
11 ki-i lih-bi-ka e-pu-us-sa ..
12 .fom-ma lib-bi-ka ,, de.-ek-sa 11
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RS 17.228
l 3 ,, sum-ma lib-bu-ka
14 i-na lib-bi AAB.BA ku-ru-ur-sa 1,
15 u sum-ma ki-i lib-bi-ka e-pu-us DUMU.Mf Mf.ra-bi-ti
16 a-ma-tum.MES an-nu-tum .fo ldJS,.TAR-mu-wa

17 DUMU ZAG3K~ LUGAL KUR a-mur-ri
18 a-na mu!J-[,i 1a-mis-tam-ri DUMU niq-me-pa
19 LUGAL KUR URU.u-ga-ri-it
20 i-na-an-na IdJ,~ 1 .TAR-mu-wa

21 DUMU ZAG.SES LUGAL KUR a-mur-ri
22 it-ta-si DU MU.Ml Mf.ra-bi-ti .fo {,i-fa te-t(a-lpa-as
23 u it-ta-di11-sa 1,
R 24 i-na .~U-ti 1a-mis-tam-ri DUMU niq-me-pa
25 LUGAL KUR URU.1,-ga-ri-it
26 ,, i-na-an-na 1a-mis-tam-ru
27 DUMU niq-me-pa LUGAL KUR URU.1,-ga-ri-it
2 8 ki-i lib-bi-su e-ta-pa-as
29 DUMU.Mf Mf.ra-bi-ti
30 u 1a-mis-tam-ru DU[MU niq-mJe-pa

31 LUGAL KUR URU.1,-ga-rlil-it
32 it-ta-din l li-im 4 me-at KU.GI
33 a-na ldJS,.TAR-mu-wa DUMU ZAG .•~E.~
34 LUGAL KUR a-mur-ri
35 sum-ma ldJS,.TA.R-mu-wa DUMU ZAG.SES LUGAL KUR a-[nmr]-ri

36 i-te-lik i-qa-bi
37 a-na 1a-mis-tam-ri DUMU niq-me-pa
38 LUGAL KUR URU.u-ga-ri-it
39 ma-a KU.GI.MES an-nu-11 ~e-{le-er-ma
40 ,, KU.GI.MES sa-na-a i-din-mi
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RS 17.228
41 u fup-pu an-nu-u i-la-e-su
42 NA,.KiSIB sa ldJS,.TAR-mu-wa
43 DUMU ZAG.SES LUGAL KUR a-mur-ri
0 From this day.

2 Sauskamuwa. son of Pendisenni, king of Amurru,
3 has said to Ammistamru,
4 son of Niqmepa, king of Ugarit,
5 thus: "Here is the Daughter of the Great Lady, your wife,
6 who has committed a great sin against you.
7 (As for) me, how Jong should I sit
8 and guard your malefactor'?
9 Here is the Daughter of the Great Lady, your malefactor'.
lO Take her, and you,
l l whatever you wish, do (it) to her.
12 lf you like, kill her;
13 if you like,
14 throw her into the sea.
15 Whatever you wish, do (it) to the Daughter of the Great Lady."
16 These words are of Sauskamuwa,

17 son of Pendisenni, king of Amurru,
18 to Ammi~tamru, son of Niqmepa,
19 king of Ugarit.
20 Now, Sauskamuwa,
21 son of Pendisenni, king of Amurru,
22 had taken the Daughter of the Great Lady, who had committed a sin,
23 and he had given her
R 24 into the hands of Ammistamru, son of Niqmepa,
25 king of Ugarit.
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RS 17.286
26 Now, Ammistamru,
27 son of Niqmepa, king of Ugarit,
28 did whatever he wished
29 to the Daughter of the Great Lady.
30 Ammistamru, so[n of NiqmJepa,

31 king of Ugarit,
32 has given 1400 gold (shekels)
3 3 to Sauskamuwa, son of Pendisenni,
34 king of Amurru.
35 Should Sauskamuwa, son of Pendisenni, king of A[murjru,

36 go and say
3 7 to Ammistamru, son of Niqmepa,
3 8 king of Ugarit,
39 thus: "This gold is scanty, so
40 give more gold",
41 then this tablet will overcome him.
42 Seal of Sauskamuwa,
43 son of Pendisenni, king of Amurru.
RS 17.286
D 4644; PRU IV p. 180, pl. XXXIV
0 um-ma [LUJGAL KUR a-mur-ri

2 a-na LUGAL KUR 11-ga-ri-it
3 SES-ia qi-bi-ma
4 lu-11 fol-mu a-na mu[t-lti-ka

5 DINGIR.ME.~ a-na .fol-ma-ni PAB-rn-ka
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RS 17.286
6 a-nu-ma ERIN.MES-man-do.MES an-nu-tum

1 be-tu.MES LU.KUR sa a-bi-ka
8 1, a-bu-ka il-tap-ra
9 a-na mu!J-l1i 1ZAG .•5E.5
IO ma-a le-qa-su-nu a-na mub-l1i-ia
11 II sul-ma it-ti-su-nu-ma
12 lu-11 i-pa-as ,, 1ZAG .•5ES
I 3 il-te-qe-su-nu
14 11 a-na mub-bi a'(ZA)-bi-ka
15 um-ta-sir,-.fo-nu
16 sul-ma it-ti-su-n(u]
17 'i'-[t]e-pu-us
R
18 'i'-na-an-na a-na mub-[b]i-ka
19 il-la-ku ki-i-me-e
20 i-qab-bu-ni a-kan-na
21 i-na KASKAL-ni su-ku-un-su
22 >/GI<
0 Message of (the kling of Amurru:

2 To the king of Ugarit.
3 my brother, say:

5 May the gods guard you safely.
6 Here are those Ummanmanda,

7 the enemies of your father.
8 Your father had sent
9 to Pendisenni
10 thus: "Bring them to me.
II so that with them
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RS 17.318+349A
12 I shall make peace". So Pendisenni

13 took them
14 and sent them
15 to your father;
16 he made peace
l 7 with them.
R
18 Now they are going
19 to you. As
20 they say, settle
21 thus the affair promptly.
22 ...
RS l7.318+349A
D 4661; PRU IV pp. 144-146, pl. XLI
0 I' traces
2' Isa bil-fa-te r(a-ba-te te-ta-pa-as a-na ka-a-saf
3' (a-na-ku) a-di im-ma(-ti a.f-ha-ku
4' [11 aJ-na-~ur be-Ii bi-fli-ka
5' (a-nu-ufm-me-e DUMU.Mf Mf.ra-bi[-ti
6' (at-ta k]i-i lib-bi-ka e-pu-u(s-.fo10
7' (sum-mat lib-hu-ka u de.-ek-sa,.
8' 1 U1 sum-ma lib-bi-ka i-na l[ib-bi A AB-BAJ
9' ku-ru-ur-sa 1.-ma 11 J(um-ma
10' ki-i lib-bi-ka e-p[u-us DU MU.Mi Mf.ra-bi-til
11' a-ma-tum.ME.~ an-nu-tum .fo 1(dJ,~ •. TAR-mu-waJ
12' DUMU ZAG.SES LUGAL KUR a-mur-ri I? I
13' a-na mul1-{1i 1a-mi(Jf-tam-ri DUMU nf(q-me-paJ
14' LUGAL KUR URU.11-~a-ri-it( ?
15' ma-a a-nu-um-ma-me-e DUMU.Mf Mi.'ra'-(hJi-ti be-el-tum bi-fi-ka
83
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RS l7.318+349A
16' ki-i lib-bi-ka e-pu[-11.i'J-sa ..
l 7' ur-ra-am .i'e-ra-alm /aj-a i-tu-ur

18' Id1S1 .T.AR-m11-wa DUMU ZAG.'SE.~• (LUJGAL KUR a-mur-ri
19' u DUMU.MES Mf.ra-hi-ti i-na DI.ME.~-ti
20' it-ti 1a-mi.f-tam-ri DUMU niq-me-pa
21' LUGAL KUR URU.11-ga-ri-it
22' .i'um-ma DI.MES-ti mim-'ma' i-nam-mu.i'
R 23' u i-qa'(BA)-bi-11 ma-a mu-11/-/a .i'a US.ME.~ :da-mi
24' .i'a NIN-ti na-.i'i i(d(-nam-mi
25' ,, fup-pu an-m1-11 i-la-'-•e 1 -.i'u
26' .i'a-ni-tam .i'um-ma DU MU.MES Mf.ra-b[i-tji di-na mim-ma

27' i-na-mu-11.i' it-ti 1a-mi.i'-tam-ri DUMU niq-me-pa
28' LUGAL KUR URU.11-ga-ri-it
29' ,, DUMU.MES Mf.ra-hi-ti t11-11t-ta-ad-nu-.i'u-n11

30' i-na .~U-ti 1a-mis-tam-ri DUMU niq-me-p(a LUGAL KUR URU(. 1 11-ga-ri-it'
31' 11 fa ki-i e-ta-pa-a.i' a-na (DUMU.Mf Mf.ra-bi-ti(
32' a-kan-'na' e-pu-.i'u DUMU.MES Mf.r(a-bi-ti(
33' [,,? sum'1-ma? J11 d1,~•. TAR-nm'-wa DUMU ZAG.S[ES
0 l' ["Here is the Daughter of the Great Lady, your wife,J

2' (who has committed (g(reat s(ins( against you.(
3' l(As for) me,] how lonlg should I sitJ
4' (and gjnard !your( malefacto(r(s?
5' IHe(re is the Daughter of the Great Lad(y.]
6' l(As for) you, w(hatever you wish, do (it)l to her.]
7' llf] you wish, kill her;
8' if you wish, throw her
9' int[o the sea]. Wh[ateverj
10' you wish, dlo (it) to the Daughter of the Great Lady.")
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RS 17.318+349A
11' These words are of [Sauskamuwa,J

12' son of Pendisenni, king of Amurru, I(?)]
13' to Ammistamru, son of Ni[qmepa,J
14' king of Ugarit,[ (?)
l 5' thus: "Here is the Daughter of the Great Lady, your malefactress.
I 6' Whatever you wish, do (it) to her."
17' Hereafter Sauskamuwa.

18' son of Pendisenni, king of Amurru,
19' and the sons of the Great Lady
20' may not again be involved in legal action
21' against Ammistamru, son of Niqmepa, king of Ugarit.
22' Should he! bring any claims
R 23' and say: "Give us a compensation
24' for the blood of (our) sister!" -
25' then this tablet shall overcome him!.
26' Furthermore, in case the sons of the Great La[d]y prefer any
27' charges against Ammistamru, son of Niqmepa,
28' king of Ugarit:
29' Then you shall give the sous of the Great Lady
30' into the hands of Ammistamru, sou of Niqmep[a, king of ]Ugarit,
31' and whatever he did to (the Daughter of the Great Lady, I
32' thus shall be done to the sons of the Gr[eat Lady.I
33' [Should1 tSauskamuwa, son of Pendise(uni ...
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RS 17.372A+360A
RS 17.372A+360A
D 4695; PRU IV pp. 139-141, pl. LXll; photo: U,:aritirn Ill p. 34, fig. 44
0
l is-tu u4 -mi an-ni-i-im Id[S,.TAR-mu-wa
2 LUGAL KUR a-mur-ri DUMU 1ZAG.,~E.~ LUGAL KUR a-nmr-ri
3 it-ta-si DUMU.Mf Mf.ra-bi-ti 1 u it-ta-din-si
4 a-na SU-ti 1a-mis-tam-ri DUMU 1nfq-me-pa-a
5 LUGAL KUR URU.11-ga-ri-it
6 u a-kan-na iq-ta-bi um-ma-a Mi-tum si-it

1 a-na ka-a-.fo !Ji-if-fa ra-ba-a ti-i!J-te-{i
8 u a-na-ku a-di ma-ti as-ba-ak-ku
9 a-na na-~a-ri DAM-ka a-na-ku
l O na-$f-ir be-el l1i-i{-{i-ka
l l a-nu-ma DUMU.Mf Mf.ra-bi-ti sa-a
12 [Ii-if-fa ra-ba-a 'a'-na ka-a-sa te-te-pa-as
13 le-qe-si u la Jt-ta ki-i lib-b[i-ka
14 'e-pu-us-si' [sum-ma lib-biJ-ka i-na lib-b(i AAB.BAJ
15 (ku-ru-ur-U Jka at-t(a'!
16 J1KUR 1 'a'!'(-mur-ri (?)
R 1· nr
2' '1, 1[ I u l0-si-'r{11 -'.fo' mu-ul-la '11'-m(a-al-li-mal
3' i-na ,~U-'ti' •1a'-mis-tam-ri DUMU 1nfq-me-pa-a LUGAL KUR 11-gJa-rJi-it
4' i-na-din
5' sa-ni-tam ld/S,.TA.R-nm-wa LUGAL KUR a-mur-ri ,, 1a-mis'-tam-ri

6' LUGAL KUR u-ga-ri-it ,, DUMU.ME.~-.fo-nu SE.~-ut-ta
7' i-na be-ri-Ju-nu a-di da-ri-ti il-tak-nu
8' i-na u,-mi ki-i is-me 1a-mis-tam-ri DUMU 1nfq-me-pa

9' LUGAL KUR URU.11-ga-ri-it a-na DU MU.Mi Mf.ra-bi-ti
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RS 17.372A+360A
10' ki-i BA.VG, 1 li-im KU.GI DUG.GA ba-as-la

11' it-ta-din a-na ldJS,.TAR-mu-wa DUMU 1ZAG.SES LUGAL KUR a-mur-ri
12' NA,.Ki.~IB sa-a 1a-zi-ri LUGAL KUR a-mur-ri

13' u NA,.KiSIB sa ldJ,~1 .TAR-nm-wa LUGAL KUR a-mur-ri
0
From this day, Sauskamuwa,
2 kfog of Amurru, son of Pendisenni, k.ing of Amurru,
3 has taken the Daughter of the Great Lady and has given her
4 into the hands of Ammistamru, son of Niqmepa,
5 king of Ugarit.
6 He said thus: "That woman

7 has committed a great sin against you.
8 (As for) me, how long should I sit
9 to guard your wife? Am I
10 the guard of your malefactor!?
11 Here is the Daughter of the Great Lady, who
12 has committed a great sin against you.
13 Take her. (As for) ly]ou, whatever [you !wish,
14 do (it) to her. (lfl you (wish, throw herl
15 intlo the sea. ).. yo(u'!n
16 I Almurru?
R I'
2' 1 and? 1 ( )he will p[ay) tenfold compensation, (and]
3' give (it)
4' into the hands of Ammistamru, son of Niqmepa, king of Ug(arjit.
5' Furthermore, Sauskamuwa. king of Amurru, and Ammistamru,

6' k.ing of Ugarit, and their sons establish brotherhood
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RS 19.68
7' between them forever.
8' When Ammistamru, son of Niqmepa,

9' king of Ugarit, heard about the Daughter of the Great Lady
10' that she had died, he gave 1000 (shekels oO good refined gold
11' to Sauskamuwa, son of Pendisenni, king of Amurru.
12' Seal of Aziru, king of Amurru.

13' Seal of Sauskamuwa, king of Amurru.
RS 19.68
D 5053; PRU N pp. 284-286. pis. LXXXVl-LXXXVU;
photos: Ugaritica IV p. 94, fig. 73; Ugaritica V pp. 650-653, figs. 23-23C
0
is-tu u.-mi an-ni-i-im
2 lnfq-ma-dJSKUR LUGAL URU.u-ga-rli-)'it'I.KJI
3 11 la-zi-rn LUGAL KUR MAR.T[U.K)l
4 ma-mi-tam i-na be-ri-su-nu
5 i-te-ep-su-nim DI.ME.~-tum
6 so 1a-zi-ri UGU KUR u-ga-ri-it.Kl
1 so pa-no-nu so <1>nfq-me-pa7
8 so UGU 1a-mi-is-tam-ra Jo ldf,~KUIR)-ia.
9 so UGU 1nfq-ma-dlf)SKUR so UGU 1iR-d[,e-bat
10 so UGU 'URU'.sf-ia-ni.Kl
11 (i]-na u.-mi ma-mi(-tJu so-ak-na-at
12 [/Ju ul-ta-ab-ba-ru so gcib-ba Dl.M ES-ti
13 [k)i-ma rd UTU-si' za-ka-ti za-ki-ma
14 [lJa-zi-ru V[GJU 1nfq-ma-dJSKUR
15 [u?, IJR_dr t,e'-bat U(GJU KUR '11-ga?•-ri?-<it>[.KJI
16 [,,?] U[GJU 'URU'[.sJ(-ia-ni.K[J)
17 [s)a-ni-tam 5 'li'[-ilm KU.BABBAR-pu
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RS 19.68
18 ln]a1-din i-na SU.MElSJ 1a-z[i-rji

19 r 1111 za-ki ki-i-ma dU[TfU-si
R 20 [s)a-ni-tam sum-ma LUGAL i-ba-as-si
21 l.!'Ja nu-k,,r-ta e-pa-as it-ti
22 [L]UGAL KUR URU.u-ga-ri-it.Kl
23 1a-zi-n, qa-du GIS.GIGIR.Mlt.~-su ERllNJ.Mli.~-su
24 it-ti LU.KUR-ia im-ta-na-[w-a[~I
25 (scribe's era~ure?) sum-ma ERIN[.JMES SA.[GA)Z
26 KUR-i[a i]l1-ta-na-bi-tu.-nim
27 1a-zi-ru qa-du GIS.GIGIR.:MES
28 qa-du ERIN.MES it-ti LU.KUR-ia
29 liJm-ta-na-[w-a~ sum-ma
30 i-na lib-bi KUR-ia d,,'-lu-'u[,-tum'
31 1a-zi-ru GIS.Gl(GJIR.MES-su ERIN.MES-su
32 [a-Jna re-~u-ti-ia il-la-a(kJ
33 l.!'Ja-ni-tam 1s(-za-ru-w1a iR 'LUGAL'

34 •11 1 URU'.u-si-na-(tji?.K(I) sa 'LUGAL1J
35 sum-ma 1st-za-ru-w'1a nu-kur-ta
36 it-ti LU(GA )L-ri i-na-' ki1 1 -ir
37 1a-'zi'-ru qa-du GIS.GllGIRJ.MElSJ-su lERINJ.MlEJS[-sJu
38 [i)t-ti Ir s{'-za-ru-w1(a I im-' ta-na-t,a'-la I~
39 [sa-Jnli-Jtam 30·1 'KU.BABBAR'l ib?, x ( J x
40 ] 1 1,? 40? KU.BABBAR 1 id1-din 1•
41 nJa1 URU11 )Kl1(
42 [i-na Ju,-mi ma-mi-tum .fo-alk-na-at
43 l ma-Jan-nu-um-me-e
0 44 I Jis-tu ma-mi-tam(
L 45 -Ja-te a-ma-ti an-ni-ti J[a'1
46 I .fo 'ma'-mi-ti 'u' dUTU-si u.-mi [?J :su-wa-ti[?J
47 ]-.fo li-'ii"-ku-ku
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RS 19.68
0
I From this day.
2 Niqmaddu, king of Ugar[i]t,
3 and Azim, king of Amurr[u],
4 have made a treaty between
5 them. The claims
6 of Azim against Ugarit,
7 (those) of the past, of Niqmepa7
8 against Ammistamm; of Ba'luya
9 against Niqmaddu, against Abdihebat,
IO against Siyannu,
11 when this treaty is established,
12 they are definitely being cancelled. As far as Niqmaddu
13 and Abdihebat, and Ugarit 7
14 [and? SJiyannu are concerned,
15 Azim is as pure as the pure sun
I 6 with regard to all the claims.
17 [Fu Jrtbermore. 5(X)() ( shekels of) silver
18 have been given to Az[irju,
l 9 'and'h be is pure like the s[ uJn.
R 20 Furthermore, if there is any king
21 [w]ho will make war with
22 [the kJing of Ugarit,
23 Azim, with his chariots (and) his troops,
24 will fight against my enemy.
25 If the troops of the Apim
26 raid repeatedly my territory,
27 Azim with chariots
28 (and) with troops will fight
29 against my enemy. If
30 there is a riot within my country,
31 Azim, his chariots (and) his troops,
90
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RS l9.68
32 will comLe t]o help me.
3 3 [Fu ]rthermore, Sizzaruw?a is a servant of the 'king',

34 and Usna[t7Ju belongs to the 'king'1.J
35 lf Sizzaruw 7a
36 becomes an enemy to the ki[n]g,
37 Aziru, with his clhariotls (and) Lhi]s [troop]s,
38 will fight [a]gainst Sizzaruw 71aJ.
39 [FurtJh[erJmore, I J gave 7 30'! (shekels of) silver'! .. [ J..
40 Jand? 40? (shekels of) silver'!.
41 J. (GN 7)L
42 [W]hen the treaty is estlablished
43 l(?) wjhoever
0 44 I(?) I from the treaty[
L 45 Js this matter? whLich'l
46 I of? the treaty 'and 71 the son-god. That day
47 I his l ] may they crush?.
Comments:
11. 12-16: Lit. "Concerning all the claims. Azim is pure like the pure sun flolr
Niqmaddu [and?, Abdibebat, (as well as) flo]r Ugarit7 (and 7 1for LSJiyannu."
I. 15: Kiihne ( 1971: 369 n. 5) read UGU instead of 11. but this seems to ignore the
parallelism in the contents. which suggests that Abdibebat is the ruler of Siyannu.
just as Niqmaddu is the ruler of Ugarit (cf. also I. 9).
I. 30: The reading d1,!-fu-'ul1-tum' was first suggested by Kiihne (1971: 369 n. 7).
This reading bas later been confirmed by van Soldt (1983b: 694).
l. 33: Kiihne (1971: 370 n. 10) suggested reading iR-d[u,, but the traces as copied by
Nougayrol do not seem to support this suggestion.
l. 34: This reading has been suggested by Kiihne 1971: 370; see also van Soldt
1983b: 694.
11. 39-40: The reading and translation of these lines follow suggestions by W. van
Soldt (p.c.), based on his collation of the text.
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I. 47: For this transliteration and translation of the verb, cf. AHw: 1304a s.v. takiiku.
Van Soldt 1983b: 694 suggested, albeit hesitantly, .li-id-g115 ,-lu.
RS 20.33
D 5290; U11a,-itica Voo. 20, pp. 69-79; copy: pp. 380-381;
photos: pp. 641-649, figs. 22-22G
0 a-na sar-ri be-[li-iJa qf-bf-ma

2 um-ma 1su-mi-i[t'!- JiR-ka-ma a-na GiR.MES >ia< be-U-ia am-qut
3 mi-i-n11 i-na-an-n[a -lie.MES an-n11-ut-ti sa be-lf-ia
4 SQ i-te-ne-ep(-pll-ll ls-fo-nu is-Ill si11-ma-an Sll-Wa-ti
5 a-na be-U-ia as-t[a-naJm-par Sll-U$-#-s11-mi 3 ta-pal GIS.GIGJR.MES
lik-ta-an-ni-na
6 II /11-u as-b[11-J'nim' D[l+D/S?-t;'! lli-is-ra i-na [ral-ba.Kl ki-i-me
fo-fo-rn-nim
7 a-di sa[ Ji-il-/11-11-nim ar-[1i-is
8 bJe?-lf SIGs-iq-mi i-na-an-na
9 11s-te-er-r[i-bu-nim SA.GAL.MES u ERIN.ME.~ til-la-ta
10 an-n Ju-Ill-ti ma-an-nu i-na-an-na sur-rn-um-ma
II l'i'-nu-ma SA.GAL.MES 11 ERIN.ME.~ til[-/Ja-ta
12 B JAD-su-nu ik-su-du-nim a[-na [mu-ti-i-im
13 i-bal-Jlu-(11-nim-me-e u a-i-ki-a-am lu-u-ul-lik
14 111? i-na-an-na(?) sur?-ru?-lum-ma la a-kas-sa-ad-fo-nu e-'mu'-uq-qa-am
15 [is?-tu? ITJl.5.ijA a[n-nu-)u i-nu-ma i-na KUR MAR.TU.Kl as-ba-k[uJ
16 u 'a-na'-a$-$a-ar-fo-nu u.-ma-am 11 mu-sa-am
11 u ki-a-am a-na-a$-$a-ar-su-nu KASKAL-ni-fo-nu ni-ri-ba-te.M ES-.fo-nu
18 a-na-a$-'$a'-ar-su-nu BAR GJS.GJGJR.MES-ia i-na a-bi AAB.BA sa-k{n
19 11 BAR Gl[S.GlGIR.MES-Jia i-na i-ir-ti ij[UJR.SAG li-ib-la-ni so-kin-ma
20 u a-na-ku i-na ra-ma-ni-ia-ma 11[/-l)a-'11111 i-na t11-sa1,-ri as-bti-k11
21 zi-i-n11 i-za-an-ni-nu k11-11p-pu i-il-la-ak
22 u ni-i-nu la ni-paf-far u ki-i i-na-an-na 'i-n11'-ma i-na I-en 11.-mi
23 k11-11p-pu da-a-an 11 ip-f11-rn-nim LU.MES na-a$-$i-rn-te.MES
24 u la ni-i-de4-su-nu i-n11-ma 11s-te-er-ri-bu-nim
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25 SA.GAL.MES 1, ERIN.MES til-la-ta be-If mi-i-nu i-na-an-na >an<

26 nlll-U$-$U-ia sa ia-ti is-tu an-ni-ki-a-am
27 i-nu-ma is-tu ITI.5./jA ku-11$-$11 i-ik-kal-an-ni
28 (Gl,tGIGIR.MES-i(a '.fr-eh'-nt-nim AN,5E.ME,5.KURRA-ia mi-tu,-nim 11
ERIN.MES-ia [w-liq
29 [u a-na-ku an 1-ni1-k)i-'a'-am lu-11 as-ha-ku-mi lu-11-ma-al-li-mi ITl.9.{IA
30 (/11-11-ma-al-li-mi(?) M[U.KAM 1, li-ig-mu-nt-nim I-en-ma ze-ra-ni-ia
31 I i-na(?) ['pa'-ni pa-ni-i-im-ma
32 I tx-'IK11 be-If a-na-ku aq-bi i-na sA-ia
33 Ix (ble-U-ia
C. 30 lines missing
R l' l'i-na MU'[

2' )i-1Ul MU SU T[l
3' pa 7-)11i-ia a-[1i A.AB.BA a(-
4' ]a$-bat-.fo 11 11s-te-er-ri-b11-' nim'
5' a?-n[a i-di URU.ar-da-at.Kl
6' [1f! it'!-ta'1-na]m'!-[1e-nt-11im >GIS< LU.ME.5-ia i-na qa-bal mu-si
7' (u i-ilp-pu-.fo-nim ta-[w-za-am i-na bi-ri-.fo-1111
8' u i-ib-bu-ku-su-nu LU.ME.5-ia II is-pu-ku-su-nu
9' u-nu-te.ME.5-su-nu 11 SAGDU-su-nu i-11a dan-1111-ut-ti-ma
lO' us-te-q-$11-nim u l-en LU-lum is-tu bi-ri-su-1111 i$-bat-tii-nim
11' u as-ta-na- 71-al-.fo as-sum .Mr KUR mi-i$-ri.Kl um-ma su-ma
12' sar KUR mi-i$-l"i.Kl U-U$-$f-mi II za-ka,-am ll-U$-$f-mi
13' i-na UD.E.~.E.5 sa i-il-/a-kam u-nu-te.ME.5-su i-nam-mu-su-nim
14' ll sar-n, is-tu EGJR 1,-1111-te.MES U-U$-$a-am-mi
15' u li-wa-\-ir .Mr-ru ERIN.MES-bu u Gl.5.GIGIR.ME.5 sa i-il-lu-u
16' Dl+DI.~-ti li-is-ra as-surx-ri ya-mu-ut-ta-am
17' .Mr KUR mi-i$-ri.Kl i-kas-sa-ad-mi 11 'e'[-mu-u]q-qa-am
18' la ni-kas-sa-ad-mi as-surx-ri sar KUR mi-i$[-ri].Kl
19' ll-U$-$a-am la u-u$-$a-am 11 ERIN.ME.~ pi-if-(a[-Jat-te.MES-ma s11-11-ut
20' fa II-U$-$a-am u a-kas-sa-ad e-mu-uq-<qa>-am
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21' u li-sa-am-mi-id-mi sar-ru ERIN.MES-bu uGIS.GIGIR.MES

22' ki-i-me-e (ni-Jip-pu-us it-ti-su ta-lw-za-am
23' 1, ni-kas-sa-ad e-mu-uq-qa-am sum-ma i-na-an-na
24' ERIN.MES pi-if-fa-te.ME.5-ma su-11-ut .fo u-u~-~a-am
25' II la-a la-ad-du-uk it-ti-su II lu-11 i-de,-su be-lf-ia
26' i-nu-ma i-na MU.KAM MU.KAM-ti-ma it-ta-na-a~-~a-am
27' i-nu-ma i-na 114 -mi-sa-am-ma a-na mu-11[1-[1i-ni it-ta-nam-bal
28' 11 lu-11 ni-i~-bat i-na-an-na sur-ru-11m-ma si 17 -im-qa-am it-ti-su
29' ki-i-me-e i-mar-ru-ur i-na .fo-ni-fo a-$i-i-su
30' u sum-ma i-11a-a11-di11 DINGIR.MES a-na SU-ti-ni
31' 1, lu-11 ni-ra-a!J-[1i-i~ UZU.DUR-su i-na Kl.BAR
32' 1, i-~am-me-ru-nim l-en ze-ra-ni-ia
0 I To the king, m(y lo]rd, say:

2 Message of ~umi(t 7--( your servant: At the feet of my lord I fall.
3 What, now, are these [ Js of my lord,
4 that he has been do(i (ng"! Since this last (month of) Sivan
5 I have been writing to my lord: "Send him forth! Three pairs of chariots are to
be maintained,
6 so that they may be settled. May he send'1 .. ( J to t(alba as soon as they are
ready.
7 Until I [they wilt'1 stand forth quickly
8 [my? (l[ord'I, be nice." Now.
9 have adm[itted supplies and auxiliary troops
10 the[se I ]. Who, surely now,
11 ]that supplies and auxiliary troops
12 [their I I arrived. For death
13 [they (will l]ive! So where am I to go?
14 (Surelly[ now] I shall not (be able to) overpower them by force.
15 [It is for] 5 (mo]nths n(o[w that I have been settled in Amurru,
16 and I guard them day and night.
I 7 I guard them thus: their roads and their entrances
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I 8 I guard; half of my chariots are stationed at the coast,

19 and half of my c[hariots) are stationed in front of the Lebanon Mountain.
20 and I. personally, am settled there, on the plain.
21 Rains are falling, the pond('s water) runs.
22 but we do not leave. But if, now, one day
23 the pond overflows. then the guardsmen will leave,
24 and we shall not know whether they will have admjtted
25 supplies and auxiliary troops. My lord, what is. then,
26 my outlet from here?
27 Now. for 5 months the cold has been gnawing me,
28 mly chariots) are broken. my horses are dead, and my troops are lost;
29 [still, II insist on staying lhe)re'!. I wish I had completed 9 months(' term),
30 If? wish J? had 7 completed'1 a ylear('s term), so that my enemies would be once
and for all anruhllated.
31 flormerJy? always?
32 ].. My lord, I said in my heart
33 1-- my lord
C. 30 lines missing
R I' lin a7 year 7(

2' Jin a'1 year? ... [
3' Jmyl fa Ice? (at1) the sea shore -1
4' ]1 1 captured? him. They had admitted
5' l (forces 7) inlto the vicinjty of Ardat.
6' 1Then 7] my men [were atta)cked Lover and over again I in the middle of the
night,
7' [and I a battle was lw]aged between them.
8' and my men drove them out. and heaped up
9' their equipment and their property. It was within the fortress that
l O' they were fighting; and one man among them was captured,
11' and I interrogated Wm about the king of Egypt. He (said) thus:
12' "The king of Egypt is going forth, but he is going unaccomparued.
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13' In the coming Essesu-day his equipment will be moving,

14' and the king will come after the equipment."
15' So, may the king send troops and chariots that will stand forth,
16' may he send? ...... Heaven forbid that the king of Egypt
I 7' should arrive quickly; then we shall not (be able to) overpower (him)
18' by force. Heaven forbid that the king of Egypt
19' should come forth! Should he not come forth, and it is the p(!t-troops
20' that come forth, then I shall (be able to) overpower (them) by force.
21' So, may the king assign troops and chariots,
22' in order that (we] (can) fight against them
23' and (will be able to) overpower (them) by force. If, now,
24' it is the p(!t-troops that come,
25' and I do not fight with them, then be it known to my lord
26' that every year they will come out here,
27' that every day he will keep sending (troops) against us.
28' Hence, we must surely now get in contact with them,
29' (just) as they start their departures again.
30' And if the gods permit us,
31' then we shall smash his belly? in the enemy's'! country'!,
32' and once and for all my enemies will be annihilated.
Comments:
*For an extensive treatment of this text, see lzre'el l 988 and especially lzre'el and
Singer 1990. where a full commentary is presented. Here I have limited myself to
some important comments on the transliteration, and to some new observations
since the publication of my l 988 paper. As Izre'el and Singer 1990 is the result of
our research following the preparation of this book for publication, the edition of
the General's Letter presented here is, in some respects, outdated. Also, some
linguistic and orthographic features attested in this text have been reinterpreted and
new insights have been introduced. These new ideas could not be incorporated in
this study of Amurru Akkadian.
I. 2: 1.fo-mi-i(t?- ): The third syllabic sign can be interpreted as the first half of either
JD or/. While in Izre'el 1988 I followed Nougayrol's suggestion in Ugaritica V to
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read the General's name as a Semitic PN, namely .fomi[yan11 J (cf. Grondahl 1967:
52, 194), I have now changed my mind, and prefer a reading with the sign i[t. This
view tends towards a non-Semitic interpretation of this name, and has emerged
from my recent awareness that the sender of this letter was despatched to the
Amurru region from the north, i.e., from a non-Semitic milieu.
II. 21, 23: k11pp11 usually means "pond" rather than "spring" (CAD: K: 550-551 ).
l. 23: The sign# in na-a$-$i-ru-te.MES is confirmed by the cuneiform copy, as well

as by the published photographs. Nougayrol's $f is a printing error (copied also by
Rainey 1971: 132).
l. 25: Even if an n closing a final syllable is attested for some Akkadian particles and
pronominals, I would rather regard the last AN sign as superfluous. This may be the
result of the abundance of na-an sequences in this text. (Otherwise Nougayrol
1968: 71 n. 13; Berger 1970: 285.)
11. 30, 32': For the transliteration ze-ra-ni-ia, see 1.15.
l. 5': The restoration of ana instead of ina (as in Nougayrol 1968: 72) was suggested
by Rainey (1971: 134-5, 139).
l. 16': At the beginning of this line (as well as in I. 6, restored) Nougayrol (I 968: 73)
read tex-dis-ti (which can now be transliterated te,.-dis-ti, see AS3: no. 266). My
arguments against this reading have been stated in lzre'el 1988: 166.
11. 16'-20': The syntactic parsing and interpretation of this passage has been suggested
to me by Moran (p. c.). This rendering not only confirms the translation of assurri
as "heaven forbid" rather than a negative "perhaps" (4.1.1 ), but also solves the old
crux U$$Om Iii U$$Olll. The word-string ll$$Om la 11Ham was formerly translated as an
expression denoting "sortant sans sortir" (Nougayrol 1968: 73 n. 7) or "vacillates
from coming" (Rainey 1971: 135, 140). The translation given above separates this
string into two units, of which the second is conceived as denoting an unmarked
conditional protasis.
11. 19'-20'; 24'ff: Note that ERIN.ME.~ "troops" has singular agreement in this text (cf.
3.3.2.l).
II. 19', 21 ': For the term "p(jt troops", see the comment on EA 166: 4, p. 46 above.
l. 28': Following Nougayrol (1968: 74 n. 2), I take si 11(Sl)-im-qa-am as if derived

from sant1qu (i.e., < sinqam). Another possible rendering for the idiom simqa(m)
$Obiitu may be "to put pressure on" or the like (cf. CAD: S: s.v. saniiqu).
L 31': For ralui$U "smash, smite", see Rainey 1979: 159-160; also lzre'el 1988: 174.
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In the rendering of the complex UZU.DUR-su I have now returned to Nougayrol's

suggestion, i.e., to read abunnatu for UZU .DUR (for the meaning, cf. CAD: A,: 89;
for the Sumerogram, cf. Labat 1976: 89 no. 108). As for the complex Kl.BAR, in
lzre'el 1988: 168 I proposed the rendering "enemy's country" as a second
possibility. I now tend to prefer this to any other understanding of this difficult,
otherwise unattested expression (cf. Nougayrol 1968: 74 n. 5, who raised tbe
possibility of reading Kl.MES '"zone mitoyenne(?) frontiere(?)' d'Amurru"). These
signs hence stand for either er:;etu al1itu "foreign country" or er:;et al1f "enemy's
country" (cf. CAD: A,: 191a s.v. a[,itu and p. 213a s.v. al1ii respectively).
RS 20.162
D 5334; U garirirn V no. 37, pp. 115- I 16; copy: p. 390: photo: p. 691. fig. 27
0 a-na LUGAL KUR-ti 11-ga5-[rJi-ti

2 EN-ia q{-bi-ma
3 um-ma 1pcir-:;i iRl-ka
4 'a-na' GiR.ME.~ EN-ila am-qutf
5 [/u-1, J'su/ 1 [-mu a-na mul1-l1i-kal
6 IEIN-ia ki-'i' LUGAL KUR.'ME.~ a-mur-ri'
7 1,-lu a-kcin-na a-na pa-ni-ka
8 aq-fix-bi ma-a ki-i
9 fe-ma sa-a LU.KUR DUR.ME.~
10 tal-te-me u a-na KUR.ME.~-ia
I I su-pur 1-me? 11 i-na-an-11a
12 EN-Ii am-mi-nim
E 13 la-a al-tap-ra
14 a-na mul1-bi-11i
R 15 a-na a-ma-te LU.'KUR' DUR.ME,~
16 ki-i tal-te-me
17 sa-ni-tam EN-ia
18 KUR.MES a-mur-ri 11 KUR.MES u-ga-ri-te
19 I xen-ma su-nu
20 stim-ma EN-ia (e-ma tal-te-me
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21 a-na LU.KUR DUR.ME.~,, EN-ia

22 a-na m11[1-[,i-ia /11-1,
23 al-tap-ra EN-l[i
24 a-nu-ma a-na-k11 a({!-tap7-ra'! ma'1-a 7J
E 25 GI.tMA.ME.~ sa-a IGI.ME.~-11[i 7
26 /11 ,,-mas-sar a-na a-ma-r(i-kcf
27 1, EN-ia lu-u i-de[,]
0 To the king of Ugarit,

2 my lord, say:
3 Message of Par~u, (your] servant[:
4 At the feet of m(yl lord [l fall.I
5 (May it be )we[ll with you.I
6 My [lo[rd, has the king of Amurru not
7 said thus unto
8 you: "When
9 you hear anything about the alien
10 enemies, write
11 to my countries"? Now,
12 sir, why
E 13 have you not written
14 to us
R 15 about the alien enemies
16 that you had heard of!
17 Furthermore, my lord,
18 the lands of Amurru and the lands of Ugarit,
19 they are indeed one.
20 If you hear a word
21 about the alien enemies, then my lord
22 should write to
23 me. Si[r,
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24 now J? (write? thus 7:J

E 25 I am indeed sending for [your) use[ (?)
26 the ships which are under o[ur?J responsibility.
27 May my lord kno[w.l
Comments:
ll. 9, 15, 21: The possibility of reading DUR (= a[,ii or the like, meaning "hostile,
alien") was first noted by Berger ( 1970: 288) (cf. CAD: A,: 189b, and especially
210a, 213a). The sign complex should hence be rendered nakre a[111te or the like. l
prefer "alien" to "hostile" in this context, as it seems to form a better collocation
with "enemy". It thus seems that the addressee is referred to an enemy from a
foreign country, which is located outside of both the Ugarit and Amurru regions.
I. 13: Lit. "has he (sic) not written" (for the person morpheme, see 2.4.1.1).
I. 25-26: For IGI.ME.~-ni = ma[,rini, see 4.5 s.v. ma[,ru. ana amiirika meaus lit. "your
looking", "your observation".
Bo 65a+282a
KBo 28, no. 54
0 I a-na Mi.LUGAL GAL GIAISAN-ia q11-bi-mal

2 um-ma 1ZAG.SES iR-ki
3 a-na GiR.ME.~ GA.~AN-ia 2-s,i 1-slii am-qui]
4 GASAN-ia 1Bi-ba-as-Tu 4 qa[-du? 1PN.1)

5 11 1Zi-nu-u-Bi LU.DUMU[.KIN.ME.~1-ri-k;?[
6 i-na KUR URU.a-mur-ri ik[-ta-sa-ad]
1 u GASAN-ia lu-u i-de4-s(u 1
8 traces
9 i-na[
10 um-ma-'a' traces
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I I ba'! -tum? a-~a-i la-' a'!, I

12 1Pa-!Ja-as-Tu4 •11 71 [
13 sa-a-si-ma a-na x[
14 um-ma-a is-tu URU.t,a-x(
15 a-na a-~la-]i LUGAL KUR mi-il~-ri
16 a-nae-re-bi LUGAL KUR [
17 u 1Be-!Ja-as-Tu4 'LUGAL 11 K[UR 1
18 (uJm-ma-a as-sum a-ma-(ti1
19 s]a? LU[
R l' traces
2' ZAG.MES sa[

3' ma-an-nu-[me 1-e1
4' u is-tu I
5' a-bi dUT[U-si
6' it-tall-ka
7' 't;'/•[
8' x 'ma 1• it-I
9' [?] a-na Kl[
10' 11-za-ak-kil
0 I To the great q(uJeen, my lady, s(ay:(

2 Message of Pendisenni, your servant:
3 At the feet of my lady twice seven ti[mes I fall.)
4 My lady, Pbasdu wi[th'1 .... J

5 and Zinubi, [your 7] messenger[s,)
6 [have] ar[rivedJ in Amurru.
7 May my lady know i[t 7.
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8
9 in?I
10 thus: [
11 without? going out I J not(
12 Phasdu and?[
13 that one to? .. [
14 thus: "From G[N
I 5 for the departure of the king of Eg[ypt
16 for the entrance of the king of (
17 and Phasdu (wrote'! to'11the king? of? I
18 (tJhus: "Concerning the matt(er
19 otf? .. (
R l'
2' the borders? of?
3' who[ever?
4' Since? [
5' my father, my Sulnl-Godl
6' has com(e
7' .. (
8' ... (
9' ((?)J to .. (
10' will release?(
Rest of reverse uninscri bed
Comments:
11. 4, 12, 17: For the reading of the name as Phasdu, see vol. l, the end of 1.8.
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Bo 141m
KBo 8,no. 16
0 1 'a'-na dlJTU-si LUGAL GAL E[N-ia q(-bi-maJ

2 um-ma 1ZAG .•~ES [iR-ka
3 a-na GiR.ME.~ EN-ia 2-Sll '1'1-su am-qutl
4 a-nu-ma i-na KUR a-mur-'ri' traces

5 sa-a dUTU-si 'EN"h-ia traces
6 EN-If 1Be-ba-as-Du '' 1iR-I

1 U).DUMU.KJN-ri fa dUTU EN-[ia
8 'LU.DUMU.KlN'-ri so 'LUGAL KUR' mi-ii'[-r;?
9 Jx 'i-na'[ Ix[
10-12 traces
R l' rd UTU-si' LUGAL GAL fa-a traces
2' u ki-i EN-ia is-pu-ra um-ma-a 1m-dul

3' a-lm-ka i-na KUR ar-sa-wa it-tal-ka '1l°11 [
4' it-ti <lUTU-si i-na KI.KAL.BAD fe,-ma xi
5' EN-I( a-na-ku la-a [w-di-ia-k[1?
6' e-nu-ma it-ti <lUTU-si EN-ia x[
1' i-na-an-na 'ki-i-me-e' a-ma-at[
8' 11-za-ak-ki a-'na? mu[l?•-[r;? EN-ila
0 l To the Sun-God, the great king, [my! lo[rd, say:]

2 Message of Pendisenni [your servant: I
3 At the feet of my lord twice seven[ times I fall.J
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4 Now. in Amurru l
5 of the Sun-God, my lord 7 l
6 My lord, P!Jasdu and iR[ ...

7 the messenger of the Sun-God, [my] lord [ and 7
8 the messenger of the king of Egy[pt 7
9[ J•• in 7[ J.l
I 0-12 traces
R I' the Sun-God, the king, my lord, who 7 [
2' As the king wrote thus: "When[

3' your father came to Arsawa, then'![
4' [he 7 [ the matter? with the Sun-God in the 7 campaign."
5' My lord, I am not glad[
6' when with the Sun-God, my lord .. [
7' now, as the word 7 of[
8' I released 1 towards 7 m[yJ lord[
I. 6: For the reading of the name as P!Jasdu, see vol. I, the end of 1.8.
I. 5': Erasure at the beginning of this Line.
Bo 151a
KBo 28. DO. 55
0 [a-na] MfLUGAL GAL [GASAN-ia qi-bi-ma[

2 [uJm-ma 1ZAG .•~E.~ [}R-kiJ
3 [aJ-na GiR.MES GA.~AN-ia [2-.M 7-su am-qut]
4 l Jx I u-lu-li-ia LI 01
5 (;?t-tJap-par um-ma-a LUGAL K[UR 7
104 I
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Bo 1024u
6 ]-mi u x[
7 traces
0 (ToJ the great queen, (my lady, say:J

2 [MJessage of Pendisenni, [your servant: I
3 [A)t the feet of my lady (twice seven times I fall.)
4 l ).. Ululiya .(.

5 [has 7 s)ent thus: "The king of .. (
6 I .. and .. [
7
Bo 1024u
KBo 28, no. 56
0 a-na dUTU-si LUGAL GAL EN-ia[ qf-hi-ma)

2 um-ma 1ZAG.SES iR-[kJa (?I
3 a-na GiR.MES EN-ia 2-s[r, 7-sr, am-qut)
4 EN-If a-nu-ma ul-t1, 1[

5 11 a-na ma-ad kal-la (.fof?-111;?
6 un-du EN-ia is-t(u

1 11 a-na pa-ni 1x[
8 i-na-an-na E(N1
9 11-ul na[m1
R l' traces
2' )x x.RA1.MES sa-a it-ti 1x(
3' •;""-ta-'ra? 1 -su u EN-ia a-kan-n[a
4' i-na EGIR-ki la a-sap-par a-sar[
l05
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Bo 1024u
5' EGIR-'ki1 iR-su la-a is-pu-ra a-slar 1
6' as-sum iR.MES-su sa-a 1in-Ta-ra-wLa 1

7' EN-U a-na SES-su sa-a 1in-Ta-rla-wa1
8' al-kam-mi ip-fi-ri sa iR.MES-kLa1
9' a-na-ku GIS.MAR.GfD.DA.ME.~-ia a-~a-ba-at Lr, 1
IO' 11-se-bal-fo-nu u sum-ma 1in-Ta-ra-wLa 1
l l' u i-na u,-mi u,-mi-im-ma su-mi-ia •a 1•1-
l 2' i-'dab 1 -bu-•ba 1•-a-su EN-ia i-se-em-me-su x(
E 13' EN-lf as-sum dan-nu-te.MES sa-a 1ia-ar-ra-L((f!

14' dlJTU-si EN-ia al-tap-par u EN-ia fc 4 -ma( la(-a) 11-tc-ra(?)I
15' i-na-an-na EN-ia fc,-ma lu-u te-er-ra xi
16' ll sum-ma a-na sa-su-11-ma ,.11-(
L 17' EN-ia un-du 1ia-(a,:!_ra?-u)?
0 To the Sun-God, the great king, my lord(, say:J

2 Message of Pendisenni, your servant:
3 At the feet of my lord twic(e seven times I fall.J
4 My lord, now, since1(

5 and for very much (well'/ being'!
6 When my lord [ ] fro[m

7 and in the presence of P( N
8 Now, [my 1] lo[rd1
9 not .. [
R I'
2' (.. (. horses1 which with P(N
:v will'/ retum1 to1 him. My lord thu(s
4' afterwards I shall not write to1(
106 I
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Bo 1179v
5' after his servant he did not write tlo?
6' Concerning the servants of lndaraw[a

7' My lord, come I (?) I to the brother of
8' lndar[awa. J the ransom of yo[ur 7J servants
9' I will take my wagons land?
10' send them. Should lndaraw[a'I
11' and someday f?( I my name?
12' (he) will speak to him, my lord will listen to him .. [
E 13' My lord, concerning the fortresses of Yarrazilti,

14' I have written [to'II the Sun-God, my lord, but my lord lhas not sent(?)[ a
reply.
15' Now, my lord, please send a reply .. I
16' If to him he/I [will? ...
L 17' My lord, when Yalrraziti'1
Bo 1179v
KBo 28, no. 58
0 I, traces
2' l' 11 ZAG.SE.~ xi
3' z1u? PA zu1 URU xi

4' II ]b' 1-Ju u ki[-;?
5' l,x UTU 1-si'1 a'!,[
0 I'
2' ]Pendisenni .[
3' I ... G[N 1

4' j .. him and sinlce?
5' ].. the? Sun-God? .. I
I 107
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Bo 1772c
Bo 1772c
KBo 28, no. 53
0 '.a'-na dlJTU-Ji LUGAL G[AL EN-ia qi-bi-ma)

2 [11mHmla 1ZAG.SES /tR-ka
3 [E]N-li a-n11-ma ii-

4 II ma-ad ka-la[ su(! -1111,'!
5 11n-d11 dUTU-Ji(
6 !races
R l' NfG'! uo·! x X x 'maa' x XI?
Rest of reverse uninscribcd
0 To the Sun-God, the gr[eat king, my lord, say:)

2 [Messa]ge of Pendisenni, your servmlt:
3 My [lo]rd, now .. [
4 and very much[ well'! being'!
5 When the Sun-Godl

6
R 1'
108 I
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APPENDICES
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APPENDIX!
SIGNLIST
The following is a list of all the signs occurring in tbe Amurru corpus. The list is
organized according to sign number (according to Borger 1978 and AS
respectively), and followed by the sign names as given in Borger 1978: 376-411.
Within each entry syllabic values come first, logographic values follow. Attestations
are cited only for rare values or when only a few occurrences of tbe specific sign or
value are attested within the corpus. Whenever a discrete value of a sign occurs only
in part of the corpus or where it is specific for one or various subcorpora only, this is
indicated by means of the following abbreviations:
Corp = this value is attested throughout the whole Amurru corpus; Am = in texts
from the Amarna subcorpus; Aa = in the letters of Abdiasirta; Az = in texts from the
Aziru period, including EA 169 and EA 170 unless specified otherwise; Bo = in the
Pendiselllli letters from Boghazki:iy; Ug = in texts from the Ugarit subcorpus, not
including RS 19.68 (the Aziru-Niqmaddu accord) and the General's Letter; Gen =
the General's Letter (RS 20.33).
When the sign "-" (minus) appears to the left of a designation for either a
(sub )corpus or a tablet, this indicates that the following subcorpus or tablet(s) are to
be excluded from the larger (sub)corpus of which the notation has been given to the
right of the minus symbol. For example, the notation "Az -EA 169, EA 170" means
that the sign is used to denote a certain value in the Aziru letters, but not in EA 169
and EA 170, where an alternative sign is used for the same value. The absence of
corpus sigla for a certain sign or value marks either a common Akkadian value in
general, or a widespread use of that specific sign value within the Amurru corpus in
particular.
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Appendix I: Signlist
1/1 A.~
rnm nam-t,a-rum "jar" (RS 16.146+: 35) (for the
mimation, see 1.7).
2/2 ljAL lial [,af-ba.KI "l;;lalba" (RS 20.33: 6).
5/4 BA ba Corp -Az; RS 19.68.

pa Only in the Hurriao word parru/isl1-. See 1.8.
** Once by mistake for qa: i-BA-bi-11 "they will
say" (RS 17.318+: 23').
BA BA.UG 1 = mitat "she is dead" (RS I 7.372A+:
10').
Also in A.AB.BA (no. 579/311).
6/5 zu Zll
~''
s,, s11-11-t1, "Sutu" (EA 169: 25, 29). For the
reading of the first sign, see p. 55 above. The
sign SU is unattested in Amurru Akkadian. It is
rare in Amarna and other PA dialects (cf.
Buccellati 1979: 97, Huehnergard 1989: 352-3).
8/- SEN SEN S]EN = ruqqu "cauldron" (RS 16.146+: 26). For
this reading, cf. RS 16.239: 23-24; also Labat
1976: 317; CAD: A,: 329b. For the Sumero-
gran1, see also S teinkeller 198 l.
9/8 BAL bat Am; Bo; Gen.
pal Am; Gen; RS 16.146+.
12/11 TAR qut In am-qut "I fall". Am; Gen; Bo.
tar n11-tar-ri-i~ "we verified"(EA 170: 24).
far Am; Gen.
TAR In SE.KIN.TAR (no. 367/212).
13/12 AN an
DINGIR = ilu "god"
d = god determinative
15/15 KA ka
KA = p11 "mouth". Note the gloss UZU.KA pf-i
(EA 160: 12).
Also in VD.KA.BAR (no. 381/221 ).
ZU ZU.SUN = Jinni piri "ivory" (RS 16.146+: 14,
17, 42x 2 ) (Nougayrol 1955: 184; Salonen 1963:
112 I
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255-256; also, in particular for this reading,

Adler 1976: 357).
38/22 URU URU = iilu "city".
= Preceding a GN, URU is probably to be
regarded as a determinative (3.3.1.4.4).
= iilu "(a jewel)" (RS 16.146+: 4). See p. 71
above.
50/25 ARAD iR = ardu "servant".
In WS PN's read iR = rabdu (cf. Hess 1984: 39;
Grondahl 1967: 104).
52/- IT/ /Tl = arl111 "month" (RS 20.33: '15', 27, 29).
55/27 LA la
LA In SAL.LA (554/298).
58/30 TU tu Corp -Az. In Az only in specific environments

(1.8).
{11 ip-{11-ru-nim "they will leave" (RS 20.33: 23).
d11 i-du-ku-nim "they killed" (EA 62: 33);
d11!-[11-'u{1-t11m' "riot" (RS 19.68: 30; Kuhne
1971: 369 n. 7; van Soldt 1983b: 694).
TU In MAR.TU (no. 307/162).
59/31 u life
60/32 PAB k1,r Az. Only in nukurtu "hostility, war". Cf. below.
KUR = nukllrttt "hostilif¥, war". Also with a phonetic
complement nu-KUR (EA 169: 46), but perhaps
read nu-kur-<ta> (cf. I. 34).
LU.KUR= nakru "enemy" (RS 19.68: 24, 28).
LU.KUR = nukurtu in be-lu.MES LU.KUR =
hi!lil nukurti "enemies" (RS 17.286: 7). See
CAD: N 2: 329a, 330a, 332.
LU.KUR DUR.ME,~ = nakru a[,litii "alien
enemies" (cf. below no. 536/290 and the
comments on p. 100 above).
61/35 MU nm
MU = sattu "year". MU.KAM(-ma) (EA 160: 27;
RS 20.33: 30).
MU.KAM MU.KAM-ti-ma= satti sattima "every
year" (RS 20.33: 26').
62/36 SiLA qa Aa -EA 62; RS 19.68; Ug; Gen; Bo.
I 113
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ka, Aa -EA 62; Gen.

ga, 11-ga,-[rji-ti "Ugarit" (RS 20.162: l ).
68/41 RU /"II
69/42 BAD he
bat Am; RS 19.68; RS 16.146+; Gen.
paf ni-paf-far "we leave" (RS 20.33: 22).
tit til-la-tim "auxiliary (troops)" (EA 60: 12);
til-la-ta (RS 20.33: 9, 11, 25).
BAD In K/.KAL.BAD (no. 461/269).
11L = baliif11"life" in TIL Zl.MES = haliif napsiiti
"provisions" (EA 161: 56) (CAD: B: 46a, 52a;
AHw: 738b,99a).
U.~ UtM E.~ :da-mi "blood" (RS 17 .318+: 23'). For
this gloss, cf. 2.3.2.1.
UG1 BA.UG1 = mitat "she is dead" (RS 17 .372A+:
IO') (3.4 ).
70/43 NA na
73/46 Tl ti
di
fi Am (EA 165: 40); Bo; Ug.
te, ma-te,-e-mi "when"(EA 169: 22). See 1.15.
74/47 MAS mas 11-mas-.for "l send" (RS 20.162: 26).
74/48 BAR par

BAR = mis/11 "half'.
Kl.BAR = er~ctu a[1it11 (?) "foreign country" (see
below no. 461/269).
Also in VD.KA.BAR (no. 381/221).
75/49 NU nu
78/52 lj.U u-ru-ut-l111 "(a vessel)" (RS 16.146+: 36);

NA,.ma"r-[,u(sic)-fo "a chlorite? vessel"
(RS 16.146+: 41, see p. 72 above).
MUSEN MUSEN.ME.~ = i~~ura "poultry" (EA 161: 21).
79/54 NAM nam Bo; Ug; Gen.

pir, Ji-pir,-ti "mission" (EA 60: 25).
80/55 IG i/eg"'1
114 I
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81/56 MUD mut t,a-mut-iJ "quickly" (Az). For the reading with t
rather than with f, cf. AHw: 319b.
84/59 ZI ZI
~{
sf Only in PN's ( 1.9); but cf. EA 159: 34 (with

note on p. 27 above) in an uncertain reading.
For 11amzitu "stein(?)", seep. 71 above.
ZJ = 11apistu "soul, life" (EA 62: 33; EA 161: .56).
T/L ZI.MES = lwliir napsati "provisions"
(EA 161: 56) (cf. no. 69/42 above).
= ~itu (?) "delivery" (RS 16.146+: 43). For
Z/.GA (?) For this reading (as opposed to
Nougayrol's ~atu), cf. CAD: ~: 220a.
8.5/60 GI qe See 1.8; 1.15.
GI lo KU.GI (no. 468/272).
86/61 RI rile
ta/ RS 20.162: 10, 16; Bo.
RI R(/1"1 "taflu" "juglet" (RS 16.146+: 30). For this
interpretation, cf. Salonen 1966: 179-180, 181.
88/64 KAB gab Only in gabbu "all" (Am; Ug).
qab Am; Ug.
90/67 GAD qiit ir-qiit.KI "lrqat" (EA 62: 22).
GADA = kitil "linen" (RS 16.146+: 12x2).
94/68 DIM tim Am. Used exclusively to mark the last syllable in
genitive nouns ( I. 7).
9.5/69 MUN MUN = fabtu "salt" (RS 16.146+: 42).
97/70 AG ak'l
99/71 EN en lxe11-ma "one" (RS 20.162: 19); 1-en(-nw)

"one", "once and for all" (RS 20.33: 22, 30, 10',
32').
in, in 4-ni-ri-ir "I came to help" (EA 371: 25). See
1.15.
EN = belu "lord".
101/73 SUR sur ta-ap-sur-su "you sold him" (EA 169: 20);
sur-ru-um-ma "surely" (RS 20.33: 10, 28').
104/76 SA sa Az.
fo,. EA 170; Ug; Gen. See 1.10.
I I 1.5
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SA SA.[GAIZ = 1·apini "Apiru" (RS 19.68: 25). See

Kuhne 1971: 369.
105/77 GAN kan EA 170: 8, 41; Ug; Bo.
106/79 GU 1~11-11-za-li (RS 17.116: 6', 35'). See Grondahl
1967: 130.
TUG.GU.£= nat,lapt11 "cloak" (RS 16.146+:
12).
108/80 DUR DUR = almnnat11 "belly" (RS 20.33: 31 '). See p. 98
above.
108*/81 GUN GUN = kakkaru "talent" (RS 16.146+: passim). For
this reading. see Encyclopaedia Bihlica vol. 4:
873. 875; Huehnergard 1981: 205 and n.43; cf.
Huehnergard 1987a: 136.
111/84 GUR ~ur i-ma-~11r "agrees" (RS 16.111: 25).
112/85 SI .ff IO-.ff- 1 rP 1- 1.fo 1 "tenfold" (RS 17.372A+: 2'). See
1.10; 1.16.
114/83 DAR dar 1ad-dar-ia. <OA 23: 7; cf. RS 17.152: 6). Cf.
Fales 1984: 165.
TA.R See U-DAR (no. 418/-).
115/87 SAG .fok EA 170: 8. 41.
SAG SAG.DU-su-n11 = qaqqadsunu "their property"
(RS 20.33: 9').
Also in ljUR.SAG (no. 401/238).
122/88 MA MA GJ,tMA = elepp11 "ship".
122b/88a UZ Oz UZ1.ME.~ = enzatu (enzl1?) "goats"; better: ~enu
"sheep and goats", standing for both kinds. viz ..
"small cattle". in contrast with "cattle" (EA 161:
21 ). For the shape of the sign. cf. Fossey 1926:
84-5, and especially no. 9378. For the reading
and interpretation, see Na'aman 1975: 54* n. 27;
Moran 1987: 228 n. 2.
124/90 TAB tap Bo; Ug.
dab ta 7 -dajh-hu-uh-.fo-n11 "you have been saying"
(EA 62: 5); i-'dah'-bu-'ha'1'-a-.fo "he will speak
to him" (Bo 1024u: 12').
126/92 TAG sum In summa, aJ.fom.
128/93 AB a/JP
AB ln A.AB.BA (no. 579/311)
116 I
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ES UD ES.ES = 1imu dsesu "the Essesu(-festival)

day" (RS 20.33: 13').
129/94 NAB nap ii-ta-nap-par "frequently corresponds"
(RS 15.24+: 11 ).
130/96 UG
131/97 AZ az Am.
a~ Corp.
as Az; Gen.
134/100 UM um
138/101 DUB Solely in fuppu "tablet".
NA •. Ki.~IB = kunukku "seal". Ug. Note the
differentiation between MES and Ki.~IB
(= DUB) (in contradiction to Borger's claim,
1978: 251; cf. p. 20 no. 314).
139/102 TA ta Corp.
da Az; Ug;Gen.
fa Az;Ug.
142/103 / In PN's also for consonantal y ( 1.5).
l42a/l04 IA ia
143/105 GAN EA 170: 13; RS 19.68: 9, '15 1 ; RS 20.33: 6'.
See 1.15.
(143/106 KAM All putative occurrences of this sign in the
Amurru corpus are to be ascribed to KAM, no.
406/235.)
144/107 TUR TUR = ~e[zru "small" (RS 16.146+: 35, RS 16.146+:
39).
DUMU = nuin, "son". In WS PN's read DUMU = hin (cf.
Huffmon 1965: 121, 196-8, 199; Dietrich and
Loretz 1969: 23).
DUMU.Mf = miirtu "daughter". DUMU.Mf
ra-bi-ti = bitta/i rabiti (Ktihne 1973b: 177-8 ).
DUMU.KIN= miir sipri "messenger".
145/108 AD ad'!
147/109 z1 #le Az; Ug; Gen. See l.9.
ze Only in derivatives of the etymon zen, "to hate"
( 1.15).
I 117
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148/1 IO IN in in-ni-ri-ir "I rushed to assist" (EA 62: 21 ). See

1.15. Also in the PN 1in-Ta-ra-wla 1 (Bo l024u:
6', 10', also 7').
151/112 LUGAL siir I have adopted this transliteration of the LUGAL
sign only for the writing of sarru "king". in
RS 20.33, where the usage of phonetic
complements is consistent whenever the noun is
not in the construct state. Cf. Borger 1978: 100.
LUGAL = sarru "king". In a WS PN also ma/ku (see
below no. 556/300).
164/115 SUM .Mm s11m-ma "if' (RS 20.162: 20).
166/116 KASKAL KASKAL = t,arriinu "way, expedition".
170/120 AM am
171/121 uzu uzu = detemliuative for parts of the body. Am; Gen.
172/122 NE ne i-te-ne-ep(-pu-11 Js-.fo-1111 "he has been doing
them" (RS 20.33: 4).
bi Only in the formulaic imperative qi-bi-ma "say"
(RS 20.33: I and probably also in EA 157: 2,
for which see Knudtzon: I: 639 n. e).
NE In KINE.NE (no. 461/269).
IZI = i.Mtu "fire". Note especially the gloss /Z/
:i-sa-ti (RS 16.111: 12).
IZI.ME.~ = peniite "coals" in .fo la-qe IZI.ME.~
"coal-tongs" (RS 16.146+: 38; pace Nougayrol
1955: 186). Cf. CAD: L: 131a.
IZJ.GAR = niiru "lamp" (RS 16.146+: 37). For
this reading, cf. CAD: N2 : 347.
l78aa/l25 SAM = sinw "price" (RS 17.152: 17; OA 23: 14).
205/134 IL ii
el e-te-el-li "l went up" (EA 161: IS); he-el-tum
"lady" (RS 17.318+: 15'). See 1.15.
206/135 DU du EA 371; Az; RS 16.146+; Gen; Bo.
{11 i-hal-llu-{ii-nim-me-e "they will live!"
(RS 20.33: 13).
tt, Az; Gen; Bo I024u: 4.
For a discussion of the distribution of signs, see
1.8.
118 I
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Appendix I: Sign.list
DU 1DU.dJSKUR = ir(i)tessub (RS 16.146+: 44). See

Grondahl 1967: 211, 226, 264; further the
remarks by Singer, p. 159 n. 32 below.
Also in SAG DU (no. 115/87).
GUB ln GIS.GiR.GUB (no. 444/259).
207/137 TUM tum Corp.
tu, Az; Gen; Bo.
du, Az.
'"• Az.
For these values, see discussion in 1. 7.
208/- ANSE ANSE [ANJSE.KUR.RA.MES ANSE.MES = sise imere
"horses (and) donkeys" (EA 161: 23);
ANSE.MEfKUR.RA-ia "my horses" (RS 20.33:
28). For the last form, see Nougayrol 1968: 72
n. 1.
209/- EGJR EGIR = arki "after" (RS 20.33: 14'; Bo 1024u: 4', 5').
211/138 US uJ
US ln ZAG.Bl.US (no. 332/185).
2121139 JS is See discussion in 1.15.
214/140 Bl bi Corp.
pi Corp.
kaJ Gen.
BI In ZAG.BI.US (no. 332/185); KI.LA..BI (no.
461/269).
KAS KAS.MES = Jikaru "beer" (EA 161: 22).
229/143 NA, NA, NA,= abnu "stone" (RS 16.146+: 3).
= determinative for names of stones; for a seal.
Ug.
231/146 NJ ni See 1.15.
Ii Exclusively in belu "lord". EA 62; EA 170; Bo;
Gen.
i = Jamnu "oil". GJS.i.MES in EA 159: 33 (seep.
27 above).
232/147 JR i/er
dag nJi1/a-dag-gal "we 7/I look" (EA 169: 6, 9).
tak il-tak-nu "they establish" (RS 17.372A+: 7').
I 119
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294/538 KIN KIN In DUMU.KIN (no. 144/107) and SE.KIN.TAR

(no. 367/212).
295/153 PA pa
lni Aa; Az; Gen; RS 16.111: 11; Bo 65a+: 11
(/J(i7-tum'1 "without").
295e/- MASKIM MASKIM = riibi~u/siikinu "commissioner".

295k/154 SAB sap
296/156 GIS i/ez~
niJ dan-niJ "very" (EA 170: 6, 43; RS 17.116: 7',
1 31 ' 1 ).
GI.~ GlfME.~ = i~e "trees", "logs", "wood" (EA 160:
15; EA 161: 56).
= determinative for trees or wooden objects.
297 /159a GU, GU, GU,.MES = a/pi "oxen" (EA 161: 21).
298/ 160 AL al
306/161 UB ubP
307/162 MAR mar

MAR KUR MAR.TU.Kl = miit amurri "the land of
Amurru".
Gl.fMAR.GfD.DA = ercqqu "wagon"
(Bo 1024u: 9').
308/163 E e
309/164 DUG DUG = karpiinu'! "(wine?) jar" (RS 16.146+: 28). See
discussion 2.3.1.1.l s.v.
312/165 UN
'"'
314/167 SID PiSAN = pisannu "case" (RS 16.146+: 39x 2 ).
314/168 MES miJ Ug. For the transliteration with J (rather than s)
in the PN 1a-miJ-tam-ri, cf. 1a-mi-is-tam-ri
(RS 19.68: 8); further Grondahl 1967: §67;
Rainey 1974a: 185.
Cf. above no. 138/101.
318/169 U II
319/170 GA xa Ug.
ka Az; RS 20.162: 7.
qa EA 160; EA 161; RS 16.111.
120 I
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GA In DUG.GA (no. 396/229).

322/173 KAL kal i-ik-kal-la-an-11i "it has been gnawing me"
(RS 20.33: 27).
dan
KAL In Kl.KAL.BAD (no. 461/269).
ES/ GlfESI = us,,"ebony" (RS 16.146+: 17, 19).
See Salonen 1963:.44, 68; AHw: 1442b.
324/174 E E = hitu "house", "family".
£.GAL= ekallu "palace".
328/178 RA ra
RA In AN,~E(.ME,~).KUR.RA(.ME.~) (no. 7-08/-);
GAR.RA (no. 597/323).
330/180 LU LU = aw/mUu "man".
= male detemlinative.
This sign occasionally has an additional vertical
wedge (Moran 1975b: 157 n. I). Cf. also no.
444/259 below.
331/182 .~£.~ = a[,u "brother". Note 1.~E.~-ia (RS 15.24+: 18).
.~E.~-11l-ta = ahhutta "brotherhood"
(RS 17 .372A+: 6').
Also in 1ZAG.,~E.~ (no. 332/185).
331e/184 SAR sar
sir, This value occurs in Amurru Akkadian only in
the verbal form 11m-ta-sir,-.fo-n11 "he sent them"
(RS 17.286: 15) (2.4.2.4.3). All other forms
written with the sign SAR are to be read with an
a vowel (cf. 2.4.2.11; 3.6.5).
332/185 ZAG ZAG ZAG.ME.~= pa!(it "borders(?)"(Bo 65a+: 2', in
fragmentary context). Cf. AHw: 851 b.
Gl,tGU.ZA ZAG.BI.U,~ = kus.~f nemldi
"armchair" (RS 16.146+: 16). See CAD: N,:
156a.
1ZAG.SES = pendi.frnni. Ug; Bo. See Grondahl
1967: 211, 244, 250; cf. further Singer's
comment below, p. 164 n. 42.
333/186 GA.R kar kar-~i-ia "my calumny" (EA 160: 31; EA 161:
8).
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GAR u).G[ALJ ,DAM,.GAR "chief merchant"

(OA 23: 16; probably also RS 17.152: 15).
334/187 A i<ft
335/191 DA da Only twice: vi-da-an-ni "may he know me"

(EA 60: 30\ U,tME.~ :da-mi "blood"
(RS 17.318+: 23', in a gloss).
ta Gen.
fa Gen.
See discussion in 1.8.
DA In GifMAR.GfD.DA (no. 307/162).
338/190 DE aq-fi~-hi "he (sic) has said" (RS 20.162: 8). For
the form of the sign, cf. Fossey 1926: 676-7.
especially 677b nos. 22355-6. For the emphatic
coloring and the vowel, see 2.4.2.1.3 and 1.15
respectively.
342/193 MA ma
343/194 GAL gal Az.
kal (il-kla ll-lu-11-nim "they eat" (EA 160: 31 );
kal-la "much" (Bo I024u: 5; see 3.3.1.1.1 ).
GAL = rahii "big, great,, cltiet::'. For the readin&, note.
among others: LU.MES GAL-bu-te.MES "the
'greats"' (EA 157: 11); LU.GIALI ,IMM,.GAR
"chief merchant" (OA 23: 16; probably also
RS 17.152: 15). In PN's too: 1GAL.DINGIR
(EA 170: 36 ); 1GAL-~f-id-qf (EA I 70: 37). See
Dietrich and Loretz 1969: 22; cf. for the first
PN: 11·a-bi-DINGIR (EA 333: 24 etc.).
= ktisu "cup" (RS 16.146+: 7. 9, 33, 35). See
AHw: 936a s.v. rahitu; CAD: K: 255a-256; cf.
also 2.3. I. I.I s. v.
Also in £.GAL (no. 324/174); .~A.GAL.ME.~ (no.
384/224).
344/195 BARA par, par,-ri-is-{1i "?" (OA 23: 9); see 1.8; cf. 2.3.3.1.
no. 6.
349/199 BUR pur EA 158; EA 160; RS 20.162. Only in forms of
saptiru "to send, to write".
350/- GA SAN GA.~AN = bcltu "lady". Bo.

351/200 SIG, 10,000 9·10,000.MES "90,000" (EA 170: 22). Cf. also
EA 172: 3. See Knudtzon: I: 1005, nos. 118 and
122 I
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120; CAD: L: 198a; Borger 1978: 452; Dietrich

and Loretz l 969: 22. Cf. also Fossey l 926: 704.
3531202 SA sa
354/203 SU su
.~u = qtitll "hand" .
•~UxNfGIN = naplUir "total" (RS 16.146+: 43).
362/210 GAM Glossenkeil (see 1.2.2).
366/211 KUR KUR = nuit11 "land", "country". Preceding a GN, the

sign KUR should be interpreted as a logogram
standing for a noun in the construct state rather
than as a determinative (3.3.1.4.4).
ln ANSE(.ME.~).KUR.RA(.ME.~) (no. 208/-).
GiN In SfK.ZA.GiN; NA 4.ZA.GiN (no. 586/316).
367/212 SE Je
.~E .~£.KIN.TAR SE.ljA = e~ed Je'i "barley harvest"
(EA 60: 26).
371/213 BU bu
f}ll
GfD In GJ,~.MAR.GfD.VA (no. 307/162).
372/214 UZ EA 169; Gen.
374/216 MUS muJ i-nam-muJ "he brings (claims)" (RS 17.318+:
22').
375/217 TIR TIR In ',~17 1 .TfR? (no. 449/261).
376/218 TE te
ti, DUMU.Mf Mf.ra-bi-ti, "the Daughter of the
Great Lady" (RS l7.372A+: 3); cf. DUMU.Mf
Mf.ra-bi-ti (11. 11, 9') (cf. 1.15).
de, Mainly in forms of id,, "to know" (1.15).
fe 4 iq-fe,-hi "he has said" (RS 17.228: 3); fe,-ma
"matter", "answer" (Bo 141m: 4'; Bo l024u:
14', 15'). For iq-fe 4 -bi, see 2.4.2.1.3.
376*/219 KAR kar kar-'Ka'-miJ "Carchemish" (RS 17.116: 13').
381/221 UD ud'
tam See discussion in I. 7.
u4 Exclusively in the half-logographic spelling for
iimu "day" (cf. AS: 42).
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fam lri-if-fam "sin" (EA 157: 13). For the mimation,

see 1.7.
UTV dVTV = samas; sams- "Samas","Sun-God",
"sun". See below no. 393/226 for lfTVx.
VD VD.ES.ES = iimu essesu "the Essesu(-festival)-
day" (RS 20.33: 13').
VD.KA.BAR (= ZABAR) = siparru "bronze"
(RS 16.146+: passim).
BABBAR In KU .BABBAR (no. 468/272).
381/222 E E In TUG.GU.£ (no. t06n9 above).
383/228 Pl wa Aa; Az; Gen. In the later subcorpora onJy in
PN's (1.6).
wi 11-wi-i-mi "I saved" (EA 62: 33; cf. the note on
p. 15 above).
ia, Exclusively in PN's (1.6).
yi In West-Semiticized verbal forms exclusively in
Aa letters EA 60 and EA 371 (2.4.1.1 ).
384/224 .~A lib Exclusively in the half-logographic spellings for
libbu "heart" (cf. AS: 44) .
.~A = libhu "heart" .
•~A.GAL.ME.~ = ukullil "provisions" (RS 20.33:
9, 11, 25).
393/226 ERJM ERIN ERIN.ME.~ = ~iib11 "soldiers, troops, army". Note
ERIN.ME.~ ~a-bi pf-fa-te "the pgt-troops"
(EA 166: 4). See 3.3.2.1.
Note Akkadogram: ERIN.MES-bu (RS 20.33:
15', 21') (3.3.1.1.1).
ERIN.ME.~ GiR = ~iihi Jepe "infantry" (EA 170:
22) (von Schuler 1956: 228, 223; Dietrich and
Loretz 1969: 22; AHw: 1215a, 1072b with
reference to Labat 1932: 1210(sic!J).
ERIN.MES-man-do.MES = ummiinmanda
"Ummanmanda" (RS 17.286: 6). See Borger
1978: 158-9.
dVTVx = famas. sams- "Samas", "Sun-God",
"sun". Differentiation between VD (.fr) and
VT V x (if), the latter serves solely for he
designation of "Sun-God", while the first serves
for all other possible values of VD, is found in
EA 60 and in all the Azim letters but EA 171. In
EA 171 we find the common form UTV (..('(f)
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also for designating "Sun-God". Cf. Schroeder

1915a: no. 157; also Labat 1976: no. 393;
Borger 1978: no. 381.
396/229 ljl t,ife See 1.15.
DUG DUG.GA= fah11 "good".
lj/A = ljA. (no. 404/241).
396/231 Ti te fe-ma "answer", "message" (RS 16.111: 9;
RS 20.162: 9, 10). See 1.8; 1.15.
397/233 A, Aa; Az -EA 169. EA 170; once in Ug:
i-fa-?-'e'-.fo "it shall overcome him"
(RS 17.318+: 25').
at,., et, URU ..fr,.-e[1-la-li "Seblal" (EA 371: 19);
ma-at,,-~11-nim "they would have killed"
(EA 371: 28).
See comments in the next entry, no. 398/234.
398/234 Alj a/i/e/ub
'z (ale') ,d1-ta-na-?,-i-du-nim "they keep alerting"
(EA 169: 31 ); te-/e-?,-e-mi "you can" (EA 170:
10); aJ-ta-na-',-al-su "I interrogated him"
(RS 20.33: 11 '); li-wa- ',-ir "may he send"
(RS 20.33: 15').
The earlier texts do not distinguish between the
t1- and the ? -signs, as the contemporary core
dialects of Akkadian do (cf. Jucquois 1966: 216;
AS: 45 for no. 233; Borger 1978: 160-1). The
form of this sign may vary according to the
writing tradition used by each scribe, and be
either .cll.....:f" or-iii~.
399/236 IM i/em
ISKUR "J.~KUR = (h)addu/(h)adad, ba 1·t11. te.Huh
"Storm-God". Thus also in diverse PN's. See
Borger 1978: no. 399; Huffmon 1965: 156 with
references; Dietrich and Loretz 1969: 23 with
references; Grondahl 1967: 114-6. 131-2,
263-4. Note 1ha-a-lu-ia; ldJ,~KUR-lu-ia;
ldJ.~KU(R(-ia, = ha 1·tuya (EA 165: 9; EA 170: 2;
RS 19.68: 8 respectively). all are references of
the same person (see, e.g., Waterhouse 1965:
106-107 and n. 73).
401/238 ljAR mur
t,ur
kin Gen; OA 23: I, 2.
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{IAR = simern "ring (bracelet, anklet)" (RS 16.146+:

5). Cf. AHw: 1205b-1206a s.v. sawi/arnm.
ljUR ljlUIR.SAG = Jada "mountain" (RS 20.33: 19).
Cf. Borger 1978 s. v.
404/241 ljl-A TjA = plural determinative. Occurs exclusively in
earlier texts (see 1.1 ).
406/235 KAM kam EA 170; Bo; RS 17.116; RS 20.33. For the
mimation, see 1.7.
gam i-gam-me-ru-nim "they will annihilate"
(RS 20.33: 32').
KAM In MU.KAM(-ma); MU.KAM MU.KAM-ti-ma
(no. 61/35).
411/242 U u Used for the conjunction u in some earlier texts
besides ,,. notably in the formula 7 -J11 " 7-.fo "7
times and 7 times" (EA 156: 3; EA 164: 3;
EA 168: 3). Also EA 161: 51. In the Ugarit texts
11 is used in writings of the city name: 11-ga-ri-it
(thus also in the earlier Aziru-Niqmaddu accord
RS 19.68: 22); cf., however, 11-ga-ri-it (e.g ..
RS 17.116: 2', and even RS 19.68: 15). In
several PN's II is used for plene writings ( 1.14).
10 10 "ten" (RS 16.146+: 12x 2 ); IO-.ff- 1 ,-;? 1 -'.fo'
"tenfold" (RS I 7.372A+: 2').
412/243 UGU mub Used only in the half-logographic spelling for
mub-bi "on, toward".
UGU = mubbi "on, toward" (4.5 s.v.). Aa; Az.
418/- U-DAR !.~•. TAR ldfS,.TAR-nm-wa = .fo11skanmwa "Sauskamuwa".
This transliteration of the sign reflects its usage
as an Akkadogram (Borger 1978: no. 418; also
p. 402, for no. 418; for the PN, see Grondahl
1967: 247).
427/248 Ml mi
me a-nu-um-me-e; a-n11-11m-ma-me-e "now, here"
(RS 17 .228: 5, 9). See I.I 5 .
429/249 GUL qlll .fo-qllf-la-li.ME.~ "pendants" (RS 16.146+: 2).
SUN rimtu "wild cow" (EA 159: 36).
Also in ZU.SUN (no. 15/15).
431/250 NA. NA Gl.~.NA = er.fo "bed" (RS 16.146+: 14, 15).
433/251 NIM 11i/em For the mimation, see 1.7.
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437 /255 AMAR $111" A reading $01" is not evident in this corpus (see
2.4.2. J. J for 1W$01"U ).
surx Only in as-surx-ri "heaven forbid" (cf. 4.1.l).
441/258 UL ul
444/259 GiR GiR ln EA 158: 3 and in EA 170: 3, 22 the sign has
an additional vertical wedge. For this
phenomenon, see Moran 1975b: 157 n. I. Cf.
also no. 330/180 above.
= Jepu "foot".
ERIN.ME,5 GiR = $dhi Jcpe "infantry" (EA 170:
22). See references in no. 393/226 above.
Gl,5.GiR.GUB = giJtappu "foot-stool"
(RS 16.146+: 14+). For this reading, cf. the
gloss GlfGiR.GUB :gi-iJ-tap-pf in EA 195: 9, a
letter from Damascus; also CAD: K: 361b-362;
AHw: 29 la, 282a.
449/261 JGJ Ji
.fr,. URU ..fr,.-et,-la-li "Sehlal" (EA 371: 19). See
1.15.
si,, si,,-ma-an "(the month of) Sivan" (RS 20.33:
4); si 17 -im-qa-am "contact(?)" (RS 2!LB: 28').
See I.IO.
N.B. Further research has shed new light on the
question of sibilants in the General's Letter; see
Izre'el and Singer 1990: Part One, investigation
III, where the rendering of the sign /G/ as si,,
has been rejected.
lim l~a-'/Ja'-lim "to plunder" (EA 60: 16);
E.GAL-lim "palace" (EA 62: 20 etc.; EA 371:
28; see note on p. 15 above); LU-lim "man"
(RS 17 .116: 22'). For the mimation, see I. 7.
/GI .fa-a IGI.MK5-n(i7= .fo ma[1ri11i(?) lit. "in o[ur'?[
presence" (RS 20.162: 25) (4.5 s.v. ma[,ru).
,5/ ',5{1'.TIR 7 = pindi'i "(a precious stone)"
(RS 16.146+: 21). For this reading, cf. CAD: A,:
451b-452a; Adler 1976: 354; AHw: 854b.
451/263 AR ar
454/- SIG, S/G,(-mi) = damiq "is beautiful, nice" (EA 164:
38; RS 20.33: 8).
455/264 U II Exclusively for the conjunction 11. Cf. also U
(no. 411/242).
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457/266 DI di Used mainly for the spelling of adi "till" and

some other traditional spelJings (1.8).
ti fi-id "mud" (EA 61: 3).
(fe,. For the putative te,.-dis-ti in RS 20.33: '6'. 16',
see lzre'el 1988: 166.)
DI DI.ME.~-tum/ti "suit, claims" (RS 19.68: 5, 12;
RS 17.318+: 19', 22').
461/269 Kl ki
qi
Kl = GN determinative.
Kl.BAR = e1"$if11 a[ritu "foreign country" or el"$ef
a[,f "enemy's country" (?) (RS 20.33: 31 '). For
this possible reading for this old crux, see lzre'el
1988: 168; also p. 98 above.
KI.LA(.BI/ME.~) = suq11lt11 "weight"
(RS 16.146+: passim). The additional Bl sign.
which in Sumerian denotes the 3 sg inanimate
possessive suffix (Thomsen t 984: 72), does not
bear this meaning in this text, and the spelling
Kl.LA.Bl should be regarded as frozen (pace
Nougayrol 1955: 182-186; cf. AHw: 1282a).
Kl.NE.NE= kiniinu "brazier" (RS 16.146+: 40).
Kl.KAL.BAD (= KARAS) = kariifo "campaign"
(Bo 141m: 4').
465/270 DIN din Exclusively in forms of nadiinu "to give" (cf.
1.12).
467/271 SUL sul Only in spellings of folmu or sulmiinu "peace,
well being".
468/272 KUG KU KU.BABBAR(.ljl\) = kaspu "sil".er". Note with
phonetic complehlents KU.BABBAR-pu
(RS 19.68: 17); KU.BARBAR-pa (EA 161: 44;
see pp. 35-6 above).
KU.Gl(.MES) = [111rii$ll "gold".
For spellings with plural determinatives, see
3.3.2.2.
471/274 MAN man ERIN.MES-man-do.ME.~ = ummiinmanda
"Ummanmanda" (RS 17.286: 6).
20 20 "twenty" (RS 16.146+: IO+); 25 (= 20+5)
(EA 62: 33).
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472/275 ES te-es-te-nem-me "you keep listening" (EA 62:

41, 44); u-se-es-se-er "I prepare" (EA 160: JO,
13).
lf ni-i.f-te-mi "we have heard" (EA 170: 19)
(I.IS).
30 30"1 "thirty" (RS 19.68: 39).
473/- NJMJN 40 40 "forty" (RS 16.146+: 8; RS 19.68: 4()'/).
475/- NJNNU 50 SO "fifty" (RS 16.146+: 12+).
476/- (6xU) 60 60 "sixty" (RS 16.146+: 38); 62 (6xU+2)

(RS 16.146+: 3). Note writing as 6xU rather
than with a DJ,~ sign (cf. Borger 1978: no. 476).
Numbers from 70 upwards are spelled regularly
by adding U signs to a DJS sign, which would
then mark "60".
480/276 DJS (dis For the putative te..-dis-ti in RS 20.33: 6, 16',
see lzre'el 1988: 166.)
= male determinative. Used mainly for PN's.
Note 1,~ES-ia "my brother" (RS 15.24+: 18).
l "one".
1-en(-ma) = isten(ma) "once and for all"
(RS 20.33: 30, 32'). Note the ligature I xe n
(RS 20.162: 19).
1-tim = isteniiti "unit" (?) (EA 165: 39; EA 166:
26; EA 167: 22). For this reading. cf. CAD: l/.1:
282, even if there is no absolute overlapping in
meaning. See also 3.2.1.
(60 See above no. 476/-.)
481/277 LAL LA In KILA(_Bl/MES) (no. 461/269).
486/- GJGJR GJGJR GJS.GJGIR = narkabtu "chariot".
(491/281 ZAR ${]/" Instead of the putative $Or-pa "silver" (EA 161:
44) read KU.BABBAR-pa; see pp. 35-6 above.)
529/286 NfGIN In .~UxNfGIN (no. 354/203).

532/287 ME me
(mi .fo-pur?-me/mf? "write" (RS 20.162: 11 ). See
l.15.)
MES = plural determinative (I.I).
ME (ME = meat "hundred". Once: I li-im 5 ME
"1500" (RS 16.146+: 27). However. an erratic
omission of the sign AT by the scribe is most
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plausible, as all other occurrences of "I 00" in

this text are spelled me-at.)
TUG.ME= nalbasu "gown" (RS 16.146+: 10X2).
See Nougayrol 1955: 183; also CAD: N,: 200a;
AHw 742a in the lexical sections.
533/288 MES MES = plural determinative (I.I).
535/289 IB i/ebP
URAS 1/R.dURAS = (a PN) (EA 170: 36). Kallai and
Tadmor (1969: 140 with n. 39) suggested the
reading boron "Horon" for this Sumerogram.
536/290 KU ku
qu
TUG = determinative for garments.
TASKAR1N GI,S.TASKARIN = taskarinnu "boxwood". Cf.
Moran 1987: 103 n. 33.
DUR LU.KUR DUR.MES/MES = nakre al1ute "alien
enemies (oblique case)" (RS 20.162: 9, 12, 21) .
See p. I00 above.
GI1 In UR.GI, (no. 575/310).
537/292 LU lu
539/295 SIK SIK = determinativefor wool cloths. SfK.ZA.GiN =
uqnatu "blue wool" (RS 16.146+: 13).
545/296 su su EA 158: 7; Bo. The Amama occurrence
(e-ri-is-tu-'su 1 "his request"; cf. -su-nu written
with the SU sign on II. 12. 26) is the only
occurrence of this sign in the Amama corre-
spondence. However, this reading is confirmed
by collations of Rainey (p.c.) and Moran (1987:
394 n. 2).
554/298 MUNUS mim Exclusively in mimma "whatever'".
Mi Mi-tum/ta = sinnis/ltu/a "woman" (RS 17.116:
9'+; RS 17.372A+: 6). DUMU.Mi = miirtu
"daughter". DUMU.Mi ra-bi-ti = bitta/i rabiti
"the Daughter of the Great Lady" (Kiihne 1973:
181 n. 56).
= female determinative.
SAL SAL.LA = raqqatu "sheer garment"
(RS 16.146+: 10X2).
555/299 ZUM Am. Only in spellings of the GN $Umur (see
1.9).
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556/300 NIN NIN NIN-ti = al!iiti "sister (genitive)" (RS 17.318+:

24'); MI.NIN.LUGAL ahiitumalki
"Abatumalki" (RS 16.146+: l). For this PN. see
the comments in vol. I, p. 20.
557/301 DAM DAM = a.Uatu "wife".
LU.GIALI ,DAM,.GAR "chief merchant"
(OA 23: 16; probably also RS 17.152: 15).
559/302 GU GU GlfGU.ZA = kussu "chair" (RS 16.146+: 13+ ).
564/306 EL el LU.ME.fhe-l'i ar-nif-.fo 7 ) "lhis7 1 malefactors"

(EA 157: 16); he-el !Ji-if-fi-ka "your malefactor"
(RS l 7.372A+: 10).
ifs il,-te-q1i-11im "they have captured" (EA 170: 15,
17); ils-li-kam "he came" (EA 170: 21. 23). See
1.15.
565/307 LUM Tum lnf1-lum 7 "without(?)" (Bo 65a+: 11 ). For the
form of tbis sign (<f.(/=. ). cf. Fossey 1926: 1022
no. 33467. For the mimation, cf. 1.7.
LU-Tum "man" (RS 20.33: 10') is an Akkado-
gram-like spelling (3.3.1.1.l ).
567/- SIG, SIG, TUG.SIG,.ZA (= TUG.TUNANIBA) = i'/11
"shaggy material" (RS 16.146+: 12, 13. 43). For
this reading and translation, see AHw: 373b;
CAD: 1/J: 90b; Adler 1976: 281; Moran 1987:
135 n. 39 with references. Cf. also Borger 1978:
no. 565; Labat 1976: no. 567; Nougayrol 1955:
184.
570/308a MIN 2
575/3 IO UR ur
/if..<! RS 17 .228: 36 (i-te-lik "he will go"):· Gen.
Probably also in EA 371: 14; EA 168: Rl3.
UR UR.GI,= kallm "dog".
579/311 A a
A dA = amiinu "Amon" (EA 164: 40). See
Schroeder 1915b.
A.AB.BA = tiamtu/tdmtu "sea" (RS 17.228: 14;
RS 20.33: 18. 3'). There is no evidence for a
possible syl1abic reading for this sign sequence
in Amurru (pace Nougayrol 1968: 71 n. 4; cf.
Albright and Moran 1950: 167; CAD: A,:
221b).
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586/316 ZA za
$0
sa sa-ap-lu "bowl" (RS 16.146+: 27). Also in some
PN's (1.9).
ZA SfK.ZA.GiN = uqdntu "blue wool"
(RS 16.146+: 13); see Borger 1978 s. v.: Alfa·:
1426b.
NA •.ZA:GiN= uqm1 "lapis lazuli" (RS 16.146+:
18). AHw: 1426b cites the reading 11qu1111 from
Ugarit.
Also in GIS.GU.ZA (no. 559/302); TljG.S/G 4 .ZA
(no. 567 /- ).
589/317 IfA lw
593/- ES5 3
597/323 NiG niq Ug (in the PN's niqmepa" and niqmaddu).
.M LU.Ju-kin "prefect" (OA 23: 1, 2). See 1.10.
GAR GAR.RA = 11[,[wzu/ii "plated" (RS 16.146+:
passim); see 2.3.3.3.2.
Also in IZI.GAR (no. 172/122).
NINDA = aka/11 "bread" (EA 161: 22).
4 Note the difference between the signs for NiG
( VT' ) and 4 (fff) (the latter in EA 62: 27:
RS 17 .228: 32; etc.).
? NiG NU-ta-.fo (RS 16.lll: 27) (cf. p. 68
above).
598a/324 IA 5
598/325 A.~ 6
598c/- /MIN 1
598d/- USSU 8
598e/- ILIMMU 9
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APPENDIX II
RARE AND UNNUMBERED VALUES
UTUx (ER/M): See Signlist no. 393/226.

surx (AMAR, zur): See Signlist no. 437/255.
(ix (DE, fe5): See Signlist no. 338/190.
",: This notation is used instead of the common v', values. See Signlist no. 398/234.
I 13.l
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H AT T
0
#
MUKIS
oo &"!;I
l::IALAB
0
ASTATA Emar
UGARIT NUl::IASSE
KINZA/Q EDES
O 2.0 '10 60 &O 100 ~'" ·
UPI/ABIN A
M SR
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APPENDIX ill
A CONCISE HISTORY OF AMURRU
by
ltrunar Singer
Introduction p. I 35; Amurru before the Amarna Age p. 137; Abdi-Asirta

p. 141 (map: p. 142); Aziru and his brothers p. 148; DU-Tesub p. 159;
Duppi-Tesub p. 162; Bentesina and Sapili p. 164; Sausgamuwa and the
Fall of Amurru p. 172; Table: The Dyna~ty of Abdi-Asirta p. 177;
Amurru in the Iron Age p. 178; Some Preliminary Remarks on the Culture
of Amurru p. 179; Pantheon p. 180; Name-giving p. 182; Glyptics p. 184;
Language and Script p. 186; References p. 189.
Introduction
The purpose of this excursus is to present a brief survey of the history of Amurru
in the 14th and 13th centuries. It is intended to serve as a ready companion to the
readers of this linguistic monograph, who may be interested in some basic informa-
tion on the period during which the documents studied by Shlomo Izre'el were
written.
Unlike the history of its northern neighbor Ugarit, which has received a fair share
of interest, the history of Amurru has rarely been treated in a comprehensive manner.
This disproportionate coverage is a natural result of the fact that the archives of Ras
Shamra (and Ras lbn Hani) have yielded an invaluable treasure of primary sources
on Ugarit, whereas the history of Amurru has had to be written solely on the basis of
documents discovered elsewhere - in Egypt, Hatti and Ugarit. The Land of Amurru
is one of the most poorly explored regions of the Levant, and the meagre evidence
emerging so far from the few archaeological excavations carried out in its territory is
of very little help in reconstructing its history and culture.
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Appendix Ill: Singer, A Concise History of Arnurru
The most comprehensive studies on the history of Amurru are still the respective
chapters in Klengel's Geschichte Syriens ( 1969; 1970), expanded in various articles
dealing mostly with the Amama age (especially 1963; 1964; 1984). 1 Many
monographs and articles dealing with Late Bronze Age Syrian history include
important chapters and references to Amurru. Notable examples are Helck's
Beziehungen (1971) and Liverani's studies on Amurru (1973; 1979) and Ugarit
(1962). The bibliography covered in this excursus may easily be extended with
entries of varying importance.
The general method employed here is to present very brief summaries on better
known sources and subjects (with references to current literature). and somewhat
more in-depth coverage on lesser known or studied sources. and on controversial
issues. This roughly divides the sources on Amurru into two main groups, which also
constitute chronological categories. The first group consists primarily of the 14th
century Amarna documents, one of the most thoroughly studied corpora of the
Ancient Near East. These sources, which illustrate the formative stages of the
Amurrite state, are dealt with in very broad lines. with emphasis on Amurru's role in
the international power struggle of the period. A central issue in this material, the
correct order of Aziru's correspondence with Egypt, has already been dealt with in
the monograph on the General's Letter from Ugarit (lzre'el and Singer 1990). The
second group consists of the northern documents, from tiattusa and from Ugarit,
which mostly cover the 13th century. These less intensively studied corpora (at least
with regard to Amurru's history), which continue to expand through ongoing exca-
vations at the respective sites, receive here a larger share of coverage.
Subject-wise, this survey concentrates on the political history of Amurru, touching

only in passing on important socio-economical aspects which are intimately
associated with the early history of this land. On the other hand, there wiU be an
1 Altman's doctoral thesis on the Kingdom of Amurru (1973) is still available only in Hebrew and
is in need of extensive updating. Some of its chapters dealing with the Amarna age served as the basis
for articles in English (see especially 1978a; 1978h; 1979; 1984).
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Appendix Ill: Singer, A Concise History of Amurru
attempt to consider certain cultural aspects which may have some bearing on the
language of Amurru investigated in this monograph. Needless to say, in this short
survey comprehensiveness was neither sought nor achieved.
Amurru before the Amarna Age
The early history of the term Amurru/MAR.TU is beyond the scope of this study,
which concentrates on the kingdom of Amurru in the second half of the second
millennium B.C. 2 Suffice it to briefly remark here on the gradual restriction of the
term to a specific region of western Syria.
In its earliest usage, in the third and the early part of the second miUennium, the
term Amurru (written phonetically or with the logogram MAR.TU) refers loosely to
the Syrian regions west of Mesopotamia proper and to the inhabitants of these
regions, often semi-nomadic tribes living by grazing. This general usage is gradually
restricted in texts from Mari and from Alalakh to a certain region of central and
southern Syria (see Klengel 1969: l 82f). Probably in the course of the 15th century
the scope of the term Amurru was further reduced. when it became attached to a
region which a century later became the kingdom of Amurru ruled by the dynasty of
Abdi-Asirta. It should be pointed out. however, that the broad sense of Amurru, as
referring to Syria or the "West" (often in opposition to Akkad, referring to
Mesopotamia or the "East"), never disappeared entirely and continued to be used
throughout the Near East (and Egypt) alongside the restricted geo-political usage (see
Singer, forthcoming).
On the early history of the region which later comprised the territory of the
kingdom of Amurru we have very limited information. It lay just north of the region
of Byblos. and it apparently fell within the orbit of Egyptian interests and influence
from early times. In the Execration Texts of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom the
2 From the va,t literature on the subject see especially Dhorme 1951: l09ff; Kupper 1957: 147-259;
Liverani 1973 and Altman 1978, who deal with the changes in the content of the term throughout tJ1e
second millennium.
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northernmost localities along the Phoenician coast are Ullasa and lrqata (see Heick
1971: 49, 59f). 3
It is only during the early 18th dynasty that the region came under direct Egyptian
rule. The earliest evidence is found in the annals of Thutmose Ill (see Heick 1971:
137f). In his 29th year (1475 B.C.) Thutmose Ill conquered the fortress of Ullasa
which was defended by troops from Tunip. The next campaign reached the cities of
Ardata and $umur (ibid.: 138). 4 The Egyptians consolidated their hold on the region
in further campaigns. Ullasa and $umur, located on opposite sides of the Eleutheros
River (Nahr el-Kebir). were turned into main strongholds, and they were perma-
nently supplied with provisions of food. wood and military equipment (Heick 1971:
138).
With the Stiitzpunkte on the coast secured, the Egyptian offensive penetrated into
inner Syria through the Tripoli-1:loms gap (see Alt 1950). The paramount importance
of this strategic route lay in the fact that it enabled the- Egyptians to rapidly advance
seaborne forces to their naval bases and thence to the battlegrounds of inner-Syria.
bypassing the long land route through Sinai, Palestine and the Beqa• Valley (see
Singer 1988a: 4 ). The approximately I 00 krns. long route from the coast to the
Orontes ran along the Eleutheros Valley up to the EI-Buqe•a Valley (east of Tell
Kalakh), where it probably bifurcated - the main route continuing eastwards to l_loms
3The latter is safely identified with Tell 'Arqa near IJalba, a large mound dominating the em ire
'Akkar Plain, from ~umur to Ullasa. ·111e French excavations al this important site have revealed a large.
fortified Middle Bronze Age city (see Singer 1990: 118ff, with literature on the site and its history). As
for Ulla~a, no definitive localization ha~ been found yet, hut it is generally agreed thal this imp<1rtm1t
port-town must be sought in or near Tripoli. !Jirhet Ra~ el-Loze, north--ea~t of Ra~ el-Ahiyad, may in
fact preserve the ancient name (Alt 1950: 115, 125 n. 2). Whether Ullisum mentioned hy Narmn-Sin is
identical with Ulla~a is hard to estahl ish.
4Ardala can now he localed al the village of Ardc north of Zgharta (see literature quoted in Singer
1990: 1190. ~umur is identified with Tell Kazel, the largest mound in the northem part of the 'Akkar
Plain (for the site and its history see Dunand, Bounni and Salihy 1964; Klengel 1984). Tell Laka, a
small mound on the left hank of Nahr el-Ahra~h. may have served a~ the riverine port of ~umur (Sapin
1978-9: 175; Sapin apud Elayi 1986-87: 132).
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Appendix III: Singer, A Concise History of Amurru
and a shorter track cutting through the southeastern ranges of the An~ariyeh Moun-
tains to the region of l;larna. 5
In the middle Orontes region the main opponent of the Egyptians was Tunip. This
important city, whose hegemony reached as far as the coastal town of Ullasa. must be
located west of the Orontes. somewhere in the region of l;lama (see, e.g., Alt 1950:
136ff; Klengel 1969:75ff; 1984: 10 n. 17; contra Heick 1973, who locates Tunip
at the lower stream of the Eleutheros). A conclusive identification remains to be
established. 6
The territory comprised within the three main Stiitzp11nkte - Ullasa and ~umur on
the coast, and Tunip on the Orontes - became the northernmost province of the
Egyptian Empire. The birth of the geo-political entity later known as Ammru seems
to be intimately connected with the Egyptian consolidation in this region in the early
18th dynasty. Whether by this time the tem1 Amurru bad already come to be associ-
ated with this region cannot be established. The name, in its restricted sense. is first
attested in the Amarna letters, and in Egyptian sources only in the early 19th dynasty
(Heick 1971 :287).
As elsewhere in their Asiatic realm, the Egyptians were primarily interested in

safeguarding the coastal lowlands and the corridor leading to inner-Syria. The
densely forested slopes of the An~ariyeh Mountain and the northern ranges of the
Lebanon Mountain concerned them only insofar as they posed a threat to the vital
5Through Qal'at el-1.losn (Krak des Chevaliers) and Ma.~yaf and thence due ea.st to l_lama. See
Dussaud 1927: Map XlV. with the ancient and the medieval roads of Syria. lbere must have been at
lea.st one major station held by the Egyptians along this route (Alt 1950: 136). Along the coastal road
in Palestine the Egyptians established a dense network of military strongholds and supply bases
located at a distance of approximately 20 kms. from each other (Singer 1988h: 3).
6Astour (1969) suggested that Tunip wa.s the second millennium name of Tell J_lama, llamath of the
Iron Age. llamath is missing in second millennium cuneiform sources, hut a city named Amadu is
attested at Ehla ( Archi 1984: 243; 1986: 168). Whether this place may he identified with Tell I.lama
remains qµestionable in view of the large chronological gap. Incidentally, it seems that the
southernmost place-names in the Ebia archives arc Arawad and Libanum; contrary to preliminary
reports, Byblos (Gubla) is not attested (Archi 1986: 1670.
139
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strategic routes. Perhaps the Highland was also valued for its provisions of wood,
although this commodity was mainly supplied from the more southerly region of
Byblos.
The Egyptian interests in the region are the keystone for understanding the history
of Amurru in the Late Bronze Age and its exceptional importance in the international
power game. Evidently, the rich urban centers in the Lowlands were an irresistible
temptation for the Highland tribes of Amurru. 7 The recorded history of Amurru
begins when the Highland rulers managed to take over the Lowland cities one after
the other and consolidated a sizable territorial kingdom. This development was
tolerated by the Egyptians as long as the new rulers remained loyal to the Pharaoh's
authority. However, Amurru's location at the northern extreme of the Egyptian
Empire exposed her to the temptation to cross the political lines and join the camp of
the northern great power. Twice in a century the domination over Amurru caused
major conflicts between North and South, between Hatti and Egypt.
Before we turn to Abdi-Asirta's turbulent age it is well to raise tl1e basic question as
to how the old tenn Amurru became attached to this particular region of the Levant.
The connection between the broad and the restricted sense of the term was best
defined by Liverani (I 973: 117):
The link can be seen in that the population of the Lebanon range
was the direct heir of the Amorite tribes, not having taken part in
the historical evolution of the town areas. Or, more simply, the
term "Amurru", previously used of Syria in its entirety, was now
free to be used to designate the mountainous part of the interior
after the other parts have assumed specific names, just as they
assumed a specific political order, namely as kingdoms (Mukis,
Niya, etc.), as confederations of small kingdoms (Nu~asse), or as
Egyptian "provinces" (K.in~ni. Ube). Consequently the term was
7 In EA 74: 19-21 Rib-Addi of Byblos makes a nice distinction bclween the coa~t and the highland,
the latter supplemented with the Canaanite gloss ha-ar-ri.
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adopted by the most recently formed state, which held less attach-
ment than the others to any specific urban center.
A further important observation (ibid.: 118) is that "in addition to this limited sense
in which 'Amurru' was used, it also seems to have retained its larger sense as a desig-
nation of Syria in its entirety" (see also Vincentelli 1972; Singer, forthcoming in
Iraq; see further below on the ~ausgamuwa Treaty).
Abdi-Asirta (? - C. 1345 B.C.)
The mountainous regions on both sides of the Eleutheros Valley were inhabited by
semi-nomadic tribes who subsisted on a grazing economy. 8 These densely forested
ranges also became an ideal haven for various uprooted population elements who
often turned to robbery for their living (see Klengel 1969: 248). The dangers faced
by the traveller who crossed this perilous zone are vividly illustrated in the Egyptian
Satirical Letter in Papyrus Anastasi I (see Heick 1971: 315ff). The rapiru bands who
were active in this region played a dominant role in the consolidation of the Amurrite
kingdom and the rich Amarna evidence on this development has served as one of the
main sources for the study of the socio-political history of the Late Bronze Age. 9
By the time of the mid-14th century Amarna documents the process of Amurru's
consolidation into a well-defined geo-political unit had already reached an advanced
stage. The northernmost Egyptian province was already known as Amurru to all
parties involved, and the highlanders of the region were led by a certain chieftain
named Abdi-Asirta.
Nothing is known of Abdi-Asirta's origins. It is most unlikely that he came from

one of the royal families of the coastal cities. He rather must have attained his domi-
nant position in one of the highland tribes, possibly in southern Amurru (see p. 149
8 For nomadic population groups who inhabited the region of the ijoms gap in recent times see
Schaeffer, Ugaritica V: 678f IL 8. For a general description of the region see Dussaud 1927: 88.
9 From the va.,t literature on these a.,pects I refer to Liverani 1979 (English traIL,lation of three basic
articles), where reference is made to the main sources and to previous bibliography.
141
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Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4
below). It is not impossible that he rose from an even humbler background, from one
of the •apiru bands who operated in this region (see Klengel 1969: 247; Altman
1978a: 5).
Evaluating the exact nature of Abdi-Asirta's ties with the •apiru depends on the
correct assessment of the information contained in the polemic descriptions of his
arch-enemy, Rib-Addi of Byblos. This is an oft-recurring problem faced by any
historian who seeks to reconstruct a sensible picture from "Rashomon-like" contra-
dictory reports of rival parties. This situation is particularly difficult here. where the
reconstruction is based almost entirely 011 the juxtaposition of repetitive, almost
stereotyped defamatory letters. In each reported incide11t taken on its own. it is almost
impossible to decide whom to believe. a dilemma first encountered by the Egyptian
addressees. The latter, however. must have had additional, more reliable sources.
such as the reports of the Egyptian functionaries active in the field. The modern
observer must rely on his own intuition, or rather on cumulative evidence from
longer sequences, in which the credibility of each informant can be assessed more
accurately. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that the evaluation of the
Amama evidence has often resulted in widely differing interpretations of Amurru's
early history. In the brief summary to follow an attempt will be made to rely as
strictly as possible on unambiguous evidence and to abstain from far-reaching
conclusions which are based on obscure passages or unwarranted restorations. To be
sure, strict objectivity cannot be claimed.
Concerning Abdi-Asirta's connections with the rapiru, even if we assume

considerable exaggerations on the part of Rib-Addi there can hardly be any doubt
that these uprooted elements, together with discontented groups within the urban
centers. greatly assisted Abdi-Asirta's rise to power (see Altman 1978a and the
literature cited there on p. 4 n. 7). The coastal cities fell one after the other into Abdi-
Asirta's bands and were then followed by the cities belonging to Byblos.
The first large cities that were taken b·y Abdi-Asirta and his men were Ardata and
lrqata (for references see Klengel 1969:252). situated in southern Amurru at the
foothills of the Lebanon Mountain. The rulers of these cities were assassinated in the
upheavals incited by Abdi-Asirta's men. lrqata probably became bis base for further
143
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attacks on northern Amurru, including the most important target, the stronghold of
~umur, the seat of the Egyptian commissioners. The opportunity presented itself
when troops from the town of Se!)lal (for localization attempts see KJengel 1969: 184;
AJtman 1978b) attacked the stronghold in the city and killed most of its occupants.
Abdi-Asirta hastened from lrqata to the rescue of ~umur and saved four survivors, a
list of whom is included in EA 62. In two letters to Egypt, to the Pharaoh (EA 371)
and to the commissioner Pa!)annate (EA 62). Abdi-Asirta reported his brave action,
which he hoped would earn him the position of deputy to the Egyptian governor of
Amurru. In a another letter (EA 60) he elaborated on his services to Egypt as the
guardian of Amurru and its main cities, ~umur and Ullasa.
Obviously. other correspondents, notably Rib-Addi of Byblos, had quite different

perspectives on these momentous events (see references in Klengel 1969: I 85ff). In
his view Abdi-Asirta took advantage of Pa!)annate's absence from ~umur to overrun
the city, a flouting of Egyptian authority which should be punished accordingly. The
basic facts are not so different in the reports of the two protagonists, only their points
of view on the purpose of ~umur's takeover. Of more interest is the fact that the
Egyptians put up with Abdi-Asirta's presence in ~umur for quite a long time, which
proves that they were ready to recognize him, at least de facto, as a vassal of Egypt.
One may assume that after his entry into ~umur, Abdi-Asirta moved his headquarters
there from lrqata, and his letters to Egypt were probably written from his new
residence.
With all or most of Amurru under his control. 10 Abdi-Asirta continued his
victorious offensive southwards, into the land of Byblos. The coastal cities of
Ammiya, Sigata, Bitarba and Batruna fell into his bands one after the other, mostly
lO Although Abdi-Mirta calls himself the guardian of ~umur and Ullasa (EA 60). the takeover of
the Egyptian naval base in Ullasa is nowhere explicitly mentioned. ls this merely accidental or did
perhaps Abdi-Asirta choose deliberately not to intervene there in order not to further aggravate his
relations with Egypt?
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Appendix III: Singer, A Concise History of Anuuru
after uprisings of their citizens. 11 Deprived of all bis dependencies and with Abdi-
Asirta dosing on Byblos itself, Rib-Addi turned for help to b.is southern neighbors -
Beirut, Sidon and Tyre, only to discover that the rebellious tide bad spread as far as
Tyre; its royal family, including Rib-Addi's own sister, had been assassinated in a
coup. In his distress Rib-Addi was even ready to pay a heavy ransom for his and his
city's freedom (an offer which he repeated a few years later to Aziru). At the last
moment Byblos was saved when at the height of his success Abcli-Asirta was kiLJed,
either by his own compatriots (Moran 1969), or. more likely. by an Egyptian task
force which landed in Sumur and reoccupied the city (Altman 1979). The exact
circwnstances of Abdi-Asirta's fall remain mysterious.
This. in brief, is the story of Abdi-Asirta's meteoric rise and fall - a local chieftain
who became the founder of a powerful dynasty. What remains to be tackled is the
question of Abcli-Asirta's possible involvement in the international power game of his
age.
To start with, it is worthwhile stressing the point that, contrary to the impression
raised by Rib-Addi's defamatory letters, Abdi-Asirta was not an opponent of Egyp-
tian authority. He sought official recognition within the framework of the Egyptian
imperial system, claiming for himself the status of an acting deputy in the absence of
the Egyptian governor (see also Klengel 1969: 251 f). 12 In his view. he was entitled to
this status on the strength of his being a loyal guardian of Egyptian interests in
Amurru, including its defense against a possible onslaught of "all the kings of the
king of the Hurrian troops" (EA 60: 13f; see Moran 1987: 234 n. 4). The Egyptians
consented for some time to Abdi-Asirta's self-proclaimed vassalship. probably on the
recommendation of the commissioner Pa!]a(m)nata (Klengel 1969: 253).
11 Most of lhese places kept their names in the toponyms of coaslal Lebanon: Ammiya/Ambi =
Enfe; Sigala= Sheqqa; Batruna = Batrun (Klengel 1969: 2530.
12 This is most clearly expressed in EA 60: 30-32: "So may the king, my lord, recognize me, and
may he commit me into the hand of Pa!Jrumate, my commissioner".
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Appendix lll: Singer, A Concise History of Amurru
If so, the question may be raised as to why the Egyptians eventualJy decided to get
rid of Abdi-Asirta. The answer, to my mind, is quite simple. Abdi-Asirta's aggran-
dizement had reached a state in which almost the entire Phoenician coast had
submjtted to his direct or indirect control. This was beyond the limits of what the
Egyptians felt they could tolerate without risking their own authority in the northern
part of their Asiatic empire. For similar reasons they intervened against Lab'ayu of
Shechem, when there was no direct menace from any outside power. 1J
Others, however, have sought the motivation for the Egyptian intervention against
Abdi-Asirta in hjs alleged cooperatiou with the northern great powers of his age -
Mitanni or/and Hatti. I have discussed both these issues in detail elsewhere (for Hatti
see 1990: 124ff; for Mitanni see forthcoming in Iraq); it will suffice to refer here
briefly to these issues.
The suggestion that Abdi-Asirta cooperated with Mitanni is based on a series of

allegations aired by Rib-Addi, the essence of which is the claim that Amurru sent
tribute to Mitanni (EA 86: 8-12; EA 90: 19-22; EA 95: 27-30; EA 101: 7-10). Some
of these passages are quite fragmentary and obscure, but they indeed seem to convey
an accusation concerning Abdi-Asirta's cooperation with Mitanru which works
against Egypt's (and of course Rib-Addi's) interests.
The most expLicit and significant passage is found in EA 85: 51-55, where Rib-
Addi reports about a campaign of the kfog of <Mi>tanni 14 to ~umur; he intended,
according to Rib-Addi, to march on Byblos, but the plan was aborted for lack of
water. I have raised doubts about the credibility of this uruque report, which, if true,
would carry far-reaching consequences for the international scene. From all that we
know, Mitanni and Egypt maintained their political alliance, especially when con-
B As has often occo pointed out, the story of Abdi-Asirta has many points of resemblance with that
of Lab'ayu of Shechem. Both leaders carved out for tJ1emselves a sizahle kingdom using shrewd tactics.
and both were evelllually eliminated by the Egyptians, only to be followed by equally amhitious sons.
14 The initial Mi- is omitted. In EA 75: 38 the final -ni is omitted, whereas the -II- is reduplicated
(see Moran 1987: 254 n. 8 ).
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fronted with the growing Hittite menace. Most scholars have therefore assumed that
the Mitannian "visit" was merely a show of arms to rally support for the common
Egyptian-Mitannian cause (Kitchen 1962: 13; Klengel 1969: 233 n. 29; 256).
Other evidence for the alleged Mitannian-Amurrite cooperation has been detected
in the historical preamble to the Sausgamuwa treaty, where the "Amurru Lands" (sic)
are said to have belonged in the past to the Hurrians. TI1is surprising statement, which
squarely contradicts the historical data in all the other Amurru treaties, was taken at
face value by some scholars, who reconstructed a short (Murnane 1985: I 85f, 235ff)
or even a long (Kestemont 1978) period of Mitannian domination in Amurru prior to
its submission to Hatti. I have attempted to put forward a different interpretation of
this statement in the Sausgamuwa treaty: "Amurru Lands" in this late text should be
understood in the broad sense of the term, as referring to Syria in general rather th,m
the kingdom of Amurru.
Rib-Addi's sensational report on the Mitannian king's campaign or "visit" to ~umur

is, to my mind, a figment of Rib-Addi's notorious polemics, 15 which was intended to
drum up Egyptian support against the rulers of Amurru. In thfa case the false alarm
may.have worked out for him, since the long-awaited Egyptian task force arrived at
last in Amurru and removed Abdi-Asirta from the scene.
Even less substantial is the evidence for an alleged submission of Abdi-Asirta to the
Hittites (Kitchen 1962: 20 n. 8; Waterhouse 1965: 2f; Schulman 1988: 60f). This
theory is based on the obscure passage EA 75: 35-42, where Rib-Addi juxtaposes the
acts of Abdi-Asirta to those of the king of Hatti, who apparently captured all the
lands that had been subject to Mitanni (see Singer l 990: l24ff). This, however, does
not prove that there was a cooperation between the two, and even less that Abdi-
Asirta submitted to Hatti. The founder of the Amurrite dynasty is totally absent from
the Hittite historiography, which is strong silent evidence.
15 For Rih-Addi's rather free usage of historical information sec Weber apud Knudtzon 1915: 1207;
Klengel 1969: 25 3.
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In conclusion, although Abdi-Asirta may have closely followed the rapidly

unfolding international situation and may even have explored the possibility of
crossing the political lines, there is nothing to show that such a policy was actively
followed by him. An active involvement in international politics was first pursued by
his resourceful son Aziru.
The chronology of Abdi-Asirta's period is difficult to establish, the only clear

synchronism being with Rib-Addi of Byblos. The range of his recorded activities
must fall (together with the whole of the Amama correspondence with the Syrian
rulers) within the reign of Akhenaton. after the transfer of the capital to Akhetaten in
Year 5 (Kitchen 1962: 41; Klengel 1964: 58 n. 6; but cf._ Campbell 1964: 134). The
reference to the Hittite victories in Syria in the above-mentioned letter of Rib-Addi
(EA 75: 35ff) could refer to a foray of Suppiluliuma. According to the newly sug-
gested chronology for the early Hittite Empire (Wilhelm and Boese 1987; Bryce
1989; see also Gurney 1990: 181) the entire reign of Suppiluliuma falls within the
lifetime of Akhenaton, which would conform with the above statement. It should be
noted, however, that Abdi-Asirta's activities in Amurru may have started long before
his first appearance in Rib-Addi's and in his own letters.
Aziru and his brothers (c. 1345 -1315 B.C.)
The Egyptian intervention in ~umur which brought an end to Abdi-Asirta's

meteoric career did not curb for long the hectic political activity in Amurru. Abdi-
Asirta's sons, three (or four) of whom are known to us by name (Aziru, Pu-Baria,
Bafluya and perhaps Niqmepa), soon reappeared on the scene and began a concerted
effort to restore their father's authority in Amurru.
Aziru was perhaps not the eldest, but certainly the most influential of Abdi-Asirta's
sons. He is no doubt the best known political figure from the Land of Amurru.1 6 The
16 The major study on Aziru is still Klengel 1964, revised in Klengel 1969: 264-299. For other
summaries on Aziru's age see Waterhouse 1965; Heick 1971: 174ff; Krauss 1978: 59-62; Murnane
1985: 186ff
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sources on his age (see Klengel 1969: 191-208) include some fifteen letters of his
correspondence with Egypt; numerous other references to him and to his land in
other Amarna letters, notably in Rib-Addi's correspondence; an accord with Ugarit; a
treaty with Hatti; and references in other Hittite texts. The exact chronology of his
reign in the second half of the 14th century depends on several synchronisms
discussed in the following.
The earliest phases in the reconsolidation of the Amurrite state, which apparently
had disintegrated after Abdi-Asirta's disappearance from the scene, are only known
from Rib-Addi's reports to Egypt. At this stage, the exact length of which is difficult
to establish, Aziru and his brothers apparently refrained from writing to Egypt,
cautiously waiting to first consolidate their position.
The first places that succumbed to Abdi-Asirta's sons were Ardata, Wabliya, Ambi
and Sigata (EA 104), all of which are situated in the southern part of Amurru, in the
zone bordering the domain of Byblos. It is of interest to observe that Ardata (Arde)
was also one of the first towns to be taken by Abdi-Asirta (EA 75). Could this
indicate that the power-base (and origin) of Abdi-Asirta's clan was located in the
nearby ranges of the Lebanon Mountain, east of Tripoli?
The offensive continued northwards. Pu-Barta entered the important naval-base of

Ullasa in the Tripoli region (EA 104; EA 105; EA 109). Irqata (Tell fArqa) was
threatened and its elders sent a call for help to Egypt (EA 100). 17 By this stage, all of
Amurru except Irqata and ~umur was dominated by Abdi-Asirta's sons (EA 103).
With the fall of the former, the belt was tightening on ~umur, the main target of
Aziru and his brothers.
The siege on the last Egyptian stronghold was laid from both land and sea and
lasted for several months (EA 105; EA 114). In the naval blockade Abdi-Asirta's sons
were assisted, according to Rib-Addi, by Arwad (EA 104; EA 105; EA 109) and by
17 According to Knudtzon (1915: 1194) the physical features of the tablet and the script are similar
to those of Rib-Addi' letters. Perltaps the letter was indeed sent from Byblos and served the purposes of
Rib-Addi's propaganda (Klengel 1969: 196).
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other coastal cities south of Byblos (EA 114; EA 118; cf. also EA 149 from Tyre).
That Sumur, despite Rib-Addi's rhetoric, was not entirely cut off is shown by the fact
that Egyptian officials continued to circulate freely in and out of the city. Perhaps
Aziru intentionally left an outlet for the purpose of negotiations with the Egyptian
officials of the province. The time was now ripe to write to the Pharaoh and propose
submission to Egypt in return for recognition as the official "mayor" ({wza111111) of
Amurru.
The first letters of Aziru are undoubtedly EA 156-158 and EA 171. 18 In these
letters Aziru reassures the Pharaoh and the high official Tuttu (EA 158) that he has
long sought to enter into the service of Egypt, but has been prevented by the "greats"
of Sumur (EA 157: I If) and by the governor Yanbamu (EA 171: 5). To this end he
even sent to Egypt bis messengers (EA 157: 35) and two sons 19 (EA 156: 8ff). Aziru
gives his solemn promise to be loyal to Egypt and to send the same tribute as other
"mayors". He further warns of a possible Hittite offensive against bis country and
asks for military assistance from Egypt to ward off the danger (EA 157: 28). lt is
difficult to establish whether these letters were sent before or after the takeover of
Sumur. There is nothing in their contents, as far as I can see, which would exclude
either possibility. If Aziru had already entered ,Sumur when be wrote these letters his
bargaining position would obviously have been much stronger.
Tbe actual conquest of Snmur is reported in several letters of Rib-Addi (Klengel

1969: 65 n. 47), the first of which may be EA 116. The city must have suffered
considerable damage,2° and in his next letters (EA 159-161) Aziru promises to re-
build it as soon as circumstances would permit. Ironically, Aziru's violent entry into
,Sumur paved the way for his recognition as an official Egyptian vassal. In EA 161
18 For J\7jru a~ the sender of EA 171, see Campbell 1964: 90-91.
19 If indeed "'my sons"' is meant literally, J\7fru must have been at lea~t tn his thirties at lhe time of
~umur·s conquest.
ZO The excavation~ at Tell Kv.el have not gone below the rich 13th century level (""Couche V"'). See
Dunand, Bounni and Saliby 1964: 12.
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and EA 162, the latter written by the king of Egypt, Azim is recognized as "mayor"
(lwzannu).
The chronology of the following phases in Aziru's career depends largely on first
establishing the correct order of his remaining correspondence with Egypt. The order
first suggested by Knudtzon, i.e. EA 159 successively through EA 171, has so far
been followed, with minor changes, by all commentators on Amarna Age history. In
this monograph Sh. Izre'el comes to grips with Aziru's letters and offers new
translations which are based on his overall examination of the Amurrite dialect of
Akkadian. Some crucial passages are analyzed differently than hitherto, notably EA
161: 4-1 0; 24-34. Aziru discusses here his visit to Egypt - in the future according to
the traditional interpretation, in the past according to Izre'el's (see Izre'el and Singer
1990: 130ft). This minor change in the interpretation of a verb is of great signif-
icance for the historical interpretation of Aziru's biography. With this passage as a
starting point Aziru's correspondence has been reexamined, together with the relevant
Hittite material, and a different order for Aziru's letters and consequently for his
turbulent career has been suggested (ihid.: 128-154). The reader is referred to the
detailed argumentation presented there, including a comparison between the tradi-
tional and the new interpretations. Here Aziru's dealings with Egypt and with Hatti
will be briefly summarized according to the new interpretation.
The official appointment of Aziru as "mayor" was made during a visit to the
Pharaoh's court which, to my mind, took place immediately after the takeover of
~umur. This journey to Egypt is referred to retrospectively in EA 161, in which
Aziru recalls how he defended himself before the Pharaoh against the accusations of
his enemies. The same visit is also mentioned by Ili-Rapib of Byblos in EA 140, in
which Rib-Addi's follower provides a rare list of Aziru's deeds: political assassi-
nations, the takeover of ~umur and Ullasa, and the trip to Egypt which was used for
further plotting with (A)itakama of Kinza (Qedes).
While in Egypt Aziru received a letter (EA 170) from his brother Ba~luya and his
son(?) Beti'ilu, containing an alarming report about a Hittite offensive in Syria: the
Hittite general Lupakki, assisted by Aitakama of Kinza, had captured several cities in
Amqi, whereas another contingent, headed by Zita(na), was about to arrive in
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Nubasse. In another letter (EA 169). Aziru's son implores the high official Tutu,
Aziru's benefactor. to intervene for the immediate release of his father.
Aziru managed to pull the right strings in Egypt and hastened home, having
recognized the extraordinary importance of the new developments in Syria. The
Egyptians were apparently confident that their newly appointed vassal would loyally
defend their interests in Amurru. Soon enough they realized their grave mistake.
In close coordination with Aitakama of Kinza. another Hittite surrogate, Aziru

attacked his weaker, pro-Egyptian neighbors - Niya, Qatna and Tunip. 21 Another
victim of Aziru's expansionism was of course Rib-Addi (Klengel 1969: 276ff).
Having already suffered from Abdi-Asirta's aggression, the unfortunate ruler of
Byblos had to endure it once again. His renewed efforts to drum up some Egyptian
help were equally fruitless, and this time he was forced to abandon his own city. The
most prolific correspondent of Amama, to whom we owe much of our info1mation,
finished his life in exile (cf. lzre'el and Singer 1990: 14111. I).
Aziru's most significant territorial gain was Tunip on the middle Orontes. From
days of old this important city had had close ties with the Amurrite coast and clearly
belonged to the Egyptian orbit. After the heyday of the early 18th dynasty, however,
Tunip lost much of its power and nestled between the Egyptian and the Mitannian
spheres of influence. With Aziru at the gates of Tunip, the concerned citizens of the
city sent an urgent letter to the Pharaoh (EA 59) reminding him of their bondage to
Egypt from the times of 'fbutmose Ill (Manabpiria). Their request to return to them a
son of a certain Aki-Tesub, probably to become their king, was of no avail. Aziru
took the city and turned it into his headquarters during the following crucial period.
His next letters - EA 161, EA 164-168 (possibly also EA 159-160) -- were written
from Tunip.
21 The complicated and changing pattern of relationships hctwcen the various t'entral Syrian states
and Amurru cannot hc elaborated here. For the contacts with the Land of Uhc (mu! IJanHL~cus) sec
llachman I 970: 65ff
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The city was ideally situated near the theater of operations in central Syria. and
Aziru immediately opened negotiations with the Hittites who were campaigning in
nearby Nubasse. In EA 165: 28ff he openly admits his planned meeting with the king
of Hatti. who is staying two days distance from Tunip. This is a most valuable
chronological clue which may most probably be related to Suppiluliuma's "One
Year" campaign to Syria. dated to c. 1340 B.C. (see Bryce 1989: 23). I assume that
in this historical meeting between Suppiluliuma and Azim. the terms of Amurru's
submission to Hatti were negotiated (see below). All during this time Aziru main-
tained a facade of loyalty towards the Egyptians. He was repeatedly summoned to
Egypt to explain his increasingly suspicious conduct, but he kept postponing his
(next) trip on the pretext that his country was threatened by the Hittites and their
surrogates. In his letters to the Pharaoh (EA 159-161; EA 165; EA 168) and to
leading Egyptian officials (EA 164; EA 166-167), Aziru emphatically reasserts his
loyalty. promises to rebuild ~umur (EA 159-161). and even prepares his tribute
consisting of eight ships loaded with wood and oil (EA 160: 33ff; EA 161: 54ff). 22
It appears that Aziru wac; actually paid for his "tribute" to Egypt. A certain l-latip
was supposed to band over gold. silver and other supplies to Aziru. but Aziru main-
tains that ljatip took the payment for himself (EA 161: 41-46). It is interesting to
compare this episode to a reference in EA 126. Rib-Addi. the _last defender of the
Egyptian cause, deplores that his ships cannot reach Ugarit and the Sal~i lands to
procure wood for the Pharaoh because Aziru's navy blocks his way.23 He further asks
the Pharaoh not to listen to his officers who had given all the gold and silver to Abdi-
Asirta's sons. who in their turn handed it over to the "mighty king". The latter must
be the Hittite king (Murnane 1985: 206; Moran 1987: 342 n. 12). whose troops are
22 It is nowhere stated that he actually sent these ships to Egypt. hi fact, he asks for a messenger to
be sent to collect the tribute. (See also next note.)
23 It seems that with Amurru about to cross the political lines. and with most of the territory of
Ryblos sacked by Aziru and his brothers, the Egyptians were short of wood and attempted to buy lhe
much-needed commodity in the region of U garit.
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mentioned earlier in the letter, 24 rather than the king of Mitanni (Weber apud
Knudtzon 1915: 1227; Klengel 1969: 200). Tl1is could very well be a rare reference
to Aziru's submission to Suppiluliuma. Could the gold and silver mentioned here by
Rib-Addi be the same as that referred to by Aziru in EA 161? If so. and if Rib-Addi's
claims are true (rather than Aziru's). it would seem that Aziru paid l1is first tribute to
Hatti with money that he received from Egypt! This would not come as a major
surprise to anyone who is familiar with Aziru's shrewd tactics.
After a while the Egyptians finally realized their grave error. In a strong ultimatum
(EA 162) they compiled a list of all of Aziru's misdemeanors and threatened him and
his family with capital punishment. But this obviously came too late. Aziru never
risked another visit to Egypt. and chose instead to consolidate his ties with the Hittites
and to establish regional alliances with other Hittite surrogates in Syria - Aitakama of
Kinza and Niqmaddu of Ugarit (see below).
The vassal treaty with Suppiluliuma (CTH 49) marks the beginning of the second
part of Aziru's long career, as a vassal of the Hittite "Sun" instead of the Egyptian
"Sun". The exact date of the treaty cannot be established with certainty. but from
several clues of chronological value it may be assumed to fall a short time, perhaps a
year. after Aziru's return from Egypt (Singer 1990: 155-159). The meeting with
Suppiluliuma and the subsequent signing of the treaty probably occurred in the wakt>
of the "One Year" war in Syria (c. 1340 B.C.) or very shortly after.
The treaty has been preserved in one Hittite and several Akkadian versions. 25 It
opens, unusually. with a concise summary of Aziru's duties as a Hittite vassal: an oath
of allegiance. a yearly tribute of 300 shekels of pure gold. and a commitment to
present himself yearly before the king of Hatti. The historical review which follows
24 Rih-Addi maintains that Hittite troops arc mohili,,cd against his own land (EA 126: 58ffl, If this
is not just another sample of his notorious rhetoric. it recalls the stationing of Generai ~umil- and his
troops at the southern hordcr of Amurru. For the military situation in the "General's Leiter" (RS 20.33)
sec Singer 1990: I 17ff and further below,
25 For bihliography on the text see Singer I 990: 144 n, 2, A recent transliterati1m and trart~lation of
the treaties with Azim, with Duppi-Tesuh arid with Bentesina is found in Del Monte 1986,
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Appendix III: Singer, A Concise History of Annum
(see Singer 1990: l44ff) duly emphasizes Aziru's voluntary submission to Sup-
piluliuma at a time when the rest of Syria was still hostile to Hatti. This motif which
recurs in the later Amurru treaties was obviously necessary in order to legitimize the
annexation of an acknowledged Egyptian dependency to the Hittite Empire. The
remainder of the treaty contains the usual stipulations concerning the extradition of
fugitives and enemies of His Majesty and the subjection of Amurru's foreign policy
to that of Hatti. The list of potential friends or foes includes Jjurri, Egypt, Babylon,
Alsi ans Astata; the first and the last names are clear indications of the early date of
the treaty. Azim is further required to intervene militarily in case of a revolt in the
neighboring lands of Niya, Kinza and Nuhasse. In return, Azim is given guarantees
of Hittite military aid in case of a threat to his kingdom. This explicit provision
(which is also found in the treaties with Tette of Nuhasse and Niqmepa of Ugaril) was
probably put to the test shortly after the signing of the treaty.
111e painful treason of Azim finally put the complacent court of Amarna on the
alert. There is cumulative evidence in late Amarna letters that a military expedition to
Syria was organized in the last years of Akhenaton (see literature cited in Singer
1990: 162). Whether the vigorous preparations eventually led to a campaign is still a
disputed issue (see ibid.: 164ft). Perhaps Akhenaton's death interrupted the plans, and
the counteroffensive was postponed until Tutankhamun's reign. In any case, the
Hittites and their newly recruited allies had no doubt anticipated a massive Egyptian
counterattack and prepared themselves accordingly. As one preemptive step, the
Hittites, in coordination with Aziru, sent an army contingent under the command of a
certain Sumi(- to the southern border of Amurru (RS 20.33 = Ugaritirn V, no. 20;
see above, pp. 92ff; for the dating of the text and its historical setting see lzre'el and
Singer 1990).
Any Amarna Age Egyptian attempts to recover their lost provinces failed and for
the next century and a half Amurru remained (except for a short while) firmly in
Hittite hands. With a vigilant eye on his southern border, Aziru could at last rest and
organize his kingdom and his court.
Amurru's northern flank was secured by an agreement reached with Niqmaddu II

of Ugarit (RS 19.68 = PRU JV: 284ff; see above, pp. 88ff). The accord, which on the
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evidence of its physical features was probably written in Amurru (Nougayrol, PRU
JV: 282; lzre'el, vol. I, p. 21 ), opens with a solemn renouncement of past enmity
between Amurru, on the one hand, and Ugarit with its client kingdom of Siyannu on
the other. Surprisingly, we discover in this section that in the leadership of Amurru,
Bafluya and Aziru were preceeded by a certain Niqmepa who was a contemporary of
Ammistamru I in Ugarit. This otherwise unknown figure must have been another son
of Abdi-Asirta, perhaps the eldest, who for a short while was the foremost among his
brethren.
On his part Aziru renounced all claims to the client states of Siyanuu and Zinzaru 26
that flanked Ugarit on the southwest and the southeast respectively (for the former
see Astour 1979). He further committed hi,nself to bring his army and chariots to the
help of Ugarit in case of an enemy attack. ln return Aziru received the considerable
sum of 5000 silver shekels.
This first accord between the two Levantine kingdoms characterizes the nature of
their relationship to come. The rich mercantile kingdom of Ugarit to a certain extent
relied for protection on its southern neighbor, which under die leadership of Azim
became the "strongman" of the entire Levantine coast (cf. EA 98). The amicable
relations were further cemented in the following generations through marriages
arranged between the two courts.
Concerning the date of the Aziru-Niqmaddu accord in relation to the treaties of

Suppiluliuma with Aziru and with Niqmaddu, two sequences have usually been
suggested. Nougayrol (PRU JV: 283) dates the accord after the Suppiluliuma-
Niqmaddu treaty (and before the SuppiluHuma-Aziru treaty). Liverani ( 1962: 36f),
followed by Klengel ( 1962: 456; 1969: 284f), regards the Aziru-Niqmaddu accord
as the earliest among the three, arguing that if Ugarit were already included within
the Hittite imperial system it could probably not sign a separate accord with another
26 Nougayrol (PRU IV: 282) plausihly suggests that the name 7Jzzaruwa must helong to the ruler of
the small kingdom of Zinzaru, also known from ,\mama and Egyptian sources (llekk 1971: 299f).
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state. To my mind, the strength of this argument is limited, 27 but one might offer
support for this order through another observation. lo their vassal treaties with Hatti
the two kingdoms are both mutualJy excluded from the list of potential Syrian
enemies, which may show that they had already settled their relations through an
accord.
Although the correct order of the three treaties remains uncertain, 28 the important
point is that the triple agreement endowed the Hittite imperial system with a strong
and stable axis. The two Levantioe kingdoms stood at the side of their suzerain in the
recurring rebellions of the inner-Syrian states east of the Orontes.
The border between the kingdoms of Amurru and Ugarit (and Siyaonu) must have
passed somewhere in the latitude of Tartus, at the northern edge of the f Akkar Plain.
This raises the question of the political status of the island town of Arwad (Ruad).
This important trading post, which later became one of the leading Phoenician city-
states, assisted Azim during his naval blockade against $mnur (EA 98; EA l05).
Since it is not mentioned in the Aziru-Niqmaddu accord or in the records of the
Hittite administration we may assume that it became a client kingdom of Amurru,
perhaps with a semi-independent status.
In. the east, Amurru seems to have kept its hegemony over Tunip and its region
(cf., however, KJengel 1969: 86f n. 11; 287). Although the inhabitants of Tunip had
signed a vassal. treaty with a Hittite king (CTH 135), probably Suppiluliuma (Klengel
1969: 83), in later times the town does not seem to have had independent status
under the Hittite administration of Syria. That the traditional ties with Amurru con-
27 In the va~sal treaties prepared by Mursili for the Ar7.awa land~ of Mira, IJapalla and the Seba River
Land there is a stipulation stating that the rulers of these states are sworn not only to the Hittite king,
but also to each other (see, e.g., CTI/ 67: rev. 9f0. This may indicate that neighboring va~sal states
concluded bilateral treaties between themselves, with the approval of the Hittite su7,crain. However,
copies of such treaties have not yet been found in llattusa. A parallel ca~e from another imperial system
is the treaty between Niqmepa of Alala\J and lr-Tesub of Tunip (AT 2), both members of the Mitannian
confederacy.
28 I would not even exclude the possibility that the Suppiluliuma-Aziru treaty (for which l suggest
an early date, see 1990: 155f0 wa~ the earliest of the three.
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tinued under Hittite rule is also hinted at by the appearance of the Storm-god of
Tunip in the list of oath gods of the Duppi-Tesub treaty (KBo XXII 39 llI 15').
Tunip is also mentioned in a fragmentary letter of Bentesina (see below).
Under the leadership of Azim, Amurru developed from a loosely defined

chiefdom, ruled collectively by the sons of a charismatic figure (who was never
considered a king), into a (more-or-less) ordinary Syrian kingdom, with a centralized
royal court and weU-organized foreign relations. Still, its non-urban origins found
expression in the hesitation in locating the capital of the kingdom, the seat of its kings
for the next century and a half (see Klengel 1969: 287f; Kestemont 1971; Stieglitz
1991 ). There are a few occurrences of a "City of Amurru", but it is most improbable
to see in it a separate place-name (Kestemont); it is rather a designation for one of the
known and well-attested cities (cf., e.g., Alalab = "the City of Mukis''). The most
obvious choice would be ~umur (Stieglitz), but there may be other candidates, such
as lrqata or Tunip. In any case, one can hardly doubt that the kings of Amurru had a
permanent court from which they conducted their correspondence 2 <1, and the im-
posing building unearthed in "Couche V" at Tell Kazel may well be the royal palace
of Amurru. 311
Aziru died at a very old age, around the 8th year of Mursili. As repeatedly em-
phasized in the vassal treaties of Amurru, he remained loyal to his I Iittite overlords
and fought on their side against the rebels in Kinza and Nubasse until he was no
longer able to go out to the battlefield (CTH 62 II B obv. l3ff).
29 The palace of Sausgamuwa in Amurru is explicitly mentioned in RS 1957.1 (the Claremont

tahlct).
JO See Dunand, Bounni and Salihy 1964: I !ff and pl. XV-XVI. The rich finds uncovered in the
monumental huilding include a llillite hutton seal (pl. XX: 1-3), a royal seal impression (pl. XX:4; sec
further pp. I 84f helow), two scarahs, hronze figurines, and a wealth of local and imported pottery (pis.
XIV. XVII-XXll). It is to he hoped thal new excavations will provide more information on this
important site.
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Appeudix lll: Singer, A Concise History of Amurru
DU-Tesub (c. 1314- C. 1312)
The reign of DU-Tesub, which falls in the first decade of Mursili's reign, must have
been very short. He is the only king of Amurru (except Sapili) whose vassal treaty
has not (yet) turned up at ijattusa. This could be merely accidental, but perhaps
because his rule was short he did not have sufficient time to present himself before
his master (Klengel 1969: 300t).31
DU-Tesub 32 is the first Amurrite king to bear a Hurrian name, a tradition which
continued down to the end of the dynasty. This is a clear indication of the beginning
of Hittite influence on the culture of Amurru (see further below, in the section on
name-giving). It is possible that he took this name with his coronation and earlier
bore a Semitic name. If Beti?ilu, mentioned in EA 161 and in EA 170, is a son of
Aziru (lzre'el, vol. I, p. 18), rather than a brother (Moran 1987: 578), he could well
be DU-Tesub. At any rate, the author of EA 169, a son of Aziru who wrote to Egypt
to rescue his father, is quite possibly DU-Tesub (Klengel 1969: 281; Moran 1987:
409 n. 1).
The only document clearly dated within the short reign of DU-Tesub is the so-
called "trousseau" inventory of Queen Abat-Milku (RS 16.146+161 = PRU III:
182ff; see above, pp. 68ff). Abat-Milku was the first of two Amurrite princesses who
were given in marriage to kings of Ugarit (the second was the ill-fated bittu rabiti).
The dowry which she brought to her husband Niqmepa is amazingly rich, consisting
of more than 330 luxury items (Nougayrol, PRU Ill: 178). No wonder that a gen-
31 Incidentally, the hazards of preservation of state documents in the Hittite archives are quite
puzzling. Wherea, the treaties of no less than four kings of Amurru have been preserved, some of them
in several duplicates in Hittite and Akkadian, none of the treaties with Ugarit has so far turned up at
Boghazkoy. Fortunately this strange gap is filled by the archives of Ugarit.
32 The phonetical value of the first element in his name is not certain (Laroche 1966: 221). It could
be Ir on the evidence of CTH 63, where lr-Tesub and DU-Tesub seem to interchange (Klengel 1963: 41
n. 3; Singer 1990: 176). ln the Bentesina-ijattusili treaty DU-Tesub is referred to as SUM-Tesub, the
Hurrian reading of which is Ar(i)-Tesub (Laroche, ibid.; 1976-77:52).
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eration later in the troublesome divorce case of the Amurrite princess (bittu rabiti).
the division of the common property had to be confirmed by the highest imperial
authorities.
The inventory of Abat-Milku was sealed according to the text with the seal of DU-
Tesub.33 The most logical way to account for this is by assuming that Abat-Milku was
the daughter of DU-Tesub (Nougayrol, PRU IV: 10; Liverani 1962: 99). Although
this would give Abat-Milku, the best known queen of Ugarit, an unusually long life
span of nearly ninety years (see van Soldt 1987: 70). in the era of Methuselahs like
Ramses II. Pudubepa and Bentesina such longevity should not come to us as a
surprise.
Another group of documents (some of) which may possibly be dated lo this period
are letters sent from Amurru to Ugarit asking for various commodities or simply
affirming the good relations between the two kingdoms.
In RS 16.111 (= PRU Ill: I 3f; see above, pp. 66ff) a certain lady named Ulmi asks
for help from "the queen of Ugarit, my daughter" because her own house had burnt
down. Since the gods of Ugarit and of Amurru are invoked, Uhni could well be the
queen of Amurru. If the appellation "my mother" is taken in a literal sense. 14 Ulmi
could only be DU-Tesub's wife, Abat-Milku's mother. 35
A similar text, but with more problematical dating. is RS 17.152 (= PRU IV: 214:
see above, pp. 75ft) and its companion letter OA 23 (Fales 1984; see above. pp. 77f).
The former is a request sent by an (unnamed) king of Amurru to his "son". an
U Whal we actually see on the tablet, however. is the unepigraphic dynastic seal of A.murru
(Ugaritica JI/, figs. 45-47).
34 See, however, 7~-iccagnini 1973: I 58ff for the various possible circumstances for terminology
involving differences of rank.. See also below.
35 The other queen of Amurru who had a daughter in Ugarit was GiL~suliyawiya. It is not clear to me
why RS 16.111 is listed by Klcngel (I 969: 223) among the texts dated to Sausgmnuwa. Elsewhere
(ibid.: 243 n. 134; 376) he raises the possihility that Ulmi is Abat-Milku's mother. RS 8.315 (= UT 95)
could be a letter sent to her hy her daughter Abat-Milku (sec p. 188 n. 80 below).
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Appendix lll: Singer, A Concise History of Amun u
(unnamed) king of Ugarit. The latter is an identical request from the governor
(.fokrmlsakinu) of Amurru to his "son", the governor of Ugarit. The request in both
letters is that the chief merchant of Ugarit (LU.GAL DAM.GAR) be instructed to sell
to a certain Addarya. probably a merchant or a messenger from Amurru. as much
parriJ[lilparndl1a 36 as he bas at his disposal. If the "father-son" formulation is taken
at face value, the sender of RS 17 .152 could be either DU-Tesub writing to his son(-
in-law) Niqmepa. or Bentesina writing to his son(-in-law) Ammistamru. However, it
is peculiar that the same appellation is repeated in OA 23. the governor's letter.
Should we assume that the rank gradation between the monarchs was symetrically
transferred to the respective governors as well'?
If indeed the choice is reduced, as indicated above. to DU-Tesub or Bentesina, the

language of the letters may be of some help. Sh. lzre'el (vol. I, §6.3) places these
letters, as well a<; the Ulmi letter and the Abusga letter (see below). to the period
preceding Bentesina. All four epistles lack the "Assyrianisms" characteristic of the
correspondence of Bentesina and Sausgamuwa. All in all, dating these letters to the
reign of DU-Tesub would seem to agree with both the linguistic analysis and the
historical circumstances of the amicable relations between the two courts after the
royal marriage between Abat-Milku and Niqmepa.
A fourth letter which may perhaps be included in tliis group is RS 15.24+50 (=
PRU Ill: 18; see above. pp. 64ff) sent by a certain Abusg(al to the governor
(LU.MASKIM 37 ) lof Ugarit?l. his "brother". This courtesy letter simply contains a
36 ll1e identification of this commodity remain~ unclear. Nougayrol (PRU IV: 214 11. 2) indicates
two options. of which the precious stone para.lf!i seems the more likely; perhaps ii is identical with
mt1rfJ11.fo, a precious stone also found in the "trousseau" of A!)at-Milku. For the identification of the
mineral (a kind of quartz) see Polvani 1988: 69ff (with further literature).
According to another letter (RS 34.135: see Ufiaritica Vil, pl. XVU) the king of Amurru was
interested in procuring from Ugarit a building stone (NA,t1lfit1mi.fsi).
37 For the equivalence of the terms Jakin11 and MASKIM in Ugarit see Singer 1983: 15 (with
previous bibliography).
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Appendix lll: Singer, A Concise History of Anuuru
declaration of mutual assistance in the future with no special requests at present. 38

Abusg[a] evokes "the gods of Amurru, of Ugarit and of the king, your lord".
Abusg[a] could thus be a governor (MASKIM) of Amurru. He cannot be identical
with the sender of OA 23 who addresses his correspondent in Ugarit as "my son".
There are no clues for the dating of this document except for its language which is
close to that of the previously discussed epistles (lzre'el, vol. I, §6.3).
Duppi-Tesub (c. 1312-1290/1280)
Duppi-Tesub's reign runs parallel to that of Mursili. There are two clues that help
establish the time of his ascent to the throne, but they seem to contradict each other.
According to Duppi-Tesub's treaty with Mursili, Aziru was still alive when a
second revolt broke out in Nuhasse and Kinza (CTH 62 II B obv. 13ff). The aging
Azim was no longer able to go to the battlefront to help the Hittites and sent his son
DU-Tesub in his stead. This revolt of the Syrian states is usually dated to Mursili's 7th
year, coinciding with some sort of Egyptian intervention in Syria (Klengel 1963: 54f;
1969: 169). If so, Aziru must have died around Mursili's 8th year (ibid.: 293).
Allowing a year or two for DU-Tesub's reign, Duppi-Tdhib would thus have as-
cended the throne in Mursili's 9th year (ibid.: 302).
A somewhat earlier date seems to be indicated by a fragmentary letter of Bentesina

to ijattusili (KBo VIII 16 rev. 2'-4' = Bo 141m; Izre'el, above pp. 103f; Hagen-
buchner 1989b: 370f): "As the king wrote thus: 'When your father came to the Land
of Arzawa [and your father established] relations(?) 39 with His Majesty in the camp
38 Astour (1965: 256) suggested that RS 18.75 (= PRU V, no. 65), an Ugaritic letter with a similar
statement of cooperation between two unidentified correspondents, could also belong to the
correspondence between Amurru and Ugarit. The tablet was found in the oven and thus belongs to the
last years of Ugarit. TI1ere is nothing lo support the attribution of this letter to the correspondence
between Ugarit and Amurru, which was invariably conducted in Akkadian (see also Dupont 1987:
219ff).
39 For /ema epesu in Boghazkoy see AHw: 1387; CAD E 223b: "to establish (diplomatic)
relations".
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(KARAS)"'. The agreement referred to could only be the signing of a treaty between
Duppi-Tesub and Mursili. 40 This would date Duppi-Tesub's ascent to Mursili's 3rd or
4th year, when he is known to have campaigned in Arzawa. To avoid this conclusion
one has to asswne that Duppi-Tesub was sent to meet Mursili in Arzawa on a mision
of his still reigning father, DU-Tesub. But then what sort of agreement does the letter
refer to? Perhaps the (unknown) treaty of DU-Tesub himself? It would seem that one
of the two clues for dating Duppi-Tesub's ascent is misleading.
According to his treaty, Duppi-Tesub was a sick man when be ascended the throne.
but was nevertheless acknowledged by Mursili out of respect for his father's explicit
wish. 41 He faithfully continued his grandfather's and bis father's policy of actively
supporting the Hittites in crushing the recurrent rebellions in Nu!Jasse and Kinza.
A significant portion of Duppi-Tesub's treaty with Mursili (CTH 62; one Akkadian
and four Hittite duplicates; Del Monte 1986: 156ft) is dedicated to the way Amurru
should deal with fugitives and deportees from neighboring lands, a subject wl1ich is
also dealt with in detail in a ruling of Mursili (CTI-I 63; Klengel 1963). Amurru's
topography and position on the border between two empires made it an ideal asylum
for all kinds of discontented population elements fleeing from the imperial au-
thorities, a tradition which goes hack to the days of ldrimi's exile in Ammiya in the
region of Tripoli (see Klengel 1970: 14). Duppi-Tesub is warned not to "turn their
eyes (i.e., direct them) towards the mountains", a most appropriate definition for this
important social phenomenon. It is of interest to observe how the kingdom of
Amurru wl1ich was born from the consolidation of marginal population elements
remained throughout its history a sought-for location for similar groups.
In the Duppi-Tesub treaty we have the first allusions to resurgent Egyptian enmity,
which may plausibly be associated with the fragmentary references to Egypt in the
411 "His Majesty" (DINGIR.UTU-'i) is a general title for any llillile monarch, in this case IJattusili's
father. There is no need to restore an abi hcfore it (I lagenhuchncr 1989h: 372).
41 Duppi-Tesub must have been a determined person to go all the way to Arzawa to meet Mursili
(see above) despite his illness.
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7th and 9th years of Mursili's annals. The king of Amurru is explicitly warned not to
act as his forefathers who sent their tribute to Egypt. Mursili indeed read the "writing
on the wall" and foresaw the possible desertion of Amurru to Egypt. However. when
the moment arrived, the oath of allegiance witnessed by the gods of Hatti and
Amurru did not prove a sufficient deterrent and Amurru was forced to take the side
of the Egyptians.
Bentesina (c. 1290/1280-1235 B.C.) and Sapili (1275-1264 B.C.)
With the possible exception of Azim, Bentesina42 is no doubt the best documented
king of Amurru. In addition to the Akkadian (only) version of his treaty with
ijattusili (CTH 92), he is mentioned in about a dozen other documents from ijattusa
and Ugarit (see Klengel 1969: 212ff). We also have several fragmentary letters of his
correspondence with the court of Hatti (lzre'el, above pp. 100-108; Hagenbuchner
1989a: 173f; 1989b: 370-382) and probably one letter from Ugarit (RS 19.06 =
PRU VI: 2; but cf. Izre'el, vol. I, p. 23).
Bentesina ascended the throne of his father Duppi-Tesub either during the reign of
Muwatalli or perhaps even before the end of Mursili's reign. No treaty of his with
these kings has turned up, which may perhaps be explained by the short interval
between his coronation and his desertion to the Egyptians (Klengel 1969: 307).
When this important event in Amurru's history occurred is difficult to establish. The
clearest Egyptian intervention in Amurru was shortly before the battle of Qedes. In
his 4th year (1276 8.C.) Ramses II led a preparatory campaign along the Phoenician
coast and left an inscription at Nahr el-Kalb, north of Beirut. It is reasonable to
connect Bentesina's desertion to the effects of this Egyptian move (Klengel 1969:
308).
42 The etymological form of the name should probably be P/Wandi-seni, composed of Hurrian
wandi, "right" (Laroche 1976-77: 293) and Jeni, "brother" (ibid.: 225). In Ugaritic the name is spelled
Pnd(jn (Grondahl 1967: 405); in Boghazoy Be-en-te-.fi-na, with the rare spelling Ba-an-ti-ip-se-i-in-ni
in ijattusili's letter to Kada~manenlil. Here the traditional spelling from Boghazkoy is kept for
convenience.
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On the other hand, there is enough evidence to suggest that an Egyptian occu-
pation of Amurru already occurred in the wake of Seti I's northern campaigns (for
recent evaluations see Spalinger 1979; Murnane 1985: 80ff). His battle descriptions
from Karnak mention an attack on the Land of Qedes and on the Land of Amurru
(Heick 1971: 287; Spalinger. ibid.: 34). Incidentally, this is the earliest mention of
Amurru ('/mr) in an Egyptian document. These claims seem to be supported by Seti's
victory stela from Tell Nebi Mend and by his topographical lists which include
several iocalities in Amurru - Ullasa. ~umur and Tunip (Heick 1971: 193; Spalinger
1979: 32f). There are no serious grounds to doubt the historicity of this Syrian
campaign of Seti I, which accords with the traditional Egyptian strategy of first
occupying the coast and then penetrating to inner Syria. The more difficult question
is whether the Egyptians maintained their control over Amurru for more than a
decade between the campaigns of Seti I and Ramses II. Otherwise we would have to
assume two successive occupations by the two Pharaohs. The Hittite texts give no
evidence for two desertions of Amurru, but these accounts are generally quite
laconic. The event. however. is clearly placed within the reign of Bentesina. and not
in that of his father. Unless the retrospective Hittite accounts are wrong on this point,
a lengthy Egyptian occupation would be an indication of a rather long reign of
Bentesina. of more than half a century. 43 Considering the longevity of his great-
grandfather Aziru. this is by no means impossible. The beginning of Bentesina's
reign remains to be determined.
Bentesina's desertion is dealt with in the Hittite sources in rather mild terms. ll1is.
of course. is hardly surprising, since we only have the accounts of tJattusili III.
Bentesina's benefactor. and of Tudbaliya IV, his brother-in-law. Had there been any
reports from Muwatalli44 or Urbi-Tesub on this issue. they would surely be much
43 From Seti's Syrian campaigns (c. 1290 R.C.) until sometime within the reign o[ Tmlbaliya IV.
Renle.~ina appears a~ king of Amurru in the Bronze Tahlel, which may he dated to c. 1240 R.C. (sec
Otten 1988: 8 n. 23; van den Hout 1989: 114).
44 _It ha~ hecn suggested that KUIJ 11156, a fragmentary letter from a Hittite king. contains a warning
lo Rentesina not lo give in to the Egyptians (llagenhuchner 1989a: 174; 198%: 379ff; sec especially
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harsher. In the Sausgamuwa treaty Bentesina is not even held responsible for his
betrayal. It is rather the "Men of Amurru" who sent the letter of defection to the king
of Hatti. Were this a more "objective" source, one might even raise the possibility of
inner strife in Amurru, with a pro-Egyptian party pressuring Bentesina into surrender
to the approaching Egyptians. There is no need, however. to search very far for
extenuating circumstances for Bentesina's desertion. Confronted with a formidable
Egyptian build up on the threshold of his kingdom, and with no Hittite assistance in
sight, 45 Bentesina had little choice but to surrender. In doing so he was only
folJowing in the footsteps of his ancestors who always knew how to adjust their
policy to reality.
A Hittite vow dealing with Amurru (KBo IX 96; see Kiengel 1969: 213) should
probably be dated before the decisive encounter between the imperial armies. The
suppliant must be Muwatalli, who vows gifts to various deities 46 if he succeeds in
defeating Amurru.
Amurru, however. remained in Egyptian hands and its territory served as a vital
bridgehead for the elite troops of the N''m who eventually saved Ramses from total
II. 5'-8'). However, the text mentions a certain Sausgamuwa who brought presents to the king of Hatti.
Bentesina could hardly have had a grown son before the battle of Qedcs. Unless some other
Sausgamuwa is meant. which is most unlikely. this letter should rather he related to Bentesina's
correspondence with IJattusili and Pudubepa.
Another fragment which may perhaps he related to Bentesina's activities at the time of the Battle of
Qcdcs is KUB XXI 39 (see Cornil and Lebrun 1975-76: 850. The fragmentary letter mentions besides
Bentesina, the king of Egypt, the land of Zulalhi I and tJ1e land of Nil ya].
45 The "General's Letter" from Ugarit, which was thought to provide some evidence for a Hittite
defensive line in Amurru (see, e.g., Klengel 1969: 213), is now finnly dated to the Amarna Age (lzre'el
and Singer 1990; see als1• lzre'el, vol. I, §6. I).
46 Including a deity of the town lrqata (in Amurru). See further below on tJ1e Pantheon of Amurru.
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disaster. 47 Whether Amurrite troops participated on the side of the Egyptians is not
known, but the name of Amurru does not appear in the long list of Hittite allies.
The outcome of the battle is well known. The attempt of Ramses to regain the age-
old Egyptian grip on Amurru failed utterly, despite some early successes. Amurru
returned to the Hittite fold and remained there until the very end.
According to Egyptian sources, it seems that Ramses made some further attempts
to regain a foothold in central Syria and conducted campaigns to Tunip and Dpr in
the Land of Amurru (Heick 1971: 208ff; Kitchen 1982: 68ff). There is no supportive
Hittite evidence for these claims,48 but this may be due to the turbulent events in Hatti
following the death of Muwatalli. In any case, even if this evidence is accepted, these
Egyptian moves could not have had any lasting effect. Perhaps of more avail were
the Egyptian efforts to regain some foothold in the naval base of ~umur. This may be
indicated by the fact that in the Satirical Letter in Papyrus Anastasi I, the city is called
~umur of Ssy, i.e. Ramses II (cf., however, Klengel 1969: 319 n. 13). If indeed the
Egyptians did regain some influence in coastal Amurru, this achievement may have
been a goodwill concession awarded by ijattusili to his valuable ally.
After the Hittite victory Muwatalli deposed the treacherous king of Amurru, he
crowned in his stead a certain Sapili of whom we know nothing. 49 The event is
reported both in the Sausgamuwa treaty and in the parallel texts KUB XXI 33 and HT
7 (see n. 50 below). Bentesina was taken as a prisoner to Hatti, but he soon became
the protege of the king's brother, ijattusili. The treaty between the two (CTH 92)
provides the details of Bentesina's further destiny. ijattusili asked his brother to place
the deposed king of Amurru under his aegis, then took him to ijakpis, the capital of
47 Cf., however, Schulman l98l:l4ff, who maintains that the N'rn troops were stationed on the west
bank of the Orontes. For the stationing of these troops see also Zuhdi 1978; Stieglitz 1991: 47.
48 Unless we relate here the fragment KBo XXVIII 57 which mentions Bentesina, Aziru and Tunip
(spelt with both Du and Tu4, the lalter recalling Amama). Could this be a letter exchanged between the
Hittite court and Ramses discussing the fate of Tunip?
49 For the name see below in the chapter on name-giving.
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his northern sub-kingdom, and gave him a house(hold). In short, as the text
concludes, "Bentesina did no.t have a bad life". What was the purpose of 1:Jattusili's
warm treatment of the Syrian deserter? At this stage did he already foresee his own
usurpation of the throne and the ensuing reinstatement of Bentesina in Amurru? Was
he simply motivated by personal friendship? We shall probably never know. In any
case, his comfortable exile in Hatti must have had a considerable impact on
Bentesina, not only on his "political re-education", but also on his cultural dispo-
sition. Indeed, from this period on, Amurru came under strong Hittite influence, far
more than its more northerly neighbor Ugarit (see below in the section on culture).
As soon as ljattusili seized the throne in Hatti he reinstated Bentesina in Amurru.' 0

The close ties between the ambitious statesmen. both of whom (re-)assumed power in
unusual circumstances, were further strengthened by a double marriage: a son of
IJattusili, Nerikkaili, married an (unnamed) daughter of Bentesina, and his daughter
Gassuliyawiya was given to Bentesina himself. Naturally, she was to become the first
lady of Amurru, whose descendants would assume the throne after Bentesina's death.
The vassal treaty between 1:Jattusili and Bentesina (CTI/ 92) is characterized by an
exceptionally familial character. Bentesina's Egyptian "affair" is skipped over. just as
is Urbi-Tesub's short reign in Hatti. Moreover, Bentesina was given the privilege of
formulating a stipulation of his own, in which he guaranteed his and his offspring's
legitimate right to the throne of Amurru.
The highly privileged status enjoyed by the royal house of Amurru after the
restoration of Bentesina is clearly demonstrated by the witness list in the treaty
between Tudbaliya and Kurunta of Tarbuntassa inscribed on the Bronze Tablet from
~o In KUB XXI 33 the mune of the king who reinstated Rentesina is missing. "11te interpretation of
this intriguing text (and the parallel text lff 7) cannot Ile discussed here (see llouwink ten Cate 1974:
l 27ff, with earlier literature). Some scholars have suggested that the overall understanding of the text
would favor the restoration of the name Mursifi (Ill), i.e. Urbi-Tcsuh. Although this possihility cannc;I
he ruled nut, the restoration IJauusili. in confomtity with the report of the Sausgamuwa treaty, seems to
me more lik.el y.
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Appendix Ill: Singer, A Concise rnstory of Amwrn
Bogbazktiy (Otten 1988: 26ff). In this important state ceremony, for which the
creme of the imperial administration assembled, Bentesina is the only Syrian ruler.~ 1
Moreover, his son Sausgamuwa is als·o present, already bearing the title "the king's
brother-in-law" (see further below).
A further corollary of Bentesina's intimate ties with Hatti is his correspondence

with his in-laws at the Hittite court (see Hagenbuchner 1989a: I 73f; 1989b: 370-382;
Izre'el. pp. 100-I08 above). Like the correspondence from Egypt, the letters from
Amurru (written in Akkadian) were probably also "double-tracked" - a copy to
tjattusili and a copy to Pudubepa. Unfortunately. with few exceptions the state of
preservation of Bentesina's correspondence with Hatti (about eight to ten fragments)
does not facilitate a clear picture on the subjects discussed (but see above, pp. I 62f
on KBo VIII 16). It seems that one recurring subject is the diplomatic traffic between
the courts of Hatti and Egypt passing through the territory of Amurru.
After the signing of the Peace Treaty ( 1258 B.C.), the scope of the diplomatic and
trade contacts between the two empires expanded considerably, and the territory of
Amurru became a hub of this busy traffic. 52 It seems that Bentesina was asked to
report to Hatti about the arrival and departure of such diplomatic missions (see, e.g ..
KBo VIII 16 obv. 6ff (= Bo 141m. above pp. I03f); KBo XXVIII 54 obv. 4ff). 53
Perhaps in some cases he even assumed the role of a middleman, transferring mail to
51 Except, of course, the viceroy of Kargamis; from Anatolia the rulers of Isuwa, Mira and the Seba
River Land were present. It is noteworthy that in the treaty with Ulmi-Tesuh the king of Amurru is not
mentioned.
52 Another important meeting point of Egyptian and Hittite messengers was Megiddo in northern
Palestine (Singer 1988a).
53 One of the best known "shuttle diplomats" who frequented Amurru was Pibn.~du/Pikasta/
l'ibaddu (all variants of the same name). Sec Singer 1983: 17.
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Appendix Ill: Singer, A Concise llistory of Amurru
Egypt through his own messengers. 54 From Amurru one of the routes continued
northwards to Ugarit, and from there to llatti or to Kargamis. 55
The royal marriage between Ramses II and the Hittite princess { 1245 B.C.)
brought the cordiality between the two great powers to a new highpoint. and again
the Land of Amurru played a central role. In a letter to Ramses. l'udu~epa an-
nounced that she would personally accompany her daughter to Amurru {KUB XXI
38 rev. I ff; Heick 1963: 92f). The large retinue of the princess, including her dowry
of livestock. were received by Ramses' emissaries at Aya, an otherwise unknown
bordertown between the two empires (KUB Ill 37 obv. 23; Edel 1953: 41 ).
The golden age of the Pax Hethitica must have brought an unprecedented
prosperity to Bentesina's kingdom. Due to its privileged geographical situation on the
crossroad of the coastal route and the main artery leading to inland Syria. Amurru
became the hub of a lucrative trade not only between North and South. but also
between East and West, i.e. between Mesopotamia and the Mediterranean. Ironically,
we learn about the benefits of this international trade from two negative incidents.
In the long letter of lJattusili to Kadasman-Enlil II of Babylon (KBo I IO+KUB Ill

72) an embarassing incident of murder is recounted at length: some Babylonian
merchants were killed in the lands of Amurru and Ugarit. The king of Babylon
complained that Bentesina W,111tip.fr1111i) had not only refused to 1:onsidcr his com-
plaint but had also cursed him. The king of Hatti assumed responsibility for the deeds
of his vassal. but when he looked into the matter, he was told by Bentesina that the
"Men of Akkad" (i.e. the Babylonians) owed him three talents of silver. This
considerable sum was perhaps paid to Bentesina as a toll for the free passage of the
merchants in Amurrite territory. l:lattusili concluded the matter by a promise to
54 The king of Amurru is most prohahly t11e addressee of the "docket" KUB XXVI 90 in which h,· is
instructed to inform the king of llatti ahout any matters concerning Egypt that might come to his
attention and to forward a letter addressed to the king of Egypt (sec Comil and Letmrn 1975-76: 880.
55 This is indicated hy RS 19.()6 (= PRU VI, no. I). a '"lettre de politesse"' from llcnlcsina to the king:,
his lord. The latter must he the king of Hatti or the viceroy of Kargamis. Sec further Singer J99(): I 7J
(hol cf. lzre'el, vol. I, p. 23).
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convene an international court where the representatives of both sides would be able
to put their case.
At the other end of the latitudinal route traversing the Middle East were the ports
of Amurru and Ugarit and the Mediterranean trade centers beyond. In a famous
passage from the Sausgamuwa treaty, the king of Amurru is required to prevent the
ships of 1Ahlhiyawa56 from unloading merchandise destined for Assur. By lhe time
of Tudhaliya the Assyrians had become a feared enemy, but in earlier times lhe ports
of Amurru must have profited greatly from this prosperous trade between East and
West.
One could perhaps anticipate that the prosperity brought by this international trade
would arouse rivalry between Amurru and its wealthier northern neighbor. It seems,
however, that the entente cordiafe between the Levantine kingdoms endured and
even became stronger. In the spirit of the accord signed between Aziru and Niqm-
addu, Amurru kept its status as the protector of its mercantile ally. When Ugarit faced
certain problems with the Umman-manda warriors (see Liverani 1962: 121ff;
Klengel 1962: 460ff n. 3) Bentesina served as the mediator and led the parties to an
agreement which was later ratified by Sausgamuwa (RS 17 .286 = PRU IV: 180; see
above, pp. 81 ff).
The conlial relations culminated, as usual. in a royal marriage: Ammistamru II of

Ugarit took an (unnamed) daughter of Bentesina. But alas, this marriage, which
should have perpetuated the peace and brotherhood between Amurru and Ugarit,
turned sour, and the ensuing scandal threatened to undermine the traditional friend-
ship between the two courts. The unpleasant task of appeasing the enraged husband
was left to Sausgamuwa, the brother of the ill-fated princess.
% The resloration of "hattle-ships" (llablbimwa.v (ll~_Mi\) instead of "[AIJ]IJiyawan ships" reccnlly

suggesled hy Sleiner (1989). is, in my view, mosl unlikely.
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Appendix III: Singer, A Concise History of Anuuru
Sausgamuwa (c. 1235-1200?) and the Fall of Amurru
Sausgamuwa ascended the throne during the reign of Tudbaliya IV, sometime in
the forties of the 13th century. In his vassal treaty the Assyrians already appear as
fierce enemies, and this atmosphere would best fit either the beginning of Tukulti-
Ninurta's reign (1234 8.C.) or the very end of Shalmaneser's. Assuming that he was
the son of Gassuliyawiya (Klengel 1969: 313), the first lady of Amurru, and that he
was born shortly after her marriage with Bentesina, Sausgamuwa must already have
been in his thirties at the time of his coronation.
According to his treaty (CTH 103; Kiihne and Otten 1971 ), TudtJaliya took him by
the hand and gave him his sister in marriage. Since in the Bronze Tablet (Otten 1988)
Sausgamuwa is called "the king's brother-in-law" (ljADAN LUGAL) he must have
married the Hittite princess before he became king. 57
Sausgamuwa's marriage with Tudt,aliya's sister, the third intermarriage between the
courts of Hatti and Amurru, served no doubt to reinforce the absolute loyalty of the
Amurrite court to the ruling dynasty at ijattusa. By this time the rivalry with the other
branch of Hittite royalty, the descendants of Muwatalli in Tarhuntassa, had become a
real menace to ijattusa (see Otten 1988: 3ft), and TudtJaliya was eager to guarantee
the "correct" orientation of the important vassal kingdom. This may explain the un-
usually outspoken manner in which Tudbaliya sought to indoctrinate the Amurrite
king by citing the precedent of Masturi. This king of the Seba River Land married a
sister of Muwatalli, but when civil war broke out in Hatti he (wisely) stood at
ijattusili's side and betrayed the legitimate heir of his benefactor. Tudt,aliya warns
57 It is surprising that the name of the princess is nowhere stated. Perhaps her name appears on the
side of Sausgamuwa's fragmentary hieroglyphic seal impression on RS 17.372 (Ugaritica III: figs. 41-
42). Only the first sign of the name is preserved, in all probability Mal- (for the reading of the sign see
Laroche, Ugaritica III: 100). The adjacent sign KING should be restored accordingly to PRINCESS
(KING+ DAUGHTER),parallel to Sausgamuwa's title PRINCE. This princess must have been a (much)
younger sister of Ga.~suliyawiya. This created the unusual situation that Sausgamuwa's mother and
wife were apparently sisters! (see Kiihne 1973: 182 n. 68).
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Sausgamuwa not to act like Masturi. 58 In other words, he implicitly admits the ille-
gitimacy of his father's and of his own rule!
Sausgamuwa's treaty duly reflects the rapidly deteriorating political situation of

Hatti. Gone were the prosperous days of the Pax Hethitica, and the dark clouds of
war with Assur were gathering. Whereas the other great powers of his age - Egypt,
Babylon 59 (and AhhiyawaN') are still considered as either friends or foes, Assur is the
enemy of Hatti. Merchants of Amurru should no longer trade with Assyria. and
Assyrian merchants should not be allowed to traverse Amurrite territory. The em-
bargo is also extended to maritime trade with (AhhJiyawa (see n. 56 above). The
troops of Amurru should be put unhesitantly at the disposal of Hatti in case of a
military confrontation.
The unavoidable clash between Hatti and Assur occurred probably in the first
year(s) of Tukulti-Ninurta ( 1234 B.C.; see Singer 1985b). It broke out in the moun-
tainous region of the upper Tigris, far-away from Amurru. It is quite unlikely that
troops from Amurru (not to mention Ugarit) participated in this battle in which
Tudhaliya was deserted by his closest ally (probably lsuwa).
The sour defeat of Tudhaliya presented the Assyrians with a golden opportunity to
realize their age-old dream of reaching the Mediterranean. Indeed some have
imagined a large-scale Assyrian offensive to the Levantine coast which brought to an
end the dynasty of Aziru (Forrer 1932: 273: Heick 1971: 223 n. 80). The evidence
for such a campaign, however, is far from convincing. A Middle Assyrian legal
document dating to the very beginning of Tukulti-Ninurta's reign (see Harrak 1987:
240) contains a list of livestock and personnel that were brought to Assur. including
58 Of course, Ma~luri himself was never punished hy TucllJaliya for his treachery and he appears in
lite prestigious Lisi of wilnesses in the Bronze Table!.
59 The memion of Babylon a~ an independent power dales 1he lrealy before its conquesl hy Tukuhi-
Ninurta
611 On the famous era~ure of A!J!Jiyawa from the list see the literature cited in Steiner 1989. 'fo my
mind, the Mycenaean power wa~ erased because of its distance from the theatre of events and lhc
improhahility of its direct involvement in the poltical and military developments in Syria.
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15 blind men from the Land of Amurru (KAJ 180, I. 14; Weidner 1959-60: 36;
Klengel 1969: 227). As suspected by Klengel (ibid.), Amurru is most probably
already used here in tbe general sense in which it appears a century later in the texts
of Tiglath-Pileser I. i.e. as referring to all of Syria (see further Singer, forthcoming).
In any case, 15 blind men (LiJMES IGI.NU.DUgMES) from Amurru (whatever the
meaning of this strange transfer may be) hardly make a case for a full-fledged
Assyrian offensive and conquest of the kingdom of Amurru. Prom all that we know
from other sources. Tukulti-Ninurta's pursuits west of the Euphrates were limited to
northern Syria, in the region designated by him as Hatti (see Singer 1985b: l03 n. 20
for bibliography; see also Harrak 1987: 240f). Tukulti-Ninurta did not take full
advantage of his early victories over the Hittites, and in the later part of his reign he
concentrated upon internal matters in Assyria.
In all probability Amurru continued to exist after the Assyrian raids in Syria, and
its end must be associated, like that of Ugarit, with the invasion of the Sea Peoples.
ln the early part _of his reign Sausgamuwa was preoccupied with the scandalous
divorce case of his sister who was married to the king of Ugarit. The large "dossier"
revolving round this matter contains one Ugaritic (RS 34.124; see Panlee 1977;
Brooke 1979) and about a dozen Akkadian documents (for a list of references see
Kiihne 1973). Much has been written on this notorious affair, perhaps the best
documented matrimonial scandal in early antiquity (for more recent discussions sec
Fisher 1971: 11-19; Nougayrol l 972; Rainey 1973: 57ff; Kiihne 1973: van Soldt
1983; Dupont 1987: 92ff). For quite some time the very identity of the drama's
personae was obscured by the ambiguity of the designations found in the texts. A
tablet from the Claremont collection (RS 1957. I) was most useful in disentangling
the complicated issue. It proved beyond any doubt that there was only one Amurritc
princess married to Ammistamru (see already Schaeffer in U Karitica V: 31 f), rather
than two as had previously been thought. What was considered to be her name.
Pidda, turned out to be nothing more than the West Semitic word hittalhitti,
"daughter" (first recognized by Nougayrol 1972: 89).
The issue may be very briefly summarized as follows: An Amurrite princess, the
daughter of Bentesina and Uassuliyawiya. was given in marriage to A,nmistamru II
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of Ugarit. Her name is never mentioned in the extant documents (but cf. van Solclt
1987: 71). She is referred to alternatively as "the daughter of Bentesina", "the
daughter of the king of Amurru", "the sister of Sausgamuwa", or as "the daughter of
the great lady" (bittu rahrti). The latter title refers no doubt to her being the daughter
of the great lady of Amurru, the Hittite princess Gassuliyawiya. The unnamed
princess committed a "great sin" in Ugarit, the exact nature of which is not clear
(adultery is the usual assumption, but see Rainey 1973: 58ff; Kuhne 1973: I 83ff).
The marriage was dissolved and the princess returned to her homeland with her
original dowry. Later, however, the angry husband demanded her extradition, and
after lengthy negotiations and the arbitrations of the highest authorities in Kargamis
and Hatti (lni-Tesub and Tuclbaliya), she was eventually put at the mercy of
Ammistamru in return for 1400 shekels of gold. The sacrifice of the unfortunate
princess was a "cheap" price for the restoration of peace and order in the Hittite
commonwealth of Syria, a price that her brother Sausgamuwa and her uncle
Tudbaliya were ready to pay. The fate of the children born from this hapless
marriage acids further "color" to the melodrama. The crown-prince Utri-Sarruma, in
whose veins ran the mixed blue blood of the Hittite, the Amurrite and the Ugaritic
royal houses, was given the difficult choice between the future crown of Ugarit if he
stayed with his father and the loss of all his rights if he followed his doomed mother.
It would seem that he heroically chose the latter option, since someone else (lbiranu)
became the next king of Ugarit.
The cordial relations between Ugarit and Amurru were fully restored. Sausgamuwa
ratified an accord between Ugarit and the Umman-manda warriors, which had been
negotiated by his father Bentesina (RS 17.286 =PRU/\/: 180; seep. 171 above).
The last years of Amurru are very meagerly documented. In fact, the only relevant
document that may be dated with any probability to this period is the letter of Par~u
(RS 20.162 = Ugaritica V, no. 37; see above, pp. 98ff). It comes from the archive of
Rap'anu which contains primarily documents from the last period of Ugarit (see van
Soldt 1986: I: I 82ff; Izre'el and Singer 1990: 9-11 ). Par~u writes to the king of
Ugarit reminding him of his commitment to send to Amurru information about the
(unnamed) enemies. The king of Ugarit apparently did not keep to his promise,
despite the fact that, as put by Par~u. "the lands of Amurru and the lands of Ugarit are
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Appendix 111: Singer, A Concise llistory of Amurru
one". Nevertheless, an (unspecified) number of ships were put at the disposal of the
king of Ugarit.
The letter of Par~u has the character of the last correspondence of Ugarit, which
deals with the menace of the approaching seaborne enemy, the Sea Peoples (sec
Ast our 1965 ). Ugarit, which was closer to the scene of the momentous events, was
requested by her southern ally to share vital information on the elusive enemy. In
return, Amurru sent her ships, perhaps to replace the navy of Ugarit which had sailed
to distant Lukka (U~aritim V. no. 24).
If correctly interpreted, this seems to be the only direct reference to Amurru's

involvement in the dramatic events marking the end of the Hittite Empire. This
paucity of records, in contrast with the relative abundance of data from Ugarit. does
not indicate, to my mind, that Amurru fell before Ugarit. It rather reflects the gradual
disruption of the communication systems between the members of the empire. Since
Amurru has not (yet) produced any independent sources of its own. we have no
information on its last years.
The same argument is relevant to the fact that Sausgarnuwa is the last known king
of the Aziru dynasty, whereas in Hatti we have one and in Ugarit two further
generations of kings. Sausgamuwa was younger than bis contemporaries. Tud!Jaliya
and Ammistamru, and he could easily have lived until the end of the 13th century.c, 1
To be sure, there may have been more king(s) in Amurru about whom we have no
knowledge (for Zkrb''{ see below). In short, until some fresh evidence turns up,
perhaps from one of its sites. the last period of Amurru remains shrouded in the mist.
61 Even if he was hom immcdialely after his fa1her's marriage wilh Gassuliyawiya he would slill
have lx.-en in his sixties in 1200 B.C.
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Hatti I Amurru I IUgarit I
Abdi-Asirta Ammi§tamru I
(? - c,1345)
Suppiluliuma Niqmepa Aziru Pu-Batta Bat}uya Niqmaddu II

(c.1345-1314)
Arnuwanda I I
Beti?ilu (= ?) DU-Tesub oo (?) fUlmi
(c.1311-1312) Ar-ijalba
Muriili Duppi-Tesub fAbat~Milku 00 Niqmepa

(c.1312-1290/1280)
Muwatalli
I .
Bentesma >
Uqµ-Te§ub (c.1290/1280-1275)
s..
--
Sap/bili ;;;·
Hattu§ili oo f Pudubepa (c.1275-1264)
en
Bentesina s·
fGa§§uliyawiya 00 (c.1264-1235) ~
....
I
Tudbaliya
oo r['?]
I
<Obittu rabiti 00 Ammi§tamru II >
00 Sadgamuwa
(".l
0
(c.1235-?) lbiranu c.C:
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Arnuwanda ~
Suppiluliama Niqmaddu ill
~
Ammurapi "'c
I~
The Dynasty of Abdi-A§irta -.
0
and the Royal Marriages with Hatti and Ugarit
t
c.,
-.J ..,
-.J C
Amurru in the Iron Age
The next information we have on Amurru is already after the fall of the kingdom.
According to Ramses Ill's inscriptions from Medinet Habu, the Sea Peoples set up
their camp in Amurru, in preparation for a further onslaught on Egypt (Edgerton and
Wilson 1936: 53). The broad •Akkar Plain was an ideal assembly point for the troops
and the chariots of_ the Sea Peoples, and the flat coastline an easy landing place for
their swift ships. 62 111e ensuing clash in Ramses Ill's 8th year (1175 B.C.) provides a
terminus ante quem for the fall of Amurru, but it is not possible to tell how much
earlier this event actually occurred. Neither do we know whether there was a
permanent settlement of the Sea Peoples in Amurru as in other parts of the Levantine
coast. 63
An intriguing object dated to the Early Iron Age is the arrow-head of "Zakarba•al
king of Amurru" (b$ zkrh'"f mlk ·•mr; Starcky 1982). On the evidence of its script
Starcky dated the object (of unknown origin) to the I Ith century. The name of the
king recurs on another arrow-head from the Beqa• Valley, and in the Wen-Amon
tale as the name of the ruler of Byblos. Assuming that the object is authentic (cf. the
doubts raised by Mazza 1987), the name proves that the rulers of the Amurru region
again took up Semitic names after a century and a half of "Hittite-llurrian" names
(see below on name-giving). It is of course impossible to tell where this mysterious
king of Amurru had his court. By this time the name Amurru had already returned to
its original geographical connotation, as referring to an extensive region of Syria.
During his campaign to the Mediterranean around 1100 B.C. Tiglath-Pileser

conquered the entire Land of Amurru and received the tribute of Byblos, Sidon and
62 For a good description of the terrain of the sea and !mid battles see Schaeffer. U xm itirn \ ·: 6 781T
For arguments against locating the sea battle in the eastern Nile delta see Singer 1985a: !09 n. I.
63 It is worth noting in this context a few late Mycenaean sherds that arc portrayed in the
preliminary publication of Tell Kazcl (Dunand, Bounni mid Salihy 1964: pl. XIV). Perhaps the
situation here will turn out to he similar to that in other sites along tlic l'hoenicimi coast. such as Ras
lhn llani, Tell Sukas. Byblos, Beirut mid Sarepta (sec llankcy 1982).
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Arwad (Weidner 1957-58). From Arwad he sailed to ~amuru (~umur) in the Land of
Amurru. a distance of three hem (see Klengel 1984: 13 n. 35 ). The orbit of Amurru
comprised not only the Phoenician coast, but also Tadmor (Palmyra) in the Syrian
desert.
Although the term Amurru acquired a constantly expanding connotation in Neo-

Assyrian and Neo-Babylon.ian sources (for a survey see Dhorme 1951: I 52ff). 64 it is
interesting to observe the survival of the territorial nucleus of "little Amurru" many
centuries after the fall of the Abdi-Asirta's dynasty. When Tiglath-Pileser III consoli-
dated the Assyrian grip on western Asia. one of the district capitals was located at
~imira (~umur), the traditional administrative center of Amurru (for ~umur's history
see Klengel 1984). The province extended from Asnu and Siyannu in the north to
Mount Sawe and Kaspuna in the south, a territory slightly larger than the extent of
Aziru's kingdom some 600 years earlier.
Some Preliminary Remarks on the Culture of Amurru
The mental and tbe material culture of a land and its people(s) can be satisfactorily
reconstructed and evaluated only on the basis of its own sources. The Land of
Amurru. probably the least explored region along the Levantine coast, is still a long
way from providing the requisite evidence for this purpose.
The archaeological record available so far from two major urban centers - Tell
Kazel/~umur and Tell •Arqa/lrqata - offers only a glimpse into the potential interest
of these sites. In particular Tell Kazel, with the monumental architecture and the rich
deposits of "Couche V" (Dunand. Bounni and Saliby 1964: 11-13), promises to be
instrumental in reconstructing the Late Bronze Age culture of coastal Amurru. From
a third mound, Arde. barely enough material has been recovered for its identification
64 For the 11ihlical uses of the term Amurru see Liverani 1973: I 23ff II is noteworthy that the horder
description in Joshua 13: 4-5 preserves lhc memory of the situalion in the Late Bronze Age, fi,ing lhc
horder hetween the lands of Byhlos and Amurru at Aphek/Afqa. On the other hand. in the Tahlc of
Nalions in Genesis 10 the region of Arnurru is represented hy two of its main cities - the Arkites
(lrqata) and the ~emarites (~umur).
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with Ardata (see references in Singer 1990: I I 9f). The exact location of the im-
portant coastal stronghold of Ullasa is still unknown. Practically nothing is known
about the hinterland of Amurru, which is particularly lamentable in a kingdom whose
very formation is intimately connected with the non-urban populations of the
highland. 65
As for the products of the mind. our only sources are the documents relating to
Amurru's relations with its suzerains - first Egypt and later Hatti - and with its
northern neighbor Ugarit. Lacking any literary, religious or mythological sources on
Amurru. the best we can do is extract occasional and indirect clues on Amurru's
culture from these external sources. Under these circumstances the highly tentative
character of the following observations hardly needs to be stressed. Nevertheless.
some preliminary remarks on Amurru's culture can and should be ventured in a
companion to a book devoted to a central aspect of a culture. its (written) language.
Pantheon
The only aspect of the religious life of Amurru on which some preliminary
remarks can be made is its pantheon. With only a few cult objects from excavations
(Dunand, Bounni and Saliby 1964: pl. XVII) and no religious or mythological texts
at all, the cult and religion of Amurru remain to be discovered.
The list of witness gods in the Hittite state treaties provides an invaluable glimpse
into the pantheons of the peoples with whom they concluded these treaties.
Unfortunately, from all the extant treaties with Amurru only one such list. in the
Duppi-Tesub treaty. has been relatively well preserved (CT/I 56 D Ill l5'-17'; see Del
Monte 1986: 172). At the end of the paragraph listing all the Storm-gods, we
encounter. after one missing name, 66 the Storm-god of Arqata (lrqata). the Storm-
65 For an archaenlngical survey of the gap of l_loms see Sapin 1978-79.
66 On comparison with parallel lists in the treaties of Telle and Niqmepa (lJel Monte 1986: IOIJI it
is certain that the Stonn-god of lsbupilla is the ht~t god in the llillite list mid therefore the missing
name here undouhtedly helongs to a Storm-god of Amurru.
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Appendix Ill: Singer, A Coucise History of Amm 111
god of Tunip, (the Storm-god of lJalfab of Tunip. and Milku (Mi-il5-k11) (of tht.'
Land of Amurfru. On comparison with the treaties of Niqmepa and Tt.'tte, which
open the list with the Storm-gods of Ugarit and Nubasse respectively, we may
perhaps restore the missing first name as the Storm-god of Amurru. Alternatively,
since this deity is followed by two local Storm-gods (lrqata 67 and Tunip).1>8 the gap
may have contained the Storm-god of a third town, perhaps ~umur. 69 The fourth
name on the list belongs to the Storm-god of llalab, probably the most important
Storm-god of Syria (see K lengel 1965). Ue was worshipped in many localities in and
outside Syria, in local hypostases of his image (Singer 198 I: 120). Tunip, the most
important cult center of Amurru (see below), was a natural haven of this important
cult.
The last name on the list of the Storm-gods belongs to Milku, one of the main
deities of Amurru. 70 His name probably appears as a theophoric element in the name
of the Arnurrite princess Abat-Milku. 71
Another group of Syrian deities includes NIN.PISAN.PISAN of Kinza (Qedes) and

the mountains of Lablana (Lebanon), Sariyana (Anti-Lebanon) and Pisaisa. This
67 A deity of the town lrqata is also mentioned in a llillitc vow (/(Bo IX 96 I 11': st·c p. 166 with
n. 46 ahove). lrqata is preceded hy th<' name of the town Nineveh (URUN,•-nri-,1·a-a.n. hut the name of
the deity is hroken. It should prohahly he restored as lstar of Nineveh (sec Laroche 1946-47: 95f and t·f.
Klengcl 1969: 213). For similar hypostases of ma_jor deities sec hclow 011 the Stonn-god of ll:~ah of
Tunip. and Si11ger 1981: 120).
6R 111 the ttc:tties of Niqmepa mid Telle 110 local Stom1-gods arc mentioned (other than those of
Ugarit and Nu~asse).
69 On the prohlem of the scpmate c~istence or non-c,istence of a l<>wn n~lcd Amunu sec ahove.
p. 158.
70 This is not the place to investigate the origins and the av,dars of this important deity. I le is now
mnply attested at Emar (see Arnaud 1987: 18).
71 Cf. lhe names Ahi-Milku (Moran 1987: 575; cf. also Nougayrol, Uxaritirn V: 60) mid especially
A~i-Milku (see Griindahl 1967: 319); the latter may he compared to the theophoric name Abi-
NERGAL (SES-dMAS.MAS). Another assumption is that the name should he rendered as "king's
sister" (Griindal1l 1967: 55; lluchnergard 1987: 147; vm1 Soldt 1987: 71; lzre'el, vol. I. p. 20).
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group appears in other Syrian treaties as well and is therefore not exclusively asso-
ciated with Amurru. 111e list of local deities is concluded with the stereotypic formula
"(all) the gods and the goddesses of Amurru".
Another source on the Amurrite pantheon is the document in which Sausgamuwa

accedes to the extradition of his unfortunate sister, the hittu rahiti (RS 18.06+ 17 .365
= PRU IV: I 37f). Among general deities of supplication (Sky and Earth, Storm-god
of the enclosure, Heavenly Storm-god, Sin, ls~ara), the list of gods invoked also
includes three local gods: Islar of Tunip, the Storm-god of Mount IJazi and IJebat of
Ari. The two latter are gods of Ugarit (at the northern and southern extremes of the
kingdom). whereas )star (or Sausga) of Tunip must represent Amurru (cf. n. 67
above on the Istar of Irqata). This is a clear indication of the central position of this
city in the Land of Amurru. after its annexation by Azim.
Name-giving
Name-giving is a practice which may readily reveal the changing fashions and
influences to which a culture is exposed. Although the onomasticon of Amurru
consists so far of only about a dozen names and is almost restricted to royalty. the
sharp transition from Semitic to (etymologically) Hurrian names (see below) after
Amurru's defection from Egypt to I latti may serve as a master example for cultural
transformation subsequent to political change.
Abdi-Asirta and his sons (Aziru, Pu-Ba<la. Ba"luya and Niqmepa) hear good Wt'st
Semitic names constructed oil the appelatiolls of West Semitic deities. 71 Alter Azi1u's
defection all his successors Oil the throne of Amurru were given llurrian names.
mostly deriving from Hurrian deities: DU/SUM-Tesub, Duppi-Tesub, Belltesina.
Sausgamuwa. The only exception to the rule, Sap/bili, whose name is probably
72 Perhaps we should add In the onom;t~ticon of Amama age Amurru the persons who are greeted in
the postscript to EA 170 (II. 36-44), a lellcr scnl hy Ba<Juya and Beti"ilu lo A,.iru in Egypt. All six
persons (the identities of whom are unknown) hcar Semitic names: Rah(i)-ilu, Ahdi-DIJRA!i. fliniina.
Rahi-~idqu, Amur-Ba'la. 'Anatu. On the other hand, the persons listed in EA 162: 55-77. who must he
extradited to Egypt. seem to hear mostly Egyptian names.
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Appendix lll: Singer, A Concise History of Ammru
Semitic, 73 actually confirms it. Although we know nothing about his origins, the very
fact that he was installed on the throne instead of Bentesina may indicate that he did
not belong to the (ruling) royal house of Amurru.
It has been suggested that Aziru himself took up a new name (Abiradda) after his
submission to Hatti (Cavaignac 1932: 191), but this remains highly questionable
(Klengel 1963: 49; Singer 1990: 175f). Of more weight is the possibility that Aziru's
son DU-Tesub formerly had a Semitic name. This rests on his possible identification
with Beti"ilu, the co-author of EA 170, who is also mentioned in EA 161 alongside
Aziru's brothers. If the equation is valid, this would highlight the cultural watershed
in the royal onomasticon of Amurru.
Whether Hurrian name-giving also extended to the female members of the royal
family is less evident. Ahat-Milku, probably DU-Tesub's daughter, was given a
Semitic name (see n. 71 ); on the other hand Ulmi, probably DU-Tesub's wife, appar-
ently bore a Hurrian name (Laroche 1976- 77: 280).
The Hurrian name-giving is clearly an adoption of a contemporary Hittite custom,

best exemplified by the royal house of Carchemish. It has obviously nothing to do
with Mitannian influence and should not be confused with the age-old Hurrian
influence in inner-Syrian states (such as Niya, Nul1asse, Qa!na, Qedes), which goes
back to the Hurro-Mitannian expansion in the 17th and 16th centuries. In Amurru,
Hurrian, or rather. "l-littite-Hurrian" names only appear after the fall of Mitanni. It is
interesting to compare the royal names of Amurru with those of Ugarit. In the latter
kingdom "l-littite-Hurrian" names were not adopted, and the kings of Ugarit
continued to bear Semitic names under Hittite rule. 74 This marked difference between
73 A similar name is attested in a letter of Ahdi-Asirta (EA 62: 26); Sah-ilu (sec Moran 1987: 585) is
one of four persons who remained in Sumur when the town was attacked hy the men of Sc~lal. Another
Sapili was the king of Siyannu at the time of lni-Tcsuh. ·11,ere is no reason to hclicve that he was the
same person as his homonym in Amurru.
74 The same applies to Emar (sec Arnaud 1987: 16).
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the two Levantine states·" may probably be attributed to the nature of their ties with
the imperial court of Hatti. Whereas the royal houses of Hatti and Amurru were
closely tied by several intermarriages (two initiated by Uattusili and one hy
Tudbaliya), only the last king of Ugarit married (unsuccessfully) into llittitc royalty
(see Astour 1980 with references).
As already stated, this cultural phenomenon is only relevant Ill the 1oyal
onomasticon of Amurru. It must not he imputed to the lower social stiata who ma\
well have continued to use local (Semitirl names. Since we have no dPn1111entar y
evidence on the non-royal names of Amurru. 76 this conjecture rests solely on m1111e1-
ous historical analogies for similar situations. in which the ruling class adopts the
name fashions of the suzerain whereas the lower classes stick to "national" names. 71
Arter the fall of the llittite Empire the rulers of the region resumed Semitic names.
as shown by the arrow-head of "Zkrh''f king of Amurru".
Glyptics
Amurru's close ties with the Hittite court and with llittite culture were probably
forged during Bentesina's stay in IJakpis as a protege of l:,lattusili and Pudubcpa and
his ensuing marriage with their daughter Gassuliyawiya. The Hittite influence at the
court of Amurru is clearly shown in the glyptical domain, again in sharp contrast
with Ugarit (see Schaeffer. Uxaritica Ill: 86: Singer 1983: 15). The dynastic
(unepigraphic) cylinder seal of Aziru (Uxaritica Ill: figs. 44-45). which is used (like
the dynastic seal of Ugarit) until the end of the Amurrite kingdom, was still fashioned
75 II is inleresling lo ol>servc lhe names given lo lhc sons of lhe Amurrilc princess A~al-Milku who
married Niqmepa of Ugaril. Two of her sons. Uismi-Sarruma and lR-Sarruma, w<·rc given llurri;m
names, hut lhe successor lo lhc 1hrone, Ammislamru, l>cars a Semitic name (sec Liverani 1962: IOI;
Klcngcl 1969: 387).
76 The only exceplions could Ile Addarya (RS 17.152 and OA 23; see pp. 1601" al>ovc) and possibly
Par~u (RS 20.162; see pp. I 75f above), both of whom arc involved in the contacls l>clween lhe courts of
Ugaril and Amurru.
77 E.g., the lleUenization in lhe upper cht~scs of Judea during the llellenistic period.
184 I
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

in a typical Syrian style. On the other hand, the seals of Sausgamuwa (ibid.: figs. 38-
44), the only king of Amurru whose seals are known to us, are typical Hittite stamp
seals with hieroglyphic legend (see above p. 172 and n. 57).
The importance attached to Sausgamuwa's familial contacts with the Hittite court is
clearly demonstrated by his seal impressions (Ugaritica Ill: 30ff). In the tablets on
which these seals are impressed (dealing with the affair of the bittu rabiti), Sausga-
muwa appears as the ruling king of Amurru, but in the hieroglyphic legend of the
seals he bears the title "prince". This relates, no doubt, to his status within the Hittite
royal hierarchy and not to his status in Amurru. In other words, through his marriage
with Tudbaliya's sister he became a "royal prince" of Hatti(!), a status that was con-
sidered by him even more important than his royalty in Amurru, which is only
expressed by the (unepigraphic) dynastic seal also impressed on the tablet. 78
The excavations at Tell Kazel have so far only produced a fleeting glimpse into the
glyptical art of Amurru. From the monumental building in "Couche V" (Dunand,
Bounni and Saliby 1964: l lff), which may perhaps be a royal palace of the Amurrite
kings (see p. 158 above), two Hittite button seals and a seal impression on a sherd
were published (in a preliminary manner), alongside a cylinder seal and two scarabs
(ibid.: pl. XX). One of the button seals has on one side the name ?-wa - Storm-god,
most probably a (Hittite-)Hurrian theophoric name constructed on Tesub; 79 its other
side shows a bicephalic eagle, a frequent motif in Hittite glyptics.
The seal impression on the pottery sherd is of much interest, but unfortunately the
legend is unclear (at least in the published photograph, ibid.: pl. XX 4). It apparently
has three concentric rings (ibid.: 12), which most probably indicates royalty (cf. the
bulla from Aphek in Singer 1977). It is to be hoped that a proper publication of these
finds and further discoveries in the region will make it possible to extend these
78 Kiihne 1973: 182 n. 68. Singer 1977: 185 and n. 13. For the seals of other vassal kings of similar
status within the imperial hierarchy (lsuwa, Mira) see Singer 1977 : 184.
79 Masson 1975: 229 suggests the reading A for the first sign, but the name Awa-Te§ub is not
attested.
I 185
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Appendix Ill: Singer, A Concise llistory of Amurru
preliminary remarks on the glyptical art of Amurru. One may assume tbat a marked
Hittite influence, especially in the 13th century. will also be detected in other domains
of the material culture of Amurru.
Language and Script
The history of a people is reflected in the changes that occur in its language(s) and
script(s). Wben the historian has identified the major cultural turning points. the
linguist may attempt to detect their mark on the spoken and written language(s). And
vice versa: marked changes in the usage of language and script may give us some
clues on historical processes.
The written language of Amurru which was used for foreign affairs was Akkadian,
in a local variety which is investigated and described iu this monograph. The
influence of the spoken language. a West Semitic dialect, is clearly felt in the
Akkadian of the Amurru scribes. Were there other influences on Amurru Akkadian
which may be related to the history of the land?
The recorded history of Amurru has only two major phases which may represent,
to my mind, corresponding cultural divisions: a relatively short period of Egyptian
hegemony under Abdi-Asirta and the early years of Aziru, followed by a century and
a half of Hittite domination. In the historical sections of this excursus l have
attempted to refute the possibility of alleged Mitannian rule over Amurru in the
Amarna period (see pp. 146f above).
To be sure, this clear turning point in the geo-political orientation of Amurru

would not necessarily have had immediate cultural effects. Moreover, tbere arc
innumerable known and unknown factors which may have influenced the scribal
practices employed at the court of Amurru, some of which may be entirely unrelated
to the political orientation of the kingdom.
A known factor, for example, is the annexation of Tunip after Aziru's return from
Egypt. Tunip became an important center of the Land of Amurru, and several letters
were sent to Egypt while Azim was sojourning in the town. For a long time, prior to
Aziru's intervention. Tunip was situated between the Egyptian and the Mitannian
186 I
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Appendix Ill: Singer, A Concise History of Amurrn
spheres of influence. and one would anticipate a marked Hurrian influence on its
culture (see Klengel 1969: 88ff). This is clearly felt in EA 59. the only letter from
Tunip in the Amarna archive (see lzre'el 1990: 80). On the assumption that scribes
from Tunip were employed at one stage or another at the court of Amurru. it is not
surprising to discern a Hurriau influence in some Amurru letters (e.g., EA 170).
In a more general vein it should be stressed that we know nothing about the origin
and the education of the scribes who were active in Amurru. Unlike the documents
from ljattusa and Ugarit which were occasionally signed by scribes, none of the texts
originating from Amurru was signed by a scribe. Any observation concerning for-
eign influences on Amurru Akkadian rests entirely on linguistic analysis. with no
supportive external data.
Given all these uncertainties one may ask if there is anything at all in which the
history of Amurru may be of help for the linguist. I believe there is. In the long run.
a century and half of Hittite domination. a.ud in particular the exceptionally close ties
between the courts of Amurru and Hatti in the 13th century, must have left their
mark on the language. Bentesina spent several yea.rs in northern Hatti as a guest of
ljattusili and PudulJepa. Both he and his son Sausgamuwa married Hittite princesses.
One may reasonably assume that when he returned to Amurru, Bentesina brought
from his exile not only a strong commitment to his benefactors, but also (a) scribe(s)
who later conducted his prolific correspondence with his in-laws. Izre'el has indeed
detected some external linguistic influences in these letters, which may reflect a
Hittito-Akkadian scribal education (vol. I. §§6.1, 6.3). A marked "Assyrianization".
or better said "northernization". is also characteristic of Sausgamuwa's correspon-
dence with Ugarit and especially of the letter of Par~u (vol. I, pp. 360. 385). Thus,
linguistic analysis independently confirms the assumptions made on the basis of
historical developments.
Besides Akkadian the only other script whose usage is attested at the court of
Ugarit is hieroglyphic Hittite. However, its employment on seals (see the section on
glyp,,cs) probably reflects only a stylistic fashion rather than a real adoption of a
foreign writing system (cf. Arnaud 1987: 14. on Emar).
187
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Appendix Ill: Singer, A Concise History of Anuuru
Of more import is the question as to whether, like its neighbors Byblos and Ugarit,
Amurru also developed an independent script used for writing the native language.
Without sufficient archaeological exploration this question will remained unan-
swered. Neither can we tell whether the scripts of the neighbors were adopted at all in
Amurru. The question is especially relevant in the case of cuneiform Ugaritic, which
has a rather wide (though very sparse) distribution outside Ugarit itself, from Tell
Sukas (~uksi) in the north to Beth-Shemesh in the south. One would expect that
Amurru, Ugarit's closest neighbor, with whom close ties were maintained over a long
period. will produce some traces of the Ugaritic script in the future. On the other
hand, it should be pointed out that the diplomatic and commercial contacts between
Amurru and Ugarit (letters, agreements, dowry lists) were all conducted in Akkad-
ian,80 despite the fact that Ugaritic is well attested as an epistolary language (Ahl
l973).
After the fall of the Hittite Empire, Amurru, like the rest of the Phoenician coast,
began to employ the Phoenician alphabet, as shown by the arrow-head of "Zkrbrl
king of Amurru" (seep. l78).
In conclusion, it would be well to emphasize once again the highly tentative

character of these preliminary notes on the culture of Amurru. It is to be hoped that
future explorations in this important region will provide~a firmer basis for in-depth
investigations.
80 With the possible exception of RS 8.315 (= UT 95), a letter sent by Talmiyanu and Abat-Milku to
their mother. Abat-Milku's mother was probably Ulmi, DU-Tesub's queen (see p. 160 above). If so, the
letter may have been sent from Ugarit to Amunu (RS 8.315 being a copy).
188 I
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Vincentelli. I. 1972. Prodotti "Amorrei" e prodotti "Jlurriti." OA 11: 133-IJ5.
Waterhouse. Samuel Douglas. 1965. Syri<1 in tire Am<1rn<1 AK<': A llurda-/<111d

het11·ec11 Conflicting Empires. PhD dissertation. The University of Michigan.
University Microfilms International.
Weidner, Ernst F. 1957-8. Die Feldziige und Bauten Tiglatpilesers I. A.fO 18: 342-
360.
Weidner, Ernst F. 1959-60. Der Kanzler Salmanassars I. A.fO 19: :U-39.
Willielm. Gernnt, and .Johannes Boese. 1987. Ahsolute Chronolo_gie und die
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74-117.
Zaccagnini, Carlo. 1973. Lo srnmhia dei doni vel Vicino Oricnte d11ra11te i secoli XV-
X/11. Roma.
Zuhdi, 0. 1978. Benteshina and the N•rn Division . .ISSEA 8: 141-142.
195
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APPENDIX IV
GLOSSARY OF SELECTED LINGUISTIC TERMS
Note: The terms listed below are glossed in the sense(s) used in the specific context of
this study.
Absolutive. The case marking (of a noun) as standing in an autonomous syntactic

position (3.3. l.l.l; 3.3.l.l .2).
Accent. Prominence of a syllable in the word level. Cf. "stress"; "tone".
Adverbial. The relation of an object ("complement") or an adverbial phrase

("peripheral element") to the predicate (3.3.l.l.l; 4.5).
Adverbial translative. See "translative".
Akkadianization. Giving a special Akkadian nuance to a non-Akkadian linguistic

form.
Amamaic. The language used in the Amarna letters from Canaan.
Aspect. A semantic and inflectional property of a predicative form, termed

"proximity" in Amurru Akkadian (3.5; 3.6.3). There is no correlation between
what is usually termed "aspect" in general linguistic theory and the employment
of this term here.
Autonomous position. The position (of a noun) with no sentence-internal

syntactic relations to any other element; e.g., fronted extraposition, listing, titles
(3.3.l.l.l; 3.3.1.1.2).
Complement. A subsidiary element required by the predicate; object (3.3.l.l.l;

4.5). Cf. "peripheral element".
Conjugation. (l) Verbal inflection for person (e.g., suffix conjugation, prefix
conjugation. (2) verbal stem, i.e., binyan.
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Appendix IV: Glossary of Selected Linguistic Terms
Core Akkadian. The Akkadian spoken and written in Mesopotamia, as opposed to

"Peripheral Akkadian".
Di-phonemic. A phone which is a realization of two different phonemes (1.15).
Dialect. A relatively unified linguistic system spoken by a group of people. Cf.

"idiolect"; "subdialect"; "lect"; "language".
Dialectal continuum. A continuum of linguistic varieties which are more or less

similar to each other (0.1).
Dummy subject. The subject of a transitive predicative form which is not anchored
in the semantics a<; an agent (3.8.1).
Dynamism. The semantic property of non-stative predicative forms (3.5; 3.6.1).
Epistolary perfect. A verbal form. either the "preterite" or the "perfect". which
denotes an act synchlonous with the reading of a letter (3.6.2; 3.6.3).
Etymon. A basic semantic unit (3.4).
Extraposition. The position of a syntactic unit lying outside the boundaries of the
main sentence (3.3.1.1.2; 5.2.2).
Form. The shape of a spoken or written linguistic unit at any level of analysis, as
opposed to its meaning (cf. 0.1).
Idiolect. The linguistic variety of an individual speaker. Cf. "dialect"; "subdialect";

"lect"; "language".
Implied meaning. A secondary meaning, which is not specifically marked by the

linguistic form. but is understood, usually from the context (cf. e.g., the end of
1.14). Cf. "marking, markedness".
Interference. Deviations from linguistic norms resulting from the contact between
languages.
iparras. A technical term for the so-called "present-future" (2.4.2).

iprus. A technical term for the so-called "preterite" (2.4.2).
iptaras. A technical term for the so-called "perfect" (2.4.2).

Language. Any structurally unified communicational system used by either a
society or an individual. Cf. "dialect"; "subdialect"; "idiolect"; "lect".
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Leet. A distinctive linguistic system, of an individual scribe or of a single text, which

represents a unique linguistic structure possibly distinct from other texts written by
one and the same scribe (0.1). Cf. "idiolect"; "subdialect"; "dialect"; "language".
Lingua franca. A linguistic variety used as a common means of communication by

non-native (as well as native) speakers of a given language.
Linguistic continuum. See "Dialectal continuum".
Marking, markedness. The overt means of denoting a meaning in one member of

a pair of linguistic units where the other may be unmarked for that meaning. ln
other words, where, in a grammatical opposition, one member of a pair shows
more specific interpretation through an extra morpheme, this is the marked
member. The unmarked member of this opposition will thus be the less specific in
terms of categorical uniqueness (cf. 3.5). Cf. further "implied meaning".
Mass word. A noun denoting a substance or abstract entities which can be defined
as a mass (cf. 3.3.2.2). ·
Merging of forms. A historical process which results in the identification of forms

which denote different meanings.
Morphographemic spelling. A type of spelling which denotes morphological

structure rather than phonological shape (l.4; 1.12). Cf. "morphophonemic
spelling".
Morphophonemic spelling. A type of spelling which denotes both the mor-

phological and the phonological structure of a word. Cf. "morphographemic
spelling".
Morphophonology. The study of phonological phenomena subject to morpho-

logical constraints (l.l).
Nexus. The relation between the subject and the predicate (4.5).
Nominal element. Any expression which can occupy the position of a noun in a
sentence (3.3.3; 5.1.1 ). Cf. "noun".
Nominalization. The convergence of any linguistic expression, including

sentences, into a noun or a noun-like string.
Noun. A part of speech category which includes as subcategories both substantive

and adjective. Cf. "nominal element" (3.3.3).
Object. A(n obligatory) complement to the predicate (3.3.1.1.1; 4.5).
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Particle. Any part of speech which is not a noun, pronoun, or verb, and is non-
declinable.
Pattern. A morpheme which denotes derivation or inflection, like a verbal stem

(binyan) or a tense category.
Performative. An utterance denoting the action realized by it; Koinzidenzfall (cf.

3.6.3).
Peripheral element. An additional syntactic entity not obligatorily required by the

predicate; adverb (3.3.l.l.l; 4.5). Cf. "complement".
Predicative. Any part of speech serving as a predicate; inflected predicatives are

statives and verbs.
Prospectivity. A class of modality which denotes prospect for the future.
Proximity. A TMA category which is expressed by the iptaras formal category in

Amurru Akkadian (3.5; 3.6.3).
Radical. An element of the root (a consonant or a vowel; for the latter see under A,
E, I, U in the list of abbreviations below).
Reduction. The loss of a linguistic entity. Cf. "simplification".

Sentence constituent order. Word order.
Signifiant. The formal part of a linguistic sign.

Signifie. The conceptual part of a linguistic sign.
Simplex. The most common and unmarked linguistic structure.
Simplification. The process which renders a linguistic structure simpler in form.

Simplification may result in reduction or in tautological or paronomastic struc-
tures. Cf. "reduction".
Situation. Activities, events and states expressed by predication (cf. discussion in

3.6).
Stem. A string combined of a root and a pattern. Cf. "pattern".
Stress. Prominence of a syllable; the term is neutral with regard to level of analysis
(in contrast to "accent" or "tone").
String. Any sequence of linguistic units (phonemes, morphemes, words).
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Subdialect. A structurally defined division of a dialect. Cf. "dialect"; "idiolect";

"lect"; "language".
TMA. Tense-Mood-Aspect; a label for the range of respective inflectional categories

existing in a language (3.5).
Tone. Prominence of a syllable marking a suprasegmental feature at the sentence

level (cf. 1.15). Cf. "accent"; "stress".
Translative. An element which "translates". or converts, any string into a more

simple categorical unit, and thus enables it to function as if it were a genuine
member of that category (4.5; 5.1.1 ).
Unmarked. See "marking, markedness".
yqtl@. A label for the West Semitic modal verbal category which ends in -v> in some
of its pm·adigmatic members(= jussive).
yqtla. A lahel for the West Semitic modal verbal category which ends in -a in some
of its paradigmatic members (cf. BIi cohortative; Arabic subjunctive).
yqtlu. A label for the West Semitic verbal category of indicative.
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ABBREVIATIONS
A a vocalic root-radical which is an (underlying) a; used to mark the

first radical of primae aleph verbs of the so-called a-class (see 2.4
and Izre'el, forthcoming a).
Aa in the Signlist and in syllabary tables: in the letters of Abdiasirta

(see vol. I, p. 33; vol. II, p. 111 ).
AAAS Anna/es archeo/ogiques arabes syriens.
AAS Anna/es Archeo/ogiques de Syrie.
AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research.
acc. accusative.
ADD text number in Johns 1898-1923.
AfO Archil'fiir Orieniforsclmng.
AHw see Bibliography.
AJON Annali de//'lstituto Orientale di Napoli.
ATA American Journal of Arclweology.
Am in the Signlist and in syllabary tables: in texts from the Amarna

subcorpus (see vol. I, p. 33; vol. II, p. 111 ).
AnSt Anatolian Studies.
ArOr Archil> Orie11ta/11i.
AS see Bibliography.
AS3 see Bibliography.
Ash text number of the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford.
AT text number in Wiseman 1953.
Az in the Signlist and in syllabary tables: in texts from the Aziru period
(see vol. I, p. 33; vol. II, p. 111 ).
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Abbreviations
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research.
BB text number in Bezold and Budge 1892.

BDB see Bibliography.
BH Biblical Hebrew.
BiOr Bibliotheca Orienta/is.
BM text number of the British Museum.
Bo (l) text number from Boghazkoy.

(2) in the Signlist and in syllabary tables: in the Pendisenni letters
from Boghazkoy (see vol. l, p. 33; vol. II, p. ll l).
BSOAS Bulletin of the Schools of Oriental and African Studies.
C Cairo Museum number.
C (1) consonant.
(2) in verbal patterns: a radical (= an element of the root).
C common (gender).
c. circa.
CAD see Bibliography.

corp. in the Signlist and in syllabary tables: the entire Amurru corpus (see
vol. I, p. 33; vol. II, p. 111 ).
CTH text no. according to Laroche 1971 (Singer's bibliography).
CV(C) consonant-vowel(--consonant).
D (l) the D stem.
(2) text number of the Damascus Museum.
DN divine name.
Dt the Dt stem.
Dtn the Dtn stem.
E (lower or upper) edge.
E a vocalic root-radical which is an (underlying) e, reflected in the

surface verbal form also by causing the change of any a-vowel to
e; used to mark the first radical of primae aleph verbs of the so-
called e-class (see see 2.4 and Izre'el, forthcoming a).
204 I
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Abbreviations
EA (I) EI-Amarna.
(2) text number in Knudtzon 1915 and Rainey 1978.
etc. et cetera; in references to texts means that there are additional

occurrences of the cited text (cf. "+" definition (4) in the sigh1 list).
f feminine.
fasc. fm,cicule.
G the G stem.
GAG see Bibliography.
Gen in the Signlist and in syllabary tables: the General's Letter

(RS 20.33) (see vol. I, p. 33; vol. 11, p. 111 ).
gen. genitive.
GN geographical name.
Gt the Gt stem.
Gtn the Gtn stem.
HT Hittite Texts in the C11neiform Character in the British M11.H'11111.

London. 1920.
I a vocalic root-radical which is an (underlying) i-, considered to be

the first radical of the so-called primae yodh verbs (see see 2.4 and
lzre'el, forthcoming a).
impv imperative.
/OS Israel Oriental Studies.

JANES Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society.
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society.
./ARCE .lournal of the American Research Center in E~ypt .
J·e Jungbabylonisch.
JBL .lournal of Bihlirnl Literature.
JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies.
JEA .loumal of E1uptic111 Archaeolo~y.
JEOL .laarbericht ,•an het Vooraziatisch-E~yptisch Genootsclrap "Ex

Oriente Liu".
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Abbreviations
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies.
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
JSSEA Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities.

KAI text number in Donner and Rollig 1966-9.
KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Bogliazkoi.
KUB Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazkoi.
L left side.
1(1). line(s).
LB Late Babylonian.
lit. literally.
m masculine.
MA Middle Assyrian.
MB Middle Babylonian.
MDOG Mitteilungen der Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin.

MEE Materiali Epigraphici di Ebia.
MIO Mitteilungen des lnstituts fur Orientforschung (der Deutschen
Akademie der Wissenscliaften zu Berlin).
MSL Materialen zum sumerischen Lexikon.
N (l) the N stem.
(2) noun.
NA Neo-Assyrian.
NB Neo-Babylonian.
NF neue Folge.
nom. nominative.
NP noun phrase.
N.S. neue Serie.
Ntn the Ntn stem.
O(bj) object (see Glossary of Selected Linguistic Terms).
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Abbreviations
O(bv.) obverse.
OA Old Assyrian.
OA Oriens Antiquus.
OAkk: Old Akk:adian.

OB Old Babylonian.
OLP Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica.
OLZ Orientalische Literaturzeitung.
Orientalia Orientalia. Nova Series.

p predicate.
PA Peripheral Akk:adian.
PBS text nwnber in Chiera 1922.
pl plural.
pl(s). plate(s).
PN personal name.
Pron pronoun.
PRU lll see Nougayrol 1955.

PRU IV see Nougayrol 1956.
PRU VI see Nougayrol 1970.
PS(O) predicate-subject(-object) (see 5.2.l).
R(ev.) reverse.
RA Revue d'Assyriologie.
Repr. reprinted.
RHA Revue Hittite et Asianique.
RIA Reallexikon der Assyriologie.
RS text nwnber from Ugarit.
RSO Rivista degli Studi Orientali.
s subject.
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Abbreviations
SB Standard Babylonian.
Sch text number in Schroeder 1915a.
sg singular.
S(O)P suhject(-object)-predicate (see 5.2.1 ).
SP(O) subject-predicate(-object) (see 5.2.1).
S.Pr. series practica.
s.v. su/J \'erho.
s the S stem.
SD the SD stem.
St the St stem.
Stn the Stn stem.
TA text number from Tell Asmar (cf. Gelb 1952).
tav. plate(s).
TMA tense-mood-aspect (see 3.5 and Glossary of Selected Linguistic

Terms).
u a vocalic root-radical whidt is an (underlying) 11. e<•nsidered h• he

the first radical of the so-called prima<' w,m· verhs I see see 2.4 and
lzre'el. forthcoming a).
UF Ugarit Forsclmng<'n.
Ug in the Signlist and in syllabary tables: in (late) texts from the Ugarit
subcorpus (see vol. I. p. 33: vol. 11. p. 11 I).
Ugar. Ugaritica.
Ugaritica Ill see Schaeffer 1956.
Ugaritica IV see Schaeffer 1962.
Ugaritica V see Nougayrol et al. 1968.
Ugaritica Vil see Schaeffer 1978.
UT see <Jordon 1965.
V verb.
V vowel.
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Abbreviations
VAT text number of the Vorderasiatische Teil of the Staatliche Museen

of Berlin.
vc vowel-consonant.
VP verb phrase.
w text number in Winckler 1896a.
WA text number in Winckler and Abel 1889-1890.
WO l)ie Welt des Orients.
ws West Semitic.
ZA Zeitschrift fi'ir Assyriologie.
ZDPV Zcitschr(ft des Deutschen Paliistina-Vcreins.
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SIGLA
A, E. I, U see abbreviation list for each vowel-letter.
the denotation VIC stands for the interchange of V:C with \'CC (see
1.12).
parallel.
+ (I) plus. when hetween spaces.

(2) morphemic boundary (in most cases with no spaces).
(3) following a reference to text, means that the same form is
attested in other texts also.
(4) following the line number in a reference to text, means that the
same form reoccurs more in the same text (cf. "etc." in the
abbreviation List).
(5) following a RS or Bo no .. marks the existence of joins.
(6) special uses which are explained where used (e.g., 3.5; 4.5).
minus; in the Signlist and in syllabary tables marks exclusion of

texts (see vol. I. p. 33; vol. II. p. 111 ).
in linguistic formulas: following or preceding environment.

# word boundary.
I (I) a single Glossenkeil.

(2) in passages cited,/ marks a separation line within the text. and is
provided only in cases where t11e occurrence of the separation line
is significant for the linguistic m.alysis.
(3) in linguistic formulas: in the environment of.. ..
II enclose a phonological segment or string (which is spelled in italic

characters); cf. below. I I (2).
vocalic length.
a double Glossenkeil (see 1.2.2).
I I (I) within a transliterated or translated text. mark reconstruction of

the sign(s) or passage between the brackets; I or ( without closure.
indicates that the sign(s) or passage cited starts or ends in the middle
of a break.
I 211
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Sigla
(2) enclose a phonetic segment or string (which is spelled in roman

characters); cf. above./ /.
r 1
partly broken signs or passages.
I J mark partly broken signs. in some of tl1e ca<;es where the upper part
is visible.
? with no text after the bracket I. marks doubt with regard to the
existence of text in the break.
'!(superscript) doubtful reading. rendering or interpretation.
!(superscript) (I) attention; this is how I understand the cuneiform sign(s).

(2) sic; this is what is actually written.
<> scribal omission.
> < scribal extra sign(s).
synchronic change.
>.< diachronic change.
variation; alternates with ....
* unattested form; when inside a fonn. * marks non-attestation of the

component which follows (e.g .• in t*a--ilni the vowel a is
reconstructed; cf. 2.4.1 . I ).
✓ root.
212 I
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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deutschen Unterricht 30: 177-181. (= Martin Joos (ed.). Readings in Linguistics.
Washington 1957. 85-87.)
Ungnad, Arthur. 1969. Grammatik des Akkadischen. Vollig neubearbeitet von Lubor
Matous. Fiinfte durchgesehene Auflage der Babylonisch-Assyrischen Grammatik
Arthur Ungnads. Miinchen.
Versteegh, Kees. 1984. Pidginization and Creolization: The Case of Arabic.

(Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science. Series IV -
Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, 33.) Amsterdam.
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Bibliography
Waterhouse, Samuel Douglas. 1965. Syria in the Amarna Age: A Border-land

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Weidner, Ernst F. 1923. Politische Documente aus Kleinasien. (Boghazkoi-Studien,

8-9.) Leipzig. (Repr. Hildesheim, 1970.)
Weinreich. Uriel. 1953. Languages in Contact. Findings and Problems. (Publications

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Westenholz, Aage. 1978. Some Notes on the Orthography and Grammar of the
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Whitaker, Richard E. 1972. A Concordance of the Ugaritic Literature. Cambridge.

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Whiting, Robert M. Jr. 1987. Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar. (Assyrio-
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238 I
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

INDEX OF TEXTS CITED
Note: references to vol. II open with II; e.g., lll20 refers to vol. II, p. 120. References
to the text edition presented in this volume are given in boldface characters.
Akkadian texts
ADD865 :3'-5' 301,302
:16a 108 :3' 148
:4' Il119
Bo 65a+282a 24,387, I1100-102 :5' Ill 19
:3106 :6' 80,194,206,l/118
:4-7 24 :7' 194,206,l/118
:4 52, 73,194 :8' 206
:5 54,69 :9' 385, ll120
:6197 :10' 162,194,Il118
:7 135 :11' 43
:ll 39,131,269,290,ll131 : 12' 69, 148,/1116
:12 52, 73 :13'-14' 274
:15131,188 :13' 116,206
:16131,269 :14' 60, 76,157, Il123
:17 52, 73 :15' 76,160,259,[[123
:2' ll121 :16' 70
:3' 172
Bo 1179v 24,387, 11107
Bo 141m 24,387, 11103-104 :2' 25
:4-7 24
:6-9 24 Bo 1772c 24,387, IIJ08
:6 52, 73, 97, ll104 :4181, 193
:2'-4' 320 EA 1
:2' 97,288 :69 315
:3' 54,153,197 EA20
:4' 76,385, ll123, Il128 :37 151
:5' 39,97,130,267,l/104
:6' 358 EA24
:T 114 :IV:20103
Bo 151a 24,387, 11104-105 EA29

:5 157,274 : 139 128
Bo 1024u 24,387, Ill0S-107 EA34
:450 :20108
:5181,193,ll122 EA53
:650 :67 65
:9 67,290
I 239
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
EA55 EA 62 17, 19, 47, 51, 58, 78,103,140,141,

:12//27 197,237,268,332,348,362,375,376,
:62 337 380,381,382,III0-l4,llll3,llll4
:2 94,195
EA 5915,332
:441,172
:4135
:4-5 185, 191
:16142
:5-6Il14
EA 60 16, 19, 42, 49, 51,140,188,194,219, :5 Il116
223,236,259,260-262,349,375,380, :6-10Il14
381,387,117-9,l/124 :10100,//14
:1-5 232 :12305,//14
:2-3 182, 194 :13-14 266
:4-5 106 :13 40, 49, 77
:6-19 261 :l4164,356,Il14
:7-9173,350 :l5II14
:8109 : 16-20 215,217
:9149 :16-18 289
:10-13 277 :16-17 266
: 10 141,152,236,272,343 : 16 41, 67,128,356
:12-13181, 188 :17-18 302
: 12 29, 44,155,210,356, Ill 14 :17 77,107,130,192
:13-14173,206,Il9 : 18-20 203, Ills
:1429,197 :19 115
: 15 38,141, 157 :20ff Ill4
:16154, 376,Il9, Ill27 :20 Ills, Ill27
:17 Il9 :21-23 267,331
:18 152 :21 62, 77, 80, 133,//118
:19-32 261 :22 197, 11115
:19-29 350 :23-25139
:19-25 317 :23 356,359
:21 39,110,141 :24-28 285
:22-23 321 :24128
:22141,319 :25 128
:23 54, 94, 198 :27 54,194, l/J32
:24 306 :29-32 278, 309
:25 Ill14 :29-31329
:26-32 321 :29152,267
:26108 :30 63,171
:27 42, 94, 197 :31-34 331
:30-32 250 :31-32 32
:30 99, 152, Il9, Ill22 :31 63,163
:31 37, 99, 152 :33-34 176,293
EA 61-62 387 :33 41, 49,137,159,270, Il15, Il113,
llll5,lll24,lll28
EA 6116, 51, i32, 141,237,380, ll9-1o
:34Ill5
:2195
:38 73,290,328,331, Ills
:3 76, Illo, Il128
:39-40183
:8 380
:39 137,149
:R3 54,198
:40 JOB, 113,355
:RS 41,159
240 I
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
:41 60,156, 11129 EA 149

:42 69,l/J5 :3616
:43149
:44156,//129 EA 156-158 383,387
:45-52 102,324 EA 156 17,362, 1115-16
:45 l/J5 :2326
:46-47 32 :3 //J26
:47-48188 :4 60, 74, 81,358
:48 133,237,272 :5 63,134,157,227,273
:48-49 270 :7 69,201,298
:49181 :8 29
:50 71,128, 140, l/J5 :9-10 237
:55 328 :9 //J6
EA 63-6519 :10153
:11-14 348
EA 6319 :11148, 165
EA 6419 : 12 150
EA 6519 :13 89,165
EA 74 142,300 EA 157 17, 41,104,233, l/17-20
: 18 299 :2 l/JJ8
:29-32140 :3 JJ3
:34188 :6-8 352
:61-62 267 :6 37,39, 98
:8 41, 69,308
EA 75 :9-12 230
:28134 :9-11 299, 307
EA 87 231 :9 43,356
:15-24 226 ; 10 30, 39, 147,/120
EA 96379 :11-12183, 206
:8 66 :ll ll4,209,/l20,l/39,Il122
:12 41, 67, 99
EA 10015 :13-15 238,345
:6135 :13 63,67,Il20,l/J24
EA 103 :14 67,104
:49128 : 15 67, 133, 153
EA 107 : 16 82,124, l/J31
:18 166 :17-19173, 186,335,350
:17-18191
EA 117 :17 71,73,336
:8134 :18 JJ5
EA 125 :19-20 258
:19 286 :25 39,356
EA 137 :28-33 232, 259
:92 201 :28-29 180
:28//20
EA 138 :29 357
:13416 :31 29, 37
EA 147 :32 63,121
:6816 :33151,205
I 241
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
:34-35 304 :32107, 180

:34 37, 61,201 :33 190
:35124 :35 201,210,298
:37-41173, 186,252,258,351 :36-38 253,321
:37-39 336 :36-37 343
:37-38 182,183 :36 37,134,147
:37 139,336 :37 38, 75, 77,149
:38 69,210 :38172
:39 267 EA 159-161383, 387
:40 321
EA 159 17, ll24-27
EA 158 17, 41, 78,104,349, ll20-23 :7-8 313
:1-2210 :7 67,335
:1 69,115, 194 :8 335
:3 l/127 :9-10 l/27
:4257 :11150
:5-13 248 :14 202
:5-6 237 :16 335
:5 ll23 :26 //27
:7-9173 :33 l/27,11119
:7-8 190,205,351 :34 ll27, l/115
:7 92,11130 :36 l/27, l/126
:9 66 :39-42 173,234,328
:10199,249,355,356 :41-2 236,//27
: 11-12 92,205,351 :43-44 327
:1163, 74,336 :44150
:12-13 252 :45-46 313,352
:12142,154,l/130 :45152
:13 104,133, l/23 :46150
:14-15 //49
:14169,320 EA 160 17,270,274, ll28-31
:15 196 :6-8 113
:17-19 252 :9-10 205
:17-18191,351 :9115
:17 92 : 10 79, 81, 162, l/129
:19 133 :11-13 273,315
:20-2117, 299 : 11 54,155
:21-22 l/23 :12 31,68,11112
:21128 :13 81,162,l/129
:22-26 233,282 :14-15 187
:22-25186 :15 108,183, l/J20
:22 114,210, ll23 :17 31,315
:23 ll24 :2152
:26 99,209, 11130 :22150
:27-29169 :24-28 158,228
:27-28 l/23 :25 345
:28 96,313 :26-28150
:30-31 230,276 :26-27 352
:30 210, ll24 :27-28 327
:31157 :27 110,l/113
242 I
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
:2854 :27 Il35

:30-32 230 :28-29 313
:3053 :28 63, 99, 161,335,Il35
:31 54, 62,147,344, IIJ21, IIJ22 :29111, 335
:32 86,134 :30-32 329
:33-37 248 :3052,Il35
:33-35 311 :31-32 309
:34 62,81 :3149
:37 52 :32-34 250,317
:38-40 313 :32 70,75,79,86,113,134,155,272,
:41-44 248 356
:43 160 :33 49,137
:44147,Il36 :34 49,139,153,319
:35-40 86-87, 150, 158
EA 16117, 155,231,257,337,383, Il31-35
:35-36 238,269
:1210 :35 39, 101, 110,131,207,303
:3 68 :36-38 216
:4ff Il35 :37 29,128,139
:4-34 85,86
:38 73,158,192,315
:4-6 238, 300 :39101,158
:4 75
:41-46 226, Il35
:5 Il35 :40 78,101,157
:6169
:42-43176
:7 98,187
:42 106,110,116,207
:869,86,137,344,l1121
:43 151
:9 71, 78,151 :44-46174
:11-16 218,225 :44 Il35-36, lIJ 28, lIJ 29
:1139,153,238
:45 134
:12-16Il35
:47-50 239
:12-13 306
:47 282
:12 49,197,213 :48 49, 63, 67,161,282
:13 78,129,133
:49196,206
:14-16 273,333
:50 63,161
: 14-15 301,303,341
:51-53118, 304
:14 88,133,151
:51 109, IIJ26
:15 41, 81,133,155, Il118 :54-56 252, 254
:17-24227,231
:54-55 239
:17-19 254
:55 68,143
:17 70, 86
:56 144, Il27, Il36, lIJ 14, lIJ 15, Il120
:18 39, 73,304
:19 63,161,335 EA 162120
:20-24 239 :1197
:20-21300 :7-9118
:20 18, 62, 73 :12-13 118
:21 Il35, Il114, l1116, 1IJ20 :77 197
:22 62, Il119, Il132 EA 164-169 68
:23 l1119
EA 164-168 383,387
:25 345
:26ff Il35 EA 164 17,130, Il36-39
:26 70,86 :3Il126
I 243
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
:4-14214 :16-17 218,250,306,312

:4-7 225,231 :16144
:4-6187, 275 :18-21330
:5-6 211, 320 :19 324
:630 :20 356
:7 39,128,130,284,356 :22133
:1063 :24 43
:1143,130 :25 286
: 13 63,110,370 :26-27 213
:14-17 17 :27 130
:14 315 :28-29 328
:19 311 :28 43, 69, 71,104, 1143
:2096 :33-37 312
:22 68 :33 328
:23 88,133,151,268 :36-311143
:24-26 286 :36 313
:25133 :37 269
:28-30 309 :38-39 305
:28 86,152 :39 43,175, l/J29
:29192 :40-41269,308,346
:31-34 254,256 :40 76,356, 11114
:32 68, 143, 1139 :43 73,86
:33 183, 1139 EA 16617, 349, 1143-45
:35-42 283 :117,40,42
:35 39,183 :3-5 310
:361139 :431,203,358,370,ll46,ll97,ll124
:37-38 214,233,292,317,340 :6-8 159,376
:37 173,367, 1139 :7-8 187
:3811127 :7 38,113,133,157
:39-42 213,285,319 :8157
:39-40 298 :9-11174,213
:39 39, 160, 1139 : 12-14 275,285,327
:40 lll31 :13 330
:42 30,130 :1440,42
:43-44 250 :15-16 218
:43 68,134, 144 :15 101,136
:44133,147 :16129
:45 107 :17-18 230
EA 165-167 284 :17-19 351
EA 165 17, 44, 1140-43 :17 114
:5172 :19101, 136
:7 44,157 :21-27 330
:8-9 18 :23-27 233,283
:940,42,194,11125 :25-27 325
: 10 133,149,205 :25-26 305
:11-12 30,184,342 :26 175,211,302,319,330,356, lll29
:11169,299 :28-29 168,340
:13 44,109,187,351 :28 40,114,168
:14-15 275 :29133,298
244 I
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
:30133,286 :9 74, 147,11119

:31330 :10 74
EA 167 17,44,1146-49 : 11 74, 86, 1155
:1-1018 :12-15 276,279
:617 :1218
:7 17 :13 40, 80,134,157,161,383
:9187 :14200
:10//49 : 15 18,149,161,165,205, 1155
:13 286 :16-17 1154
:16-17 328 :1663
:1643,104 :17-23 327
:17-19 252,346,351 :17 74,190
:19 44,152,187 :18-23 87,329
:20-27 330 :19-23 18
:20197 :19107,1136
:2149 :20//JJ5
:22-23 305,307 :21196
:22 175,302, I/J29 :22-23 276
:23 49,1149 :22 75,284,11114
:24 218 :24-26 327
:25-27 283,324 :24-25174
:25-26 282 :25 69,196,//55,//112
:25 282 :26 74,283
:27 308,309 :27-28 289
:28-3418 :27150
:28-31 311, //49 :28195
:28 49 :29 69,//55,//112
:29169 :3138,161,1155,11125
:30 75,298, 356 :32-3418
:31 49,140, 1149 :34 148,192,345
:32 39, 128,130,255 :35 74,154,328
:33-34 346 :36 195, 1154
:37 74
EA 168 18, 68, 220, 1149-51 :461155, 11113
:3 //J26
:5-11201,218,224 EA 170 18, 19, 58-59, 135,193, 241-242,
:R2148,278 243,245,332,349,362,372-373,375,
:RlOll5I 382,383,386,387,l/35,llss-ss,
:R13 62,149,278, ll51,I/J31 11111
:R14 298 :2 73,I/J25
:3 38, 81, 135, I/J27
EA 169 18, 19,193,242,291,375,383,387, :4-6 310
l/35,IISI-54,//111 :4 79
:4//55 :5-6 207
:518,II55 :5 81, 282, 358
:618,ll55,l/JJ9 :6 55,201,362, 11120
:7-10 376 :7-9 328
:1-818,38 :7-8 345
:7 157,162 :7 43, 69, 104
:8 73,161,162,271 :8 ]/JJ6
:9-10326
I 245
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
:9162,345,ll58 :2 ll61
:10-13 314 :3 39, 88,131,133,147
:10-11 322,331 :430
:10134,lll25 :5195
:11 31, 54,154,248,344,372 :6-7 352
:13 40, 79,138,157, 383,//117 :9 62,139,152
:14-18 331 :10109, 139,155
:14-17 308,309 :11 195
:14-15 203 :12-13 99,242,304
:1455 :12 30,133,153,272, ll61
:1552,82,138,154,195,//131 :13184,195
:16 29,196 :15 41,139, 157,ll61
:17 40, 82, 138,//131 :17 165
:18 144,191,251 :2429
:19-29 225 :31-33 172
:19-24242 EA 17219
:19 38, 55, 81, 86, 135,lll29 :311122
:20-23 203
:2054 EA 181
:21 lll31 :25 166
:22 lll22, lll24, lll27 EA 195
:23 55,lll31 :9 I/J27
:24135, 159,356, [/112 EA 197
:25-27 323 :35 166
:25138,304
:26 55,138 EA 198
:28 73 :20166
:30-35 241 :26166
:30-31 344 :30166
:31135 EA 228288
:32 79,200 :9 288
:33-35 318 :13 287
:33 55,314 :14 288
:34-35 291,323 EA 237-238 19
:34160, 171
:36-44 265 EA 237 19
:36 //J30, II122 EA 23819
:37 194, //J22 :31-33 18
:39192 EA244
:40-41 32,136,328 :26166
:40 129,136,138,162, l/58
:41-4232 EA254
:41 62,129,136,138,147, ll116 :10-15 224
:42282 :11-12 238
:43-44180 EA286
:43 40,201,362, Iino :62188
:44142,154 EA287
BA 17119,30,41,104,133,185,246,291, :36188
383 .387, 1159-61, lll24 :56122
246 I
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
EA333 :10-15 312

:24//J22 :10-13 335
:13 //77
EA357 :14ll118
:4290 :16-17 308
EA 371 19, 42, 49, 51, 78,132,140,212, :16 l/122,I/J31
219-220,223,236,260-262,272,291, :17 l/77
375,380,381,387,1162-64 PBS 8/2:246
:10 290 :12 149
:13 298
:14l/64,I/J31 RA 77:4
:15 298 :22116
:18109,181,I/J5,/l55,l/64 RS 8.145
:19 78,197,I/J25,I/J27 :4 287
:21139,141,262 RS 15.24+50 20,279,384,385,387,
:22 356 1164-66
:24 l/64 :152
:25-29 219 :4-8 122
:25-26 266 :5-6 20
:25 77, 78,80,133,164,//115 :8 359
:2629 :9-17 256
:27 139 :10 107,210,356, l/66
:28139,l/125,I/J27 :11156,l/117
:31 219 :12107
:32 29,204 :14 60
:34 68,141 :15 116
:35 151,220, l/64 :16154
:37 204 :17 62
:38 l/64 :18-21230,329
Idrimi 165 : 18 I/J21, I/J29
:92102 :20 74, 81, 82,169
:99102 :21-22 20
KBo 1: 5 :21 61
:iv:17-18 337 RS 15.92
KBo 28:57 :8 77
:14' 197 :1277
:18 77
KBo 28::79
:6' 197 RS 16.111 20,316,360,384,385,387,
1166-68
KUB III:54 24 :l-3326
KUB III::55 24 :5 20,196
OA 23 20,372,373,384,385,387, 1177-78 :7-9 310,335
:l 56,I/J32 :8 67
:2 56,l/132 :9 76,142,160,//125
:7-9 274,349 :10-14 245
:7 42, l/76, /1116 :10 111,134,267,326
:8 48, 96,157 :12 31,115, l/118
:931,48,122,182,372,l/122 :19-21 277
:2152, 69,154,278
I 247
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
:24-27 254, 278 :43 Illl5, l/J23, I/J31

:25 131,135,148, /1116 :44 20, /1119
:26199 RS 16.239
:27 144,152, l/68, l/132 :23-24 l/112
:29-30 251
:30305 RS 16.252
:643
RS 16.11622
RS 16.270 22,377
RS 16.146+161 18, 20, 30,105,130, l3l, :19-27 23
359,377,380,384,387,l/3,1168-71, :1923
I/112,//114,//116 :22-25 23
:1 lll,116,211,293,342,l/71,l/131 :27 23
:2-3176
:2 110,124,356,367, I/J26 RS 17.116 20,360,387, ll72•75
:3 /1119, I/J29 :2'-3' l/75
:4 ll71,/IJJ3,//JJ5 :2' l/J26
:5 113, I/J26 :3' 42,195
:7 43,122,180,//71,l/122 :5'-6' 278
:8 123,292, I/J29 :5' 107
:9 108, l/72, I/J22 :6' 69,135,151,//116
:10196,I/J28,l/J30 :7' 63,75,130,201,362,363,l/120
:11196,358 :8'-9' 249
:12 I/Jl5, ll116,l/J26, I/J29, l/J31 :8' 110
:13 l/J30, l/J31, l/132 :9'-19' 245
:14 108,215, l/112, l/126, l/127 :9'-10' 168,307
:15 I/J26 :9' 67, 111, I/J30
:16 I/J21 :10' 67, 76,134,153,345
:17 Il112,l1121 :11'-12' 183,277,292,341
:18 292,11132 :12' 51,134,187
:191172, l/121 :13'62,197,303,//123
:20108 :14'-19' 186
:21 I/J27 :14'-15' 277
:26 109, 1/J 12 :15' 154,282
:27 54,109,358, I/J29, I/J32 :16'-20' 92
:28108,Il120 :16' 128,168
:29 43, 108,175,210,384 :17' 100,199,202,359
:30110,I/Jl5 :18' 38,159,192
:31124,356 :19' 100,101,153
:32111, 124,358,l/72 :21 '-24' 215
:33 l/72, 11122 :22'-23' 185
:34 39,124, l/72 :22'69,112,116,135,l/127
:34-38123 :23' 23, 73,282
:35 43,211,316, l/112, l/117, I/J22 :24'-27' 99
:36//72,l/J14 :24'-26' 104,335,341
:3111118 :24' 128, 172
:38 79,124,J31,268,llll8,l/129 :25' 116
:39 lll, 176,314, l/117, l/J20 :26' 62,147
:40108,l/J28 :27' 75
:41 69,109,130,214,292, l/72,I/J14 :28' 23,144,175,//75
:42 124, 11112 :29'-30' 278
248 I
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
:29' 148 :32/JJ32

:31' 201,363,//120 :35-41273
:35' 69, /1116 :36 155,321,344, /JJ31
RS 17.123 :39-40 204,324,329
:l-4117 :39 80,129,367
:40154
RS 17.152 20, 96,372,373,385,387, :41110,151,38
1175-76
:6-14 182 RS 17.247
:6-9 274, 349 :8 315
:61176,/JJ16 :17 315
:7 96,168 RS 17.28621,133,141,387,l/81-83
:8 31, 48,122,372 :6-17 277
:9-14 312,335 :6 107, 196, /JJ24, /JJ28
:9 31, 48, 92, 122,157,372 :7-9 21
:111177 :7 113, 11113
:12-14173,336 :8-17 100
:12 372 :10-12 253,310
:13-14 267 :10154
:15-17 324 :11-12345
: 15 /JJ22, /JJ31 :12 88,133,148
:16144,1177 :13 82
:17149,152,11118 : 15 23, 42, 160, /JJ21
RS 17 .228 21, 22, 100, lll, 336,348,387, :16-17 345
1178-81 :17 134
:1-15 84 :19-21186, 281,334,342
:144 :19 136
:2 37,155 :20150
:3 76,153,194,358,/1123 :21 248,344,370
:4 40, 73 RS 17.289
:5-15 248 :6-15 337
:5 74,84,154,287,330,358,l/126 RS 17.318+349A 21,22,55,81, 100,336,
:663,108,210,345,68 348, 387, l/83-85
:7-8 217,223,269,320,343 :1'-16' 84
:7 284,298 :2' 115
:8 63,124 :3'-4' 344
:9-15199,318,324 :3' 284,298
:9-11285 :4' 29,63,113,124,149
:9 74,84,124,330 :5'-10' 324
:10 37,55 :5' 84, 287, 330
:1167,311,334 :7'-10' 347
:12-15 347 :7' 155,200
:12 75,200 :8' 200
:14 37,154,358, /JJ31 :9'-10' 318
:15142,334 :9' 358
:16114, 194 :11107
:20-34 322 : 15' 43, 63, 73, 84,110, 124,189,285,
:20 286 330, 11118
:22 63,153,345 :16' 49
:30194
I 249
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
:17'-21' 233,265,304 RS 17.8223

:17' 45,151,181 :11-12 219
:19' 49,161, lll28
:22' 49, I/J23, I/J28 RS 19.06 23
:23'-24' 206 RS 19.6815,21,29,47,50,52,61,112,
:23' 31,49,113,150,356,358,l/112, 221,316,377,359,382,387,1188·91,
II 114, I/J22 11111, 11112, ll113, 11114
:24' 110, 154, 168, ll131 :1-12 251
:25' 38, I/J25 :1-5 237,240
:26'-27' 265 :1 44, 49,110
:26' 49, 75, 173 :3195
:29'-32' 264,266 :4-5 345
:29' 101,136,160 :4 73,303
:31'-32' 186,281,293,311,334,342 :5-12 217
:31' 134 :5-10 292,340
:32' 109, 136, 148 :5 89,107,137,//128
RS 17.372A+360A 21,22,59,63,100, :7 43, 194, 199
193,220,348,360,387,1186-88 :8 18, 42,194,195, 11120, lll25
:1-5 300 :9 79,194,//91,l/117
:l 44 :10 54,197
:3 75,I/J23 :1149, 111,128,129
:4 40, 92 :12-16 325, /l91
:6-7 168 :12-13 293
:6 288,359, lll30 :12 47, 68,136,160,293, lll28
:7 63,75,134,153,345,362 :13111, 112,130
:8-9 218,269 :15 79,ll91,llll7,lll26
:8 63, 75,128,284, 298 :16 197
:10 63,81, 124,125,210,358,362, :17-22348
11131 :17-19 216
: 11 40, 67, 75,285 :17-18175,204
:12 63,135,153,362 :17 108,l/128
:13 154 :18 263
:14 37, 40,347 :19 130
:2' 56, 59, 93,106,202,356,358, Ill 16, :20-22 229
11126 :20 47,150
:3'-4' 346 :21 134,148,345,359
:3' 40, 92, 194 :2211126
:4' 149 :23-24 316
:5' 195 :23 321
:6'63,121,362,//121 :24156,l/J13
:7' 81, /1119 :25 /1116
:8'-11' 218,245 :26 49,156
:8'-10' 312 :27-29 310
:8' 92,195 :27-28 32
:9' 75 :28 11113
:10' 108,204,362, ll112, ll114 :30 49,358, 1191, lll13
:12'40,67,195,345 :32121
:13' 67 :33 54,/191
:34 93, 197, /191
RS 17.450A 23 :35-36 228, 345
250 I
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
:36 79,149 :19 40, 68, 70, 79,106,147,192,198,

:39-401191 307,11126
:3911129 :20 56,304,356,370
:4011129 :21 29, 68,108,110, 136, 149, 179, 182,
:43 104 358,Il97
:4449 :22-25 216,232,243
:45 107,110 :22-23 286
:46-47 32 :22 23, 80,175,286,319, Il114, 11115
:46168 :23 68,97,109,125,129,183,358,
:471/92 Il97, llll3
RS 20.33 15, 16, 21, 22, 26, 30, 46, 47, 49, :24-25 353
50,51,52,56-58,60,64,78,91,140, :24 64, 137,163,242
144,145,156,185,193,219,221,241, :25-26 286
242-243,257,266,272,288,302,303, :2545,138,172,210,ll97,llll4,lll24
312,330,332,350,362,363,364,368, :2664,138,169,208,282,355
370,371,375,376,377,382,386,387, :27-29 257,287
Il92-96, llll8 :27-28 215
:1 Il118 :27 29,109,307,11113,11121
:2 51,199,356, Il96 :28 109, 128,129,203, Il119
:3 64,172 :29-30 254, 332
:3-4 185 :29 29, 68, 129,143,255,282,355,363,
:4-5 307 Il113
:4 56, 64, 76,156,163,168,192,370, :30 77,113,139,151,169,193,264,
Il118, IIJ27 328,ll97,llll3,llll5,lll29
:5-8 330 :31 44, 70
:5-6 257 :32 Il97
:5 54,60,66,lll,138,140,144,156, :3' Il131
161,163,164,274 :4'-11' 138
:645,49,130,198,255,/197,/1112, :4'-5' 243
IIJ28, Ill29 :4' 37,64,116,163,242
:7 138, 200, 298 :5'40,49,197,303,//97
:8 IIJ27 :6'-14' 264
:945,48,64,78,163,210,242,11114, :6'-11' 227,231
IIJ24 :6' 79,163,165,315,l/117
: 10 172,199,286,356, Il115 :7'48,64,73,148,152,345
:ll 45,210,Il114,ll124 :8'-9' 353
:12-13 85,332 :8'64,68,152,356
:1244,138 :9'-10' 328
:13 68,143,148,252,260,281,363, :9' 64,116, 11116
Il118 : 10' 62, 64, 73, 152,164,184,303,
:14 37, 64,180,199,286,363 l/J 15, Il131
: 15 29, 47, 286, 288, II II 3 :ll'-14' 330
:16-20 325 :11' 38,96,156,163,288,326,l/125
:16181,356 :12'-14' 276
:17-18 353 :12' 51,54,180
: 17 29, 47, 64, 77,115,356 :13'-14' 301
:18-20 105 :13' 148,Il117,Il124
:18-19176,376 :14' IIJ19
: 18 106, 129, 11131 :15'41,115,136,138,159,184,11124,
Ill25
I 251
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
:16'-23' 332 :20-23 251, 255

:16'-20' 283,1197 :20 56, 60, 76, 98,246,319, 1/J 18
:16'-18' 319 :211/JOO, I/J30
:16'-17' 180 :22-23 134
:16' 45,1197, Ill28, l/J29 :22 253
:17' 180,363 :23-27 253
:19'-20' 319,327,1197 :23 246
:19' 64, 96,363, 370,1146, 1197 :24 245
:20'68,133,134,147,180,363 :25-26 314, /1100
:21'-32' 322 :25 22, I/J27
:21'-23' 314 :26 42, 68,246,360, 11114
:21'64,163,184,363,//46,l/97,l/124 :27 134,246,253
:22' 148,345 :28 134
:23'-25' 255,260 RS 20.252A' 23
:23'64,147,180,319,363
:24'ff 1197 RS 34.135 23
:24'-32' 348 :5-8 23
:24'64,96,115,363,370 :5 23
:25'97,98,143,155,169,363 :2123
:26' 156, 11113 :26 23
:21'66,156,202,356 U garitica V: 18
:28' 56,144,152,199,259,286,344, :41175
363,370,l/97,l/115,l/127 Ugaritica V:130
:29'41,54,131,148,202,268 :III: 11' 122
:30'-32' 254, 256
:30' 66 Ugaritica V:133 314
:31' 79,144,149,345, 1197, 11116, Ugaritica V:137
Ill28 :11:35' 122
:32' 77,113,149,169,193, 11115, Ugaritica V: 157
1/J 26, II129 : l //51
RS 20.162 22,141,241,360,384,385,387,
1198-100
:l 50,117,182,188,196, 198,11114
:6-16 290
:6-11281
:6-8 300
:7 50,360, l/J20
:8 27, 76,153,245, l/J22
:9 76,l/100,l/125,l/126,l/130
:10 60, 11115, I/J25
: 11 74, 84, 246, l/J 29
:12282,11130
:13 134,153,154,245, I/JOO
:14 22
:15 114,11100
:16 245, 11115
:18-19 326
:18 50, 98,109,117,196,198
:19Illl5,lll29
252 I
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Index
Biblical Hebrew
Genesis 13 Jeremiah
:8 211 5: 26//39
Genesis 31 Ezekiel
:52 317 18: 16 l/9
Exodus 14 Psalms 27
:19 301 :8159
Ezekiel 18 Psalms 33
:27 271 :1271
Judges 19 Psalms 38
:22 209 :19 308
Judges 6 Psalms 103
:8 211 :21 203
I Kings 10 Psalms 132
:15 209 :2298
Isaiah 19 II Chronicles 9
:18 298 :14 209
Biblical Aramaic
Ezra5
:15 376
I 253
Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4


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AMURRU AKKADIAN: A LINGUISTIC STUDY

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Syriac Manuscripts: A Catalogue Moshe H. Goshen-Gottstein

Introduction to Classical Ethiopic Thomas O. Lambdin

Dictionary of Old South Arabic Joan C. Biella

The Poet and the Historian: Essays

The Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice Carol Newsom

Non-Canonical Psalms from Qumran:

The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls Elisha Qimron

An Exodus Scroll from Qumran Judith E. Sanderson

You Shall Have No Other Gods Jeffrey H. Tigay

Ugaritic Vocabulary in Syllabic Transcription John Huehnergard

The Scholarship of William Foxwell Albright Gus Van Beek

The Akkadian of Ugarit John Huehnergard

Features of the Eschatology of N Ezra Michael E. Stone

Studies in Neo-Aramaic Wolfhart Heinrichs, Editor

Lingering over Words: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern

A Grammar of the Palestinian Targum Fragments

The Origins and Development of the Waw-Consecutive: Mark S. Smith

Amurru Akkadian: A Linguistic Study, Volume I Shlomo Izre'el

Amurru Akkadian: A Linguistic Study, Volume II Shlomo Izre'el

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

With an Appendix on the History of Amurru

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Printed in the United States of America

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Fragmentary signs are marked by brackets or half-brackets. Mmor blemishing of

I have endeavored to transliterate the texts as closely as possible to the underlying

In Chapter 1 of this book I have tried to stipulate the interrelationship between

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

A list of rare values is supplied in Appendix II (p. 133 below).

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

To his splendid essay on translating Akkadian texts in his Letters from

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

A related problem is what register of the translator's tongue should be used in

Literal or close to literal rendering of the Akkadian coloring of idiomatic

Special notice should be given to sentence constituent order ("word order"). In

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

0 1 [a-naJ 1LUGAL dlJTUx EN-ia

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

30 ii LUGAL EN-[i]a lu-u yi-da-an-ni

0 1 [To) the king, my Sun-God, my lord:

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

0 [a-na 1LUJGAL dUTU EN-ia

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

5 [ ga]b 1-ba KUR MAR.T[U

0 [To the k.i]ng, the Sun-God, my lord:

0 [a-na 1Jpa-lia-n[a]-te be-U-'ia'[

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

5 (.fo? ta 1-daJb-bu-ub-su-nu [iq 1-bJu1-n[im 1 ki-a-am(?)J

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

38 in 1-na?J-be-t[u-m]a la-a af-ru-ud-'mi 1

0 [To ]Pabannate my lord(:

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

15 and I saved? your [houseJ f[rojm the hands of

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

48 [~umjur. So I have taken

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

I. 50: For an-ni-na "these". see 2.1.2.

0 1 a-na LUGAL EN-ia DINGIR-ia d[U]TUx-ia

Shlomo Izre'el - 978-90-04-36963-4

Amurru Akkadian - A Linguistic Study - Shlomo Izre'el - 1991

Amurru Akkadian - A Linguistic Study - Shlomo Izre'el - 1991