The Philadelphia Upholstery Weaving Industry A Case Study of A Declining Industry in and Old Manufacturing Center C. Canby Balderston

The Philadelphia Upholstery Weaving
Industry A Case Study of a Declining

Industry in and Old Manufacturing
Center C. Canby Balderston
Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmeta.com/product/the-philadelphia-upholstery-weaving-industry-a-case-
study-of-a-declining-industry-in-and-old-manufacturing-center-c-canby-balderston/
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...
The Philadelphia Printing Industry A Case Study John W.

Seybold
https://ebookmeta.com/product/the-philadelphia-printing-industry-
a-case-study-john-w-seybold/
Executive Guidance of Industrial Relations: An Analysis

of the Experience of Twenty-Five Companies C. Canby
Balderston
https://ebookmeta.com/product/executive-guidance-of-industrial-
relations-an-analysis-of-the-experience-of-twenty-five-companies-
c-canby-balderston/
Planning Municipal Investment A Case Study of

Philadelphia William H. Brown
https://ebookmeta.com/product/planning-municipal-investment-a-
case-study-of-philadelphia-william-h-brown/
Old Drury of Philadelphia: A History of the

Philadelphia Stage, 18-1835 Reese D. James
https://ebookmeta.com/product/old-drury-of-philadelphia-a-
history-of-the-philadelphia-stage-18-1835-reese-d-james/
Economic Control of the Motion Picture Industry A Study
in Industrial Organization Mae D. Huettig
https://ebookmeta.com/product/economic-control-of-the-motion-
picture-industry-a-study-in-industrial-organization-mae-d-
huettig/
The California Wine Industry 1830 1895 A Study of the

Formative Years Vincent P. Carosso
https://ebookmeta.com/product/the-california-wine-
industry-1830-1895-a-study-of-the-formative-years-vincent-p-
carosso/
Automotive Manufacturing Processes: A Case Study

Approach 1st Edition G. K. Awari
https://ebookmeta.com/product/automotive-manufacturing-processes-
a-case-study-approach-1st-edition-g-k-awari/
Messrs. Carey and Lea of Philadelphia: A Study in the

History of the Booktrade David Kaser
https://ebookmeta.com/product/messrs-carey-and-lea-of-
philadelphia-a-study-in-the-history-of-the-booktrade-david-kaser/
The Cigar Manufacturing Industry Factors of Instability

Affecting Production and Employment Russell H. Mack
https://ebookmeta.com/product/the-cigar-manufacturing-industry-
factors-of-instability-affecting-production-and-employment-
russell-h-mack/
INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH DEPARTMENT
W H A R T O N SCHOOL OF FINANCE AND COMMERCE
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA
PHILADELPHIA
RESEARCH STUDIES
XX
THE PHILADELPHIA UPHOLSTERY

WEAVING INDUSTRY
LIST OF PUBLICATIONS OF THE INDUSTRIAL
RESEARCH DEPARTMENT
I. Earnings and W o r k i n g Opportunity in the Upholstery Weavers' T r a d e
in 25 Plants in Philadelphia, by Anne Bezanson, $2.50.
I I . Collective B a r g a i n i n g A m o n g P h o t o - E n g r a v e r s in Philadelphia, by
Charles Leese, $ 2 . 5 0 .
I I I . T r e n d s in F o u n d r y Production in the Philadelphia Area, by Anne
Bezanson and Robert G r a y , J i . j o .
I V . Significant Post-War Changes in the Full-Fashioned Hosiery Industry,
by George W . T a y l o r , $2.00.
V. E a r n i n g s in Certain Standard M a c h i n e - T o o l Occupations in Philadel-
phia, by H . L . F r a i n , $ 1 . 5 0 .
V I . A n Analysis of the Significance and Use of Help-Wanted Advertising
in Philadelphia, by Anne Bezanson, $2.00.
V I I . A n Analysis of Production of Worsted Sales Y a r n , by A l f r e d H. Wil-
liams, M a r t i n A . Brumbaugh and H i r a m S. Davis, $2.50.
V I I I . T h e Future Movement of Iron Ore and Coal in Relation to the St.
Lawrence W a t e r w a y , by Fayette S. Warner, $3.00.
I X . Group Incentives—Some Variations in the Use of Group Bonus and
G a n g Piece W o r k , by C. C. Balderston, $ 2 . 5 0 .
X . W a g e Methods and Selling Costs, by Anne Bezanson and Miriam
Hussey, $ 4 . 5 0 .
X I . W a g e s — A Means of Testing T h e i r Adequacy, by Morris E . Leeds and
C. C. Balderston, $ i . j o .
X I I . Case Studies of Unemployment—Compiled by the Unemployment Com-
mittee of the National Federation of Settlements, edited by Marion
Elderton, $3.00.
X I I I . T h e Full-Fashioned Hosiery W o r k e r — H i s Changing Economic Status,
by George W . T a y l o r , $3.00.
X I V . Seasonal Variations in Employment in M a n u f a c t u r i n g Industries, by
J . Parker Bursk, $2.50.
X V . T h e Stabilization of Employment in Philadelphia through the L o n g -
R a n g e Planning of Municipal Improvement Projects, by William N.
Loucks, $ 3 . 5 0 .
X V I . H o w Workers Find J o b s — A Study f o r F o u r Thousand Hosiery Work-
ers, by Dorothea de Schweinitz, $ 2 . 5 0 .
X V I I . Savings and Employee Savings P l a n s — A n Analysis of Savings and
T y p e s of Plans to Encourage Savings and T h r i f t among Employees
of Industrial Firms in Philadelphia, by William J . Carson, $ 1 . 5 0 .
X V I I I . Workers' Emotions in Shop and H o m e — A Study of Individual Workers
from the Psychological Standpoint, by R e x f o r d B. Hersey, $3.00.
X I X . Union Tactics and Economic Change—-A Case Study of T h r e e Phila-
delphia Textile Unions, by Gladys L . Palmer, $2.00.
THE PHILADELPHIA UPHOLSTERY
WEAVING INDUSTRY
A CASE STUDY OF A DECLINING INDUSTRY

IN AN OLD MANUFACTURING CENTER
BY
The Following Associates of the Industrial

Research Department
C . C A N B Y BALDERSTON
Professor of Industry
ROBERT P. BRECHT
Instructor in Industry
MIRIAM HUSSEY
GLADYS L . P A L M E R
EDWARD N . W R I G H T
Assistant Professor of Accounting
Wharton School of Finance and Commerce

University of Pennsylvania
PHILADELPHIA
U N I V E R S I T Y O F PENNSYLVANIA P R E S S
1932
COPYRIGHT, 1932
BY THE
UNIVERSITY OF P E N N S Y L V A N I A PRESS
PRINTED IN THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

AC K N O W L E D G M E N T S
T h e co-authors of this report acknowledge with gratitude

the generous support which they received from the coop-
erating manufacturers, and from the officers and members
of the cooperating unions. T h e investigation was so broad
in scope that it was necessary to seek the aid and advice of
many individuals both within and without the industry.
Among the many outside concerns and individuals who were
of assistance, especial mention must be made of the Cromp-
ton and Knowles Looms Works and Thomas Halton's Sons.
T h e counsel and criticism of Drs. Joseph H . Willits, Anne
Bezanson, and Alfred H . Williams were invaluable. Because
of the restriction of time, the completion of this survey placed
unusual demands upon the members of the staff of the In-
dustrial Research Department. Their carefulness and will-
ingness are appreciated by those who undertook the respon-
sibility for each section.
The Joint Advisory Committee from the industry played
an important part both in the procurement of the facts and
in the discussion of the findings. This committee included the
following representatives:
From the Unions: Mr. H a r r y Bowers, M r . William Chal-
mers, M r . George Creech, Mr. Robert W . Gaffney, M r .
Frederick Lauterwasser, Mr. John Preston, M r . James Skin-
ner, M r . Herman Stein, and Mr. H a r r y E. White.
From the Mills: Mr. Joseph Bracegirdle, M r . Marshall
Brooks, M r . A. Vinton Clarke, Chairman, M r . George E.
Ingersoll, and Mr. Bert Newton.
C . CANBY BALDERSTON
ROBERT P. BRECHT
August τQ32 MIRIAM HUSSEY
GLADYS L . PALMER
EDWARD N . WRIGHT
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PACE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Ν
I T H E W A G E D I S P U T E OF 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 3 1 AND I T S O U T C O M E 1
BY C. CANBY BALDERSTON
II HISTORY AND E C O N O M I C CHARACTERISTICS OF T H E INDUSTRY . . 6
BY GLADYS L. PALMER
III COLLECTIVE BARGAINING 20

BY GLADYS L. PALMER
IV EARNINGS AND WORKING OPPORTUNITY 40

BY MIRIAM HUSSEY
V PRODUCTION 70
BY ROBERT P. BRECHT
VI MARKETING 103
BY C. CANBY BALDERSTON
VII FINANCIAL DATA 138

BY EDWARD N. WRIGHT
VIII FINDINCS AND R E C O M M E N D A T I O N S 157
APPENDIX
A DRAFT FOR AGREEMENT WITH UNION NO. 25 AS A R E E D TO IN

J O I N T C O N F E R E N C E ON A P R I L 8 , 1 9 3 2 175
Β SUPPLEMENTARY DATA 191

NOTES TO CHAPTER II
CHARACTERISTICS OF WORKERS IN THE UPHOLSTERY
W E A V I N G INDUSTRY 191
WAGE S C A L E S OF L O O M - F I X E R S , W A R P E R S , AND WEAVERS,
1899-1931 198
NOTES TO C H A P T E R I V 199
C O M P U T A T I O N OF A V E R A G E S 202
NOTES TO C H A P T E R V 212
NOTES ΤΟ C H A P T E R V I 215
T R A D E P R A C T I C E S AND R U L E S 215
NOTES TO C H A P T E R V I I 225
D E F I N I T I O N OF T E R M S 225
INDEX 217
CHARTS
CHART PACE
I Index of A v e r a g e N u m b e r of W e a v e r s on C o m b i n e d P a y R o l l s . 42
II Index o f A v e r a g e N u m b e r of Finishers and O p e r a t o r s on Com-
bined P a y R o l l s 43
I I I Indices of A v e r a g e N u m b e r of W o r k e r s on C o m b i n e d P a y R o l l s
( L o o m - f i x e r s , Beamers and W a r p e r s , T w i s t e r s , Spoolers and
W i n d e r s , and Burlers and M e n d e r s ) 45
I V A v e r a g e W e e k l y E a r n i n g s by Occupations ( L o o m - f i x e r s , Beamers
and W a r p e r s , and W e a v e r s ) 49
V Average Weekly E a r n i n g s by Occupations (Twisters, Dyers,
Spoolers and Winders, Finishers and Operators, B u r l e r s and
Menders) 50
V I Index of A v e r a g e W e e k l y W a g e B i l l of W e a v e r s in Seven Iden-
tical M i l l s 52
V I I A v e r a g e A n n u a l E a r n i n g s by Occupations jg
VIII Process of Manufacturing Upholstery Fabrics 74
I X Index of W e a v i n g P a y Roll 75
X Indices of Y a r n Prices 89
XI Seasonal Index of Net Sales 105
X I I Index of A n n u a l Net Sales 107
XIII Indices of A n n u a l Net Sales f o r F i f t e e n Companies 108
XIV Percentage of T o t a l Domestic P r o d u c t i o n of C o t t o n Tapestries
M a d e in P e n n s y l v a n i a 121
XV Percentage of J a c q u a r d M a c h i n e s Sold by Areas, 1 9 1 6 - 1 9 3 1 . . . 124
X V I V a l u e of Imports of Cotton T a p e s t r i e s and Other J a c q u a r d - w o v e n
Upholstery G o o d s 131
X V I I Relation of Income and Expense to Production 135
X V I I I T r e n d of Profits in the Industry 145
XIX Index of Surplus of P h i l a d e l p h i a M i l l s 145
XX A n a l y s i s of the Sales D o l l a r 146
TABLES
TABLE PACE
ι Index of A v e r a g e N u m b e r on P a y Roll Annually by Occupations,

1924-1930 43
2 A v e r a g e H o u r s per W e e k A n n u a l l y by Occupations, 1 9 1 7 - 1 9 3 0 .... 47
3 A v e r a g e H o u r s per W e e k W o r k e d b y W e a v e r s , M o n t h l y , 1926-1928,
1931 48
4 A v e r a g e W e e k l y E a r n i n g s A n n u a l l y by Occupations, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 ... 54
5 Lowest and Highest A v e r a g e W e e k l y Earnings and A v e r a g e of All
M i l l s A n n u a l l y by Occupations, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 56
6 A v e r a g e A n n u a l E a r n i n g s by Occupations, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 59
7 Lowest and Highest A v e r a g e A n n u a l Earnings and A v e r a g e of All
Mills Annually by Occupations, 1924-1930 60
8 A v e r a g e H o u r l y E a r n i n g s of T i m e - w o r k e r s A n n u a l l y by Occupations,
1924-1930 63
9 A v e r a g e H o u r l y and W e e k l y E a r n i n g s and A v e r a g e H o u r s Worked
per W e e k b y W e a v e r s b y M i l l s , A n n u a l l y , 1 9 2 6 - 1 9 2 8 64
10 A v e r a g e H o u r l y and W e e k l y E a r n i n g s and A v e r a g e H o u r s Worked
p e r W e e k by W e a v e r s b y M i l l s , M o n t h l y f o r F o u r M o n t h s o f 1 9 3 1 66
11 R a w M a t e r i a l Cost D i v i d e d by W e a v i n g P a y R o l l , 1924-1930 . 72
12 D i s t r i b u t i o n o f J a c q u a r d L o o m s in P h i l a d e l p h i a 75
ι 3 I n d e x of W e a v i n g P a y Roll in P h i l a d e l p h i a M i l l s Used as an In-
dicator of Production, Monthly, 1924-1930 . . 76
14 O p e r a t i n g L i f e of Harnesses C u t D o w n 77
15 A g e of Harnesses in O p e r a t i o n u p to A u g u s t 1 , 1 9 3 1 77
1 6 Size of O r d e r s 92
17 T y p e s o f F a b r i c s P r o d u c e d in P h i l a d e l p h i a M i l l s 105
18 Seasonal I n d e x of N e t Sales 106
1 9 E x t e n t to w h i c h E a c h S a l e s O u t l e t W a s E m p h a s i z e d , 1 9 3 0 106
20 I n d e x o f A n n u a l N e t Sales, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 107
21 Indices o f A n n u a l N e t Sales f o r F i f t e e n C o m p a n i e s , 1925-1930 . . 109
22 A n a l y s i s o f Sales of T a p e s t r y a n d D a m a s k in T h r e e M i l l s C o m b i n e d ,
by Price per Y a r d , 1 9 2 3 , 1929, and 1930 112
23 Indices o f A v e r a g e Selling P r i c e s on A l l Fabrics Produced in F i v e
Mills, 1926-1930 113
24 R a n g e o f A v e r a g e P r i c e s p e r S q u a r e Y a r d on A l l F a b r i c s P r o d u c e d in
Five Mills, 1926-1930 113
25 A n a l y s i s of Sales o f T a p e s t r y a n d D a m a s k in T h r e e M i l l s C o m b i n e d ,
b y L e n g t h of O r d e r in Y a r d s , 1 9 2 3 , 1 9 2 9 , and 1 9 3 0 114
26 N u m b e r of Orders Classified by Price and Yards in Three Mills
Combined, 1930 116
27 P e r c e n t a g e of D o l l a r S a l e s F u r n i s h e d b y E a c h T e n P e r C e n t o f P a t -
tern N u m b e r s in 1 9 2 9 118
TABLE PACE
28 Percentage of J a c q u a r d Machines Sold by Areas, 1 9 1 6 - 1 9 3 1 125

29 Number of J a c q u a r d Machines Sold by Periods, 1 9 1 6 - 1 9 3 1 125
30 Comparison of T a x e s in Philadelphia and the Carolinas, 1 9 3 0 . . . . 128
31 H o u r l y W a g e Rates in Philadelphia, Northern Districts Competing
with Philadelphia, and North Carolina, 1 9 3 1 130
32 Ratio of Current Assets to Current Liabilities, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 140
33 Financial Ratios, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 141
34. Index of Annual Net Sales, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 142
35 Per Cent of Operating Profit to Net Sales ( A f t e r Deducting 6 Per
Cent on Investment from Operating Profits) 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 143
36 Per Cent of Operating Profit to Net Sales ( B e f o r e Deducting 6 Per
Cent on Investment from Operating Profits) 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 143
37 Per Cent of F i n a l Net Profit to Net Worth ( A f t e r Deducting 6 Per
Cent on Investment from F i n a l Net Profits) 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 144
38 Per Cent of F i n a l Net Profit to Net Worth ( B e f o r e Deducting 6 Per
Cent on Investment from F i n a l Net Profits) 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 144
39 Index of Surplus in Philadelphia Mills, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 146
40 Analysis of the Sales D o l l a r by Industry Totals, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 147
41 Analysis of the Sales D o l l a r by Medians, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 147
42 Analysis of the Sales D o l l a r by Medians of Identical Companies,
1922-1930 148
43 Number of Cents of the Sales D o l l a r Used for M a n u f a c t u r i n g , 1 9 1 9 -
1930 148
44 Number of Cents of the Sales D o l l a r Spent for Material, Labor, and
M a n u f a c t u r i n g Overhead, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 149
45 Number of Cents of the Sales D o l l a r Used for Labor Operations,
1919-1930 150
46 Per Cent of Each Item of Selling Expense to T o t a l Selling Expense,
1927-1930 150
47 R a n k i n g of Companies by Net Sales, 1 9 2 5 - 1 9 3 0 iji
48 R a n k i n g of Companies by Ratio of Operating Profit to Operating
Income, 1 9 2 5 - 1 9 3 0 152
49 R a n k i n g of Companies by Ratio of Cost of Sales to Net Sales, 1 9 2 5 -
1930 155
50 R a n k i n g of Companies by Ratio of Selling Expenses to Net Sales,
1925-1930 153
5 1 R a n k i n g of Companies by Ratio of Administrative Expenses to
Net Sales, 1 9 2 5 - 1 9 3 0 154
APPENDIX TABLES
TABLE PACE
Characteristics Shown by Workers Answering Questionnaire
ι Sex 191
2 Country of Birth 192
3 Age 193
4 Present Occupations 194
5 Previous Occupations 195
6 Years in the Upholstery Weaving T r a d e 196
7 W o r k Obtained outside the T r a d e in the Past T h r e e Years 197
8 W a g e Scales of Loom-fixers, Warpers, and Weavers, 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 3 1 . . 198
9 A v e r a g e Number of Workers on Pay R o l l and Number of M i l l s from
which E a r n i n g s Records Were Obtained, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 201
1 0 Indices of A v e r a g e Number on Pay R o l l by Occupations, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 204
1 1 A v e r a g e Hours per Week Worked by T i m e - w o r k e r s , 1 9 2 7 - 1 9 3 0 207
1 2 A v e r a g e Weekly Earnings Monthly by Occupations, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 208
ι 3 Index of A v e r a g e Weekly W a g e Bill of Weavers in Seven Identical
Mills, Monthly, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 211
14 Percentage of M a n u f a c t u r i n g Expense Devoted to M a t e r i a l , L a b o r ,
and M a n u f a c t u r i n g Overhead, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 212
1 5 Number of Cents of M a n u f a c t u r i n g D o l l a r Spent f o r E a c h Occupa-
tion, 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 3 0 212
16 T y p i c a l Percentage of Looms Running in Philadelphia during Each
Month, 1 9 2 9 - 1 9 3 1 213
1 7 Percentage of L o o m Activity Based on a Sample of Upholstery
Looms in Philadelphia, 1 9 2 3 - 1 9 3 0 213
18 Indices of Y a r n Prices, 1 9 2 5 - 1 9 3 1 214
1 9 Comparison of Residential Building with the Production of Furni-
ture and Cotton Tapestries, 1 9 2 1 - 1 9 3 0 218
20 Value per Square Y a r d of Cotton Tapestries Made in Pennsylvania
and in the United States, 1 9 0 9 - 1 9 2 9 218
2 1 Percentage of T o t a l Domestic Production of Cotton Tapestries M a d e
in Pennsylvania, 1 9 0 9 - 1 9 2 9 219
22 Production of Cotton Tapestries, 1 9 0 9 - 1 9 2 9 220
23 Production of Cotton Draperies in 1 9 2 9 220
24 Production of Silk Upholstery Goods and Tapestries in the United
States, 1 9 0 9 - 1 9 2 9 221
25 Number of Active and Idle Non-automatic J a c q u a r d B o x Looms
in Cotton Mills, 1 9 2 7 and 1 9 2 9 221
26 T r e n d of H o u r l y W a g e Rates in United States, South, and New
England, 1907-1928 222
27 Value of Imports of Cotton Tapestries and Other J a c q u a r d - w o v e n
Upholstery Goods, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 223
28 Order of Importance of Countries f r o m which Imports of Cotton
Tapestries H a v e Come, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 0 224
CHAPTER I
T H E W A G E D I S P U T E OF 1930-1931
AND ITS OUTCOME
C. C A N B Y BALDERSTON
An economic crisis had long threatened the Philadelphia

upholstery weaving mills, but public interest became aroused
by the wage dispute and strike of 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 3 1 . A f t e r years
of peaceful labor relations, changing competition in the in-
dustry led at last to industrial warfare. T h e strike was at
once the culmination of a long decline in the Philadelphia
industry and the beginning of an acute crisis.
T h e industry had faced difficulties of increasing serious-
ness. In the last decade, new competition from lower-cost
areas undermined the dominance of the local mills. Not only
did new domestic competitors take away the business in the
cheaper fabrics, but imported goods offered competition in
the high-grade, expensive fabrics. Caught as it was between
the upper and nether millstones of a grinding competition,
the Philadelphia industry gradually dwindled, and its rela-
tive position in the trade declined.
Inevitably the standards of the trade broke down. T h e
best designs were copied in cheaper materials, and the evil
of piracy contributed to the lowering of quality. T h e conse-
quence of piracy is price-cutting. The urgent quest of the
mills for volume, combined with large distress stocks of im-
ported merchandise, caused prices to be undermined. What
had been a highly profitable business, exhibited the worst
signs of "cut-throat" competition.
T h e breakdown of standards extended until it affected thje
labor policies and solidarity of organization of both the
manufacturers and unions. T h e Philadelphia Upholstery
Manufacturers' Association failed to stop price-cutting and
[1]
2 PHILADELPHIA UPHOLSTERY WEAVING
copying by outside mills. N o r did it force its own members

to abstain. T h e upholstery unions likewise failed in their ef-
forts to unionize workers and raise labor standards in the
mills in new competitive areas like N e w Jersey and the
South.
Faced with this changing competitive situation, the unions
sought to maintain their wage and other standards by a pol-
icy of "standing pat." H a v i n g won their demands in more
prosperous years with uncommon ease, they were not pre-
pared to meet adversity and its problems, except by stub-
born defense. Accustomed to success, the unions failed to
divest themselves of inflexible tactics in favor of those which
would take account of economic changes. This inflexibility
widened the labor cost differential between Philadelphia and
competing mills, and invited new competition.
In consequence, about a third of the Philadelphia mills
established branch plants in lower cost regions outside the
city so that they could continue to produce fabrics at low cost.
Finally, the local mills demanded a reduction of wages in
Philadelphia. Notices were posted in the majority of the
mills that, starting January 1931, wages would be reduced
25 per cent. T h e n employers and unions locked horns over
the first wage dispute which the local industry had had since
1921.
Failing to reach a decision, the manufacturers and the
unions appealed to certain members of the Industrial Research
Department of the University of Pennsylvania to arbitrate
the dispute. Not only was this recourse to arbitration a new
step in their industrial relations, but the unions for the first
time introduced into the joint negotiations an outside spe-
cialist to present their case, and demanded that the agree-
ment, when drawn, should be signed. Previous agreements
in the industry, in keeping with the informality of its labor
relations, had been unsigned.
I n the hearings before the arbitration board, the manufac-
turers brought out the continued loss of market because of
the competition of non-union areas with lower wage scales,
THE WAGE DISPUTE 3
and insisted that wages must be reduced if the industry were

not to leave Philadelphia entirely. T h e manufacturers asked
also for the amelioration of certain union restrictions. In re-
ply, the unions pointed out that a wage cut in Philadelphia
would be met by similar reductions in competing areas. T h e
weavers, in particular, claimed that their average earnings,
with full-time employment, were inadequate for a "health
and decency" standard of living. T h e workers argued that
the selling price of Philadelphia goods could be reduced by
other methods, such as economies in selling and production,
and that the lack of orders was primarily the result of the
general business depression.
T h e board made a temporary award to remain in effect
for six months to permit the making of a thorough survey
of the industry as a basis for a permanent award. 1 T h e deci-
sion provided for a temporary wage reduction of 14 per cent.
T h e board was influenced in its decision, by the decline in
the cost of living, and the fact that a smaller " c u t " would
not be effective in aiding the Philadelphia mills to maintain
their relative position in the industry.' Although the up-
holstery unions had originally agreed to abide by the de-
cision of the arbitrators, the weavers refused to accept the
award. There were, however, certain ameliorating circum-
stancs involved in their refusal. 2 T h e weavers gave notice to
the manufacturers that they would cease work in a month's
time. And so, in February 1931, the strike began.
It is significant that only two of the city's upholstery weav-
ing mills attempted to operate with strike-breakers. T h e other
mills closed down. But while pickets were on guard around
the oldest and largest mill in the city, looms were moved out
and operated in a small industrial town outside of the city.
T h e strike lasted about three months, and ended on M a y
4, 1931, with the acceptance by the local weavers' union of
1 Later developments led to the negotiation of agreements between the un-
ions and the manufacturers' association, which made a permanent award

unnecessary.
' F o r a detailed discussion of this arbitration, see Palmer, Gladys L . , Union
Tactics and Economic Change, Chapter IV.
4- PHILADELPHIA UPHOLSTERY WEAVING
the terms of the arbitration decision. Then followed a step

quite unprecedented in the history of local industrial rela-
tions. Three of the unions in the industry 3 and the Phila-
delphia Upholstery Manufacturers' Association jointly
requested an impartial agency, the Industrial Research De-
partment of the University of Pennsylvania, to undertake
an investigation of the industry. Both sides promised to fur-
nish all necessary information, the manufacturers agreeing
to open their books so that the study might include the in-
come, expenses, and profits of the local mills. This request
on the part of the industry set the stage for the study de-
scribed in this report.
This survey was conducted during the period June-De-
cember 1 9 3 1 , by five members of the Industrial Research
Department. T o serve as a connecting link with the industry,
a joint advisory committee was formed on which were repre-
sented the manufacturers' association and the three coop-
erating unions. Delegates from other unions in the trade
also met with this committee unofficially. This link with the
industry proved helpfuJ in bringing to light the troubles of
the industry, in guiding the investigators on technical mat-
ters, and in checking the practicality of the suggestions. More-
over, this contact kept both unions and manufacturers in-
formed as to the progress of the study, and prepared them
to better understand the reasons for its findings.
T w o months prior to the completion of the survey, the
weavers' union and the manufacturers' association each re-
tained a labor adviser to guide them in using the results of
the study in the ensuing negotiations. It was felt that the re-
port would not be of maximum service to the industry un-
less expert counsel were made available to help put the sug-
gestions into effect. These two labor advisers and the joint
advisory committee previously mentioned have an essential
place in the technique here employed.
What may be the significance of such cooperative research?
" T h e Upholstery Weavers' Union, Local # 2 5 .

The Warpers' and Warp Dressers' Union, Local # 1 0 2 5 .
The Jacquard Fixers' Beneficial Union # i , Local # 1 2 7 0 .
THE WAGE DISPUTE J
It is f a r too soon to appraise its influence upon the destinies

of the local industry. It seems reasonably certain, however,
that in the ensuing negotiations, between J a n u a r y and A p r i l ,
1 9 3 2 , the establishment of the pertinent facts relegated to
the background much of the bickering over mere questions
of fact. T h e use of the report in the negotiations tended to
place emphasis upon constructive action of long-run advan-
tage to the industry as a whole.
It is somewhat more easy to outline the results hoped for,
even though actual events may never permit these hopes
to be f u l l y realized. T h e immediate aim, which has been
mentioned already, was to provide a factual basis for the
settlement of the wage dispute, and for the stabilization of
the industry. T h e study thus undertook the difficult task of
determining the causes of the industry's troubles, and of
showing how these might be minimized by fundamental
changes in marketing, production, and labor policies. It was
hoped that a thorough-going analysis of all the factors con-
tributing to the decline and economic crisis in this trade might
increase the available knowledge as to the causes of general
business instability and the methods by which they may be
counteracted. T h e attainment of these ends required the si-
multaneous study of employee earnings, industrial relations,
and production, marketing, and financial problems. Naturally
a study of all of these aspects was possible only through the
f u l l cooperation of both employers and workers. Perhaps the
unusual quality of that cooperation may earn for this report
a place among the studies of industrial stabilization.
T h e data, findings, and recommendations connected with
the investigation are presented under the headings indicated
below.
T h e history and economic characteristics of the industry
Collective bargaining
Earnings and working opportunity
Production problems
M a r k e t i n g problems
Financial data
Findings and recommendations
C H A P T E R II
HISTORY AND ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS

OF T H E INDUSTRY
GLADYS L. PALMER
H I S T O R Y OF T H E INDUSTRY
T h e weaving of a fine grade of drapery and upholstery

goods is one of the oldest of Philadelphia's textile industries.
It was started in the seventies and eighties by weavers who
came from the Yorkshire district of England and from Scot-
land, although a few of the founders of the trade were
American-born of English parentage. T h e majority of the
present group of twenty-six upholstery weaving mills in the
city were established prior to 1900. T h e foundations for two
of the original mills were laid in early experiments with
small units of hand looms, weaving reps and terry cloth. As
the industry became established, new fabrics were added
to the original products. Chenille weaving was, for many
years, the most important work of early mills in the trade, but
brocades, damasks, and brocatelles, of silk and mercerized
cotton yarns were made by a few specialty mills. Madras cur-
tains, couch covers, table scarfs, and portieres made up the
greater bulk of the industry's product in the years from 1890
to 1905. After this period over-draperies and light-weight
window curtain fabrics were added to the products of the
mills. A small amount of fine-grade wool tapestries had been
made in a few mills in earlier years, but the major develop-
ment of tapestry production came after the war period. Tap-
estries for furniture coverings were then made of cotton and
rayon yarn rather than of wool. During this long period of
development of the industry, mercerized cotton yarns gave
way to rayon, and wool and worsted yarns to cotton, as the
[6]
HISTORY AND ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS 7
important raw materials. Silk continued to be used but only

for the most expensive fabrics.
T h e upholstery fabrics produced in Philadelphia represent
a high type of technical designing and weaving skill. T h e
heavier fabrics are double- or triple-woven. T h e looms usu-
ally carry two or more sets of warp yarns and two or more
sets of filling ( w e f t ) yarns. A jacquard attachment intro-
duces the design into the fabric. In tapestries, for example,
the pattern is formed by the weft threads, and the surface
of the material may be composed of weft threads only. In
some fabrics the face of the goods resembles the reverse
side, but most upholstery goods are not reversible. Variegated
colors may be introduced by either the warp or filling yarns,
but, if many changes of shuttle are necessary in introducing
color by the weft yarns, the fabric becomes a "slow-weav-
i n g " job. T h e background of some fabrics, for example
brocaded damasks and tapestries, may carry subsidiary pat-
terns formed in the weaving process, while the major pat-
terns are introduced by colors in raised or flat effects. W h e n
not wanted on the surface, the threads are woven into the
center and back of the fabric, or float for short lengths on
the back. T h e construction of the fabric is, therefore, as im-
portant as the outline of the design, the combination of col-
ors, or the quality of the yarns in any consideration of the
goods made in the Philadelphia industry.
None of the fabrics for which the industry is noted actu-
ally originated in Philadelphia, although it is claimed by one
Philadelphia designer that modern machine-made tapestries
received their highest technical development here. T h e ma-
chine-made fabrics are, of course, adaptations or copies of the
products of the hand loom. It is interesting to note that most
of the modern weaves of textile fabrics were developed by
ancient or primitive peoples. 1 T h e y later reached a high stage
of perfection in the medieval period in China, Japan, Spain,
1 Mr. M. D. C. Crawford claims that all of the modern weaves were de-
veloped by the Ancient Peruvians. Anthropological Papers of the American

Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, p. 90.
Italy, France, and Belgium. T h e Italian and Flemish towns

of the Renaissance period were especially noted for their
fine silk damasks, brocades, and velvets. France became fa-
mous for the production of beautiful silk fabrics under the
patronage of the Bourbon kings. Fine tapestries and furni-
ture coverings were also made in France and England during
the medieval and modern periods.
T h e development of designs as well as the technique of
weaving fine fabrics has also passed through a long period
of evolution. Some of the most beautiful designs of today
contain elements which can be traced to the earliest work of
craftsmen of primitive and ancient times. It is claimed that
the eastern and early European patterns show more beauty
of detail and harmony of mass and line than are found in
the later fabrics. T h e gradual elaboration of the methods
of weaving and the growth of wealth in modern Europe led
to a reliance, by eighteenth century weavers, on fancy weaves
and texture rather than on beauty and simplicity of design. 2
T h e machine industry, therefore, inherited a tradition of em-
phasis on texture and weave rather than on design, and for
this reason, the designing of the machine-made fabrics was
influenced largely by technical rather than artistic considera-
tions.
T h e machine manufacture of fine fabrics for draperies, wall
hangings, and furniture coverings developed in France, Bel-
gium, Italy, and Germany. Fine silk fabrics were also made
in England. T h e major centers of the European industry, at
the present time, are the Pisa district of Italy, the Brussels
district of Belgium, and the Roubaix-Tourcoing district of
France. In these centers, the traditions of hand-craft weav-
ing and the presence of a variety of trades using artistic de-
signs have led to the development of a high-grade, luxury-
product industry maintaining the artistic standards of the
finest of European hand-made products.
T h e American industry was handicapped at its inception
1 Glazier, Richard, Historic Textile Fabrics, p. 94.
by the absence of the technical skill and artistic traditions of

the Belgian and French fine-fabric centers and also by the
contemporary styles of interior decoration in the late Vic-
torian era. Technical skill gradually developed in this coun-
try as the result of the importation of weavers and designers
from Belgium, France, and England. But, in the " g a y nine-
ties," the standards of taste in interior decoration left much
to be desired. This period was the era of the brown-stone
front, the formal parlor, and dark-colored walls and hang-
ings—the "brown decades." It has been described as "the
full tide of the draped scarf orgy." 3 Turkish "cozy corners"
and elaborately draped furniture led to a demand for novelty
textile fabrics in large quantities. These started the Philadel-
phia upholstery weaving industry on its road to prosperity.
T h e Philadelphia trade, therefore, originated as a luxury-
product industry, producing a wide range of fabrics for in-
terior decorating purposes. A few small firms specialized in
the making of drapery fabrics only, others in the making of
couch covers, scarfs, portieres, and novelty goods, and still
others in furniture coverings. T h e larger mills made a wide
variety of fabrics. Gradually the mills built up a reputation
for certain types of fabrics or for quality workmanship and
high-grade designing. Prior to 1 9 1 9 the demand for the
products of the industry was relatively inelastic, as in other
luxury-product trades. T h e development, by the manufac-
turers, of certain trade practices or understandings with re-
gard to problems of trade competition protected high-grade
designs from cheaper imitations and kept prices somewhere
near profitable levels. Style changes in interior decoration
and general levels of prosperity in the community were the
most important economic factors in the prosperity of the
trade.
A f t e r cotton tapestries for furniture coverings became the
chief product of the industry in the years following 19x9,
the prosperity of the trade became still more dependent upon
* The Ufholsterer, December, 1923, p. 97.
the building and furniture industries. This change of the

trade accompanied an expansion period in building. New
homes, new hotels, and new theaters were built in rapid
succession, and the demand for furniture fabrics and dra-
peries increased. The trade expanded rapidly to meet this in-
creased demand and enjoyed exceptional prosperity. More
jacquard machines were sold between 1 9 1 9 and 1 9 2 1 than
in any other three-year period in the history of the indus-
try. T h e number of workers employed in the industry in-
creased. Old mills were reorganized or expanded and for
the first time in their history many of them were incorpo-
rated. Most of the expansion of old Philadelphia mills dur-
ing this period took the form of the establishment of branch
plants outside of the city. Weaving mills in other areas con-
verted their looms to the manufacture of upholstery goods.
A number of new mills were started. The latter were not lo-
cated in the Philadelphia area, however, but in the rural
towns of New Jersey and the South. Philadelphia continued
to offer some advantages as a specialized manufacturing cen-
ter, because of nearness to style centers, and specialized dye-
ing, harness-building, designing and card-cutting facilities,
and the presence of a skilled labor supply. These advantages,
however, were eventually more than offset by higher labor
costs in Philadelphia, the only unionized center of the in-
dustry. In the newer centers of manufacture, workers re-
ceived lower wages for longer hours of work, and weavers
frequently ran more than one loom.
T h e recent expansion and decentralization movement in
the industry led not only to a widening labor cost differential
between Philadelphia and outside centers, but also to gen-
eral over-expansion of the trade. As a result, very keen com-
petition developed between Philadelphia and outside mills.
T h e details of this competition and its effects are told in later
chapters. It is sufficient to say, for the present, that the ef-
fects of the competition, combined with certain general
changes in the demand for the products of the industry, led
to the rapid decline of the Philadelphia trade in the years
following 1925, and particularly from 1928 to 1 9 3 2 . T h e
cheaper grades of goods demanded by consumers could be

made by less skilled labor in outside manufacturing centers.
W e l l styled and well designed fabrics developed by Phila-
delphia mills were copied in cheaper yarns and poorer qual-
ity of workmanship by outside competitors, and soon dis-
placed the better grades of goods. T h e Philadelphia trade
found itself in a difficult competitive position in 1931. It
still retained a competitive advantage in the manufacture of
the highest grade of specialty or novelty fabrics, but for these
fabrics there was relatively little demand. I n the cheaper
grades of goods, competition was on a " p r i c e " basis, and the
city's mills were at a disadvantage, chiefly because of the
labor cost differential between Philadelphia and outside
manufacturing centers.
ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS
I n common with other small-scale, specialty textile trades,

the upholstery weaving industry had once marketed its prod-
uct entirely through jobbers and retail stores. After its re-
cent expansion, however, as much of its product was sold to
furniture manufacturers as to jobbers. T h e decline in the rela-
tive importance of the jobber had an important effect in in-
creasing the amount of finished stock carried by the mills
and the accepting of more small orders. T h e trade has al-
ways been characterized by short orders because of its manu-
facture of decorative fabrics, the market for which is spoiled
if there is too much duplication of patterns. But in recent
years, the length of orders has become too short for eco-
nomical production. Although originally confined to the most
expensive patterns, short orders are now found in the cheap-
est ones as well. T h e problem of short orders and requests
for immediate delivery make it difficult, if not impossible, to
control production in the mill and to effect any of the pro-
duction economies which come only with long-run orders.
Short runs not only demoralize production planning by the
manufacturer but increase the irregularity of employment
and of workers' earnings.
As one might expect in a small-scale industry, making a
decorative type of fabric, the mills in the Philadelphia trade

are for the most part small-scale units and owner-managed.
As in many other types of industry, the ease of starting in
business is greater than that of staying in business. Many
firms were started by weavers who had saved enough capi-
tal to purchase a few looms and rent a shed or floor of a fac-
tory building. A few mills in the city at the present time
do weaving only. The majority of them do the weaving and
winding processes and three of the largest in the trade have
their own dye-houses. Another evidence of the small scale
of operations is the fact that two-thirds of the mills have less
than ioo looms. Half of those studied operate 50 to 100
looms. Although the companies are incorporated, their stock
is usually held closely, often by a family. Family succession
has thus tended to characterize the mill managements, and
the names of the original founders are associated with many
of the city's firms at the present time. It is estimated that
there were, in all, 2400 looms in 25 mills devoted to the
manufacture of drapery and upholstery goods in the city in
1 9 2 8 / In 1 9 3 0 these mills employed approximately 2500
workers in all departments.
Because of the nature of the business, savings in many of
the items of production costs in upholstery mills are diffi-
cult to effect. Surplus machine equipment in the number of
"ties" needed to make the diversity of fabrics characteristic
of the industry has existed in the trade from its beginning.
Consequently, the carrying charges on this surplus equipment
tend to raise costs. In addition the costs of designing the type
of fabrics produced in Philadelphia are important because a
pattern costing as much as $500 to design may not be suc-
cessful. Many fabrics are produced with special dyes, such
as are needed for "sun-fast" colors, which require additional
expense. Raw material is the largest element in the cost of
production, varying from 40 to 60 per cent of the total manu-
facturing costs. Consequently, the poor purchase of raw ma-
terials may create heavy losses. Labor costs vary to a large
4
Union estimate.
extent with the amount of weaving skill used in the fabric,

but the average percentage of labor cost to the total is about
40. In the finer fabrics, these may constitute as much as one-
half of the total production costs. T h e usual fabric sold to-
day, however, carries much less weaving skill than formerly.
In setting the selling price on a fabric, most of the mills use
rule-of-thumb methods for estimating its probable costs. In
view of the specialized short-order business, the possible
manufacturing economies are small if quality and labor
standards are to be maintained.
Few technological improvements have taken place recent-
ly in the industry. Many of the looms are very old, but it is
said by some manufacturers that they are almost as produc-
tive today as they were thirty or forty years ago, provided
they have been kept in good condition. The absence of tech-
nological improvements in the looms and other machine
equipment of the industry has tended to prolong the demand
for skilled workers.
The men's occupations are weaving, 5 harness-building,
loom-fixing, warping, twisting, beaming, and dyeing. Burling
and mending are the most skilled operations for women.
Other less skilled women's operations are spooling, winding,
finishing, and machine operating. The ratio of men to women
is approximately three to one. Weavers make up one-third
of the total number of employees in mills employing work-
ers in all occupations, and about one-half of the total in
other mills.
The trade has always been characterized by seasonal and
irregular operation. As is usual in most American industries,
the carrying charges on idle machines are included in the
overhead costs of the industry, but no method of carrying
the idle workers in the trade has as yet been devised. Piece-
workers are more irregularly employed than time-workers in
the trade. In time-work occupations, for example, average
hours worked per week during the year 1 9 3 0 , varied from
* There are a few women weavers employed on shaft and jacquard work,
but the majority of the weavers are men.
3 1 . 5 hours for spoolers and winders to 4 0 . 7 hours for loom-

fixers. In the months from J u l y to November 1 9 3 1 , weavers
who constituted the largest group of pieceworkers, reported
average hours per week which ranged from 2 6 . 7 in J u l y to
3 2 . 9 in October. T h e mills usually have two distinct seasons
in each year, being busy in the early spring and again in the
fall, with the lowest employment opportunity in the sum-
mer months.
E m p l o y m e n t is not only seasonal, but in most occupations
has recently shown a decline. T h e most serious declines have
taken place in the occupations of weaving and finishing. F o r
example, in the mills surveyed, the number of weavers e m -
ployed declined 4 5 per cent in the years from 1 9 2 5 to 1 9 3 1 .
T h e upholstery unions estimated in the fall of 1 9 3 1 that
f u l l y one-third of their membership was unemployed, that
is, not carried on the pay roll of any mill in the city, and
that the remainder were employed irregularly. T h u s the
problem of seasonal unemployment and a shrinking labor
market becomes of outstanding importance to the workers
in the industry.
THE WORKERS
The workers in the upholstery weaving trade are an

especially interesting group. 6 T h e y are skilled craftsmen,
working under relatively little supervision. T h e y are ex-
' In order to secure data concerning the occupational experience and back-
ground of the workers in the industry, the members of the three unions co-
operating with the Industrial Research Department in the survey were asked
to answer questions on their sex, age, nationality, and general occupational ex-
perience. These unions were the Upholstery Weavers' and Workers' Union
# 2 5 , Jacquard Loom-fixers' Beneficial Union, Local # 1 2 7 0 , and the Warpers'
and W a r p Dressers' Union, Local # 1 0 2 5 . About 1 7 0 0 schedules were mailed
or given to members of these three unions, and 782 returns were made. T h i s
sample is approximately one-third of the total number employed in the indus-
try. While the crafts of beamers, twisters, and dyers are omitted there is little
reason to believe that their inclusion in the study would materially affect the
representative character of the sample or the conclusions obtained. Workers re-
ported from all the mills in the Philadelphia upholstery trade, including up-
holstery goods mills and two jacquard harness building shops. T h e sample is,
therefore, as widely representative as possible of all the shops in the trade, and
appears to reflect no special bias in the results. T h e tables compiled f r o m this
questionnaire are given in Appendix B , Tables 1 to 7 inclusive.
pected to be experts. T h e weavers, for example, have a great

deal of pride in the quality of their workmanship and their
ability to weave a variety of fabrics. M a n y of them received
their initial training in the industry on hand looms in this
country or abroad. A few of the older weavers learned the
trade in the fine-fabric centers of Belgium, Germany, and
France. A s in other Philadelphia textile trades, a large ma-
jority of the upholstery workers are of American or British
birth. Less than one-fifth of the group were born in other
European countries, the largest single number coming from
Poland.
Upholstery was the last weaving trade in the city to ex-
pand, its expansion taking place while others were declining
and laying off workers. Weavers from the latter trades were,
therefore, attracted to the upholstery mills and brought to
them a long and varied experience. Over half of the present
workers in the trade have worked in other textile industries.
T h e majority of these were employed in cloth, chenille, car-
pet, and rug weaving. But the average length of service of
workers in the upholstery industry is twenty years. Four-fifths
of the workers have had more than ten years' experience in
the trade, and about 40 per cent have had more than twenty.
Possibly no other textile trade in the city has such an experi-
enced group of workers. A skilled labor supply has been one
of the greatest assets of the Philadelphia upholstery mills in
building up their reputation for the production of a wide
variety of high grade products. It is unfortunate for the
workers that the recent trends in demand have placed a
premium on style and price rather than on "quality" and
workmanship. As a result, less weaving skill is used in fabrics
than in earlier years, and the skill of the upholstery weavers
is less important as a factor in the demand for their labor.
Upholstery workers tend to be older, on the average, than
workers in many other industries, since age appears to be lit-
tle or no handicap in many of the skilled jobs in this trade.
T h e average age of those reporting is forty-nine years, al-
though about half of the entire group employed in the mills
are above this average. Stating the matter differently, ap-

proximately three-fourths of the workers in the industry are
over forty years of age. Like the workers in other old textile
industries in the city, those in this trade are a mature and
experienced group. It is interesting to note that the age dis-
tribution of the unemployed workers parallels that of the
employed. This means that the unions have maintained the
principle of equal division of work and allowed no discrim-
ination on account of age.
When slack seasons came in the earlier days of the up-
holstery industry, the men who had formerly been carpet,
weft, or cloth weavers would go back to their former trades
temporarily. But these trades have declined or disappeared
and now offer little job opportunity even for those with ex-
perience. In the recent questionnaire survey of the workers
in the trade, only 1 3 per cent of the 746 reporting on em-
ployment had been able to secure any supplementary work
outside of the upholstery trade in the three years from 1929
to 1932. Ninety-six workers had picked up temporary " o d d "
jobs outside of the upholstery mills. The majority of these
worked in other weaving mills, but a scattered group had
been employed on farms, and as laborers in other unskilled
jobs for a few days or weeks. Only eight workers had secured
regular employment outside of the industry. Many had been
totally unemployed for months or years, and had become in
their own words, "bums on the street." One weaver reported
that in twelve years' experience in the trade, he had "never
had more than three months' steady work at any one time."
Irregular employment and prolonged unemployment have,
therefore, had demoralizing effects upon the standards of
living and skill of workers in the industry. ·'
Labor organization in the upholstery trade dates back as
many years as that in any textile trade in the country. Early
activity in the Knights of Labor movement was followed by
the formation of the present beamers', weavers', and warp-
ers' organizations in the nineties, and the loom-fixers' and
dyers' organizations after 1900. There are still five separate
unions in the trade with individual trade jurisdictions, trade

rules, and wage scales. Three of these unions are at pres-
ent affiliated with the United Textile Workers of America,
and two are "independent" unions.'
The history of collective bargaining arrangements in the
trade has been characterized by two outstanding features.
These are, first, the absence of continuous or recurring indus-
trial strife in the years from 1 9 1 4 to 1 9 3 1 , and the conse-
quent presence of considerable industrial good will between
the manufacturers and the unions. Second, as compared with
unions in other competitive industries, the upholstery unions
made unusual gains in collective bargaining during these
years. This is attributable primarily to the prosperity of the
industry which could well afford to pay for these gains.
In the years prior to 1 9 1 4 the trade had been character-
ized by annual strikes. During this early period, the weav-
ers' union was attempting to extend the sphere of its in-
fluence to all shops in the city. T h e securing of the closed
shop in the largest mill in the city in 19x4 was the first
step toward genuine collective bargaining arrangements in
the trade. Gradually the unions secured union conditions or
union recognition in other shops. T h e general business de-
pression of 1 9 1 4 - 1 9 1 5 was followed, in 1 9 1 9 , by a greatly
increased demand for upholstery goods and correspondingly
rapid improvements in standards of working conditions such
as wages and hours. A long period of prosperity followed. No
strikes occurred during a seventeen-year period, from 1 9 1 4
to 1 9 3 1 . Wages rates for all organized groups in the indus-
try tripled or more than tripled in the years from 1 9 1 1 to
1 9 3 1 . Hours of work were reduced from fifty-five (and more
in some plants) to forty-eight in 1919." The general closed
shop agreement for all upholstery occupations in Philadel-
* The unions affiliated with the United Textile Workers are the Dyers, Lo-
cal # 7 0 2 , the Warpers and Warp Dressers, Local # 1025, and the Jacquard
Loom-fixers, Local # 1 2 7 0 . The "independent" unions are the Upholstery
Weavers' and Workers' Union, # 2 5 , and the Beamers' and Twisters' Mutual
Protective and Beneficial Association.
' S e e Table 8, Appendix B.
phia was secured in 1920. In the following years the work-

ers developed, through shop custom and rules, various
"rights" which became established, such as the "rights" to
share work and to enjoy protection against arbitrary discipline
in the shop. It is a tribute to the leadership of both the manu-
facturers and the unions that so many gains in collective bar-
gaining were made with a minimum of friction and industrial
strife.
T h e unions increased their control of the Philadelphia
upholstery trade in the years prior to 1920, until they had
agreements with every mill but one in the city.® But when
the industry expanded to outlying districts in New Jersey
and also to New England and the South, the unions failed
to make any headway in organization work outside of the
city. Only one important outside organizing campaign was
undertaken and this was unsuccessful. T h e failure of this
campaign and the dropping of follow-up activities in these
areas weakened the bargaining power of all the unions when
the competitive situation changed in favor of the producing
areas other than Philadelphia.
When the dominant position of the Philadelphia trade
was threatened by the competition of outside mills, the ma-
chinery for collective bargaining and its gains were both seri-
ously affected. The manufacturers broke away from their
earlier group understandings and established trade practices,
and also from their willingness to legislate for the trade as a
whole in labor questions. T h e unions continued to stand for
their wage scales and to protect the workers' "rights" on the
job, as they had done in the past. The membership of the
unions failed to realize that the jobs themselves were inse-
* Official membership figures of three cooperating unions:
Warpers
Date Weavers Loom-fixers (Upholstery)
1911 256 122
1914 410 ... 2
1918 500 ... η
192 J 2017 ... 13
1928 2169 179 20
1931 1809 108 IJ
cure because competing workers in outside mills were not or-

ganized, and job standards there threatened to undermine
all standards of working conditions in the Philadelphia trade.
Further than that, the expansion of the trade was so great
that upholstery jobs all over the country were rendered in-
secure and employment more irregular because of the over-
development of the industry. No new union tactics were de-
veloped to meet this situation. In fact, until the decline had
become serious, the unions failed to recognize that this rep-
resented a new economic trend, unlike previous temporary
dull periods in the industry. Both the unions and the manu-
facturers thus were slow to develop new methods of meeting
what were, in reality, new trade and labor problems.
CHAPTER III
COLLECTIVE BARGAINING1
GLADYS L. PALMER
T h e presence of five craft unions in the upholstery weav-

ing industry has led to the persistence of wide wage differen-
tials between occupations and variations in methods of wage
payment and in trade rules. Beamers, twisters, warpers, dy-
ers, burlers, menders, and loom-fixers have usually been paid
on a time-work basis, while other workers have been paid
on a piecework basis.2 Even prior to 1877, when the first
uniform price list for upholstery weaving was secured in
Philadelphia, weavers, who constitute the most numerous
group in the trade, had been paid on a piecework basis. T h e
piecework method of payment is therefore of long standing
in the industry, as in many other textile trades. Of the sev-
eral wage scales in the industry the weavers' price list is the
most complex.
T h e trade rules primarily concern questions of trade juris-
diction, and the number of looms a weaver may run or a
loom-fixer may tend. Shop rules are the result of long stand-
ing shop custom and the settlement of many shop disputes,,
T h e most important weavers' shop grievances concern ques-
tions of time-work "allowances" for abnormal production
1 Material in this chapter is confined to the analysis of the collective agree-
ments of the three unions cooperating with the survey, the Upholstery W e a v -
ers' and Workers' Union # 2 5 , Jacquard Loom-fixers' Beneficial Union # i ,
Local # 1 1 7 0 , and the Warpers' and W a r p Dressers' Union, Local # 1 0 2 5 .
D i t a have been obtained from the local union records. Records of weavers'
shop disputes were obtained from the "minutes" of weavers' shop associa-
tions in three large and three small mills, over the period from 1 9 1 9 to 1931
in one shop, from 1923 to 1931 in a second, and from 1927 to 1931 in four
mills. It is believed that the shop disputes arising in these six mills are typical
of conditions in the trade as a whole.
* Spoolers and winders and, in some cases, burlers and menders, are paid
on time-work in some mills and on piecework in others.
[20]
COLLECTIVE BARGAINING 21
delays, methods of sharing work in dull seasons, shop disci-

pline for poor work, and the employers' right to discharge
" f o r cause." The procedure for dealing with such shop dis-
putes or trade negotiations differs with the form of govern-
ment in each union concerned.
An understanding of present trade agreements in the up-
holstery weaving trade may be furthered by an analysis under
four heads: ( i ) the wage scales, ( 2 ) major shop grievance
questions, ( 3 ) the issues involved in the trade and shop rules
of the unions in the industry, and ( 4 ) the collective bargain-
ing procedure.
THE WAGE SCALES
Wage differentials between the various occupations are

of long standing. T o some extent, these differentials repre-
sent different grades of skill, but they are also influenced by
such factors as the sex of the workers, the date of labor or-
ganization, and the supply of experienced workers in that
occupation. T o test the relative degrees of skill required in
the various occupations and the equity of these wage differen-
tials would require an elaborate job analysis and rating
of all occupations in the industry. Sufficient data are not at
hand to make such a test. There is evidence, however, to
show that the amount of such differentials has not decreased
since the various occupations in the trade have become parties
to the collective agreement. On the contrary, the differentials
appear to have been maintained consistently in both wage
rates and earnings.3
Few complications in industrial relations arise over time-
work pay, once the scale is set, but the piecework wage scale
gives rise to continuous difficulties. For this reason, and also
because the weavers constitute the largest occupational group
in the industry, considerable attention will be paid to the
weaving price list. T h e present weavers' wage scale is based
on the price per pick for weaving fabrics of a specified num-
ber of ends, counts, and kinds of yarn, with "extras" for
* See Table 8, Appendix B , wage scales of loom-fixers, warpers, and weav-
ers, 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 3 1 and tables of earnings in Chapter IV.
widths of loom above a certain size and for additional shut-

tles, beams, sets of cards, or other adjustments which require
additional work on the part of the weaver. When the basis of
the present list was established in 1900, an average loom
speed of ninety-six picks per minute was agreed upon as a
basic speed. "Extras" or allowances for lower loom speeds
have usually been granted although not specifically provided
for in the agreement. No differentials are in force for higher
loom speeds. Prices were originally set at a high enough rate
to cover "normal delays" in production, although no con-
crete definition of "normal delays" was developed.
It is probable that in the original establishment of the
price list an attempt was made to set rates which would tend
to yield fairly equal total earnings on different grades of
fabrics. In order to compensate for differences in the skill re-
quired for difficult fabrics, the "extras" were introduced into
the list. As time went on, however, percentage increases on
the original scale tended to increase the rates on the less
difficult fabrics disproportionately to those on the more diffi-
cult fabrics. This has given rise to certain "inequalities" in
the list. Sufficiently detailed wage data are not available to
test these "inequalities," but it is admitted by both manufac-
turers and weavers that on such work as "change jobs," which
require considerable skill, earnings are lower than on less
difficult jobs. "Special extras" in a few shops add further
"inequalities" to the price list in the trade as a whole.
A number of variables affect the earnings under a given
piecework price list in addition to "inequalities" inherent in
the scale itself. In the upholstery industry the most important
of these variables appears to be the number of short runs
per weaver, the variety of fabrics produced, differences in
machine equipment, and production delays, as well as dif-
ferences in the skill of individual weavers. Sufficient data
are not at hand to appraise in statistical terms the relative
importance of these factors for any particular shop or for
the trade as a whole. That the variables give rise to wide
differences in earning power between shops is attested by
this and previous studies of weavers' earnings. That differ-
ences in machine equipment and consequent production de-

lays are relatively important factors is admitted by all groups
in the industry and is supported by the present survey of
production methods. As in most piecework industries, the bur-
den of production delays tends to fall primarily on the
workers. Unless the advantages of increased production aris-
ing from improved machine equipment are divided between
the workers and the manufacturers there is a tendency for
the condition of equipment to remain unimproved and pos-
sibly deteriorate from original standards. This is character-
istic of many of the English textile industries as well as of
certain American trades where piecework prevails. While ex-
act data on the age of the machine equipment in the Philadel-
phia upholstery trade are not available, it is admitted by all
groups in the trade that a considerable proportion of the
equipment is old. The age and condition of machine equip-
ment thus make the problem of production delays an im-
portant element affecting the earnings of workers and labor
relations in the trade.
M A J O R S H O P GRIEVANCES
Problems arising out of the wage scale and production

delays focus on the "time allowances" provided for in the
trade agreement. A clause of the agreement states that when
a weaver is working on piecework and difficulties arise
through no fault of his own which cause his piecework earn-
ings to fall below the time-work rate, he may apply for a
time allowance at the time-work rate. H e is not guaranteed
the time-work rate, but a settlement of his application is
made by the shop committee and a representative of the firm.
Because the piece rates were set to cover "normal delays,"
no time allowances are possible except for delays admitted by
both sides to be "abnormal." Considerable difference of opin-
ion is possible on this point, and the lack of definition of
normal or abnormal delays, allows the accumulation of many
shop grievances. These may or may not be settled with uni-
formity between individuals or mills.
The records of shop disputes in the trade bring out some
interesting points in this connection. Time allowances are

granted for the following production delays, listed in the
order of their importance: "bad" warps, machine "trouble,"
"bad" harness, "bad" cards, "smashes" (not the weavers'
fault), and "starting up" new jobs. The amount of allow-
ance granted is not always given in the records of shop dis-
putes, but where recorded, its size shows to some extent the
degree of delay which is accepted by the trade as more than
"normal." Allowances have been granted for from two to
eight or more hours of time work, or for amounts of pay
of from $3 to $ 1 2 on particular jobs. The amount of allow-
ance usually represents a compromise of the amount origi-
nally requested. Each case appears to be decided as an indi-
vidual case, and the foreman's estimate of whether or not
the weaver could make the rate is frequently the deciding fac-
tor.
There is evidence that many requests for time allowance
are not granted. If the time-work rate had been previously
earned on this job by the particular weaver in question or
by other weavers, the allowance would not be granted. On
occasion, other weavers or even members of the shop com-
mittee may be put on the job to test the rate. If a worker
does not receive an allowance he may refuse to continue the
job, or may refuse to go on it in the first place if it carries
no allowance, but he must then lose his "turn" in the shop.
If the shop is busy he waits for his "own" loom to start; if
work is dull, he puts his name at the bottom of the list to
share work. In several shops there is a limit to the number
of shop orders a weaver may refuse to accept before being
discharged. In one shop a weaver is required to give a three-
day trial to a "spare" loom before asking for a time allow-
ance. There is evidence that new cards, new harness, or new
warps are occasionally put into a loom as the result of a weav-
er's request for an allowance, and, in many shops, the need
for such changes appears to be brought to the attention of
the management by this method alone.
The records show that some workers believe it is useless
to ask for time allowances since they have always been re-
fused them in the past. If workers believe they are entitled
to allowances which are always refused, resentment and ill
feeling accumulate against the firm by the workers concerned.
In years of depression, workers fear to ask for allowances
because they believe that they will be discharged at the first
opportunity. This is an important element in the present psy-
chology of the workers. In the absence of accepted produc-
tion standards for jobs and exact definition of "bad" warps,
"bad" harness, and "bad" cards, there is always a chance
for the display of favoritism in the shop, and for the develop-
ment of the feeling that it exists, whether justified or not.
The failure of some shops to give allowances for delays
which are generally paid for in other shops creates an im-
pression among the workers that these mills are not living
up to the terms of the agreement. Certain shops in the trade
appear to give few, if any, time-work allowances, and give
them only after considerable "trouble" on the part of shop
committees.
In prosperous times, the effect of numerous production
delays in a shop is to increase labor migration between
plants. As the shop records state it, "a weaver quit because
he was losing too much time." In dull periods, time allow-
ances for delays appear to be more difficult to obtain than in
prosperous times. The resulting ill feeling in the shops be-
cause of unsatisfactory adjustment of shop grievances is det-
rimental to the development of a sound industrial relations
program for the trade as a whole.
It is recognized that there would be difficulty in setting
production standards for all jobs because of the great variety
of fabrics produced. On the other hand, the accumulation
of exact data defining "normal" and "abnormal" delays, and
the standard equipment conditions for which the piecework
price list is set, would appear to be both practicable and de-
sirable. To be of the greatest use in the industrial relations
program of the trade, these data should be collected under
the auspices of joint employer-employee control.
As in all piecework industries, many disputes arise con-

cerning the rate of pay for goods not covered by the price list.
Adjustments of prices on new patterns or materials are usual-
ly made by the shop committees, a practice which tends to
give rise to further variations in earnings and shop conditions.
On such an important general trade question as the price for
weaving a rayon warp, for example, it was decided, after
considerable discussion, to leave the matter in the hands of
the shop committees and individual firms rather than to settle
on a trade price. One reason for this decision was that weavers
found that there was considerable difference in the difficulties
arising in weaving different rayon warps, and that even the
same rayon warp might be woven into some patterns without
difficulty and into other patterns only after many delays.
The same policy holds true for special fabrics which are pro-
duced in only one or two of the mills in the trade. If the
fabrics are later produced throughout the trade, considerable
difficulty may be experienced in setting a trade price. These
points illustrate the problems to be solved in any attempt
to secure standard rates of pay and standard equipment or
yarn conditions in a trade characterized by great variety in
the fabrics produced and considerable seasonal variations in
styles. The accumulation of more exact data appears to be an
important step in the process of securing greater uniformity
in the interpretation of the trade agreement, although it will
require considerable time to develop.
Other shop disputes arise concerning the accuracy of the
pay received by workers. Considerable variation in the pat-
terns or fabrics produced in any one day or week and there-
fore in the rate of pay gives rise to inaccuracies of pay com-
putation by both workers and firms. Occasionally workers are
underpaid and, after investigation, receive back wages. More
rarely, workers are overpaid. The extra payment is then de-
ducted from future pay envelopes, with some regard to the
size of the deductions. At other times, workers believe they
have not received the correct amount of wages, but investiga-
tion by the shop committees has shown the original amounts
to have been accurate. Some disputes as to the accuracy of

pay computation involve primarily the methods of measuring
cloth at the loom and in the cloth room. If divergence in the
two measurements occurs, or if the records differ and the
goods have already been shipped, there is no way to check the
error. Shop committees have tried to secure accurate meas-
urement of cloth as well as an effective system for giving out
orders, color cards, and samples.
The trade agreements provide for a 48-hour week, divided
into 8 Y\ hours on five days and 4 % hours on Saturday,
with "time and a h a l f " for over-time work and a 1 5 per cent
differential for those working on shifts. Although the union
agreement allows night shifts, it has always been the hope
of the workers to abolish them. Night-shift workers are con-
sidered to be temporary. Weavers' shop rules specify that
no weaver may work before starting time or during the
noon hour. This rule is enforced by the shop committees and
the records show that its enforcement is fairly rigid. T h e
rule applies not only to weaving but to preparatory work such
as cleaning or oiling the loom, or working on parts of the
loom. One case is on record in 1 9 2 5 of the weaving of an
eighteen-yard rush order in one mill during the noon hour.
This was done by a member of the shop committee of the
mill. His action was reprimanded by the local union but en-
dorsed by the shop meeting.
T h e right of the worker to quit after giving two days'
notice is accepted throughout the trade. The union guaran-
tees to enforce the rule, but a request through the shop com-
mittee to quit without notice is usually granted.
T h e employer's "right to hire and fire" is considerably
curtailed by the terms of the agreement and the settlement
of cases under the agreement. The general closed shop
clause (established in 1 9 2 0 ) provides that workers in the
mills must belong to the unions of their crafts.* T h e right
to hire is further curtailed by the apprenticeship and mem-
4
This agreement has not been rigidly enforced in the auxiliary occupations
in recent years.
bership regulations of the unions. The definition of these

particular rights is less important in a period of depression,
such as the present, than in a period of prosperity, because
new workers are not being hired. N o cases appear in the
shop records reviewed interpreting these clauses in the agree-
ment. T h e employer reserves the right to discharge " f o r
cause." T h e number of shop discipline cases in the period
under review is surprisingly small for a trade which has em-
ployed on the average more than 2000 workers. T h e union
committees have not protested the few cases of discharge for
dishonesty or cheating which have occurred. Occasional dis-
charges have taken place when a worker has become involved
in a heated "argument" with the forelady or foreman or
other workers, and when the factory laws have been broken.
The union has assumed responsibility for shop discipline and
appears to have lived up to its responsibilities. Likewise, the
manufacturers have accepted the democratic method of set-
tling shop grievances and questions of discipline. Occasional
cases of the so-called "bull-dozing" of workers by foremen
have occurred but they, too, have been relatively infrequent.
Both parties to the agreement have apparently endeavored to
develop a fair basis of settlement for questions of shop disci-
pline.
Poor workmanship appears to be the chief cause for dis-
charge. This is usually sustained if the weaver has been
warned before, or if the damages are so bad and so glaringly
the fault of the weaver, that "the committee has no legs to
stand on," as one shop committee report states it. Where the
responsibility for poor work is less clear as in the case of
weaving the wrong pattern, the wrong number of picks, the
wrong changes, or the wrong length, the committee may suc-
ceed in having the weaver re-instated, or laid off during a
couple of "turns" of work. In one mil], there are several in-
stances of a weaver's being transferred to another loom as a
penalty for poor craftsmanship. When the responsibility for
mistakes in work is found to be divided between the fixer and
the weaver, as in one case on record, both have been dis-
charged. T h e union's rule against fines for poor quality re-

sults in the necessity of upholding lay-off or discharge as the
proper penalty for poor workmanship. In some shops, the
weaver's responsibility for mistakes is reduced by the practice
of having the starting of all jobs approved by the loom-fixer;
in others, loom-fixers approve only the starting of " n e w "
jobs. Most weavers prefer the former. I n a few cases, weav-
ers have been discharged for undue waste. T h e question of
responsibility for poor work or mistakes in orders is, there-
fore, important in many shops. It is of interest to note that
the workers in the upholstery trade are fairly independent of
the kind of shop discipline that is characteristic of many other
industries. T h e y are skilled pieceworkers who are held re-
sponsible for making a considerable variety of fabrics with
little supervision. T h e union, in practice, therefore, assumes
responsibility for acceptable workmanship according to in-
dividual shop standards.
A shop rule of the trade prohibits a weaver's reading while
his loom is in motion. Workers found breaking this rule may
be discharged. Although shop committees have endeavored,
in recent years, because of the severe unemployment situation,
to secure re-instatement of weavers discharged for this rea-
son, the rule allows the full penalty. It has been mitigated in
only a few recent cases.
Little attention appears to be paid in the record to the
clause in the agreement whereby the union agrees not to re-
strict output. In one interesting case a weaver made only
$i 1.58 after working 38 hours. H e applied for a time allow-
ance, and after considerable discussion of the case by the shop
committee, was given an allowance but laid off for not pro-
ducing. Although unrecorded cases may have occurred this is
the only case which appears in the records of a penalty im-
posed for low production.
T R A D E AND S H O P RULES
Other aspects of working conditions not regulated specifi-

cally in the trade agreement are provided for in trade and
shop rules. These have crystallized shop custom as it has

developed over a period of years. Although a code of uni-
form shop rules for weavers was not established in the trade
until 1 9 2 3 , many of the provisions of this code had been in
actual practice for many years. Some of these rules concern
technical questions, such as the responsibility of the weavers
for oiling and cleaning looms, the proper lacing of card wires,
and the elimination of waste in care of yarns.
A very important weavers' shop rule provides that in dull
seasons the work shall be shared "as equally as possible."
T h e obvious reason for this rule is to secure a fair division
of work to all workers and to prevent discriminatory prac-
tices in the shop. This principle becomes especially important
in a trade suffering, like this one, from a prolonged depres-
sion.
Three mills in the trade have a rotary system of sharing
work. In one of these, a weaver works one week and is off
two weeks. H e is entitled to four days' work in the three
weeks' interval. T h e shop list is divided into three sections,
and temporary looms for the period are given to workers in
the order of the list. In another mill, a worker is entitled to a
" t u r n " of three days' work under the sharing system. In mills
where the rotary lay-off is not in force, weavers are usually
entitled to whatever work comes in for their "steady" loom,
and may share work on "spare" looms. Under this method of
sharing work, the weavers in one mill are entitled to a mini-
mum of $20.00 wages a week before they lose their "turn"
of work and go to the bottom of the list. If no orders come in
for their looms the weavers may be out for months before
they again have a chance to work.
Many of the manufacturers in the trade are opposed to a
rigid system of rotary lay-off as a method of sharing work in
dull seasons. It is obvious that a sharing-of-work system is
difficult to organize and administer in any textile trade. This
is especially true in the shops where all workers cannot weave
all kinds of fabrics. But with the trend of the Philadelphia
upholstery trade toward cheaper grades of goods, which are
less difficult to produce, it appears feasible for the industry

to study the various methods of sharing work in force with
a view to securing the system which most effectively divides
work among all the workers employed.
An attempt was made to study the distribution of earnings
and time worked in two mills, with approximately the same
number of looms running and approximately the same num-
ber of weavers reporting, for eighteen consecutive weeks in
1 9 3 1 . One mill has a rotary system of sharing work; the
other mill shares work on "spare" looms only. 5 T h e range
(from highest to lowest) of average earnings and hours
worked per week is twice or more than twice as great in the
shop which does not have a rotary system as in the mill
with a rotary system. The range of the middle half of the
weavers in each mill, when ranked in order, was equally
wide. The shorter the period studied, the greater the range
of working and earnings opportunity in the mill without a
rotary system. This substantiates the belief of the workers
that the rotary system offers a more equitable method for
sharing work in dull seasons.
It is important to realize that any system of sharing work
is open to abuse and that a spccial effort has to be made to
meet the feeling of many workers that there will be dis-
crimination against active union workers whenever oppor-
tunity is offered. In view of this attitude, it is clear that a
good many disputes arise in a depressed period, such as the
present, concerning the operation of any "sharing-up" sys-
tem. Occasionally workers are found to be working "out of
their turn," and are disciplined by the union or shop com-
* T h e shop committees of the two mills approved the lists of weavers re-
porting as representative samples of the shops. T h e range in a v e r a g e weekly
earnings in the shop with a rotary system was from $ 2 . 9 4 to $ 1 4 . 8 6 over a
1 3 weeks' period, and from $ 3 . 6 4 to $ 1 4 . 6 2 over 18 weeks. In the same plant,
the range in average hours worked per week was from 4.4 to 2 3 . 7 over 1 3
weeks, and from j . 6 to 2 2 . j hours over 18 weeks.
In the shop sharing w o r k on " s p a r e " looms only, the range in average
<veekly earnings was from $0.60 to $ 2 4 . 7 8 over 1 3 weeks and from $ 2 . 6 1 to
$ 2 7 . 2 1 over 18 weeks. T h e range in average weekly hours worked extended
from I . J to 3 2 . J hours over 1 3 weeks and from 3.7 to 3 5 . 7 hours over 18
weeks. ( D a t a obtained from weavers' w a g e cards.)
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
The Project Gutenberg eBook of Nick Carter Stories
No. 149, July 17, 1915: A Network of Crime; or, Nick
Carter's Tangled Skein
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.
Title: Nick Carter Stories No. 149, July 17, 1915: A Network of Crime;
or, Nick Carter's Tangled Skein
Author: Nicholas Carter

Ralph Boston
Release date: May 15, 2022 [eBook #68094]
Language: English
Original publication: United States: Street & Smaith, 1914
Credits: David Edwards, Chuck Greif and the Online Distributed

Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (Northern Illinois
University Digital Library)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NICK

CARTER STORIES NO. 149, JULY 17, 1915: A NETWORK OF
CRIME; OR, NICK CARTER'S TANGLED SKEIN ***
Issued Weekly. Entered as Second-class Matter at the New York Post Office,
by Street & Smith, 79-89 Seventh Ave., New York.
Copyright, 1915, by Street & Smith. O. G. Smith and G. C. Smith,
Proprietors.
Terms to NICK CARTER STORIES Mail Subscribers.
(Postage Free.)
Single Copies or Back Numbers, 5c. Each.
3 months 65c.
4 months 85c.
6 months $1.25
One year 2.50
2 copies one year 4.00
1 copy two years 4.00
How to Send Money—By post-office or express money order, registered
letter, bank check or draft, at our risk. At your own risk if sent by currency,
coin, or postage stamps in ordinary letter.
Receipts—Receipt of your remittance is acknowledged by proper change of
number on your label. If not correct you have not been properly credited,
and should let us know at once.
No. 149. NEW YORK, July 17, 1915 Price Five Cents.
A NETWORK OF CRIME;
Or, NICK CARTER’S TANGLED SKEIN.
Edited by CHICKERING CARTER.

CHAPTER I.
A DOUBLE MURDER.
“Hello! hello! This is Frank Mantell talking. I want Mr. Carter—Nick

Carter. Is he there?”
Patsy Garvan, the detective’s junior assistant, then alone in the library of
Nick’s Madison Avenue residence, was the recipient of the above telephone
communication. It came over the wire in tones reflecting the haste and
excitement of the speaker.
Patsy remembered him, a son of the senior partner of the firm of Mantell
& Goulard, whose big department store in Sixth Avenue had recently been
wrecked by a long series of mysterious robberies committed by the junior
partner, Gaston Goulard, resulting in a round-up of the criminal and his
confederates by Nick and his assistants, all of which had transpired several
months before.
“No,” Patsy replied. “Nick Carter is not here. He is out on a case.”
“Is Chick Carter there?” Mantell then hurriedly asked, referring to the
detective’s chief assistant.
“He is not, Mr. Mantell. This is Garvan talking.”
“Ah, yes, Patsy—I remember,” was the reply. “When will Nick return?”
“I don’t know. He went with Chick about an hour ago to investigate a big
murder case in Manhattanville. He may not return until evening.”
“Dear me, I’m sorry to hear that. I am very anxious to see him.”
“On business?”
“Yes. Very important business. There is half a million dollars involved.”
“Great Scott! Can I be of any help to you?”
“Not unless you can enable me to see Nick himself. Time is very
valuable.”
“I can do that, perhaps,” said Patsy. “I can learn from police headquarters
just where he has gone. You can go there and see him, or—where are you
phoning from, Mr. Mantell?”
“From the office of Gray’s wharf, East River. I cannot explain by
telephone. If——”
“One moment,” Patsy interrupted. “Have you a taxi?”
“I have my touring car.”
“Good enough! Join me here as quickly as possible. I’ll find out in the
meantime where Nick is engaged. We’ll go there and see him.”
“Thanks, Garvan, a thousand times. I’ll be with you in ten minutes.”
It then was about ten o’clock in the morning. One hour earlier, complying
with an urgent telephone request from the police headquarters, Nick Carter
and Chick arrived in the detective’s touring car at a dwelling in one of the
outskirts of Manhattanville, the scene of a shocking crime evidently
committed the previous night.
It was an attractive wooden house somewhat back from the street and
occupying a corner lot.
It was in a quiet and entirely reputable locality, though somewhat thinly
settled, and it was about the last neighborhood in which such a crime would
have been expected.
More than a score of people had collected on the opposite side of the
street, and were viewing the house with feelings of morbid curiosity. They
were prevented from coming nearer, however, or encroaching upon the
surrounding grounds, by policemen who had been stationed on both the front
and side gates.
A police sergeant who was standing with an elderly man on the front
veranda recognized the two detectives when the touring car stopped at the
house, and he beckoned for them to enter that way.
“We have been waiting for you, Mr. Carter,” he said respectfully, when
Nick came up the gravel walk with Chick. “This is Doctor Boyden, who
lives in the third house from here. I sent for him a few minutes ago, thinking
you might want his opinion as to the length of time the two men have been
dead, as well as any other information he can give you.”
“There certainly is a deep mystery here, aside from the shocking crime,
Mr. Carter, judging from the appearance of things in the house,” said the
physician, after shaking hands with both detectives. “It looks like a veritable
slaughter pen. There must have been an awful fight here.”
“Come in, Mr. Carter, and see for yourself,” added the sergeant.
“One moment, Kennedy,” said Nick, detaining him. “Who lives in the
house? I see that the name plate has been removed from the door.”
“I can answer that question for you better than Sergeant Kennedy,
perhaps,” put in Doctor Boyden.
“If you please, then.”
“The house is owned by Mr. George Roland, who occupied it with his
wife until about a month ago. She died quite suddenly at that time, and
Roland since has been living with a married sister in Harlem.”
“Leaving this house vacant?”
“Yes. He owns it and the furnishings, however, and it has been in the
market to rent. I noticed yesterday that the broker’s placard had been
removed from the front window, and I inferred that the house had been
rented.”
“Are you acquainted with Roland?” Nick inquired.
“Yes, indeed, very well acquainted.”
“Is he a man of good character?”
“Excellent. I consider him incapable of crime.”
“Do you know anything about the new tenants, or whether this furnished
house has really been rented?”
“I think it has, sir,” said Sergeant Kennedy. “I used the telephone in the
next house, Mr. Carter, and talked with the broker, Mr. Gibson.”
“What did you learn?”
“He stated that he showed the house day before yesterday to a couple
who claimed to be Mr. and Mrs. Charles Greenleaf, of Brooklyn. They did
not then decide to rent the house, but they called at his office again yesterday
afternoon and requested the privilege of taking the key until this morning,
stating that they wanted to show the dwelling to a relative who lives with
them, and whose business would prevent him from visiting the house except
in the evening. Gibson was favorably impressed with the couple. He let the
man have the key, with an understanding that it would be returned to-day,
and——”
“And the rascals got in their work,” Nick interrupted, with some dryness.
“This looks very much as if the furnished house was craftily obtained only in
order to pull off a knavish job of some kind.”
“Surely,” said Chick, with a nod. “That’s just about the size of it.”
“The job was pulled off, all right,” replied the sergeant. “Come in, Mr.
Carter, and see for yourself.”
“Presently.” Nick still detained him. “I first want to learn what is known
about the crime. Who discovered it?”
“A milkman who called at the house in the rear of this one about an hour
ago,” said Kennedy. “He saw an old slouch hat in the back yard, near the
fence that divides the two lots. He went and picked it up and found fresh
spots of blood on it.”
“And then?”
“Looking over the rear fence, he then saw that the back door of this house
was wide open,” Kennedy continued. “He could see no one, however, and
knew that the house had not been occupied for a month. He then suspected
there was something wrong, and he decided to look into the matter.”
“What did he do?” questioned Nick.
“He vaulted the fence and entered the back door. That is as far as he went.
It’s as far as most men would have gone. When he saw the corpse on the
kitchen floor—well, he dropped the hat and bolted.”
“Bolted where?”
“Luckily, Mr. Carter, he ran nearly into the arms of Policeman Brady,
who is on this beat in the morning,” said Kennedy. “He told him what he had
seen, and Brady returned with him to the house. He saw at a glance that a
double murder had been committed, and he then notified the precinct
station.”
“That was about an hour ago.”
“Yes. I was sent here with other officers, but was told to let things alone
until you arrived, as headquarters had requested you to take on the case.
That’s all there is to it.”
“You mean, Kennedy, that that’s the beginning of it,” said Nick. “To learn
what there really is to it may tax the discernment of the best of us.”
“That’s true, Mr. Carter, after all,” Kennedy readily allowed.
“Have you inquired at the neighboring houses?”
“Yes, sir. Only a woman living opposite can supply any information.”
“What is that?”
“She saw two men and a woman, presumably Gibson and the couple
mentioned, entering the house day before yesterday,” Kennedy proceeded to
report. “Something like an hour after dark yesterday, or about seven o’clock
in the evening, the same woman was seated at her front window waiting for
her husband to come home to supper. She saw two men entering this house,
and a moment later she saw the reflection of a light in the dining room.”
“In any other rooms?”
“No, sir. Nor could she tell me anything more, for her husband came in
just then and she went to supper with him.”
Nick glanced toward the street.
“There is an arc light on the corner,” he observed. “I suppose, since it was
evening, that the electric light enabled her to see the two men.”
“Yes, sir. I asked her about that.”
“Did you ask her for a description of them?”
“I did, sir,” Kennedy nodded. “She said that one appeared to be a man of
middle age and was very well dressed. She also noticed that he wore a full
beard.”
“Possibly a disguise.”
“The other looked a bit rough, she said, and wore a gray slouch hat, the
same that the milkman found in the next yard this morning,” said Kennedy.
“I sent an officer over to show it to her, and she readily identified it.”
“Anything more?” queried Nick.
“She told me he carried a suit case, also, and she judged that he had come
from a distance. She noticed that the suit case appeared to be old and
battered and that one of the straps was dangling, corresponding with the
general appearance of the man himself. That was all she could tell me.”
“Was any disturbance heard last evening by people in the neighboring
houses?” Nick asked.
“No, sir,” said Kennedy. “I have inquired at every house.”
“Did the woman living opposite see from which direction the two men
came?”
“She did. They came around the corner and entered the front door of this
house.”
“I see that you have unlocked it,” Nick remarked, observing that the door
then was ajar. “Have you identified either of the two victims?”
“No, sir. I have not tried, Mr. Carter, as a matter of fact, knowing that you
were on your way here. By their looks——”
“I will size up their looks for myself, Kennedy,” Nick interposed. “Are
things about as you found them?”
“Yes, sir.”
“Did Brady disturb anything?”
“No, sir. He has been on the force long enough to know where he is at.”
“Very good.” Nick turned and opened the door. “I’ll have a look at the
scene. Come with me, Chick.”
Chick Carter accompanied him into the house, followed a moment later
by Sergeant Kennedy and the physician.
CHAPTER II.
A PERPLEXING PROBLEM.
Nick Carter had only to enter the hall of the house to see the first signs of
the sanguinary conflict of the previous night.
On the wall opposite the dining-room door were spots and streaks of
blood, great, irregular streaks and smooches, as if drops and splotches that
had spurted upon the wall paper had been rubbed and spread by the garments
of persons engaged in a terrific struggle. A rug near by had been kicked into
a shapeless heap near the baseboard.
Nick merely glanced at these, then paused at the open door of the dining
room, in which the scene was doubly shocking.
The roller shades of both windows had been raised, admitting the
morning sunlight.
One lamp of an electric chandelier still was burning. It looked wan and
yellow in contrast with the bright light from outside.
“Great guns!” Chick Carter muttered, then at Nick’s elbow. “What a
scene of disorder.”
“It’s the limit,” Nick tersely agreed.
“Slaughter pen is right,” added Chick, recalling the remark of the
physician.
The scene was, indeed, a shocking one. The table was out of place.
Broken glasses from the sideboard strewed the floor. Chairs were overturned
and broken. Spots and splashes of blood were everywhere. It stood in a
great, partly dry and congealed pool on the floor between the table and the
hall door—a pool in which the corpse of a murdered man was lying.
He had fallen upon his back and was lying with face upturned in the
sunlight shed through one of the windows. There was a great bruise under
one eye and a gash in his cheek.
He had been stabbed twice in the breast, and from the second wound still
protruded the weapon used by his assailant, a knife driven home to the
victim’s heart with all the merciless energy of bitter vengefulness, or utter
desperation.
He was a man in middle life and of powerful build, a smooth-shaven man
of dark complexion, close-cut hair, and a hard, somewhat sinister cast of
features.
“Do you know him?” asked Nick, after viewing the scene for several
moments.
“No,” said Chick. “Do you?”
Nick stepped into the room and bent above the corpse. With the tip of his
finger he lifted the dead man’s upper lip, revealing a quantity of gold
bridgework on three of the teeth. He turned the left hand, also, and found
that part of the third finger had been amputated.
“I thought I recognized him,” he remarked, rising and glancing again at
the battered face. “We have his photograph in our album.”
“Who is he?” Chick questioned.
“Cornelius Taggart,” said Nick. “Better known to the police as Connie
Taggart.”
“By Jove, you’re right,” Chick declared, gazing. “I recognize him, now.
Connie Taggart, the yegg and cracksman.”
“He’s the man,” Nick nodded. “He has cracked his last crib and paid the
price. He has been about as bad an egg, Chick, as one often finds in a basket.
Have you examined this body, Doctor Boyden?”
Sergeant Kennedy and the physician had approached as far as the open
door.
“Only superficially,” was the physician’s reply.
“How long would you say he has been dead?”
“Fully twelve hours, Mr. Carter; probably longer.”
“The crime must have been committed last evening, then.”
“Undoubtedly.”
“You raised these roller shades, Kennedy, I infer,” said Nick, glancing at
the sergeant.
“I did, sir.”
“You found the electric lamp burning, of course.”
“Yes, sir. I thought I had better leave it until you arrived. Aside from the
two curtains, Mr. Carter, the room is as Brady found it when he entered.”
“Very good.”
“There is the hat found in the next yard by the milkman,” Kennedy
added, pointing.
Nick took it from a chair on which it had been tossed and began to
examine it.
It was of gray felt, much worn and defaced with grease and dirt. A
twisted cord encircled it, with two small silk tassels, or the frayed remnants
of them. There were two round holes through the crown, on opposite sides of
it.
Nick noted the size and examined the greasy interior. He found several
short black hairs sticking to the sweat leather. The hat bore no trade-mark,
however, nor any name or initial pointing to the identity of the owner.
Nevertheless, after a brief inspection, Nick said confidently:
“The owner of this hat is a Mexican. It is like those worn by some of the
Mexican troopers. He has done military service, too, as appears in these two
holes through the crown. They are bullet holes.”
“Could they have been made last night?” asked Chick.
“No. The edge of the felt around them is much soiled, which would be
comparatively clean if they were so recently made.”
“I see.”
“A bullet passed through the man’s hat in a battle, or some sort of a
skirmish,” Nick added. “He is a man of middle size, I judge, with dark
complexion and black hair.”
“That answers the description the woman living opposite gave me,” put
in Kennedy. “She saw him quite plainly when the two men came around the
corner and entered the house.”
“She stated that his companion wore a beard, I think you said.”
“She did, Mr. Carter, and that he was well dressed.”
“It could not have been this man, then, unless he was in disguise,” said
Nick, glancing at Taggart’s beardless face. “The disguise should be here, in
that case, even though he removed it.”
“I have not seen it,” said Kennedy.
“Nor the suit case brought in by his companion?”
“No, sir. That is not to be found. I have looked through the house.”
“There must have been several men here, Nick, judging from the fight
that came off,” Chick remarked.
“Yes, undoubtedly,” Nick agreed. “I am seeking evidence that might
explain the fight.”
“It must have occurred quite soon after the two men entered.”
“True.”
“Others must have been here when they came in, then, or——”
“One moment,” Nick interposed. “I’ll see what more I can find.”
He crouched again above Taggart’s body and searched his pockets. Aside
from a fully loaded revolver, he found only a few articles of no special
significance, nor any letter or writing whatever, that might otherwise have
shed a ray of light on the mystery.
Nick then removed the weapon from the wound and examined it. It was a
double-edged sheath knife with a blade about six inches long, and with an
elkhorn handle. It bore no mark of any kind, though it evidently had seen
considerable service.
“This undoubtedly belongs to the Mexican,” said Nick, placing it on the
table after inspecting it. “Not one man in ten thousand in these parts carries
such a knife. They’re common in Mexico, however, which further confirms
my theory as to the man’s nationality.”
“I think you’re right,” said Chick. “It looks very much, too, as if he killed
this crook in self-defense.”
“That is my opinion, Chick, at present,” Nick replied, turning toward the
hall. “We will look farther.”
“This way to the kitchen,” said Kennedy. “The other body is there. You
can go that way, if you prefer.”
The sergeant pointed to a closed door between the dining room and the
kitchen, and Nick then turned in that direction.
“Did you find this door closed, Kennedy, or open?” he inquired.
“Closed, sir, just as you see it,” said Kennedy. “But I know it leads into
the kitchen.”
“I judged so.”
“The fight evidently continued from here to the kitchen, but it was
through the hall, not that way,” Kennedy added, as Nick opened the door.
The scene in the kitchen was equally tragic, though the room was in less
disorder than the other.
A door leading into the rear yard was wide open.
Nearly on the threshold, so near that one foot touched it, though his head
was toward the middle of the room, lay another victim of the fray of the
previous night.
He then was lying on his back, though the body evidently had been
turned over since the fatality, for the pool of blood in which it had lain was
at one side.
The body was that of a man in the twenties, a well-built man in a dark
plaid suit. A woolen cap had fallen from his head. His right arm was
extended, the hand still holding with rigid death grip a loaded revolver.
He had been shot through the heart.
Both detectives immediately recognized this man, and Chick said
quickly:
“By Jove, it’s Batty Lang, Nick, the gangster. He finally has got what was
coming to him.”
Nick bowed without speaking, with his gaze still fixed intently upon the
man on the floor. He was noting his position, the direction in which he had
fallen, the weapon in his extended hand, and the outlook through the open
back door.
Doctor Boyden broke the brief silence.
“You appear to know this man, also, Mr. Carter,” he said gravely.
“Yes, I know him,” Nick now replied. “His name is Bartholomew Lang.
He is an East Side product, and at times has been identified with the
notorious Ben Badger gang. He is more commonly called Batty Lang.”
“Good heavens!” Doctor Boyden exclaimed. “It appears, then, that the
house was filled with crooks and desperadoes last evening.”
“And all here to nail that Mexican, Mr. Carter, if your theory as to his
nationality is correct,” added Kennedy. “He must have put up an awful fight,
if he got the best of them single-handed.”
“I thoroughly agree with you, Kennedy—if that is what he did,” Nick
said, a bit dryly.
“Well, he evidently stabbed Taggart and shot this fellow, Batty Lang, as
you call him,” Kennedy confidently vouchsafed. “He must have got away
with the suit case, too, though he lost his hat in his flight. How else can you
size it up?”
Nick Carter did not inform him. Instead, without replying, he began a
closer inspection of Lang’s body, carefully searching his several pockets, in
none of which he found anything that appeared to bear in any way upon
what had transpired the previous night, or what had led up to it.
Nick noted the probable direction from which the fatal bullet had been
fired, however, and also that every chamber of the revolver in the gangster’s
rigid hand still contained a cartridge.
“Wait here, Kennedy, both you and Doctor Boyden,” he said, rising after
making these investigations. “I shall return in a few minutes. Come with me,
Chick.”
Nick led the way from the back door with the last, Chick following him.
He then began an inspection of the ground in the rear yard, tracing numerous
footprints to the back fence, over which he vaulted.
There the trail appeared to divide, tracks in the greensward showing that
one or more persons had fled to the left and through the grounds of an
adjoining estate, while others had gone directly through the yard in the
direction of the side street. The distance between the tracks, which were too
faint to be of additional value, showed that all of these persons were running.
“Follow those leading to the side street, Chick, and see what more you
can learn,” Nick directed, after calling Chick’s attention to them. “I’ll trace
the others and rejoin you out there in a few minutes.”
Nick traced his part of the trail through the adjoining grounds, as far as a
gravel walk leading to the street on which the residence fronted. There he
lost it, though the fleeing men evidently had hurried to the street, where no
further traces of them could be found.
Nick then walked around the corner and rejoined Chick in the side street.
“Nothing doing, Nick, except these tracks of an automobile which
evidently stood here for some little time last evening,” said Chick, pointing
to the ground near the curbing. “These drippings of oil show that it remained
here for some time. It would have been out of view by the woman living
opposite the vacant dwelling, and it may be that the Mexican and his
companion came here in it.”
“Very possible,” said Nick. “The tire marks indicate that it was a touring
car. It’s about ten to one that the gang which fled this way departed in it.”
“You speak as if you thought that there was more than one gang,” said
Chick, with a look of surprise.
“That is precisely what I think.”
“For what reason?”
“Several,” said Nick. “Circumstances indicate, to begin with, that the
house was obtained from the broker, Gibson, only in order to turn a knavish
trick on some one. Naturally, if that is true, we must infer that the Mexican
was to be the victim of the job.”
“Surely, since he was brought there and evidently had come from a
distance, possibly all the way from Mexico,” said Chick.
“The evidence in the house shows plainly, however, that four or five men
were there, possibly more,” Nick continued. “A less number could not have
put up such a fight, nor have caused so much destruction, in the brief time in
which it must have occurred.”
“I agree with you.”
“It is obvious, too, that the Mexican could not have licked half a dozen
men single-handed, surely not such desperate men as Connie Taggart and
Batty Lang.”
“Certainly not,” replied Chick decidedly. “They would have downed him
right off the reel.”
“He must have had help, then,” Nick reasoned. “That is why I think there
were two factions in the fight. I mean, of course, two different gangs.”
“Both out to get the Mexican?” questioned Chick.
“I’m not sure about that, though it now appears so,” Nick replied. “What
they were going to gain by getting him is also an open question.”
“Decidedly.”
“Be that as it may, Chick, he evidently stabbed Taggart and undertook to
escape in great haste. Otherwise he would not have left his knife in the
yegg’s breast.”
“Surely not.”
“The stabbing may have precipitated the fight, or have occurred after the
fight began,” Nick proceeded. “There is no way by which that can be
immediately determined. It continued through the hall and into the kitchen,
where Batty Lang was shot. Here, now, is an important point. It further
indicates that there were two gangs in the house.”
“What point is that?” Chick inquired.
“You saw where Lang was lying, with his feet near the open door and his
head toward the middle of the room. He pitched forward on his face when
shot, as the blood on the floor plainly shows.”
“True. That was very evident.”
“The bullet entered his breast, and came from the direction of the hall
door,” Nick went on. “Obviously, then, he was facing the hall, with his back
to the rear door of the house. That position, together with the fact that he had
a revolver in his hand, convinces me that he was attempting to prevent
others, presumably including the person who shot him, from following
others who had fled through the back door, probably including the
Mexican.”
“By Jove, that does appear logical,” said Chick. “That may explain how
the Mexican got away with his suit case.”
“I think I am right, Chick, despite that the case opens up a wide held for
conjectures,” Nick replied. “I did not inform Kennedy and the physician,
however, for we may find it of advantage to keep his theory to ourselves.”
“Quite likely,” Chick agreed.
“The matter must be sifted to the bottom.”
“I’m with you.”
“We will return to the house, now, and wait until Gibson arrives,” said
Nick. “He can supply us with a clew, perhaps, to the persons who pretended
they wanted to rent the house. He can give us a description of them, at least.”
“Most likely,” said Chick, as they moved on. “It may be, Nick, that
Taggart and Lang were confederates in a job to get the Mexican, or——”
“I don’t think they were confederates,” Nick interposed.
“Why not?”
“Because I feel sure that Taggart was killed by the Mexican, and his
escape and the evidence that Lang was preventing others from pursuing him,
indicate that Lang was not a confederate of Taggart, but was opposed to him.
No other deduction would be consistent with all of the circumstances.”
“That’s right, too,” Chick quickly nodded. “I see the point.”
“Lang has been identified at times with the Ben Badger gang,” Nick
added. “Badger is a tough ticket, also that notorious sister of his, Sadie
Badger. They’re the kingpins of about as bad a bunch as can be found in the
East Side.”

The Philadelphia Upholstery Weaving Industry A Case Study of A Declining Industry in and Old Manufacturing Center C. Canby Balderston

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Philadelphia Upholstery Weaving Industry A Case Study of A Declining Industry in and Old Manufacturing Center C. Canby Balderston

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Philadelphia Upholstery Weaving

Industry A Case Study of a Declining

The Philadelphia Printing Industry A Case Study John W.

Executive Guidance of Industrial Relations: An Analysis

Planning Municipal Investment A Case Study of

Old Drury of Philadelphia: A History of the

The California Wine Industry 1830 1895 A Study of the

Automotive Manufacturing Processes: A Case Study

Messrs. Carey and Lea of Philadelphia: A Study in the

The Cigar Manufacturing Industry Factors of Instability

W H A R T O N SCHOOL OF FINANCE AND COMMERCE

THE PHILADELPHIA UPHOLSTERY

A CASE STUDY OF A DECLINING INDUSTRY

The Following Associates of the Industrial

Wharton School of Finance and Commerce

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

T h e co-authors of this report acknowledge with gratitude

II HISTORY AND E C O N O M I C CHARACTERISTICS OF T H E INDUSTRY . . 6

III COLLECTIVE BARGAINING 20

IV EARNINGS AND WORKING OPPORTUNITY 40

VII FINANCIAL DATA 138

VIII FINDINCS AND R E C O M M E N D A T I O N S 157

A DRAFT FOR AGREEMENT WITH UNION NO. 25 AS A R E E D TO IN

Β SUPPLEMENTARY DATA 191

ι Index of A v e r a g e N u m b e r on P a y Roll Annually by Occupations,

28 Percentage of J a c q u a r d Machines Sold by Areas, 1 9 1 6 - 1 9 3 1 125

An economic crisis had long threatened the Philadelphia

copying by outside mills. N o r did it force its own members

and insisted that wages must be reduced if the industry were

ions and the manufacturers' association, which made a permanent award

the terms of the arbitration decision. Then followed a step

" T h e Upholstery Weavers' Union, Local # 2 5 .

It is f a r too soon to appraise its influence upon the destinies

HISTORY AND ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS

T h e weaving of a fine grade of drapery and upholstery

important raw materials. Silk continued to be used but only

veloped by the Ancient Peruvians. Anthropological Papers of the American

Italy, France, and Belgium. T h e Italian and Flemish towns

by the absence of the technical skill and artistic traditions of

the building and furniture industries. This change of the

cheaper grades of goods demanded by consumers could be

I n common with other small-scale, specialty textile trades,

decorative type of fabric, the mills in the Philadelphia trade

extent with the amount of weaving skill used in the fabric,

3 1 . 5 hours for spoolers and winders to 4 0 . 7 hours for loom-

The workers in the upholstery weaving trade are an

pected to be experts. T h e weavers, for example, have a great

are above this average. Stating the matter differently, ap-

unions in the trade with individual trade jurisdictions, trade

phia was secured in 1920. In the following years the work-

cure because competing workers in outside mills were not or-

T h e presence of five craft unions in the upholstery weav-

delays, methods of sharing work in dull seasons, shop disci-

Wage differentials between the various occupations are

widths of loom above a certain size and for additional shut-

ences in machine equipment and consequent production de-

Problems arising out of the wage scale and production

interesting points in this connection. Time allowances are

As in all piecework industries, many disputes arise con-

to have been accurate. Some disputes as to the accuracy of

bership regulations of the unions. The definition of these

charged. T h e union's rule against fines for poor quality re-

Other aspects of working conditions not regulated specifi-