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The Language of Crisis

Metaphors, frames and discourses

Mimi Huang
Northumbria University, UK

Lise-Lotte Holmgreen
Aalborg University, Denmark

doi: 10.1075/dapsac.87
ISBN: (ebook)
Cataloging-in-Publication Data available from Library of
Congress:
LCCN 2019057625
©–
John Benjamins Publishing Company · https://benjamins.com

John Benjamins Publishing Company

Amsterdam / Philadelphia
Table of contents

Notes on contributors vii

Introduction: Constructing and communicating crisis discourse from
cognitive, discursive and sociocultural perspectives 9
Mimi Huang

Part I. Investigating the language of financial and organisational crisis

21
Chapter 1. Crisis marketing through conceptual ontology in
metaphor in financial reporting: “Decision”, “change” … and Right to
Information? 23
Michael O’Mara-Shimek
Chapter 2. From economic crisis to austerity policies through
conceptual metaphor: A corpus-based comparison of metaphors of
crisis and austerity in the Portuguese press 51
Augusto Soares da Silva
Chapter 3. Responding to organisational misbehaviour: The
influence of public frames in social media 87
Lise-Lotte Holmgreen
Part II. Understanding discourses of political conflicts 109
Chapter 4. Turning the heart into a neighbour: (Re)framing
Kosovo in Serbian political discourse 111
Katarina Rasulic
 Chapter 5. “Today, the long Arab winter has begun to thaw”: A
corpus-assisted discourse study of conceptual metaphors in political
speeches about the Arab revolutions 137
Stefanie Ullmann
Chapter 6. Metaphors for protest: The persuasive power of cross-
domain mappings on demonstration posters against Stuttgart 21
169
Gerrit Kotzur
Part III. Studying personal crisis in psychotherapy and narrative
197
Chapter 7. The ‘transformative’ power of metaphor: Assessing its
unexplored potential at the crossroads between static and dynamic
instances 199
Federica Ferrari
Chapter 8. Co-constructing ‘crisis’ with metaphor: A quantitative
approach to metaphor use in psychotherapy talk 231
Dennis Tay
Chapter 9. Narrative modulation in the storytelling of breast
cancer survivors’ transitional experiences 255
Mimi Huang
Chapter 10. Framing the onset of obsessive-compulsive disorder
(OCD): Women’s experiences of changes in the body 281
Olivia Knapton
Introduction
Constructing and communicating crisis
discourse from cognitive, discursive
and sociocultural perspectives

Mimi Huang

1. Aims and contributions of the volume

As a phenomenon that has been experienced and observed by many, a
crisis can take multiple shapes and forms, and can affect virtually any
aspect of a society, organisation, group or individual. Although much
has been studied in crisis management and crisis communication (see
Coombs and Holladay 2010, Heath and O’Hair 2009), one area that
remains under-explored is how social agents experience and
communicate a crisis through relevant cognitive, discursive and
sociocultural means. This book aims to address this research gap by
showcasing a comprehensive volume of original scholarly ventures
pertaining to the exploration of the discursive and cognitive features,
patterns, effects and functions that collectively constitute crisis-related
discourse. With its innovative findings and development of new
working concepts and analytical models, the volume contributes to the
advancement of theories and practice in discourse analysis, cognitive
linguistics and crisis studies, presenting fresh critical insights and
empirical evidence for the influential roles played by metaphors and
frames in discourse and communication.
In order to present a balanced, in-depth, and nuanced
examination of crisis discourse, this volume compiles a total of ten
original chapters that examine three main types of crisis situations,
namely organisational, political and personal struggles. Contributed by
a group of international scholars whose expertise lie in discourse
analysis, cognitive linguistics, narrative studies, media studies and
communication sciences, this volume offers four remarkable features.
Firstly, the chapters propose original approaches, findings and
examinations of crisis discourse from cognitive, discursive and socio-
cultural perspectives. The chapters provide detailed accounts of how to
identify and evaluate the patterns and functions of cognitive devices
and discursive strategies that serve to negotiate and construct
discourses surrounding hardship and struggle across different cultures
and communities. Secondly, the contributors of this volume have taken
a mindful and sensitive approach when evaluating the organisational,
political and personal struggles revealed in the linguistics data. This
approach strengthens the volume’s overarching purpose of treating
crisis discourse and crisis communication as a socially embodied
construct that is grounded in cultural, ideological and moral values
perceived and experienced by social agents. Thirdly, in the application
of research methodologies, both qualitative and quantitative methods
are employed in the discussions. Whilst the main analytical method
adopted in this volume is qualitative in nature, quantitative methods,
including corpus linguistics, psychometric testing and log-linear
modelling, have been carefully considered and implemented in order to
achieve more representative and generalisable findings where
appropriate. Finally, this volume investigates authentic linguistic and
extralinguistic data that feature under-researched areas. Examples
include analyses of powerful vs less powerful social actors in political
discourse; less explored case studies in hard-to-reach communities;
visual and photographic evidence as well as digital data from social
media, online forums and blogs. The examination of these data-sets
provides a nuanced and context-sensitive understanding that sheds
light on the profound impact of crises upon a diverse body of language
communities, thereby giving voice to stakeholder groups that are often
vulnerable and marginalised. With these features explored and
examined in detail, this volume offers new research evidence and
original understandings of the ways social agents with different
backgrounds and ideologies navigate the complex social, cultural and
political landscapes where crises are experienced and communicated.
In the following sections, a brief review of crisis studies is first
presented in Section Two, with an emphasis on a social constructionist
perspective upheld in this volume. The subsequent section proposes a
combined approach of discourse analysis and cognitive linguistics, with
a focus on conceptual metaphors and frames. This combined approach
is further evaluated in Section Four, where the main line of inquiry
within the volume is explained through five interrelated aspects. After
this, Section Five gives an overview of the individual chapters, followed
by the final section that discusses the implications and contributions
brought forward by this volume to relevant fields of research as well as
to its intended readers.
2. An overview of crisis and crisis management
studies
The definitions of crisis have been many and varied, largely due to the
complex nature, cause and outcome of any crisis event (Coombs and
Holladay 2010). Despite this, some commonalties can be drawn in
crisis related research where the essence of the phenomenon is under
critical scrutiny. Many studies, for example, consider a crisis consists of
three crucial elements: threat, urgency and uncertainty (Boin,
Ekengren, and Rhinard 2010; Rosenthal et al. 1989; Rosenthal, Boin,
and Comfort 2001). Threat emphasises that something of great value
to an agent is at risk if no intervention takes place. Urgency highlights
the limited amount of time available to the agent in responding to and
finding means of intervention to avert the threat. Uncertainty
addresses the vulnerabilities experienced by the agent when facing
unknown or hard-to-predict consequences and (sometimes lasting)
outcomes of the crisis at hand. This notion of crisis is compatible with
an agent-centred stance, in that the three elements collectively point
toward a sense of adversity in a time of crisis, henceforth calling for
vital decisions made by social agents involved for reversing or
alleviating the negative impacts brought upon by devastating events.
Indeed, recent research in crisis literature has placed great attention to
the aspect of agency for its capacities, influence and impact on crisis-
related issues (Wrenn 2014; Bendle 2002; Bailey et al. 2016).
Whilst maintaining risk and uncertainty as the main characteristics
of crises, scholars have also recognised a crisis can act as a crucial
turning point. Interestingly, this conceptualisation of crisis can be
observed in the Chinese word “危机” (crisis), which consists of two
separate characters “危” and “机”. Whilst the first character “危” means
danger, harm and disaster, the second character “机” refers to a crucial
point amid said dangerous moment (Wang et al. 2015). This traditiona
view in the Chinese culture is in fact closely aligned with recent studies
where a crisis is construed as a dynamic process with incipient
potentials, some of which can transform into positive change,
development and growth (Bloch 2014; Comfort 2007; Shank 2008 and
Huang in this volume). Taken together, crisis has been understood –
across disciplines and traditions – as a dynamic process within which
rapid adaptations and effective leadership, as well as communication
among social groups and individuals can play key roles in reducing risk
and responding to danger.
Although crisis studies encompass research in differing disciplines
and subjects, the majority of the recent works have adopted, or are
compatible with, a contextualised and socially-oriented approach
(Hearit and Courtright 2003; De Rycker and Mohd Don 2013). This
means that while crisis is considered to possess both material and
semiotic properties (Fairclough, 2010), the discussions and analyses
emphasise the socially situated and collectively mediated nature of a
crisis phenomenon. This social constructionist view of meaning
construction resonates well with the underlying principles in discourse
analysis in that it rejects the positivist view that sees linguistic inquiry
as an objective pursuit. Instead, discourse analysis studies how social
realities and social interactions are constructed by language and
language users in their own environments, and how ideologies are
embodied in and reproduced through discourse practices (Baxter
2010). This social constructionist stance can also be observed in the
recent “social turn” in metaphor studies in cognitive linguistics, where
metaphor is on one hand an embodied, cognitive phenomenon, and on
the other hand contextually grounded and influenced by social
interactions (Kövecses 2015; Charteris-Black 2004; Hart 2011; Chilton
2004). It is in this spirit that we endorse a social constructionist
perspective, alongside cognitive linguistic and discourse analytical
frameworks to the investigation of crisis and crisis-related discourse in
this book. The social constructionist view argues that the
understanding and perception of a social phenomenon are achieved by
social agents’ collective construction and sharing of their knowledge,
values and ideas (Potter 1996; Berger and Luckmann 1967). In the
event of a crisis, this process of co-construction across individuals and
groups is intensified where people involved and affected act to pool
resources and develop plans and strategies in response to emergency
situations. While some social agents are able to work together to
achieve joint goals, others may represent conflicting interests, values
and ideologies that can lead to disagreements, disputes and even
volatile confrontations amid crisis. In any case, crisis is experienced by
the people involved as a dynamic and intersubjective process from its
onset. As this volume shows, this process is constituted through the
act of communication, where a body of discourse – both public and
private – is formed and becomes an integral part of the way we
perceive, identify and interpret the crisis. The dynamic nature of the
crisis development process and its associated communication also
result in the evolving meanings of crisis discourse. As asserted by
Derrida (1978), the meaning of a text is continuously deferred in
relation to its co-text and context, and new meanings can emerge in
novel applications that alter the fabric of interpretive assumptions. A
meaningful understanding of a crisis discourse therefore requires a
situated, contexutalised and agent-centred analysis on how people
develop and assign meanings to their social, cultural and political
environments where a crisis arises.

3. To study the language of crisis with a

discourse and cognitive-based approach
Although the term “discourse” frequently appears in crisis-related
research, the term itself is often used in a loosely defined fashion. A
careful observation of this issue has been made by De Rycker and
Mohd Don (2013) who point out that the examination of “discourse” in
the majority of recent research on discourse and crisis (e.g. in
disciplines of organisational studies, public relations, mass media
communication and finance studies, to name a few) remains
undefined, unproblematised, and is not subject to any linguistically-
informed approaches or systematic discursive analyses. There is a lack
of academic engagement in employing clearly-articulated linguistic
theories to inform the investigation and interpretation of relevant
discourse data. As previously discussed, this volume is situated within
the tradition of discourse analysis within linguistics, which studies how
we use language to engage with the world and each other in creating
and shaping the social, cultural, political and personal formations of
our lives and experiences in both public and private domains (Bhatia,
Flowerdew, and Jones 2008; Fairclough, Cortese, and Ardizzone 2007;
Paltridge and Hyland 2011). In addition, the investigation of the
linguistic data is examined by cognitive linguistic approaches for their
specific features in employing conceptual metaphors, frames and
narratives in the construction of a crisis discourse. In order to provide
the readers with the underlying rationale and theoretical background
that this volume rests upon, the following sections discuss the essentia
aspects, strengths as well as potential challenges in adopting a
discourse- and cognitive-based approach to the examination of crisis
discourse.

3.1 Analysing the discursive aspects within crisis-

related discourse
Given the kaleidoscopic nature of crises, it is not surprising that a
discursive approach to crisis discourse will involve multiple aspects,
topics and theoretical frameworks. As an established analytical
approach in linguistics, discourse analysis provides rigorous and
systematic methods to untangle the complex elements that constitute
a crisis discourse in question, revealing the fundamental and evolving
relationships amongst social agents concerned. The employment of a
discursive approach with a clear linguistic focus enables the researcher
to fully capture and scrutinise the manifestation of a crisis discourse at
its semiotic, cognitive and epistemic levels (Chalozin-Dovrat 2013),
offering rigorous and insightful interpretations of the language that
constructs often conflicting events, interactions and values. The
volume also maintains an overall critical stance (Fairclough, 2010; Van
dijk, 1995; Weiss & Wodak, 2003; Wodak & Chilton, 2005) in that it
recognises, where relevant, the socio-political issues that relate to
ideologies and inequality as experienced by different social and politica
groups and individuals surrounding a crisis event. With the aid of
empirical data and evidence, this volume addresses these power-
relevant issues adequately, uncovering discursive strategies employed
by the more powerful and the elite to persuade, legitimise and justify
certain social and political values. These aspects are prominent in Part
I and Part II of the volume. In addition to the critical evaluation of how
a crisis-related discourse is shaped by the more powerful party, this
volume also showcases the remarkably oppositional, agentive and
reflective strategies by the less-powerful, under-represented and
typically marginalised discourse participants when facing a crisis event
(see Part III of the volume, as well as
Chapter 3 by Holmgreen and
Chapter 6 by Kotzur). Taken together, the discourse analysis approach
employed in this volume provides a linguistically focused, context-
sensitive, data-driven and problem-oriented account on the critical
relationships between ideology, identity, agency as well as socio-
cultural practices relevant to a crisis discourse.
 Whilst there are many types of crises that are worth researching,
this volume primarily focuses on discourses that surround three types
of crises, namely financial and organisational crisis, political crisis, and
personal crisis. Each chapter within the volume investigates the
discursive topics, features, patterns and meanings emerging from the
use of language surrounding a specific crisis (See Section 5 for a
detailed overview of the contents of the chapters). Throughout the
volume, multiple types of linguistic data are carefully surveyed from a
wide array of sources, including discourse in the public domains (e.g.
press releases, media coverage, government documents and official
interviews), communications across social groups (e.g. commercial
campaigns, community protests and social media disputes), as well as
discourse taking place in more private and personal contexts (e.g.
patient-therapist interactions during consultations, private interviews
and written accounts about living with illness and disorders). When
analysing these linguistic data, the chapters seek to reveal the intricate
meanings and social relationships that emerge under these crisis
situations through relevant discursive processes, functions and
strategies. Although the crisis discourses examined in the chapters are
individually different, they are all actively shaped, developed and
experienced by the social agents involved. These agents – sometimes
withholding conflicting interests and beliefs – have been observed to
purposely construct, reconstruct and modulate the discursive
information that is key to the development and resolution of the crises
at hand. This powerful agentive stance brings forth the cognitive,
perceptual, emotional and communicative processes that are crucial in
crisis management. An analytical approach that provides elegant
interpretations of the above aspects whilst keeping a linguistic focus is
cognitive linguistics. The following section discusses how cognitive
linguistics frameworks – in particular conceptual metaphors and
frames – can work effectively with the discourse analytical approach
for the investigation of crisis discourse in this volume.

3.2 Exploring conceptual metaphors and frames with a

discourse and cognitive-based approach
The cognitive approach as established within cognitive linguistics is an
interdisciplinary venture that seeks to explore the interconnection and
relationship between language and thought (Geeraerts and Cuyckens
2007; Janssen, Maria, and Redeker 1999; Dabrowska and Divjak
2015). Situated within cognitive sciences, cognitive linguistics
maintains an embodied, situated and grounded understanding of the
mental structures, representations and processes that we incorporate
and express via linguistic means to make sense of our knowledge,
experience and interactions in our living environments. Within its broad
coverage of linguistic research, the aspect of “discourse” has become
pivotal and gained rapid growth in cognitive linguistic studies (Liebert,
Redeker, and Waugh 1997). Metaphor studies that embrace socio-
cultural determinants in meaning construction and discourse studies
that endorse the social constructionist stance have a shared tenet that
sets out to investigate how knowledge is mediated by the language we
use and how the meaning-making process is achieved through
language and communication in situated contexts. Indeed, there have
been fruitful and successful explorations that combine cognitive
linguistic approaches and discourse analytical frameworks for the
investigation of the narrative, meaning constructions and discursive
features from social, cultural, ideological and political dimensions
(Dancygier, Sanders, and Vandelanotte 2012; Hart 2011; Tyler, Kim,
and Takada 2008). Amongst the cognitive approaches that work
compatibly with discourse analytical frameworks (Harder 2010;
Gonzalez-Marquez 2007; Charteris-Black 2004), this volume places its
primary focus on the contributions of conceptual metaphors and
frames alongside discourse analysis to the description and exploration
of meaning construction in crisis-related discourse.
This primary focus is based on the unique discursive features and
their cognitive-linguistic content that can be observed in the linguistic
data examined in this volume. As supported by recent research,
conceptual metaphors and frames are both ubiquitous and pivotal to
the shaping and interpretation of discursive information (Semino,
Demjén, and Demmen 2016; Sullivan 2013; Cameron and Deignan
2006; Musolff 2004). Under the cognitive approach, metaphors are firs
and foremost systematic mappings across conceptual domains; it is a
fundamental and highly useful cognitive process that we use to
understand as well as to construct ideas and concepts in their
contexts. In crisis-related discourse, metaphors play an influential role
in conceptualising significant factors, behaviours and relationships in
their discursive contexts. For instance, during an economic crisis, a
series of inter-related ontological metaphors, such as ECONOMY IS
ORGANISM, ECONOMY IS SICK and FINANCIAL CRISIS IS ILLNESS can be
employed in conceptualising the complex stages, components and
impacts of a financial crisis in journalistic discourse (Soares da Silva
2016; and in this volume). Closely relating to conceptual metaphors,
the notions of “frames” and “framing” provide further insight into the
framing power and effects of metaphor in a discourse. The studies of
conceptual frames have been studied under different academic
disciplines including semantics (Fillmore 1975; Sullivan 2013), social
sciences (Goffmann 1974), media analysis (De Vreese 2005) and
artificial intelligence (Minsky 1979). Despite disparities in the
definitions in existing literature, a “frame” is recognised for its heuristic
functions and can be generally understood as “a portion of background
knowledge that (i) concerns a particular aspect of the world, (ii)
generates expectations and inferences in communication and action,
and (iii) tends to be associated with particular lexical and grammatical
choices in language” (Semino, Demjén, and Demmen 2016: 3). This
volume adopts this view and sees frames as schematic units that
contain knowledge structures and can be accessed by linguistic means.
When working with conceptual metaphors, this notion of frames works
compatibly with relevant concepts that have been developed in
metaphor studies such as “scenarios” (Musolff 2006) and
“metaphoremes” (Cameron and Deignan 2006), where a metaphorical
expression can reveal and act upon structural mappings at the sub-
domain level within a specific discourse context. This further gives rise
to a vital component of the “framing” process where frames are used
by social agents to define problems, diagnose causes, make moral
judgements and suggest remedies under specific contexts (Entman
1993; Hallahan 1999). Similar to conceptual metaphors, frames
function in an embodied and situated manner. When we process a
piece of linguistic information, we are able to evoke the relevant
frames that contain the knowledge structure that can help us to
navigate a given situation and to make meaningful interpretations of
what the words try to communicate to audiences. Furthermore, the
framing process involves both “selection” and “salience” (Entman
1993: 52–53), where certain aspects of a problem or issue are
presented by certain social actors as more noticeable, meaningful and
important, and are consequently perceived as such by the intended
audiences. This strategic use of frames in communication has been
researched in discourse studies (Tannen 1993; Ensink and Sauer
2003), and is further developed in this volume with new research
evidence. Holmgreen (2015 and in this volume), for instance, studies
the resilience of public frames to news media frames during public
disputes, which demonstrates the conceptual grounding of the framing
effect.
Taking into consideration the power of framing in discourse and
communication, recent studies of metaphor and discourse have
identified three main perspectives where framing effects can take place
within a metaphor, namely the cognitive, discourse and practice
perspectives (Lakoff and Johnson 1999, 2003; Musolff 2004; Semino
et al. 2017). The cognitive-based perspective sees the framing effects
of metaphor as primarily a cognitive phenomenon based on structural
mappings between conceptual domains. The discourse-based
perspective examines how discursive forms and functions of metaphor
can reveal discourse participants’ strategies, intentions and
consequences in using the metaphors in their situational contexts. The
practice-based perspective focuses on how metaphors in professional
and organisational settings can facilitate or impede communication,
and what relevant recommendations can be shared with policy makers
and stakeholders to inform and improve future practice (for a detailed
discussion of these three perspectives of metaphor in a case study in
the healthcare context, see Semino, Demjén, and Demmen 2016).
Whilst the three perspectives outlined here provide useful insights into
the framing function of metaphors, they also shed light on the
complexities and challenges to be addressed in current research. As
pointed out by Semino et al. (2016), a thorough examination of a
metaphor’s framing effects requires careful considerations of the
conceptual structures situated within their detailed, specific discursive
context. In addition, attention should be paid to any emergent and
context-dependent properties in language use by their discourse
communities in order to adequately explain the framing implications of
metaphor in a discourse. The next section outlines how this volume
addresses these challenges through original findings, approaches and
insights to the discussions of metaphors and frames in different types
of crisis.

4. The volume’s contributions to the studies of

metaphors and frames in crisis discourse
After proposing a cognitive and discourse-based approach to the study
of metaphors and frames, this section discusses how the volume
employs this combined approach in contributing and advancing
theories and practice in crisis studies, cognitive linguistics and
discourse analysis through five interrelated aspects. The first aspect
emphasises the importance of context in situating and enabling the
construction of a crisis discourse. The second aspect focuses on the
emergent linguistic expressions, patterns, as well as their associated
meanings and conceptual structures that are evidenced in the
discursive data surrounding metaphors and frames. The third aspect
considers the roles and involvement of the relevant social agents, who
purposely develop, manipulate and mediate a crisis discourse through
sociocultural, cognitive and discursive means. The fourth aspect that
underlies the volume’s contribution is the authors’ mindful and
professional approach when working with discourse participants from
varied social and cultural backgrounds. The final contributing aspect
highlights the volume’s adaptation of multiple research methods and
interdisciplinary approaches. In what follows, these five aspects are
detailed in turn.
In the first aspect, “context” is essential to the discursive
constructions and communication of a crisis phenomenon, and it is of
great importance to the discussions in this volume. The term “context”
concerns not only a range of situations, domains and scenarios where
a discourse is produced, but also the ways it is construed by
researchers in their work (Flowerdew 2014). In this volume, each
chapter offers its own definition and interpretation of what context
entails. Despite these individual differences, all the chapters take into
consideration the information regarding the relevant background
(which can be physical, social, cultural and situational, where
appropriate), environment (both linguistic and extralinguistic), the
social actors involved (from organisational to individual) as well as thei
beliefs and attitudes. This enables the authors to gain in-depth and
comprehensive insights into the grounding and situated environments
from which relevant metaphors function to frame and define a
particular crisis event or process. Importantly, the aspect of context
enables the dual position embraced by this volume, where metaphors
both constitute and reflect culture models, and discourse actors may
consciously or unconsciously adjust the use of certain metaphors and
frames in the communication process (See Holmgreen, 2015 and in
this volume). This line of inquiry is well illustrated in
Chapter 3 of the volume, where Holmgreen conducts a case study on
the framing power of metaphors in social media discourse relating to
two high-profile Danish organisations that have attracted negative
public response. The study uncovers the significance of the social and
cultural contexts to the contingency of frames amid organisational
crises and coherence amongst public perceptions. Throughout the
volume, there is a clear consensus that metaphors and frames are
grounded and embodied in the very situation and environment of a
crisis. The chapters examine authentic and fresh evidence in linguistic
data in order to reveal how metaphors and frames are perceived and
interpreted in a crisis-related situation on the one hand, and how such
metaphor and frames, on the other hand, can be purposely crafted by
discourse actors in order to elicit specific responses and actions from
the audiences.
 The discourse contexts investigated in this volume include those in
journalistic reports, political discourses, social media, internet forums,
as well as in self-reflective writings and in psychotherapeutic
consultations. The examination of these discourse contexts offers
exciting new findings on crisis development and management via the
functions of metaphors and frames on differing social, cultural, political
and personal platforms and interfaces across varied discourse
communities.
The second aspect highlighted in this volume concerns original
linguistic expressions and their usage that emerge from relevant
discourse contexts. These emergent linguistic expressions are explored
for their communicative meanings, their usage within and across
discourse communities, as well as the conceptual structures that
facilitate such meanings and usage. The chapters offer detailed
analysis of the linguistic data with well annotated examples from
authentic data sources. Insightful arguments are presented by the
authors to interpret the functions and applications of metaphors,
frames and their constructive powers during the communicative
processes. A noticeable feature of the volume is the authors’
observations of the linguistic data for their diachronic and continuing
development in meanings, usage, effects and impacts. For instance,
Rasulić in
Chapter 4 presents a corpus-aided study on how new metaphors and
frames that emerge from Serbian political discourse contribute to the
shaping and framing of a new geopolitical reality between Serbia and
Kosovo by virtue of marginalizing previous metaphors and frames with
opposing values and beliefs. With a similar focus on the political
landscape, Ullmann in
Chapter 5 examines the Arab Spring movement through a triangulatory
approach that combines corpus-linguistic methods with critical
metaphor analysis (Charteris-Black 2004). The study expands and
advances Charteris-Black’s analytical model for metphor interpretation.
The findings reveal the complex metaphorical mappings and
entailments across a wide range of conceptual domains. The linguistic
data examined in this volume provide new evidence to address the key
issue of how metaphors and frames constitute a crisis event or
process, and how they influence the perception and reception of a
crisis phenomenon.
 The third aspect that underpins the volume’s contribution to
knowledge concerns the discussion of agency and interpersonal
relationships. This aspect regards the social agents as one of the
central elements that shape and influence a crisis discourse. This
resonates strongly with the social constructionist view presented in
Section Two where agency and intersubjectivity bear significant values
in the study of crisis discourse. This agent-centred stance, alongside
the perspective of an embodied and grounded cognition, provide a
strong theoretical grounding for advancing research topics that involve
the social agents’ roles, relationships, actions, emotions and values
through the processes of experiencing, communicating and making
sense of a crisis event. These topics highlight the personal and
interpersonal agency in the construction of crisis discourse, and as
such embrace a performative stance that serves to untangle the
purposes, intentions and ideologies conveyed through the metaphors,
frames and other cognitive and discursive strategies by the social
agents. Throughout the volume, various types of interpersonal
relationships are examined in relation to crisis discourse and the
functions of metaphors and frames. In
Chapter 1, for instance, O’Mara-Shimek scrutinises metaphors in
financial news media for their far-reaching effects and influences on
Crisis Marketing, which provide unique insights into the critical debate
of journalistic ethics, fairness and truth as exercised and performed by
professional journalism organisations and individual journalists.
 In addition to investigating agency and interpersonal relationships,
the authors in this volume approach the research participants and data
with mindfulness and respect, which forms the fourth contributing
aspect of the volume. The authors take great care to ensure that
research ethics are adhered to, and appropriate research methods are
employed so that the research data and respondents are fairly
represented. This careful positioning of the researchers, data and
participants can be observed across the chapters and is especially
prominent in Part III of the volume. In this part, the authors
investigate both written and spoken discourse data that encompass
different types of personal crises experienced by the research
participants, ranging from physical illness to mental health (see Ferrari,
Tay, Huang and Knapton in this volume). In keeping with the ethical
standards in the research process, the authors take into consideration
the feelings, emotions and values held by people involved in the
research process. In doing so, this volume delivers fair and convincing
representations of the personal and interpersonal relationships in their
studies.
The fifth and final aspect featured in this volume is the use of
multiple research methods and its rich adaptation of theoretical
frameworks and models across the chapters. As crises can take many
shapes and forms, investigations of crisis-related discourse must be
supported by research data and analytical methods that are
appropriate and suitable for the research purposes. Across the volume,
both qualitative and quantitative data have been examined to study
crises taking place in varied organisational, political and personal
contexts. Examples of qualitative studies include case studies,
interviews, social media entries and political campaign materials (e.g.
see O’Mara-Shimek, Knapton, Holmgreen and Kotzur in this volume);
examples of quantitative data can be found in the analysis of existing
as well as self-compiled linguistic corpora (e.g. see Soares da Silva,
Rasulić and Ullmann in this volume). In the process of data analysis, as
previously discussed, this volume adopts a discourse and cognitive-
based approach for its aptness in handling crisis-related discourse
where metaphors and frames play prominent roles. In order to achieve
further comprehensiveness and robustness in the data analyses, the
authors in this volume further employ complementary analytical
frameworks including psychometric testing, corpus linguistics, narrative
studies and log-linear modelling (e.g. see Ferrari, Ullmann, Huang,
Knapton and Tay in this volume) that serve to triangulate and
contextualise the research findings. The rich sets of research data and
the multi-method analytical approaches employed in this volume
enable the authors to offer qualitative, case-specific as well as
quantitative, generalisable findings of the language use in complex
crisis situations.
After showcasing the five major aspects through which this
volume contributes to the development and advancement of theories
and practice in cognitive linguistics, discourse analysis and crisis
studies, the following section moves on to introduce the main content
of each of the chapters.

5. Overview of individual chapters’ original

research and findings
The chapters in this volume offer original research and findings on how
metaphors and frames are utilised by social agents in constructing and
communicating crisis discourses. The chapters are organised into three
parts, each focusing on a specific type of crisis discourse. Part I of the
volume consists of three chapters that investigate language use in
large scale financial and organisational crisis. Part II of the volume
presents a further three chapters that examine public discourse amid
political turmoil and conflicts. The last part of the volume features four
more chapters that explore counselling and narrative discourse in times
of personal crises where individuals’ health and wellbeing are in
jeopardy.
Part I of the volume is concerned with media discourse in
organisational crisis. Building upon the Conceptual Metaphor Theory,
O’Mara-Shimek in
Chapter 1 employs a broader concept of “Crisis Marketing” in order to
explore how financial news media uses metaphor and metonymy when
reporting on stock market crash in a financial crisis. Taking the
perspective of “the Right to Information” as well as a critical analytical
approach, O’Mara-Shimek evaluates the roles and responsibilities of
news media organisations when making ideologically informed
“decisions” that have the power to influence the perceptions of the
public. The author further examines how metaphor teleology in the
context of financial news reporting has far-reaching implications for
consumers and investors, as well as posing serious challenges to
professional ethics and practice in journalism organisations. Also
informed by Conceptual Metaphor Theory, Soares da Silva in
Chapter 2 compares the role of metaphors in the conceptualisation and
ideological exploitation of the economic crisis in the Portuguese press
in two crucial periods – the 2008 global financial crisis and the
Portuguese government’s austerity policies in 2011–2013 – when the
government tried to tackle the severe economic crisis in the country.
Benefiting from a successful convergence between cognitive linguistics,
CDA and corpus linguistics, the study reveals how economic crisis and
the by-product of austerity policies are metaphorically conceptualised
and framed in the Portuguese press and how crisis- and austerity-
related metaphors serve ideological, emotional and moral purposes.
The chapter provides further empirical evidence from a socio-cognitive
viewpoint that the crisis and austerity metaphors in Portugal are
socially embodied, making them an instrument for manipulation. In
Chapter 3, Holmgreen investigates the creation and dynamics of public
frames in social media through the analysis of two recent instances of
large Danish organisational crises. Holmgreen employs Fillmore’s
theory of framing in combination with Conceptual Metaphor Theory
and social media research. The data for the analysis consist of posts on
social media, e.g. Facebook and Twitter, as well as articles from the
Danish online media on two major organisational crises, i.e. that of a
large Danish bank and a well-known Danish restaurant chain.
Holmgreen argues that public frames are highly contingent on their
social and cultural contexts, and are often established when
announcements are made of corporate actions that challenge common
notions of right and wrong. It is demonstrated that the most salient
frames are rooted in shared cultural and social beliefs that serve to
unite stakeholder groups in common action against reproachable
organisational behaviour.
 The second section of the book features three chapters with a
shared theme of political struggle. It starts with a chapter by Rasulić,
who addresses the current process of resolving a long-lasting crisis
between Serbia and Kosovo. The chapter discusses how conceptual
metaphor and metonymy function in the framing of Kosovo in Serbian
political discourse. With the aid of corpus linguistics, the analysis
highlights theoretical implications for the dynamics of metaphor and
metonymy in a crisis-related political discourse. In particular, it
evaluates the role of metonymy as an avoidance strategy and the ways
in which metaphor and metonymy are used and abused in order to
maintain inequality and promote the emergence of alternative frames.
The chapter presents a detailed and critical description of the ongoing
linguistic and conceptual management of a geopolitical crisis. The
findings may be generalised and applied to other cases of political
discourse related to territorial dispute crises worldwide. Also
addressing the topic of political discourse,
Chapter 5 studies the Arab Revolution on the basis of a purposely
compiled linguistic corpus of speeches delivered by Western politicians
from the United States and the United Kingdom between 2011 and
2013. Using the Conceptual Metaphor Theory and Conceptual
Integration Theory in combination of corpus linguistics and critical
metaphor analysis, Ullmann identifies key cognitive phenomena in
political language surrounding the Arab Spring. She further discusses
potential ideological characteristics and possible effects of these
constructions on perceptions of the events by the general public.
Importantly, the findings show that only selected entailments of the
different mappings are frequently applied by the US and the UK
respectively with both nations displaying clear preferences for different
conceptual mappings in general. In
Chapter 6, Kotzur addresses the emotional appeal and persuasive
power of conceptual mappings underlying metaphors on demonstration
posters used by opponents of the controversial urban development and
railway project Stuttgart 21 (S21) in Germany. The data consist of over
a hundred demonstration posters and short texts used in the protest,
collected from photographs published on websites, newspapers, and in
the protesters’ blogs. Through analysing the language use of the less
powerful and under-represented social groups, the chapter provides a
novel perspective for cognitive approaches to critical discourse analysis
and critical metaphor studies.
 The third and final part of the volume revolves around the
discourse of personal crisis where an individual’s health and wellbeing
are under threat. Whilst Chapters Seven and Eight explore metaphors
used in counselling and psychotherapy, Chapters Nine and Ten look at
narrative data that depict individuals’ viewpoints of their health
conditions. In
Chapter 7, Ferrari sets out to pinpoint the ‘transformative power’ of
metaphor in the context of psychotherapy. Focussing on ‘talking cure’
practices and employing an innovative analytical model of “M”
psychometric testing, Ferrari makes both qualitative and quantitative
observations on how the psychometric test can systematically measure
the transformative power of metaphors used by both counsellors and
clients at thought, emotional and bodily levels. The evidence gathered
shows that implemented use of metaphor may help deal with resistant
cases, foster personal development and improve personal wellbeing.
Moreover, the measure of the transformative power of metaphor
through ‘M’ psychological testing can offer further degree of awareness
for both counsellors and clients. Also situated within the context of
psychotherapy and counselling,
Another random document with
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“Neither do I,” asserted Carter, with a smile.
“Then why are you so anxious to get information about him?”
“I can’t tell you.”
“Oh!”
Dora gazed at the detective. She picked up the glass of wine and
commenced to sip the amber-colored liquid.
Carter was silent, but he watched her closely.
“Mr. Carter,” Dora said, as she set down the glass, “I will tell you
everything I know about that man.”
“I thank you,” the detective rejoined.
“I hate him.”
Her eyes flashed. The hot blood mantled her brow, and she hissed
out the words between her clenched teeth.
Now the detective saw that she was in earnest. He knew that she did
hate Dick Darwin, and no power could make her become friendly
with him again.
“How long have you been acquainted with him?” Carter asked, after
a short silence.
“About three years,” Dora answered.
“Where did you first meet him?”
“In London.”
“What were you doing over there?”
“I was in the chorus of ‘A Girl from New York.’ We were playing over
there at the Gayety.”
“Were you introduced to him?”
“I was.”
“By whom?”
“One of the other chorus girls, Sally Rich.”
“Then you were acquainted with Miss Rich?”
“Yes.”
“And her brother?”
“I know him.”
“Well?”
“Yes.”
“How long have you known him?”
“Four years.”
“Where did you first meet him?”
“At Koster & Bial’s, where his sister and I were singing together.”
“Tell me all you know about Darwin.”
“Give me time to collect my thoughts.”
“Take all the time you desire.”
Carter was succeeding better than he had calculated.
At first he did not suspect that Dora felt so bitterly about the manner
in which she had been treated by Darwin. He congratulated himself
on the move he had made.
As he watched Dora, and noted the fleeting shadows crossing her
face, he was able to read almost all her thoughts. He saw that she
had no compunctions of conscience, no tenderness for Darwin, and
that she would tell all she knew about the man.
Did she know anything about the mysterious murder at the Red
Dragon Inn?
The detective was unable to surmise.
Finally, Dora raised her eyes, and, gazing straight at Carter, she
said:
“Dick Darwin is a cousin of Simeon Rich. His mother was a sister of
Rich’s father. He was educated in England, and he resided there
until he was thirty years of age, when he came to New York to live.
“When his father died he inherited a small fortune. He soon ran
through it. Then he became connected with several dramatic
enterprises, and made money.
“Six months ago he took a company out on the road, and he became
stranded in Cincinnati.
“I sent him money to return to New York.
“When he got here he was broke.
“For some time he and Rich did not speak, but after he got back to
the city they patched up their differences and became as thick as
two peas in a pod. Recently he got to going around with Sally Rich,
unknown to me, and when I found it out, and chided him for it, he
insulted me.
“Lately I have noticed that he was quite flush of money. He would not
let me know where he got it from. When I would ask him what he
was doing he would fly into a towering rage.
“To-day when I saw him with Sally Rich I made up my mind to sever
our relationship.”
Dora stopped talking and drank some wine.
“You have not told me all you know about Darwin,” Carter remarked.
“How do you know that I have not?”
“I can tell from the manner in which you spoke that you have kept
something back.”
“What do you think I have kept back?”
“Was Darwin ever guilty of any crime?”
“Why?”
“I want to know.”
“In England he was arrested for forgery.”
“Ah!”
“He was released on bail, and he fled to this country.”
“What did he forge?”
“Checks.”
“Then he was never tried?”
“No. The charges are still pending against him.”
“Is Dick Darwin his right name?”
“Yes.”
“Were you ever present when he and Rich were together?”
“No.”
“Don’t you know what business they are engaged in?”
“I do not. I wish I did know.”
“Did you ever hear Sally or her brother speak of a man named
Lawrence?”
“Sally Rich once told me that she had an uncle by that name.”
“Did she ever speak about him?”
“She only said that he died and left her and her brother a lot of
money. They had to fight for it in the courts.”
“Was that all she told you?”
“Yes.”
Carter thought for some time before he asked another question. He
reviewed all that Dora had told him. He had gained some important
information, but not as much as he had expected. However, he was
firmly convinced that Dora had told him the truth, and that she had
concealed nothing.
“Miss Ferris,” he said, after a time, “where was Dick Darwin on New
Year’s Eve?”
“I don’t know where he was. He was with Rich. That I do know.”
“How do you know?”
“I saw them together, going down Sixth Avenue, about nine o’clock
at night. They did not see me.”
“What time did you next see him?”
“At two o’clock in the morning.”
“Where?”
“He came to my flat. He was greatly excited about something, and it
seemed to me that he was very nervous.”
“Didn’t he say where he had been?”
“No.”
“Did you ask him?”
“I did.”
“And he would not tell you?”
“He would not.”
“You say he was very nervous?”
“Very. His clothing was spattered with mud, and it seemed to me as if
he had been in some kind of a rumpus.”
“Was he intoxicated?”
“No.”
“Is the clothing which he had on that night at your flat?”
“It is in his room there. But, Mr. Carter, for what purpose are you
asking all these questions? What do you suspect?”
“I can’t tell you now.”
“You can trust me. I hate Dick Darwin so that I would help you to
send him to prison.”
“Would you do that?”
“I swear I would do it!”
“I am afraid——”
“Afraid I wouldn’t?”
“Yes.”
“Try me—trust me.”
Carter looked at the woman intently for some time in silence.
Over and over again he asked himself whether he dare to trust her
or not, and, at the same time, he was evolving a plan in his mind.
 CHAPTER IX.
MORE EVIDENCE.

Dora was the first to speak and break the silence.

“Mr. Carter,” she said, “I can see that Rich and Darwin are implicated
in some affair which you are investigating. It may be a crime. It was
committed on New Year’s Eve, or you would not be so particular
about that date. I feel sure of that.”
“You are a shrewd woman,” the detective remarked, with a smile.
“I am not very shrewd, but I can read character, and I am able to
form conclusions by putting two and two together.
“You asked about Dick Darwin’s clothing. If you desire to examine it,
I will take you to my flat, and you can inspect it.”
“Darwin may be there now.”
“No, he is not. He can’t get in. I have the key.”
“I will go with you to your flat.”
“Tell me first what case you are working on.”
“That must remain a secret for the present.”
“Ha, ha! I know!”
“You know?”
“Yes.”
“What case am I working on?”
“The mystery of the Red Dragon Inn.”
Dora laughed heartily.
Carter uttered an exclamation of annoyance.
“When you mentioned the name of Lawrence, I remembered that a
man by that name had been murdered on New Year’s Eve at the
Red Dragon Inn, and I also remembered that it was stated that you
were working on the case. You see, I know.”
“Humph!”
“Now that I come to think of it, I remember reading that that man had
just been released from State’s prison. It was also stated that he was
the forger of the Lawrence will. If that be so, then he was a cousin of
Simeon and Sally Rich. Mr. Carter!”
“What is the matter?”
“A thought just occurred to me, and it startled me.”
“What was it?”
“Do you believe that Simeon Rich and Richard Darwin had a hand in
that murder?”
“I can’t tell.”
“Perhaps Rich was afraid of Lawrence——”
“We will not talk any more about this matter. We will start for your
flat.”
“I will help you.”
“I believe you.”
They arose from the table.
Carter put on his facial disguise, and then they left the restaurant.
Dora’s flat was situated on Thirty-ninth Street, next to a theater. It
was elaborately furnished in a style that evinced more money than
good taste, and Nick almost shuddered at the array of showy
furniture, useless bric-a-brac, draperies, and ornaments which
crowded the little parlor into which she ushered him.
“Mr. Carter, I suppose you do not want to lose any time,” she said,
“so, if you will follow me, I will conduct you to Darwin’s room.”
Carter followed Dora along a private hall.
At last she opened a door, and led him into one of the bedrooms,
remarking:
“This is the room.”
After she had turned on the electric light, she looked around, and
then she uttered an exclamation of surprise.
The room was in confusion.
Carter looked at Dora.
“He has been here and carted off all his things!” Dora ejaculated, as
soon as she recovered the use of her voice.
“I thought you said he had no key?” Carter remarked.
“He has none. He must have come here before the servant left.”
“What time does she leave?”
“Seven o’clock.”
“Where does she live?”
“On Twenty-seventh Street.”
While Carter was asking these questions, his eyes were wandering
about the room.
On the floor, in a corner, he spied several pieces of paper.
He picked them up and smoothed them out.
Two were blanks.
The third had writing on it.
The detective read it.
His countenance brightened.
Dora noticed the change.
“What is it?” she asked.
“A note,” replied the detective.
“From whom?”
“Rich.”
“To Darwin?”
“Yes.”
“When was it written?”
“On the afternoon of the day before New Year’s.”
“Is it important?”
“It may be.”
“Will you read it?”
Nick examined her face intently.
“Do you still doubt me?” Dora asked.
“No,” replied Carter, after a pause.
Nick was satisfied.
“You can rely on me to help you, Mr. Carter.”
“I know it now.”
“Will you read that note?”
“Yes.”
“Do so.”
“‘December 31.
“‘Dear Dick: I was at the Grand Central this afternoon
when he arrived. Followed him downtown in a cab. He
went to the safe deposit company’s office. Have placed a
party on his trail. Meet me at seven o’clock to-night at the
Knickerbocker Cottage. We will dine together. Yours in
haste,
“‘Simeon.’”
“Then Darwin was with Rich that night?”
“No doubt.”
Carter folded the paper and placed it carefully away in his
pocketbook. He looked upon this note as an important piece of
evidence. The “he” mentioned in it, he felt confident, referred to the
man who had been murdered at the Red Dragon Inn.
According to this note, Rich and Darwin had dined together at the
Knickerbocker Cottage.
It would be an easy matter to find out what time they left that place.
Another thing was clear, and that was that Darwin had taken fright
about something, or he never would have removed his things from
the flat in such haste.
Was this move an indication of guilt?
Carter turned to Dora, and asked:
“Do you know where Rich and his sister reside?”
“I do not,” Dora replied.
“Did you ever hear Darwin speak of a woman named Isabella
Porter?”
“I know that woman.”
“Where does she live?”
“I do not know.”
“Did you know that Darwin and Rich were acquainted with her?”
“Rich has known her ever since she was a small girl.”
“What about Darwin?”
“He has only been acquainted with her a short time.”
“When did you first meet her?”
“She was in Rich’s company one night, and he introduced her to
me.”
“What do you know about her?”
“She is the daughter of a rich merchant, I believe. Her mother and
father are dead. She has an income.”
“Is that all you know?”
“It is.”
It was too late to continue the inquiries further that night, he
concluded, and he determined to go home, as long as he was
uptown.
Carter was in a very thoughtful mood.
Many curious events had happened during the past twenty-four
hours.
He was walking along leisurely, with his head bowed, thinking of
plans for that day, and where he would go to make inquiries, when
his attention was attracted to two men, who were walking ahead of
him.
Instantly he raised his head and slackened his pace.
One of the men he recognized as Darwin.
The man’s companion he had never seen before.
He could not get near enough to the men to hear their conversation.
At the corner of Fifty-second Street, the men separated, and Darwin
started in an easterly direction.
Carter decided to follow him, and he gave up the idea of going
home.
Darwin reached the east side of town, and turned into Second
Avenue.
“What business has he over here?” the detective asked himself, as
he kept on the trail of his quarry.
Between Forty-first and Fortieth Streets Darwin halted under a street
lamp.
From his pocket he took a slip of paper, consulted it, and then went
along examining the numbers of the houses.
Carter stopped in the doorway of the corner store and watched him.
At the same time he changed his disguise. He now looked as tough
as any of the night prowlers in the questionable neighborhood.
Darwin entered a tall tenement.
Carter hurried out of his place of concealment.
He also went into the house and stood in the lower hall.
On each floor lights were burning.
As he looked up, he saw Darwin distinctly on the next floor, and he
heard him knock on the door of the back room.
Darwin knocked a number of times, and no one opened the door.
When he started to descend the stairs, Carter walked out, and took
up a position in a doorway of a house near the corner.
Darwin came out of the tenement, walked to the corner, and halted.
Back and forth he moved, and kept looking at the house.
The detective saw that he was uneasy. He wondered whom Darwin
had come to see.
Darwin, after a time, came back to the tenement, and entered again.
Carter did not move from his hiding place.
His quarry only remained inside a minute or so, and then came out,
going back to the corner and halting.
Carter came out of the doorway. He strolled up to the corner, and
stopped within a few feet of Darwin, who saw and eyed him.
Two or three times the man made a movement as if he were going to
address Carter.
But he hesitated.
The detective made no attempt to speak. He looked up and down
the street, and appeared unconcerned.
Carter wanted to see if Darwin would speak to him. He judged that if
he waited long enough the man would do so.
Darwin crossed the street, halted a moment, and then came back.
He glanced sharply, suspiciously, at Carter.
“Excuse me,” he said, as he came to a standstill, “do you live around
here?”
“Are you addressing me?” the detective asked, in a disguised tone of
voice.
“I am.”
“Oh, well, yes, I live in that house down there,” said Nick, pointing to
the tall tenement which Darwin had twice entered.
“You do? What floor do you live on?”
“The top. Why?”
“I want some information about one of the tenants.”
“Eh!”
Carter bent forward and looked at Darwin.
His acting was magnificent.
“Say, are you a fly cop?” he asked, with suspicion.
“No,” Darwin replied quickly, “I’m not a detective.”
“You haven’t got the cut of one.”
“No.”
“What do you want to know?”
“Are you acquainted with a woman named Lena Peters?”
“You mean the woman who lives in the back room on the second
floor?”
“Yes, yes.”
“I know her by sight.”
“Have you seen her to-night?”
“No.”
“I’ve been to her room and knocked, but no one seems to be in.”
“Did you have an appointment with her?”
“Not exactly an appointment.”
“Oh!”
For a time they were silent.
Then Carter said, in an offhand way:
“What does Miss Peters do?”
“She sings in a concert hall over on the West Side,” Darwin replied.
“I often wondered what she worked at to keep her out so late at
night.”
“Will you see her when she comes in?”
“I don’t know.”
“Are you going to remain here long?”
“All night.”
“What for?”
“I watch stores on the block.”
“Oh!”
“Why did you ask that question?”
“Will you deliver a message to Lena Peters when she comes home?”
“Certainly.”
“Tell her that a gentleman named Richard called to see her, and that
he wants her to come to his room the first thing after noon.”
“Where are your rooms?”
“She is familiar with the address.”
“Then she has called on you before?”
“Yes.”
“At your rooms?”
“Yes.”
“Have you ever been down here before?”
“No.”
“I’ll be sure and see Miss Peters.”
“Here’s a dollar for your trouble.”
“Thanks.”
Carter pocketed the money.
“I can depend on you?” Darwin asked uneasily.
“You can,” the detective replied, and he hardly was able to repress a
smile.
“Good night.”
Darwin hurried away.
Carter did not budge from the corner.
That he had formed some new plan in his mind was evident, or he
would have made a move to keep on the trail of his quarry.
“He said the woman’s name was Peters—Lena Peters,” the
detective muttered, a few minutes after Darwin had disappeared
around the corner. “She has seen him a number of times. Can she
be any relation to the man who died in Bellevue Hospital? If she is
——”
Carter stopped musing, as he saw a woman, who had hurried
around the corner, enter the tenement.
Instantly he started toward the house, and went in.
The woman was halfway up the stairs.
 CHAPTER X.
LENA’S STORY.

Carter had entered the lower hall of the house without making any
noise.
The woman’s attention was not attracted toward him, so he stood
back in the shadow and watched her.
She reached the landing, and, stopping in front of the door of the
back room, she inserted a key in the lock, opened the door and went
in.
Nick knocked on the door of the room.
The woman opened the door.
“What do you want?” she demanded, in surprise.
“Is your name Lena Peters?” the detective asked.
“It is.”
“I want to talk with you.”
Carter pushed his way into the room without ceremony, and closed
the door.
The woman’s face became flushed with anger. She stepped back
from the detective, and her eyes flashed.
“What do you want?” she demanded, with a string of oaths, and she
pulled out of her pocket a small pistol.
“Don’t get excited,” Carter quietly said, with a scornful smile. “Put up
your pistol, Lena. I’m not going to harm you.”
“Who are you?”
“I will tell you in a few moments.”
“You are a stranger to me.”
“I guess not.”
As Carter said this, he pulled off his disguise.
Lena uttered a scream, and sank down into a chair.
“Nick Carter!” she gasped, and the pistol fell from her grasp into her
lap.
“You recognize me now?” the detective said, with a smile, as he sat
down.
From this it will be seen that he and the woman had met before.
After a pause, Carter remarked:
“Let me see, Lena, it is several years since we have had the
pleasure of meeting. You haven’t changed any since I last saw you.”
“No,” Lena stammered.
“At that time you were singing at the Empire, on the Bowery, if my
memory does not play me false.”
“Yes.”
“A Western divine was robbed in the place of a large sum of money,
and you were charged with the theft. It was a cowardly charge. I
investigated the case——”
“And you found out that I was innocent.”
“Right.”
“Only for you, I might have been sent to prison.”
“Correct.”
“I——”
“Lena?”
Carter paused, and looked straight into the woman’s eyes.
“What is it?” she asked.
“I want you to give me some information.”
“Mr. Carter, I have always declared that if I could ever do you a favor
for what you did for me I would do it.”
“Now is your chance.”
“What do you want to know?”
“Are you acquainted with a man named Dick Darwin?”
“Yes—why——”
“You have called on him a number of times?”
“Yes.”
“Where?”
“He has a room in the Studio Building, at the corner of Twenty-sixth
Street and Broadway.”
“How long have you known him?”
“Only a few weeks.”
“How did you become acquainted with him?”
“I——”
Lena hesitated. She looked at the detective, and her face turned
pale.
Carter kept his eyes riveted upon her.
“Lena,” he said, “you must not try to conceal anything from me.”
“Mr. Carter, did Darwin employ you?” Lena asked.
“No. Why?”
“I just wanted to know.”
“What if he had employed me?”
“I am unable to say.”
Lena moved about uneasily in her chair.
Carter kept still.
He was giving the woman plenty of time to think.
There was no need to hurry, for he was confident that he would get
out of her all the information he desired.
“Mr. Carter, what do you know about Dick Darwin?” Lena finally
blurted out.
“Very little,” the detective replied. “I want to learn what you know
about him.”
“You are as sphinxlike as ever.”
“I have to be.”
Another silence followed.
Lena arose from her chair and walked back and forth across the
room several times. She resumed her seat again.
“I will tell you everything!” she exclaimed.
“That is right,” the detective said, in an encouraging tone.
Lena leaned back in her chair, and for some moments she sat with
head bowed.
At length she looked up at the detective, and said:
“I had a brother, whose name was Edward Peters.
“He was employed by a Mrs. Porter, who lived on Fifth Avenue.
“About ten years ago he was stabbed in the back, and he died in
Bellevue Hospital.
“I always believed that some one murdered him, although I could
never secure any evidence to prove it.
“He had for a chum a man named George Blanchard.
“Blanchard also died in the hospital.
“Previous to his death he made some kind of a confession to my
brother in regard to a will case.
“I tried to get out of my brother what the confession was about, but
he would not tell me.