Gesu Daraz A Compilation of Heartfelt Reverences by Great Philosophers Worldwide

Gesu daraz:
A compilation of heartfelt reverences

by great philosophers worldwide
‫َأ اَل ِإ َّن َأ ْو ِلَياَء الَّل ِه اَل َخ ْو ٌف‬

‫َع َل ْيِه ْم َو اَل ُه ْم َيْح َز ُنو‬
‫َن‬
Gesu daraz:
Gesu daraz:
Preface
In the name of the Beloved, the Merciful.
In the vast expanse of spiritual exploration, where the heart

seeks solace and the soul yearns for enlightenment,
Sufism stands as a radiant beacon of wisdom and devotion.
With humility and gratitude, I present this humble work, a
mere droplet in the boundless ocean of Sufi literature.
As I embark on this journey of words and reflections,

I am keenly aware of my own limitations and imperfections.
For Sufism, at its essence, is not merely an academic pursuit
but a path of inner transformation and divine communion.
It is a journey of the heart, guided by love, humility, and
surrender.
I dedicate this book to my great grandfather, Hazrat Syed

Shah Kamaluddin Hamza Pir Zaidi Al-Wasit Chishti Sarkarؓ.
He is the successor of Hazrat Syed Azmat Daraaz Hussainiؓ,
followed by several chains of great mystics - Hazrat Syed
Miraan Hussainiؓ, Hazrat Syed Raju Hussainiؓ, Hazrat Khwaja
Ganj Baksh Syed Shah Yadullah Hussaini, Almaroof Qubool
Allah Hussainiؓ, and the river of this nisbat finally meets the
great ocean of Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Gesu Daraz Syed
Muhammad Muhammad al Hussainiؓ.
(Razi allahu ta'ala anhum)
Gesu daraz:
This book is a compilation of the heartfelt reverences of great

philosophers worldwide, who have expressed their deep love
and devotion to Khwaja Bandanawaz Gesudarazؓ.
It reflects the universal appeal and reverence that Khwaja
Bandanawaz Gesudarazؓ holds across cultures and
continents, demonstrating the unifying power of spiritual
devotion.
In the loving memory of the revered Khwaja Bandanawaz

Gesudarazؓ, whose life epitomized the principles of Sufism,
I pay tribute to his luminous legacy.
His teachings continue to illuminate the hearts of seekers
across generations, reminding us of the timeless truths that
lie at the core of Sufi wisdom.
May this humble offering serve as a tribute to the rich heritage

of Sufism, honoring the saints and sages who have illuminated
our path with their grace and wisdom.
May it inspire seekers to embark on their journey of self-
discovery and spiritual fulfillment, guided by the light of love
and the wisdom of the heart.
With gratitude and reverence,
SYED JAFFER HUSSAIN HAMZAVI

Gesu daraz:
With profound gratitude,

I thank His Holiness Taqaddus Ma'ab
Hazrat Syed Shah Yadullah Hussaini Zaidi Sahab
Qibla Sajjadah Nasheen Dargah Gulbarga Sharif
Roza-e-Khurd, for gracing this book with his
esteemed foreword.
His esteemed contribution fills me with

immense hope that Hazrat Khwaja Banda Nawaz
Gaisu Daraz Sarkar will also graciously accept
this work within his sacred court.
Gesu daraz:
Index:
1) Foreward: 01-04
2) Introduction 05-07
3) Biography 08
4) Zaidi Hussaini Lineage 09
5) Spiritual Lineage 22 Khwajgaan: 10
6) Title: Gesu-Daraz:
The Story of Unwavering Devotion 12
7) Caliphate and Succession 13
8) Marriage 14
9) Migration from Delhi 14
10) Royal Welcome of
11) Hazrat Khwaja Sahibؓ in Gulbargah 15
12) Progeny: 16
13) Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesudaraz:ؓ
A Literary Legacy 18-19
14) Annemarie Schimmel 21-33
15) Josef W. Meri 34-37
16) Richard M. Eaton 38-55
17) Caleb Simmons 57-67
18) Papan-Matin 68-77
19) Phyllis G. Jestice 78-80
20) Bruce B. Lawrence 81-84
21) Barbara Daly Metcalf 85-87
Gesu daraz:
Index:
22) Carl W. Ernst 88-90

23) Dr. Lloyd Ridgeon 91-94
24) "Major Socio-Religious
Reform Movements in India" 95-97
25) “India before Europe” 98
26) Jürgen Wasim Frembgen 99
27) Dr. C. Kunhan Raja 100-102
28) Lala Deen Dayal 103
29) Dr. Santosh Kumar Jadhav 104-109
30) Richard Maxwell Eaton 110-124
31) Anjana Sharma 125-131
32) Sir Charles Fawcett 132
33) Umesh Ashok Kadam 133
34) Usha Sharma 134
35) Dr. Sara Mondini 135-137
36) Simon Digby 138-145
37) Jackie Assayag 146
38) Campbell, A.C 147
39) Maharaja Kishan Prashad 148
Gesu daraz:
Foreward:
Taqaddus Ma'ab Hazrat Syed Shah
Yadullah Hussaini Zaidi Sahab Qibla
(Sajjadah Nasheen Rauza e Khurd
Dargah Gulbarga Shareef)
I begin with this couplets
Aaj humne usey pukaara hai

Besaharo ka jo sahara hai
Hum hai wabastagaan e Gesudaraz
Duur tak silsila hamara hai.
It gives me immense pleasure and opportunity to write this

foreword for the book Gesudaraz, the compilation of reverences
made by the world's renowned scholars & philosophers.
I am just a student with no degree or an authority to speak on this
chapter but I feel myself blessed to be born in this illustrious
family, as a descendant to this most honoured sufi saint Hazrat
Syed Mohammad Hussaini Gesudaraz known as Khaja
Bandanawaz, wherein after a span of 600 years also there is so
much to read, heard, think, learn and follow the footsteps of the
greatest Sufi Saint of the South India.
Of all that what I could hear from my ancestors & read from the
books, that are now history, My ancestral head, Syed
Mohammad Hussaini Gesudaraz is amongst the choicest person
Allah subhanahu taa’la has blessed the mankind with.
01
Gesu daraz:
Beginning from his childhood to the mystical words predicted by

the then Sufi saint Sheikh Babu of khuldabad for the positions of
khaja sahab in the worldly life thereon, that he admitted before
Syed Yusuf Hussaini Urf Raju khattal Hussaini the father of Khaja
Bandanawaz.
“Syed sahab mai jis had e nazar tak dekh raha hu,
aapke is kamsin farzand k darjaat usse kayee zyaada aagey hai”.
And then towards his inclination and interests to meet and seek
divine blessings of Sheikh Peer Naseeruddin Charagh e Dehliؒ and
then to learn and acquire knowledge of both the worlds from his
sheikh and various other teachers to the predictions of Hazrat
Naseeruddin Charagh e Dehli.
“Syed Mohammad aur padho, humey tumse ek kaam lena hai”
Hazrat Naseeruddin Charagh Dilli also knew that his khalifa will
attend these positions in near future.
Right from the beginning till has last breath in this world all we
can see as that Khaja Sahab was bestowed with ‘N’ number of
capabilities and visions.
His teaching, his influence and his affiliations had such a concrete
control over both the worlds, that whomsoever is associated with
him would surely gain desired favours.
The topic of Khaja sahab is such a vast subject and it considers all
the aspects of life in such a way that then no pen man could even
control his pen and go on writing on him.
02
Gesu daraz:
I always speak to people in general that this is one amongst

very few saints in the world who is associated with literature,
that too in such a way that, when he was alive in this world
people wrote his commentaries, and since the time of him
leaving for the heavenly abode, more than 6 centuries have
passed but people still are interested to know , learn and write
about KHAJA GESUDARAZ-BANDANAWAZ. And the same is
being done time to time by various philosophers or the
scholars of the respective era’s.
I would like to mention, Every era since past 700 years

hazrat khaja Banda Nawaz has made visible impacts on
religious, social and political affairs of the south.
It is also evident that after centuries of his demise, kings of
Barid Shahi, Nizam Shahi, Adil shahi & Ahmed shahi would
witness oath on the Mazar of Khaja Sahab that they wont rage a
war against each other at any cost.
There are a lot of such instances where khaja Bandanawaz
played an important key role and be it his presence in his life
time by supporting & blessing Ahmed Shah Wali against Sultan
Feroz Shah Bahmani. Or the reverences recording association
of various rulers and kings. Every era witnessed his blessing
since 700 years.
This compilation of reverences of the worlds renowned

philosophers by Syed Jaffar Hussain Hamzavi is another
contribution to the literary community.
I have gone through the almost all of reverences but for sure in
a hurry burry, and I admire this because I got to know and read
some new notes and references on my Khaja, the idea of this
compilation is an innovative one
03
Gesu daraz:
As it scripts almost all the events passed in the then era’s.

Right from the Bahmani empire to Adil Shahi to the modern day.
The documents and the commentaries placed herewith are very
interesting and filled with great knowledge.
In the future, anyone reading this document will surely
acknowledge the need of any student of literature or sufism &
will know what has been scripted for a Sufi saint of South India
by the various philosophers of the world.
The couplets I wrote in the beginning of this foreword speaks of

the line Duur tak silsila hamara hai. That speaks in all means be it
in ancestral lineage or be the spiritual lineage or be it a
associated lineage , or be it the inspired one. every aspect of
both the worlds have been addressed by Khaja Sahab and his
personality is such vastly connected all around the globe be in
the various silsila’s or his family members spread not only in
indian peninsula but across the world, or be it in the way of these
scholar’s publications, which are written long back but still
benefit ones knowledge.
I thank almighty Allah subhanahu wa taala for the blessing us all

into shelter & patronage this pious sheikhs and do pray with the
waseela of Khaja Sahab that the work done by Syed Jaffar
Hussain Hamzavi be accepted by khaja sahab and benefit the
seekers of the right Knowledge.
SYED MOHD YADULLA HUSSAINI

JANASHEEN E SAJJADA NASHEEN SAHAB
ROZA E KHURD GULBARGA.
04
Gesu daraz:
Introduction
‫الحمد للہ رب العالمین والصلوۃ والسالم علی رسوله الکریم‬
.‫سیدنا محمد و آلہ واصحابہ اجمعین‬
.‫شعاع آفتاب مہر افروز‬

‫برآمد صبحگہ روشن تر از روز‬
The Radiant Sun of Truth
The dawn breaks brighter than day,
with the rays of the Sun of Truth.
The auspicious month of Dhul-Qadah has brought the Urs Sharif of

Hazrat Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesu Daraz, Buland Parwaaz Aashiq e
Shahbaz, Abu'l-Fath Sadr ud-Din Hazrat Bandagi Makhdum Mian
Syed Muhammad, Muhammad al Hussaini, may Allah be pleased
with him. The hearts of those who have faith and love for
Makhdum Bandagi are filled with joy.
Saaya e Ahmad e Mukhtar Mubarak Baashad.

Nisbat e Haidar e Karraar Mubarak Baashad.
On the occasion of the Urs of Hazrat Khwaja Banda Nawaz

Gisu Darazؓ, those associated with him offerings Nazr o Niyaz,
write books and Magazines, etc.
Many books have been written on the life and teachings of
Hazrat Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gisu Darazؓ,
in which the glory and greatness of Khwaja Sahibؓ have been
highlighted in different ways.
05
Gesu daraz:
Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gisu Darazؓ is counted among the most

famous Sufis of the whole world. Scholars from major
universities around the world write articles on Khwaja Sahibؓ.
Not only scholars from India but also scholars from Cambridge
University, Harvard University, Oxford University have written
articles and essays on Khwaja Sahibؓ and have been impressed
by Khwaja Sahib'sؓ scholarly achievements.
The idea came to my mind to compile a book in which the articles

of scholars from national and international universities and what
they have written about Khwaja Sahibؓ in their respective books
are all there, so that by reading all this, the love of those who
have faith and love for Khwaja Sahibؓ will increase further.
A year ago, I was researching the scholarly achievements of

Khwaja Sahibؓ when an article on Khwaja Sahibؓ by a German
scholar came to my attention. After seeing this, my interest in
research increased further. The research was going well, but due
to some engagements, this work could not be completed.
With the blessing of Khwaja Sahibؓ, this work is finished this year.
I have named it "Khwaja Gesudaraz: A compilation of heartfelt
reverences by great philosophers worldwide".
I pray that Khwaja Sahibؓ will accept it, Aameen.
06
Gesu daraz:
.‫مقبول تو غیر مقبل جاوید نشد‬

.‫وزلطف تو نیچ بنده نومید نشد‬
،‫عونت بکدام زرہ پیست دے‬
‫کان ذرہ بہ از ہزار خورشید نشد‬
He whom you have accepted will be accepted forever.
And no servant of yours has been deprived of your favor and mercy.
The grain of dust upon which your gracious gaze falls rises in value
and esteem above a thousand suns.
SYED JAFFER HUSSAIN

HAMZAVI
07
Gesu daraz:
Biography
Name:
Syed Muhammad Hussaini, also known as Abu al-Fatah and with
the title Sadruddin. Generally, they are famous by the name
Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesu Daraz. Historians and biographers also
use titles like Wali al-Akbar and Mukhdum al-Mashaikh with his
name. Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkar's father's name is Syed Yusuf
Hussaini, may Allah be pleased with him.
Birth:
Khwaja Bandanawaz Gesudaraz Sarkarؓ was born on 4th Rajab, 721
AH (31st July, 1312 CE) in Delhi. The biographers of Siyar-e-
Mohammadi and Mishkaat-e-Nubuwat also mention the date of
birth as 4th Rajab, 721 AH (31st July 1312 CE). This is confirmed by
Siyar-e-Mohammadi and Lata'if-e- Ashrafiyah. These are the
writings of the beginning of the 9th century AH, but the authors of
Tarikh-e-Qandhari and Khazinatul Asfiya have mentioned the year
of birth as 720 AH (1320 CE) based on the book Sahib Ma'araj al-
Wilayah. However, this seems incorrect because the union of
Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkarؓ occurred in the year 825 AH (1421 CE)
at the age of 105 years. This is agreed upon by all authors
including the authors of Khazinatul Asfiya and Tarikh-e-Qandhari.
In this case, if the year of birth is accepted as 1320, 720 AH, then
the age becomes 106 years, which contradicts Islamic traditions.
Also, since Muhammad Ali Samani, the author of Siyar-e-
Muhammadi, also mentions the birth date as 4th Rajab, 721 AH
(31st July 1312 CE), this date is considered more authentic and
correct. Because the completion of Siyar-e-Muhammadi took
place in 831 AH (1427 CE), which is the closest time to the life of
Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkarؓ, which also confirms the accuracy of
recording events, it is the most authentic record of the life of
Khwaja Bandanawaz Gesudaraz Sarkarؓ.
08
Gesu daraz:
Zaidi Hussaini Lineage
1) Hazrat sayyiduna maula imam Ali e Murtaza alaihissalatu

wassalam.
2) Hazrat sayyiduna imam Hussain alaihissalam.
3) Hazrat sayyiduna imam Ali Zain ul Aabideen alaihissalam.
4) Hazrat sayyiduna imamzaada Zaid Shaheed alaihissalam.
5) Hazrat sayyiduna Hussain Zulzama alaihissalam.
6) Hazrat sayyiduna Yahya muhaddisؓ .
7) Hazrat sayyiduna Umar al aalaؓ .
8) Hazrat syed Muhammad Abu Mansoorؓ .
9) Hazrat syed Abi Abdullah Hussain.
10) Hazrat syed Hussianؓ .
11) Hazrat syed Abul Hassan al Jundiؓ .
12) Hazrat syed Zaidؓ .
13) Hazrat syed Dawoodؓ .
14) Hazrat syed Hamzaؓ .
15) Hazrat syed Aliؓ .
16) Hazrat syed Muhammadؓ .
17) Hazrat syed Hassanؓ .
18) Hazrat syed Yousufؓ .
19) Hazrat syed Muhammadؓ .
20) Hazrat syed Aliؓ .
21) Hazrat syed Muhammad Yousuf hussaini
Almaroof Shah Raja Qattaalؓ .
22) Hazrat syed Muhammad Muhammad al Hussaini
Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesudarazؓ .
09
Gesu daraz:
Spiritual Lineage 22 Khwajgaan:

1) Hazrat sayyiduna khwaja e aazam nabi e kareem
Muhammad al Mustafa salllallahu alaihi wa aalihi wa sallam.
2) Hazrat sayyiduna maula imam Ali al Murtaza alaihissalam.
3) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Hassan basriؓ .
4) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Abdul Waahid ibne Zaidؓ .
5) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Fuzail ibne Ayaazؓ .
6) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Ibrahim ibne Adhamؓ .
7) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Sadiduddin Huzaifa al marashi.ؓ
8) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Abu Hubairah basri.ؓ
9) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Mumshad uluw al dinawari.ؓ
10) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja e chisht khwaja Abu Ishaq shami.ؓ
11) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Abu Ahmad abdal chishti.ؓ
12) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Abu Muhammad chishti.ؓ
13) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Abu Yousuf chishti.ؓ
14) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Qutubuddin Maudood chishti.ؓ
15) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Haji Shareef zindani.ؓ
16) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Usman harooni.ؓ
17) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja e Hindustan
Khwaja Moinuddin Hassan chishti.ؓ
18) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Qutub uddin Bakhtiyar kaaki.ؓ
19) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Baba Fareed uddin
Masood ganj e shakar.ؓ
20) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Nizam uddin mahboob e ilaahi.ؓ
21) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja Naseer uddin
Mahmood chiragh e dehli.ؓ
22) Hazrat sayyiduna Khwaja e Deccan Khwaja Banda Nawaz
Gesudaraz Sayyid Muhammad Muhammad al Hussaini.ؓ
10
Gesu daraz:
In the year 728 AH/1327 CE, Sultan Muhammad Tughluq

established Daulatabad (Deccan) as his capital and ordered all
the residents of Delhi to move to Daulatabad.
Following the Sultan's decree, Hazrat's father, Hazrat Syed Yusuf
Hussaini Chishtiؓ , along with his family, set out from Delhi on the
20th of Ramadan, 728 AH/1327 CE, and arrived at Daulatabad.
He settled on the northern side of the fort of Daulatabad, Khwaja
Bandanawaz Gesudaraz Sarkarؓ received his early education and
upbringing from his father, and at the age of seven, he became a
Hafiz-e-Quran, displaying signs of mental and spiritual
advancement, which later manifested in his becoming a perfect
saint. Hazrat Syed Yusuf Hussaini Chishtiؓ passed away on the 5th
of Shawwal, 731 AH/July 1330 CE.
At the time of his father's passing, Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkarؓ

was around ten years old. After staying here for a few days, when
tensions arose between his mother Bibi Raniؓ , and his uncle, Malik
Al-Amir Syed Ibrahim (who was the provincial governor of
Daulatabad at that time), upon his mother's insistence, Khwaja
Bandanawaz Sarkarؓ, at the age of 15, left with his mother for
Delhi on the 14th of Rajab, 736 AH/28th February 1335 CE.
Here, Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkarؓ received education from

Maulana Syed Sharafuddin, Maulana Tajuddin, and Maulana
Muhammad Abdul Muqtadir, and within a short period of about
19 years, he excelled in all worldly sciences.
He benefited from Hazrat Khwaja Syed Naseeruddin Mahmud

Chiragh-e-Delhiؓ in spiritual sciences.
11
Gesu daraz:
Title: Gesu-Daraz:
The Story of Unwavering Devotion
One auspicious day, Khaja Sahibؓ , along with his companions,
lifted the palanquin carrying the revered Hazrat Nasir Uddinؓ.
As fate would have it, his luscious locks intertwined with the foot
of the palanquin, causing him great discomfort.
Yet, driven by boundless love and reverence for his teacher,
he chose not to free himself from the entanglement.
When Hazrat Nasir Uddinؓ was informed of this incident,
his heart overflowed with joy, and he uttered the immortal
Persian couplet:
“Har ki murid Syed gesu daraaz shud

Vallah khilaf-e-nest ki Uoo ishq baaz shud.”
(“Every disciple who, despite his long locks, pledges his

obedience,
By God, it's not against the norm, for he has truly become a
lover.”)
Thus, in recognition of his unwavering devotion, he was bestowed

with the revered title of "Gesu-Daraz".
12
Gesu daraz:
Caliphate and Succession

On the 15th of Ramadan, 757 AH, in the late hours of
Wednesday night, the Sheikh ul- Islam, Hazrat Khwaja
Nasiruddin Mahmud Chiragh Dehlavؓi, was engulfed by illness.
It was customary for the spiritual masters to appoint one of
their successors at the time of their union with the Divine.
Following this tradition would ensure the continuity of the
spiritual lineage of the Khwajagan.
Hazrat Sheikh ul-Islamؓ advised, "Compile a list of deserving

individuals." Maulana Zainuddinؓ presented a list after
mutual consultation, yet the name of Hazrat Khwaja Gesu-
Darazؓ was absent. Hazrat Sheikh ul-Islamؓ remarked, "Whom
have you omitted? Remember, bearing the responsibility of
the caliphate is not everyone's task.
Maulana Zainuddinؓ revised the list and presented it again,
still omitting the name of Hazrat Khwaja Gesu-Darazؓ.
Hazrat Sheikh ul-Islamؓ inquired, "Have you not included
Syed Muhammad's name?" This statement sent shivers down
everyone's spine. Upon inscribing the name of Hazrat Khwaja
Gesu-Darazؓ, he promptly appeared.
Hazrat Sheikh ul-Islamؓ acknowledged the esteemed name of

Hazrat Syed Muhammad. On the 18th of Ramadan, 757 AH,
Hazrat Sheikh ul-Islamؓ departed from this mortal realm.
Following his demise, Hazrat Khwaja Gesu-Darazؓ illuminated
the seat of spiritual authority. He began instructing and
guiding the seekers of truth. At that time, Hazrat Gesu-Darazؓ
was slightly over 36 years old.
13
Gesu daraz:
Marriage
When Hazrat Gesu-Darazؓ reached the age of 40, upon the
insistence of his revered mother, he entered into wedlock with
the daughter of Hazrat Syed Ahmad ibne Hazrat Maulana Syed
Jamal Maghribiؓ. Maulana Jamaluddinؓ was a highly esteemed
scholar and jurist, having pledged allegiance to Hazrat Khwaja
Sahibؓ.
Migration from Delhi

Until the year 800 AH, Hazrat Khwaja Gesu-Darazؓ resided
in Delhi, engrossed in the service of humanity under the guidance
of the Divine. In 801 AH, Hazrat Khwaja Sahibؓ advised the people
about the impending calamity and recommended leaving Delhi.
On the 7th of Rabi al-Thani, 801 AH, he departed from Delhi with
his family and associates, arriving in Gwalior. On the 18th of Rabi
al-Thani, 801 AH, Hazrat Khwajaؓ informed his disciple, Hazrat
Maulana Alauddin Gwalioriؓ, about his journey. Near Gwalior,
Maulana Alauddin Gwalioriؓ welcomed him along with all the
scholars and dignitaries and provided him with accommodation.
From the 22nd of Rabi al-Thani to the 17th of Jumada al-Thani,
801 AH, he stayed in Gwalior. During this time, he bestowed the
caliphate upon Hazrat Maulana. Departing from Gwalior, they
reached Bahandir and then arrived at Chanderi. They stayed
there for a few days, celebrating Eid al-Fitr in 801 AH, and spent
the month of Shawwal. In Dhu al-Qi'dah 801 AH, they proceeded
to Khambat, where they stayed for some time before returning to
Daulatabad and residing in the Rauza Khuldabad.
14
Gesu daraz:
The Royal Welcome of Hazrat

Khwaja Sahibؓ in Gulbargah:
When Sultan Firoz Shah Bahmani received news of Hazrat's
impending arrival, he promptly wrote to the governor of
Daulatabad province, expressing his desire to personally
serve and request permission to welcome Hazrat Khwaja
Sahibؓ to Gulbargah.
Upon Hazrat Khwaja Sahib'sؓ arrival near Gulbargah,

Sultan Firoz Shah Bahmani, along with the royal family and
the armies of the kingdom, was present to extend a grand
welcome. With utmost reverence and honor, Hazrat Khwaja
Sahibؓ reached Gulbargah and stayed behind the fortress
walls for several years.
Thereafter, this became his permanent abode.
His stay in Gulbargah lasted for approximately 22 years.
Painting of Tombs and shrine of Gesu Daraz, Gulbarga

by Colin Mckenzie,1797
15
Gesu daraz:
Progeny:
The revered spouse, Lady Bibi Raza Khatoon Sahibaؓ,
was the esteemed offspring of Hazrat Maulana Syed Ahmedؓ,
the son of Maulana Jamaluddin Sahib Maghribi.ؓ
From her blessed womb, two sons and three daughters were
bestowed upon them:
1. The eldest son, Hazrat Syed Hussain, also known as Syed

Muhammad Akbar Hussaini, was the Khalifa of Hazrat Khwaja
Sahibؓ. He departed from this mortal realm on the 15th of Rabi'
al-Thani, 812 Hijri, during the lifetime of Hazrat Khwaja Sahibؓ.
His recorded sayings were preserved within the compendium
of "Jawami' al-Kalam."
2. The second son, Hazrat Syed Muhammad Yousuf, also

known as Syed Muhammad Asghar Hussaini ؓ, ascended to the
Sajjadah nasheen after the demise of Hazrat Khwaja Sahibؓ.
The eldest daughter of Hazrat Khwaja Sahibؓ was named Bibi

Fatimaؓ, known as Sati Bibi.
The second daughter was named Bibi Batoolؓ,
while the third daughter was named Bibi Ummuddinؓ.
16
Gesu daraz:
Sultan Feroz Shah, in his later years, did not retain the same
level of belief in Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkarؓ as he did before,
and due to certain circumstances, he began to distance himself
from Hazrat Khwaja Sahibؓ. Conversely, his brother, Ahmad Shah
Bahmani, developed even greater reverence for Hazratؓ, and
after the passing of Sultan Feroz Shah, in accordance with the
prophecy of Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkarؓ, he ascended the
throne in the year 1421 CE (825 AH).
Upon assuming this responsibility, his faith in Hazratؓ grew even

stronger, and he became a devoted disciple.
He commissioned a magnificent edifice for your residence and
endowed several villages and lands in the vicinity of Gulbarga.
Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkar'sؓ benevolent miracles continued to

grace the nobles, the needy, and the common folk alike, who
continued to benefit from his divine grace.
The dissemination of knowledge, guidance, and the propagation
of virtue and guidance continued for 22 years in the Deccan.
Afterward, in the blessed month of Dhu al-Qi'dah, 825 AH

(November 1421 CE), at the age of approximately 105,
Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkarؓ departed from this transient
world and attained union with the Divine in Gulbarga.
Sultan Ahmad Shah Bahmani erected a majestic dome at your
blessed mausoleum, which remains a revered site of pilgrimage
for all to this day in Gulbarga.
17
Gesu daraz:
Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesudaraz:ؓ

A Literary Legacy
Indeed, Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesudarazؓ left behind a rich
literary legacy, although the exact number of books he
authored remains a matter of historical debate.
Here are some names of his written works:
Tafseer Quran-e-Majid
Tafseer al Multaqat
Hawashi Kashaf
Sharh e Mashariq
Tarjama e Mashariq
Ma'arif
Tarjama e Awarif
Sharh e Ta'aruf
Sharh Aadab al Murideen Arabi
Sharh Aadab al Murideen Farsi
Sharh Fusoos al Hikam
Sharh Tamhidat
Tarjama Risala Qushairiyah
Khatair al Qudas
Risaala Istiqat al Shariyah Batariq al Haqeeqat
Tarjama Risala Shaikh Mohi uddin Ibne Arabi
Risaala Seeeat al Nabi
Sharh Fiqh e Akbar
Hawshi Quwwat al Quloob
18
Gesu daraz:
Asmaar al Asraar
Hadaiq al Uns
Zarb al Misaal
Sharh Qasida e Ma'ani
Sharh Aqidah e Hafiziya
Aqidah e Chanfwarq
Risaala Dar Bayan e Adaab al Sulook
Risaala Dar Bayaan e Isharat e Muhibban
Risaala Bayaan e Zikr
Risaala Bayaan e Ra'aitu Rabbi fii Ahsani Surat
Risaala Dar Bayaan e Maarifat
Risaala Dar Bayaan e Bood o Hast o Baashad
Risaala Dar Tasawwuf
Sharh Bait e Ameer Khusrow Dehlvi
Risaala Azkaar Khanwada e Chishtiyah
Wajood al Aashiqeen
Khaatima
Jawahir al Ushaq
Anees al Ushaq
Maktubat
Malfuzat
Burhan al Aashiqeen
Shikaar Nama
Wasiyat Nama
Risaala Ishq e Haqeeqi
Rafi al Darjaat
Risaala Wajoodiya
Hasht Masaail
Risaala ishq o Aashiq
19
Gesu daraz:
As the title of this book suggests,

"Khwaja Gesudaraz: A compilation of
heartfelt reverences by great
philosophers worldwide,"
you have journeyed through the

remarkable life of Khwaja Sahib thus
far. Now, let us pivot towards the
essence of the book, delving into the
profound discourses by scholars from
illustrious universities across the globe.
20
Gesu daraz:
Annemarie Schimmel
Annemarie Schimmel was an influential German Orientalist and
scholar renowned for her extensive work on Islam, particularly
Sufism. Her scholarly career spanned several decades, during
which she wrote over eighty books and numerous articles,
making significant contributions to the field of Islamic studies.
Early Life and Education:

Born on April 7, 1922, in Erfurt, Germany, Schimmel grew up in a
Protestant and culturally rich family.
She completed high school at the age of 15 and began her higher
education at the University of Berlin at 17.
Under the guidance of her teacher Hans Heinrich Schaeder, she
developed an interest in the Divan of Shams Tabrisi and the
works of Jalaluddin Rumi. In 1941, at the young age of 19,
she received her doctorate with a thesis on the position of the
Caliph and the Qadi in late medieval Egypt, earning magna cum
laude honors.
Career and Contributions:

After World War II, Schimmel became a professor of Arabic and
Islamic studies at the University of Marburg at the age of 23.
She earned a second doctorate in the history of religions in 1954.
Her career took her to Turkey, where she taught at Ankara
University, and later to Harvard University, where she served as
a professor from 1967 to 1992.
Schimmel’s work covered a broad range of topics within Islamic
studies, including Islamic art, theology, poetry, calligraphy, and
mysticism. She was particularly known for her translations of
Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Urdu, and Sindhi poetry into German
and English.
21
Gesu daraz:
Her passion for Sufism and Persian poetry was evident in her
writings, which brought the richness of Islamic mysticism to
Western audiences.
Awards and Honors:

Schimmel’s contributions were recognized worldwide.
She received three honorary degrees from Pakistani
universities and was awarded Pakistan’s highest civil
distinction, the Hilal-i Pakistan. In 1980, she became the first
woman and Islam specialist to be elected President of the
International Association of the History of Religion.
Legacy:
Annemarie Schimmel passed away on January 26, 2003,
in Bonn, Germany. She left behind a legacy as a dedicated
scholar who bridged cultural divides and deepened the
understanding of Islamic culture and spirituality.
Her work continues to inspire students and scholars in the
field of Islamic studies.
For those interested in exploring her extensive body of work,
her publications offer a wealth of knowledge and insights into
the complexities of Islamic literature and Sufism.
Annemarie Schimmel has beautifully depicted the life and

spiritual legacy of Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz in her
numerous literary masterpieces. Delving into the sacred
realm of Sufism, she often invokes the revered name of
Khwaja Bandanawaz, exploring profound themes such as the
Unity of Being, Sufi poetry, and the Sufi practice of sama.
22
Gesu daraz:
Beyond English, she has also paid homage to Khwaja Sarkar in

the German language, emphasizing the universal resonance of
his teachings. Her portrayal of Khwaja Sarkar's essence and
teachings in her writings is truly remarkable, resonating with
love and reverence for the spiritual luminary.
In her book "Islam in the Indian Subcontinent,"

Annemarie Schimmel offers insightful reflections.
Somewhat earlier, in 1413, Muhammad Gesudaraz had settled

in Gulbarga. This Chishti mystic, who had spent his childhood
in Daulatabad but had then returned to Delhi to become a
disciple and khalifa of Chiragh-i Delhi left the capital, as did
many others, at the time of Timur's invasion, to wander first to
Gujarat, then to the Bahmanid capital.
For some reason Feroz Shah was not too happy with his
presence; but his brother Ahmad secured the blessings of the
aged saint who attracted numerous disciples, and founded a
madrasa for him.
Gesudaraz died shortly after Shihabuddin Ahmad had

ascended the throne in 1422; the king, deeply grieved, built a
beautiful mausoleum for him but soon shifted the capital to
the more northern, strategically important Bidar, where he
and his successors erected powerful fortifications.
Ahmad himself is remembered in the Deccan as a saint,
called by the Muslims Hazrat Ahmad Shah Wali,
by the Hindus Alan Prabhu.
23
Gesu daraz:
Sayyid Muhammad Gesudarāz, 'with long curls', Bandanawāz,

'kind to his servants' was a most prolific writer who followed
largely the classical sharī'a- bound tradition.
Thus he became the foremost interpreter of Prophetic tradi-
tions, translating and commenting upon the Mashariq al-anwar
and even on the Fiqh al-akbar. Of course he explained also most
of the traditional Sufi texts used in the Chishti tradition and
turned to Ibn 'Arabi's writings, which increasingly influenced
Indian Sufism, particularly the Chishtiyya.
Gesudaraz, however, remained critical of his doctrines;

his correspondence with his Chishti confrères Mas'ud Bakk in
Delhi, the ardent defender of waḥdat al-wujud, and Ashraf
Jahangir of Kichhauchha, deals with problems of existential
unity and shows his reservations. His lawbound attitude is clear-
ly stated in a remark about the relations between ḥaqiqat,
Divine Truth, and shari'at, which is all the more important as it
touches one of the burning issues of Indian Islam,
i.e., how to react to the austerities and 'miracles' of the Yogis.
People keep on saying that haqiqat is the divine secret,

but I, Muhammad Husaini, say that shari'at is the
divine secret, because I have also heard talk of haqiqat
from the mouths of muwallihs, Haidaris, Qalandars,
mulḥids and zindīgs (heretics of sorts); nay, I have even
heard it from the mouths of Yogis, of Brahmans and of
Gurus. But talk of the shari'at I have not heard from the
mouth of anyone other than the people of true faith
and belief, i.e. Sunni Muslims. Thus it is evident that
the shariat is the divine secret.
24
Gesu daraz:
And yet, the mystic who drew such sharp lines between strict
Sunni Islam and every other form of religion was a poet who
poured out his mystical love in beautiful Persian verse.
Although his malfūzāt, Jawāmi al-kalim, contain a praise of Hindi
as a language of poetry 'that moves and induces man to sub-
missiveness and humility'," he chose Persian for his songs in
which, following a famous line from Sana'i's Hadiqat al-ḥaqiqa,
he claims:
Love is not in the ijtihad of Abu Hanifa Nu'man;

Shafi'i has no information about it.
Love is the central theme of his poetry:
What shall I call him who denies love?

He is a cow, a jackass and a hard stone.
In the tradition of Ahmad Ghazzali and 'Iraqi he feels that human

beauty leads to divine love:
Well, you look at the beautiful one and see figure and stature:
I do not see anything in between but the beauty and art of the
creator,
for:
Those who have quaffed the goblet of love at the pre-eternal

covenant...
Have washed from the slate of being everything except the
picture of the beloved.
25
Gesu daraz:
On page 169 of the book "Islam in the Indian Subcontinent,"

Annemarie Schimmel eloquently describes the spiritual ambiance
and sacred moments experienced at the shrine of
Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkar in Gulbarga Sharif.
I saw coming two aged holy persons, both being brothers,

with luggage and provisions.
They told me they had come according to the orders of Hazrat
Bandanawaz who had sent certain sacred relics. Then they gave
me a few pieces from the covers of the Ka'ba, the Madina-i
munawwara and the tomb of Hazrat Bandanawaz, a copy of the
Holy Koran and some sugar-candy.
I took the sacred relics and raised them to my head.

I then opened the Koran and found it was written in a beautiful
hand. Every page of the Koran had the name of the scribe written
on it. On some of the pages I noticed the names of Hazrat
Bandanawaz and other saints.
Both the holy persons said to me that this copy of the Holy Koran
had been written by several saints and calligraphists and that
Hazrat Bandanawaz used to recite constantly from this copy.
The saint had done a great favour, they added, by sending this
copy for me. They also pointed out that they themselves were
from among the descendants of Hazrat Bandanawaz and it was
their custom to recite the fatiḥa at his tomb and to offer sacrifices
around it. Then I read those verses (of the Holy Koran) which had
been inscribed in fine handwriting on the gate of the tomb.
At this point I woke up. The same afternoon I offered fatiḥa in the
name of Hazrat Bandanawaz on eleven cauldrons of sweet.
26
Gesu daraz:
Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkar was not only a Sufi but also a
masterful literary figure. I believe that if the history of Deccan
literature is to be written and the mention of Khwaja
Bandanawaz Sarkar omitted, it would be an incomplete history.
Because the first name in Deccan literature to promote the
Urdu language is none other than that of Khwaja Sarkar.
Khwaja Sarkar wrote some books to promote the Urdu language
among people, especially a treatise titled "Shikar Nama," the
mention of which
In her second book "Classical Urdu Literature from the

Beginning to Iqbal," Annemarie Schimmel elaborates on this
topic in detail.
The first author in Dakhni is usually said to have been Hwağa

Bandanawāz Gisūdarāz, 'with long curls' (1321–1422). Born in
Delhi, then, like most people transplanted to the Deccan in 1327,
he returned to his birthplace soon, and spent most of his life in
northern India; he was a disciple of the famous mystic
Nāṣiruddin Čirāģ-i Dihlawi, after whose death he became the
leader of the Chishti order.
When Tamerlane invaded and devastated Delhi in 1398, Gisū-
daraz, along with other scholars and artists of the Tugluq court,
decided to leave the city and turned southward.
He enjoyed the favour of the Muslim rulers of Gujrat, but
proceeded later to Gulbarga at the invitation of Sultan
Tāģuddin Fērōzšāh (1397–1422).
He is buried in a marvellous mausoleum close to Gulbarga,
still a place of pilgrimage for pious Muslims.
27
Gesu daraz:
Three of Gisūdarāz's mystical treatises have reached us; they are

among the oldest works written in Urdu. According to K. A. Nizami,
the great authority on Chishti-history, the attribution of these
treatises to the saint of Gulbarga is not beyond doubt.
The most important one is the short Mi‘rāģ al-‘āšiqīn,

"The Ascension of the Lovers,' written in 1398, in which the author
condenses the principles of loving surrender to a personal God,
as it had been taught by the Sufi masters of Islam from the ninth
century onward; he describes the various stages on the way toward
perfection, and love of the Prophet in sometimes unusual
definitions. His Hidayatnāma, 'Book of Right Guidance,'
likewise explains different aspects of Sufi doctrine.
A larger treatise, Haft asrar, 'Seven Mysteries' comments upon his
teachings. The Risāla-yi sehārā, "The Threefold Treatise' or
Šikārnāma, 'Book of the Hunt,' is built upon the Persian cyclic Tale
of the Four Brothers.
Gisūdarāz, as a highly educated Muslim scholar, mastered Arabic

and Persian and excelled as translator, commentator, and poet in
both languages.
In his treatises and sermons, however,
which were meant to appeal to the masses, he preferred rather the
local Deccani dialect, into which he, coming from the North,
blended Panjabi and Braj words.
The theoretical parts of his writings are, of course, replete with
Arabic and Persian terms.
As an experienced preacher, Gisūdarāz knew the shortest way to

the hearts of his audience by aptly inserting lively images from
popular traditions.
28
Gesu daraz:
He connected his treatises with many folktales, stories, myths,

riddles and proverbs. The various tales, written in a fresh and
pliable style, explain different aspects of Sufi teaching; each of
them ends with a relevant teaching or counsel. Frequently he
worked with traditional subjects of Persian literature, especially
those which were already rather widespread in India.
Besides prose, Gīsūdarāz also utilized poetry for his preaching

activities, but the authenticity of his verses has been questioned
by some critics.
The poems ascribed to him are written in North Indian khari bōlī
with a considerable addition of Panjabi and Braj elements; they
constitute the first known examples where Persian poetical forms,
like ġazal, maṭnawī, or qit'a, are introduced into Indian poetry.
The photo is in
Annemarie Schimmel's
book "Islam in India
and Pakistan."
29
Gesu daraz:
Like every Sufi, Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkar also expressed

his thoughts in his writings, not only articulating his ideas but also
elucidating the thoughts of other Sufis.
He provided commentary on the works of venerable figures such as
Imam Qushayri, Ibn Arabi, Shahab al-Din Suhrawardi, and Ayn al-
Qudat. Annemarie Schimmel encapsulates this sentiment in her
book "Mystical Dimensions of Islam" in the following manner:
From Nizamuddin Auliya the spiritual chain goes to Chirāgh-i Dehli,

the “Lamp of Dehli” (d. 1356) and then to Muhammad Gīsūdarāz,
“he with the long tresses," who migrated to the Deccan and enjoyed
the patronage of the Bahmani Sultans. This saint, who died in 1422
and is buried in Gulbarga near present-day Hyderabad, was a
prolific writer of both poetry and prose in Arabic and Persian.
He also composed a book on the Prophet of Islam, Miʻrāj al-ʻāshiqīn,
for the instruction of the masses, in Dakhni, the southern branch of
Urdu. He was the first Sufi to use this ver- nacular, which was
elaborated upon by many other saints in southern India in the
next two centuries.
Gīsūdarāz was probably the first author in the Subcontinent

who tried to introduce the classical works of Sufism on a broad
scale; he commented upon Ibn ‘Arabī's Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam as well as
upon Suhrawardī's Ādāb al-muridin and wrote numerous treatises
and books on mystical life and on Pro- phetic traditions.
Thanks to him, both the refined love mysticism of Aynu'l-Quḍāt's
Tamhīdāt and the fundamental work of Ibn ‘Arabi were made
accessible to Indian Sufis and came to influence the development
of mystical thought in later centuries.
30
Gesu daraz:
Annemarie Schimmel has also documented the life of

Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz in her German language works.
As mentioned in the preceding pages,
Annemarie Schimmel is of German origin, so she has authored
some books in her native language. The biography of Hazrat
Khwaja Bandanawaz mentioned in the German book "Die
schönsten Gedichte aus Pakistan und Indien"
unfolds as follows:
GESUDARAZ
Sayyid Muhammad al-Husaini «Gesudaraz»,
«der mit lan- gen Locken», kam als junges Kind 1327
mit seinen Eltern aus Delhi in den Dekkan, wohin Sultan
Muhammad Tughluq die Delhier Intellektuellen geschickt hatte.
Er kehrte später nach Delhi zurück und wurde Mitarbeiter und
Nachfolger von Nasiraddin, genannt Tschiragh-i Delhi,
«<die Leuchte von Delhi», einem führenden Tschischti-Hei-
ligen. Gegen Ende des.
Jahrhunderts, als Timur Delhi plünderte, kehrte er in die Stadt
seiner Kindheit, Gulbarga, zurück, wo er 1422 im Alter von etwa
hundert Jahren starb.
Sein Heiligtum ist eine der bedeutendsten
heiligen Stätten im Dekkan.
Gesudaraz war ein fruchtbarer Schrift- steller und Dichter,
der sein Leben lang die schönen Men- schen besang, und noch
im achtzigsten Lebensjahr Verse wie das hier an erster Stelle
stehende Lied schrieb;
seine malfūzāt enthalten vielfältige
kulturgeschichtliche Informationen.
31
Gesu daraz:
Ich bin in ständ'ger Liebe alt geworden,
bin Fürst im Königreich des Grams geworden.
Gewißlich ist mein Kopf ganz in Verwirrung,
Da Locken wirr Fußfesseln mir geworden.
Sein Lockenstrang liegt wohl um meine Kehle -
von Lug und Trug bin ich verrückt geworden.
Den Liebenden sind ja die blut'gen Tränen
Für ihre Waschung vorgeschrieben worden!
Zur Jugendzeit war's Liebe; jetzt ist's Muße -
Der Moschus ist zum Knoblauch wohl geworden.
Schon lang' hab' ich die Schönen aufgegeben;
Für Frömmigkeit, Gebet ist's spät geworden,
Doch halten mich die Schönen wohl noch aufrecht -
Die Einigung ist solcherart geworden!
Zur Geliebten wurde mir mein Buch;

es kann mein bedrängtes Herz befreien.
Wenn du sagst: «Oh, leih mir doch dein Buch!>>
Wer wird seine Liebste denn verleihen?
Um den inneren Kuppelrand seines Mausoleums in Gulbarga ist

das folgende Gedicht geschrieben:
Die von dem Pokal der Liebe trunken

und vom Wein des Urvertrags berauscht,
mühen sich bald im Gebet asketisch,
dienen Götzen bald und trinken Wein.
Was sie auf des Daseins Tafel sahen,
tilgten sie nur nicht des Freundes Bild;
jenseits flogen sie des Gottesthrones,
saßen in der Klause «Wo-kein-Ort»,
schämen sich, zu nehmen, zu verweigern;
Einigung und Trennung gilt nicht mehr:
Sie, das Vorwort für das Buch des Daseins,
wurden Titelblatt der Ewigkeit.
Frei von «Sei! Es ward» sind sie geworden,
sind ihr eig'nes Kommen sie und Geh'n!
32
Gesu daraz:
Islam in India and Pakistan - Page xii

~Annemarie Schimmel
33
Gesu daraz:
Josef W. Meri
Josef W. Meri is a distinguished American historian and scholar of
Islamic studies, particularly known for his work on interfaith
relations in the Middle East and the history of religion.
Born in 1969 in Chicago, Illinois, Meri has made significant
contributions to the understanding of Muslim-Jewish relations
and has been recognized for his scholarly achievements.
Career Highlights
• Meri has served as a visiting faculty member at Georgetown
University, Qatar, and is an associate of the Prince Alwaleed Bin
Talal Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding
at Georgetown University.
• He was a senior associate at the Center for the Study of Jewish-
Christian-Muslim Relations at Merrimack College
until its closure in 2020.
• From 2018 to 2023, he was a faculty member at Hamad Bin
Khalifa University in Doha, Qatar.
• Meri has also held the position of the eighth Allianz Visiting
Professor of Islamic Studies at the Ludwig Maximilian University
of Munich.
Academic Contributions
• Meri’s notable works include “Medieval Islamic Civilization:
An Encyclopedia” and “The Cult of Saints among Muslims and
Jews in Medieval Syria” which explore the social and cultural
history of the medieval Islamic world.
• He has edited and contributed to volumes such as
“The Routledge Handbook of Muslim-Jewish Relations”
and "Culture and Memory in Medieval Islam".
34
Gesu daraz:
Awards and Recognition

• In 2014, Meri was awarded the Goldziher Prize in Jewish-Muslim
Relations by the Center for the Study of Jewish-Christian-Muslim
Relations at Merrimack College, highlighting his contributions to
the field.
Josef W. Meri’s work has been instrumental in promoting a

deeper understanding of the historical and contemporary
dynamics of interfaith relations.
His extensive bibliography and academic service reflect his
dedication to the study of Islamic history and intercultural
dialogue.
In Josef W. Meri's renowned book

"Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopaedia,"
the life of Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkar is
depicted in a manner that illuminates
his spiritual journey, teachings, and profound
impact on Islamic civilization.
Sayyid Muhammad Husayni, popularly known as Gesudaraz

("He With the Long Tresses") and Ban- danawaz
("The One Who is Kind to His Servants"), was a prominent Sufi
teacher responsible for the es- tablishment of the Chishti Sufi
order in the Deccan province of southern India.
Born in 1321 CE into a family tracing its ancestry to Khurasan
(Iran), Gesu- daraz received his early education in Delhi
studying various religious sciences, including Qur'anic exegesis,
theology, and jurisprudence.
35
Gesu daraz:
In 1336, he was for- mally initiated into the Chishti order by

becoming a disciple of the renowned Chishti master
Nasir ad-Din Chiragh-i Dihli ("The Lamp of Delhi").
Gesudaraz so distinguished himself on the Sufi path that upon the
death of his teacher he assumed leadership of the order.
As a consequence of rumors concerning Timur's (Tamerlane's)
invasion of northern India in 1398, Gesudaraz left Delhi and
traveled south. At the invitation of the Bahmanid ruler Firuz Shah,
Gesudaraz eventually settled in Gulbarga, the capital of the
Bahmanids. Gesudaraz's initial association with Firuz Shah,
as well as his later involvement with intrigues in the Bahmanid
court over the succession to the throne, in which he supported
the cause of Firuz Shah's brother Ahmad Shah (r. 1422-1436),
indicate that he had moved away from the ideals of previous
Chishti masters who considered contact with royalty to be
detrimental to spiritual well-being. Apparently, Gesudaraz saw
nothing wrong in accepting tax-free land from his royal patrons.
In terms of his teachings, Gesudaraz was more conservative

than his Chishti predecessors, such as Nizam ad-Din Awliya, who
were strong proponents of wahdat al-wujud (unity of existence),
a philosophical doctrine traditionally associated with the
Andalusian Sufi Ibn Arabi (d. 1240) and interpreted as hama ust
(everything is He).
Gesudaraz felt that this doctrine went against the legal and
theological precepts of Islam because it blurred the distinction
between created and Creator.
Instead, he supported the theory of wahdat ash-shuhud
(unity of witnessing) which, when interpreted as hama az ust
(everything is from Him), emphasized the distance between
creation and a transcendent God.
36
Gesu daraz:
Gesudaraz was also a strong upholder of the law (shari'ah).

As a result, he was critical not only of Ibn Arabi but also considered
Sufis such as Jalal ad-Din Rumi to be enemies of the faith because
of their liberal pantheistic/monistic teachings.
Notwithstanding his conservatism on doctrinal issues,
Gesudaraz upheld the Chishti tradition of sama' (musical concerts),
because he was a firm believer in the power of music as an aid to
spiritual transformation and ecstasy.
Not surprisingly, he was also a strong supporter of love mysticism,
for he saw passionate love as the basis of the relationship between
creation and the Divine.
Gesudaraz was such a prolific scholar and writer that he has been
called the Chishti sultan al-qalam ("King of the Pen"). Although the
exact number of his works is not known estimates range f
rom thirty- six to one hundred and fifty-he is believed to have
been multilingual, being competent in Arabic, Persian, and several
Indian languages. Through his commentaries, he popularized the
works of classical Sufi thinkers such as Qushayri and Suhrawardi in
the Indian subcontinent. In using Dakhani, a local
Indianvernacular, to compose the Mi'raj al-'ashiqin (The Celestial
Ascent of Lovers), a book o n the Prophet Muhammad, Gesudaraz
played a pioneering role in promoting the use of local languages in
religious literature, a trend that became increasingly important
in subsequent centuries.
Gesudaraz died November 1, 1422, and is buried at Gulbarga in a

vast tomb-shrine complex, the upkeep of which has been
generously patronized by various rulers. His tomb, which is one of
the most important centers of religious pilgrimage in southern
India, attracts thousands of devotees, Muslim and non-Muslim,
who come here to seek his blessing and intercession.
37
Gesu daraz:
Richard M. Eaton
Richard M. Eaton is a prominent historian specializing in the

history of South Asia, particularly focusing on the pre-modern
period (1000-1800).
Born on December 8, 1940, in Grand Rapids, Michigan, Eaton has
established himself as a leading scholar in the field, currently
serving as a professor of history at the University of Arizona.
Academic Background
Eaton’s academic journey began with his undergraduate studies
at the College of Wooster, followed by graduate work at the
University of Virginia and the University of Wisconsin–Madison.
His educational background laid the foundation for his extensive
research on the social and cultural history of pre-modern India.
Scholarly Contributions
Eaton’s research has been pivotal in understanding the range of
historical interactions between Iran and India,
as well as the growth and development of Islam in South Asia.
He has published monographs on the social roles
of Sufis in the sultanate of Bijapur (1300-1700),
the growth of Islam in Bengal (1204-1760),
and the social history of the Deccan from 1300 to 1761
38
Gesu daraz:
Notable Works
Some of Eaton’s notable works include:
• “Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700”
• “The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204-1760”
• “Essays on Islam and Indian History”
• “A Social History of the Deccan, 1300-1761: Eight Indian Lives”
(part of The New Cambridge History of India)
• “India in the Persianate Age: 1000-1765”
• “Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States”
• “Power, Memory, Architecture:
Contested Sites on India’s Deccan Plateau, 1300-1600”
His work “India in the Persianate Age: 1000-1765” is particularly

acclaimed for providing a cultural and historical account of India
from the middle ages to the arrival of the British, highlighting the
syncretic age of Persia in India
Influence and Legacy

Eaton’s scholarship has significantly influenced the study
of Indian history, particularly in terms of understanding the
complex interplay between different cultures and religions.
His work on temple desecration and the Muslim states in medieval
India has sparked important discussions and debates within the
academic community
Richard M. Eaton’s dedication to his field is evident in his

extensive bibliography and the impact his work has had on the
study of South Asian history.
39
Gesu daraz:
Richard M. Eaton has extensively covered the life and historical

background of Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkar in his renowned
book "A Social History of the Deccan, 1300-1761: Eight Indian
Lives" as part of The New Cambridge History of India series.
It can be estimated that he has dedicated an entire chapter titled
"CHAPTER 2 MUHAMMADGISUDARAZ (1321–1422): MUSLIM PIETY
AND STATE AUTHORITY"
to Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkar.
CHAPTER 2
MUHAMMADGISUDARAZ(1321–1422):
MUSLIM PIETY AND STATE AUTHORITY
A Deccani, on being once asked whom he considered the greater

personage, the Prophet Muhammad or the Saiyid, replied,
with some surprise at the question, that although the Prophet
was undoubtedly a great man, yet Saiyid Muhammad Gisu-daraz
was a far superior order of being.
Muhammad Qasim Firishta (d. 1611)
In July 1321, about the time Ulugh Khan’s army was sent to
Warangal to recover the unpaid tribute owed by Pratapa Rudra,
an infant son was born in Delhi to a distinguished family of
Saiyids– that is, men who claimed descent from the Prophet.
Although he lived most of his life in Delhi, Saiyid Muhammad
Husaini Gisu Daraz would become known mainly for his work in
the Deccan, where he died in 1422 at the ripe age of just over a
hundred years.
40
Gesu daraz:
As seen in the extract from Firishta’s history quoted above, this

figure occupies a very special place in Deccani popular religion:
soon after his death his tomb-shrine in Gulbarga became the most
important object of Muslim devotion in the Deccan.
It remains so today. He also stands out in the Muslim mystical
tradition, as he was the first Indian shaikh to put his thoughts
directly to writing, as opposed to having disciples record his
conversations. But most importantly, Gisu Daraz contributed to
the stabilization and indigenization of Indo-Muslim society and
polity in the Deccan, as earlier generations of Sufi shaikhs had
already done in Tughluq north India. In the broader context of
Indo-Muslim thought and practice,
his career helped transform the Deccan from what had been an
infidel land available for plunder by north Indian dynasts, to a
legally inviolable abode of peace.
from delhi to daulatabad

In 1325 Ulugh Khanwascrowned Sultan Muhammadbin Tughluq,
ruler of a vast empire that under his reign would become India’s
largest until the British Raj.
Two years later, in a bold move that brought about a major shift
in the Delhi Sultanate’s geo-political center, the new sovereign
declared Daulatabad, though located some 600 miles south of
Delhi, the co-capital of his sprawling domain.
In doing so the sultan implemented a strategic vision for the
imperial domination of the entire sub continent.
Heal so determined to populate the city with northern colonists,
and in the end a tenth of Delhi’s Muslim population made the
long trek south to settle in the new colonial city.
41
Gesu daraz:
In order to induce northerners to shift south– a disruptive move

bitterly resented by many who considered their sovereign
tyrannical or even mad– the sultan ordered the construction of a
pukka road from Delhi to Daulatabad, which continued on to
Sultanpur and the Coromandel coast.
Recalling a trip made in 1342, the famous Moroccan world-
traveler Ibn Battuta later wrote, “The road between Delhi and
Daulatabad is bordered with willow trees and others in such a
manner that a man going along it imagines he is walking through a
garden; and at every mile there are three postal stations.
.Ateverystation (dawa)is to be found all that a traveler needs.”
Among the residents of Delhi who joined the throngs moving

south was the seven-year-old boy Muhammad Husaini who,
traveling with his parents, reached the new Tughluq colony of
Daulatabad in November 1328.
Seven years later he returned to Delhi with his mother and older
brother, his father having died while the family was still in
Daulatabad. He would remain in Delhi for the next sixty-three
years, growing into maturity in the principal capital of the most
expansive empire in India’s history, and affiliated to the Sufi
order– the Chishti– that was most closely identified with the
fortunes of that empire.
At the time of the boy’s birth, the leading Chishti shaikh in Delhi,
indeed in India, was Nizam al-Din Auliya, whose hospice
(khanaqah)in Delhi attracted full-time spiritual seekers as well as
lay devotees who sought the shaikh’s blessings in the pursuit of
more mundane goals.
42
Gesu daraz:
Moreover, many of the great shaikh’s disciples moved from Delhi

out to the Tughluq empire’s far-flung provinces, where they
enjoyed public patronage by local power-holders seeking to
deepen the roots of their own legitimacy. In this way, Sufis of the
Chishti order– despite their well-known self-perception of
avoiding association with political power– became deeply
implicated in the Tughluq project of planting Indo-Muslim
political authority throughout South Asia.
When Nizamal-Din died in 1325, the great shaikh’s leading disciple,
Nasir al-Din Mahmud, took his place as the premier Chishti shaikh
in the Tughluq metropolis. Nasir al-Din was still in this position ten
years later, when the youthful Muhammad Husaini and his family
returned to Delhi from Daulatabad. Whereas his older brother
Saiyid Chandan took up a worldly occupation, Muhammad soon
joined the circle of Sufi adepts that had formed around Shaikh
Nasir al-Din’s hospice, and because his hair at this time reached
his knees he was called “that Saiyid with the long locks
(gisu-daraz).” The sobriquet stuck, and he has been known by the
name ever since.
By the 1350s, when in his thirties, Gisu Daraz began spending

much of his time in isolated retreat, studying and meditating,
though still under the spiritual direction of Shaikh Nasir al-Din.
In 1356, a cholera epidemic swept through Delhi, and Gisu Daraz
fell so ill that he coughed up blood. He recovered, however,
after Shaikh Nasir al-Din arranged to have medicinal oil brought
all the way from the cradle of Chishti piety, the town of Chisht in
western Afghanistan, and administered to his ailing disciple. But
the senior shaikh, aware of his own mortality, saw more at work in
Gisu Daraz’s recovery than the effects of exotic medicines.
43
Gesu daraz:
One day, summoning his disciple to his house, Nasir al-Din listened
as Gisu Daraz narrated a cryptic dream he had just had:
In my illness, I saw people coming and instructing me to put on and

then take off, successively, the robe (jama) of Dominion, the robe
of Prophethood, the robe of Unity, and the robe of Divine Essence.
Glowing with delight on hearing these words, whose inner meaning

he immediately grasped, Nasir al-Din handed his personal prayer
carpet to Gisu Daraz, symbolizing the transmission of his spiritual
authority to the younger adept. Soon the reafter, in September
1356, Shaikh Nasir al-Din died, and for the next forty years Gisu
Daraz became a public figure in the imperial capital, catering to the
spiritual needs of Delhi’s learned men, nobles, women, merchants,
and the general population.
Toward the end of the fourteenth century, however,

his career took a dramatic turn when Delhi was invaded and sacked
by the renowned Central Asian conqueror Timur, known to
Europeans as Tamerlane. In December 1398, as Timur’s vast army
was approaching the capital, having smashed through Tughluq
defensive lines in the Punjab, Gisu Daraz– sensing the devastation
that would soon visit the Tughluq capital–decided to abandon
Delhi for good.
Gathering a considerable entourage of disciples, family, and
companions, he left Delhi on December 17, the day after Timur’s
army routed Tughluq forces just outside the capital, and a day
before his forces would begin sacking the city.
44
Gesu daraz:
Once again Gisu Daraz, now agrizzled shaikh of seventy-seven

years, struck out on the road to the Deccan. His party’s leisurely
journey south provides ample evidence of the dispersion of Delhi-
trained Chishti shaikhs that had taken place over the course of the
fourteenth century, for everywhere they stopped, they were
greeted and entertained by followers and devotees who had
trained in Delhi. In Bahadurpur, southwest of Delhi (in present-
day Alwar district), Gisu Daraz was hosted by former disciples.
From there he notified others in Gwalior that he had managed to
escape Delhi “before the disaster”referring to Timur’s sacking of
the city– and instructed them to prepare for his arrival.
On January 1, 1399, the shaikh reached that city, having survived
attacks by brigands along the road.
In late February, after giving a cloak of spiritual legitimacy to his
host in Gwalior, he and his party continued on to Jhansi.
From there the party proceeded to Chanderi, in modern Guna
District, finally reaching Baroda on June 6,
and Cambay a month later.
In 1400, while still in Gujarat, GisuDaraz resolved to return to

his childhood home of Daulatabad and pay respects at the tomb
of his father, Saiyid Yusuf. It was a fateful decision. Sixty-four
years had elapsed since he left the Deccan as a boy of fourteen.
In the meantime the shaikh, having succeeded to the spiritual
authority of the powerful Chishti shaikhs Nizam al-Din Auliya
and Nasir al Din, had himself ripened into a venerable Sufi master.
Nor was the Deccan in 1400 the same as in the days of the
shaikh’s boyhood. In those earlier days, Daulatabad had been a
colonial outpost of the Tughluq empire, populated mainly by
northern immigrants.
45
Gesu daraz:
But in the 1330s and 1340s, while Gisu Daraz was still in Delhi
studying under Nasir al-Din’s tutelage, tumultuous anti-Tughluq
revolutions had totally transformed the region’s socio-political
fabric.
from daulatabad to gulbarga
It is against the backdrop of this complex relationship between

Bahman isultans and shaikhs, exhibiting both mutual attraction
and mutual repulsion, that we return to our narrative of Gisu
Daraz. Having spent sixty-three years in Delhi until the very week
Timur sacked that city,the venerable Chishti shaikh reached
Gujarat in June 1399. Now he was preparing to travel to
Daulatabad, the city of his boyhood, with the intent of visiting his
father’s grave-site. When he and his entourage reached the former
Tughluq colonial capital, news of the shaikh’s arrival spread swiftly
to the palace of the reigning Bahmani monarch, Sultan Firuz
(1397–1422), in Gulbarga. The sultan promptly instructed his
governor in Daulatabad to convey his warmest greetings to the
honored guest. And to prove his sincerity in the matter, the sultan
even rode with an armed detachment up to Daulatabad and
personally invited Gisu Daraz to come and settle in the Bahmani
royal capital. “I would be inclined to accept your offer,” replied
the shaikh, “but in view of the fact that you are not destined to live
much longer, how could I find contentment if I were to settle there
without you present?”
Unshaken by this disarming question, the sultan shrewdly replied,

“Very well. If my life is destined to end soon, could you not
beseech God to lengthen it?” The shaikh answered that he would
that very evening busy himself in prayer and report on the matter
the following day.
46
Gesu daraz:
When the two met the next morning,

Gisu Daraz quoted God as having told
him,“Wehavelengthenedthe sultan’s life-span so that you
[Gisu Daraz] can live longer [in contentment].”
This exchange, recorded by a disciple who had accompanied the
shaikh from Delhi to Daulatabad, explains– within the logic of
hagiographic writing– why Gisu Daraz accepted Firuz’s invitation,
and why he lived to the extraordinary age of 101 years.
It also accounts for the apparent coincidence that Gisu Daraz
and Sultan Firuz Bahmani both died twenty-three years later,
within a month of one other. In death, as in life, the careers of the
two men would be closely intertwined.
Who was this king who had thrown in his lot with Gisu Daraz?
Crowned just three years before the shaikh’s arrival in the
Bahmani capital, Sultan Firuz Bahmani possessed remarkable
intellect, ambition, and ability.
He could converse in many languages, had a prodigious memory,
would read the Jewish and Christian scriptures, respected the
tenets of all faiths, wrote good poetry, and was said to have
exceeded even Muhammad bin Tughluq in literary attainments.
On Saturdays, Mondays, and Thursdays, he would give lectures

on mathematics, Euclidian geometry, and rhetoric, and if
business did not interfere, these would continue into the
evenings. On the political side, the sultan gave high office to
Brahmins, transformed Hindu chieftains into Bahmani
commanders, and formed alliances with Telugu warrior lineages.
47
Gesu daraz:
He was also the first Muslim king of the Deccan to marry the
daughter of a neighboring non-Muslim monarch, in this respect
anticipating by more than a century-and-a-half Akbar’s policy of
forming strategic marital alliances with Rajput houses. What was
exceptional about Firuz’s alliance, however, was the manner in
which he celebrated his marriage, in 1407, to the daughter of his
powerful neighbor to the south, Deva Raya I of Vijayanagara.
Rather than demand delivery of a bride to his court at Gulbarga in
the manner that Akbar would build up his harem in the Mughal
court, Firuz indulged in a leisurely wedding celebration at Deva
Raya I’s own capital, where the Vijayanagara king presided over
ceremonies. For forty days a great processional market stretched
along the road between Vijayanagara and Firuz’s camp, some
twenty-one miles outside the great city.
The bride having been brought to the sultan’s camp,

she and Firuz proceeded to the city gate, where Deva Raya I
greeted his daughter and royal son-in-law. From there the two
kings rode together in great pomp to the royal palace, along a six-
mile road lined with velvet and satin fabrics, and strewn with
flowers. For three days Firuz stayed as a guest at Deva Raya I’s
palace, amidst much feasting and exchanging of gifts.
Firuz’s lavish wedding ceremony epitomized an era of

considerable cultural exchange across the Deccan plateau.
When he returned to his capital from Vijayanagara, the sultan
brought with him 2,000 male and female slaves, singers, dancers,
and musicians. Their arts would certainly have been indigenous
to Karnataka, the area from which the Sangama house had
sprung.
48
Gesu daraz:
Complementing that south-to-north flow of Deccani culture

into the Bahmani court, Persian culture flowed in the reverse
direction into indigenous courts.
A case in point is the Telugu chieftain Kapaya Nayaka, who led
the rebellion that drove the Tughluqs out of
Sultanpur/Warangal in 1336 and who then ruled over Telangana
for the next thirty years. One contemporary inscription
compared him in majesty with the last Kakatiya ruler, Pratapa
Rudra. But he also adopted the Persianized title
“Sultan of the Andhra country.”
And he took care to preserve from destruction, and probably
himself used, the only Tughluq monument that survived the
over throw of Delhi’s rule in Sultanpur/Warangal the Tughluqs’
stunning audience hall, known today as the “Khush Mahal”.
Finally, the Telugu chieftain patronized the construction of one
of the most potent symbols of Bahmani royal power,
the famous Turquoise Throne,
which he gave to Sultan Muhammad I in 1361.
But the flow of Persian cultural influence into the Deccan

quickened dramatically during Firuz’s reign (1397–1422).
When he rose to power, the most lavish patron of the Persian arts
and arguably the mightiest ruler on earth was the Central Asian
conqueror Timur (r. 1370–1405).
Throughout the Persianspeaking world, Timur’s dazzling court at
Samarqand had set the international standard in matters of
architecture, aesthetic sensibility, and imperial ambition.
49
Gesu daraz:
Like other aspiring rulers of the day, Firuz held the Turkish prince
in awe. Soon after Timur’s destructive invasion of north India and
his sacking of Delhi in 1398–99, the Bahmani sultan prudently sent
ambassadors and gifts to Timur’s court, begging to be counted
among the Central Asian’s dependents.
In return, Timur graciously offered Firuz sovereignty over Malwa
and Gujarat– even though neither sovereign had ever conquered
these regionsand, addressing him as his son (farzand), sent the
Bahmani king a belt,
a gilded sword, four royal robes (qaba), a Turkish slave,
and four splendid horses.
Timur’s destruction of Delhi stimulated Firuz’s ambitions in still

other ways. With that ruined city only a shadow of its former self,
the capitals of India’s provincial sultanates now vied for Delhi’s
legacy of power and splendor. For his part, Firuz was determined
to make Gulbarga the most splendid of these provincial capitals, a
true successor to Delhi’s former glory. Each year he sent ships
from his kingdom’s two principal western seaports, Goa and Chaul,
to the Persian Gulf to recruit talented men of letters,
administrators, soldiers, and artisans.
In 1399, on the heels of Timur’s destruction of Delhi, the sultan

embarked on a building project that, like Akbar’s Fatehpur Sikri,
gave outlet to his architectural sensibilities and creative energies–
the palace-city of Firuzabad.
Located seventeen miles south of Gulbarga, the city was adorned
with shops, wide streets, a citadel that opened out onto the Bhima
River, sumptuous apartments fo rthe king’s harem and servants,
and a mosque double the size of Gulbarga’s royal mosque.
50
Gesu daraz:
This was the context in which the ambitious and learned Sultan
Firuz seized the opportunity of having Gisu Daraz, the spiritual
successor to India’s most distinguished Sufi order and a scholar
of formidable repute, come and adorn his court at Gulbarga.
Firuz’s capital would now become the true heir to the legacy of
the recently ruined Delhi. News that Gisu Daraz had accepted the
invitation delighted the sultan. When the shaikh reached
Gulbarga in late 1399 or early 1400, Firuz rode up to the capital
from his palace in Firuzabad to give a warm welcome to the
saintly newcomer. He also encouraged his nobles to visit him.
Everything seemed promising; it was a happy beginning.
Although there is some controversy over the site of the shaikh’s

original hospice in Gulbarga, local residents identify it with a low-
lying rectangular building located behind a shaded garden just
outside the moat and massive walls of the fort’s western gate. If
that was indeed the site of his original khanaqah, it was not his
permanent dwelling. A major event in the careers of both the
sultan and the shaikh occurred some time before 1409, when Gisu
Daraz shifted his residence– or more accurately, was obliged to
shift his residence– to another site at considerable distance to
the east of the fort.
Our sources differ as to why this shift took place, but they all
agree that it resulted from a bitter falling out that had occurred
between thet women. On the basis of contemporary chronicles
now lost to us, Firishta reported that the sultan found Gisu Daraz
“deficient in the external sciences [ilm-i zahiri]”– that is, in the
very branches of knowledge, such as rhetoric or geometry, in
which the sultan himself had excelled, and even lectured on.
As a result, the sultan withdrew his support for the shaikh.
51
Gesu daraz:
What is more, Firuz’syoungerbrotherAhmad,whohad loyally

supported his older brother throughout their lives, publicly
displayed great personal veneration for the shaikh, attending
his lectures, distributing money to those attending the
khanaqah’s musical sessions, and even building aresidence for
him– by tradition, the above-mentioned dwelling just beyond
the fort’s western gate.
The rift between Firuz and Gisu Daraz widened further when Firuz
failed to secure the shaikh’s support for his plan to be succeeded
by his son Hasan, described by Firishta as a “weak and dissipated”
prince. “To one chosen by the king,” the shaikh humbly responded
to Firuz’s request, “the prayers of a poor beggar could be of no
avail.” Disappointed, the king repeated his request.
This time, the shaikh bluntly replied that the crown was destined
for his brother Ahmad. Angered at the response, Firuz ordered
Gisu Daraz to leave the city, on the trumped up grounds that the
shaikh’s khanaqah was situated so close to the fort that the huge
crowds attending his sessions posed a security threat to the
capital. The old shaikh obediently moved his residence to a site
several miles east of the fort, where his tomb-shrine is presently
located. But more was in volved here than politics.
One of Gisu Daraz’s followers and earliest biographers writes

of the shaikh’s theologicalconflicts with the Bahmani court. Even
while in Delhi, records Muhammad Ali Samani, Gisu Daraz had a
history of such conflicts with the Tughluq court. In the Deccan,
religious tensions surfaced shortly after 1403, when Maulana Ala
al-Din Gwaliori, the shaikh at whose home in Gwalior Gisu Daraz
had stayed while fleeing Delhi several years earlier, came down to
Gulbarga to study some classic mystical texts with Gisu Daraz.
52
Gesu daraz:
These included the Tamhidat by Ayn al-Qudah al Hamadhani (d.

1121), the Savanih by Ahmad Ghazali (d. 1126), and the Fusus al-
hikam by Ibn al-Arabi (d. 1240).
It was the last book– an exposition on how the careers of

twenty-seven Islamic prophets corresponded to divine
attributes– that incited suspicion in official circles, not just in
Gulbarga, but throughout the medieval Islamic world. Claiming
that the Fusus was not written by himself, but by divine
dictations received from visionary encounters with the Prophet
Muhammad, Ibn al-Arabi seemed to have shed the veils that, for
most Muslims, separated ordinary humans from prophets, or
even from God. Not surprisingly, the great Spanish Arab mystic
drew charges of being delusionary, even heretical. And
consequently, even though Gisu Daraz was himself critical of Ibn
al-Arabi’s thought, when word reached the court that the shaikh
was teaching the Fusus, scholars close to the sultan voiced their
view that the book was theologically deviant and that the court
should deputize somebody to investigate exactly what Gisu
Daraz had been saying. For this purpose a secretary named
Khwaja Ahmad Dabir was dispatched to the shaikh’s khanaqah.
Upon arriving at the hospice and interacting with the shaikh’s

circle of devotees and students, however, Ahmad Dabir got
swept into the spiritual life of the place and ultimately became
himself one of Gisu Daraz’s disciples. It is by nomeanscertain
thatthecourt’stheological dis agreements with Gisu Daraz were
in fact the cause of the shaikh’s forced relocation. Both
theological and political considerations probably lay behind the
rift between sultan and shaikh.
53
Gesu daraz:
Given Prince Ahmad’s devotion to Gisu Daraz, the court’s

theological differences with the shaikh would only have
aggravated a political rivalry between the two brothers.
In any event, despite Gisu Daraz’s relocation, relations between
Sultan Firuz and Gisu Daraz were never reconciled, and in fact
appear to have worsened over the years, as did, too, relations
between the two brothers. The final rupture occurred when Firuz,
old and infirm, and stilltrying to secure his son’s succession to
the throne, plotted to have his brother blinded. Learning of this,
Ahmad, together with his own son Ala al-Din, paid a fateful visit to
Gisu Daraz’s relocated khanaqah to obtain the shaikh’s blessings
and advice. The climax of the meeting came when the shaikh
removed the turban from his head and, dividing it into two parts,
tied one part on Ahmad’s head and the other on Ala al-Din’s. The
symbolism was clear:
both Ahmad and his son were destined to ascend
the Turquoise Throne.
Now came the final denouement. Gathering his supporters,

Ahmad stole away from the fort at dawn the next morning,
September 22, 1422, and when rival factions of cavalry skirmished
later that day, Firuz’s supporters simply melted away. Realizing
the futility of his son’s cause, the sultan ordered the fort’s gates
opened and welcomed his brother to his bedside.
After a tearful reconciliation, Ahmad crowned himself– but with
no shaikh present, not even Gisu Daraz– and took his seat on the
Bahmani throne. Ten days later Firuz died; a month later under a
full moon, Gisu Daraz, too, passed away.
54
Gesu daraz:
Shortly after the shaikh’s death, the grave-site of Gisu Daraz

grew to become the most popular Muslim shrine in the Deccan,
as it has remained ever since. As Firishta wrote, “the inhabitants
of the Deccan chose him for their guide in religious affairs, so
that his residence became a place of pilgrimage to all sects.”
The historian went even further, making the remarkable
observation that
a Deccani, on being once asked whom he considered the greater
personage, the Prophet Muhammad or the Saiyid, replied, with
some surprise at the question, that although the Prophet was
undoubtedly a great man, yet Saiyid Muhammad Gisu Daraz was
a far superior order of being.
How was it that a resident of the medieval Deccan could be

surprised that one might even attempt comparing the Prophet
Muhammad with Gisu Daraz? Several factors favored Gisu
Daraz’s rapid rise to such an exalted status, two of them initiated
by his royal disciple, Sultan Ahmad. First, the new king honored
the memoryofhisformerbenefactor by constructing the
magnificent mausoleumthatstandsonhisgrave-
sitetoday.Second,heconferredlandgrants on the descendants of
the shaikh. These actions served to institutionalize the shaikh’s
cult by creating a physical monument and an economic base
both for it and for the shaikh’s descendants. A third factor was
initiated by Gisu Daraz himself. By designating his younger son,
Saiyid Asghar, as his spiritual successor (sajjada-nishin), the
shaikh stabilized the transmission of his spiritual authority over
time, since that authority now came to rest on the principle of
hereditary succession, and not on that of appointment.60
Perhaps most importantly, Gisu Daraz– like Delhi’s Nizam al-Din
Auliya at the height of Tughluq power– happened to be
associated with the court of an Indo-Muslim state at the
moment of its political and cultural ascendancy.
55
Gesu daraz:
Portrait of Hazrat Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesudarazؓ

in Royal Collection Trust.
56
Gesu daraz:
Caleb Simmons
Caleb Simmons is an esteemed scholar and the Executive

Director of Online Education at the University of Arizona, where
he oversees Arizona Online, the university’s online campus with
over 9,500 students.
He is also a Professor of Religious Studies and the Faculty
Director of the Interdisciplinary Studies Program.
Academic Background
Dr. Simmons earned his Ph.D. from the University of Florida,
specializing in religion in South Asia, particularly Hinduism.
His academic pursuits have led him to explore the historical and
contemporary aspects of Hinduism, from religion and state-
formation in medieval and colonial India to contemporary
transnational aspects of the faith.
Scholarly Contributions
Dr. Simmons has authored the book “Devotional Sovereignty:
Kingship and Religion in India,” published by Oxford University
Press in 2020.
The book examines how the late early modern/early colonial
court of Mysore reenvisioned notions of kingship, territory,
and religion through devotion.
His second monograph, “Singing the Goddess into Place:
Locality, Myth, and Social Change in Chamundi of the Hill,
a Kannada Folk Ballad,”
explores popular local folksongs that critique social
inequalities.
57
Gesu daraz:
Editorial and Teaching Roles

He has edited and contributed to “Nine Nights of the Goddess:
The Navarātri Festival in South Asia,” focusing on various aspects
of this significant festival.
Dr. Simmons teaches courses on Hinduism, Indian religions, and
the method and theory of Religious Studies.
He has been recognized for his research on online pedagogy and
was named a Center for University Education Scholarship (CUES)
Distinguished Fellow for his work in this area.
Research Interests
Dr. Simmons has a broad range of contemporary research
interests, including ecological issues and sacred geography in
India, South Asian diaspora communities, and the impact of
globalization on material and popular cultures.
This includes the portrayal of South Asian religions in comic books
and graphic novels.
Awards and Recognition

He has received several awards, including the Ted and Shirley
Taubeneck Superior Teaching Award and the Early Career Scholars
Award from the University of Arizona.
He was also a Visiting Research Fellow at Käte Hamburger Kolleg at
Ruhr Universität-Bochum in Germany
Dr. Caleb Simmons’ work is a testament to his dedication to the
field of religious studies and online education.
His contributions have not only enriched academic discourse
but also provided valuable insights into the practice and
understanding of Hinduism in both historical and modern
contexts.
58
Gesu daraz:
In Caleb Simmons' book "Devotional Sovereignty: Kingship and

Religion in India," the mention of Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz
Sarkar is made in the context of the ruler Tipu Sultan of the
Kingdom of Mysore. Tipu Sultan held great reverence for
Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkar,
a sentiment that Caleb Simmons has
depicted in the following manner:
Gisu Daraz
His personal devotion seems to be confirmed through various
manuscripts that were found in his library, including an album
bearing the seal of the "God-given Government" that
contained a collection of ninety-six portraits of powerful
Muslim saints from all over the Muslim world,
including Abd al- Qadir al-Gilani, Muin al-Din Chishti, Farid al-
Din Mas ud Ganj-i-Shakar, and Gisu Daraz, who is featured
fifteen times While it is possible to read these acts of devotion
to powerful Sufi pirs as a means to extend Tipu Sultan's
influence beyond the borders of his domain and to circumvent
previous sources of imperial authority,
Tipu Sultan's devotional choices connect him with his royal
predecessors, tapping into the same conduits of divine
authority that were central in Bahmani and Adil Shah
constructions of sovereignty.
As we have seen in chapter 1, in the foundational narratives

from Tipu Sultan's court, his divine election was tied to his
ability to rule justly and proven in the field of battle by
conquering the previous rulers.
59
Gesu daraz:
However, throughout the course of his reign, the king placed his
rule in the context of divine intervention and recorded his dreams
in which he was visited by various Muslim saints, including Ali, Sadi
Shirazi, and Gisu Daraz, who bestow upon the Mysore sultan
symbols of sovereignty.
Of particular interest for this chapter is Tipu Sultan's special
relationship with Gisu Daraz, who figures prominently in the ruler's
portraiture collection and in his dreams. Daraz, rather than
signaling a break with traditional rulers, formed a connection from
the very beginnings of local Muslim kingship in the region to Tipu
Sultan and his Mysore sultanate.
For Tipu Sultan, Daraz served as the auctor of local Islamic kingship
and invested the Mysore ruler with that charge.
Gisu Daraz (1321-1422) was an important Sufi pir from the Chishti
order, who, as Richard Eaton has noted, “contributed to the
stabilization and indigenization of Indo-Muslim society and polity
in the Deccan." Born in Delhi in 1321 during the Tughluq dynasty
(1320–1413) of the Delhi sultanate, Muhammad al-Husayni Hazrat
Bunde Navaz “Gisu Daraz” (“long hair”) was raised in the Tughluq
southern capital Daulatabad from 1328 to 1335, after which his
family returned to the northern capital.
After his return to Delhi, Gisu Daraz joined the Chishti order and
became a disciple of Nasr al-Din, successor of the famous Chishti
leader Nizam al-Din Avaliya (d. 1325). Within the Tughluq imperial
circles, Chishti piety associated with Nizam al-Din Avaliya was
extremely popular, which led to the order being "deeply
implicated in the Tughluq project of planting Indo-Muslim political
authority throughout South Asia.
60
Gesu daraz:
Before Nasr al-Din's death in 1356, the Sufi leader conferred his
spiritual authority to Gisu Daraz, transferring that authority
through the symbolic gift of his personal prayer carpet.
Thereafter, Gisu Daraz "became a public figure in the imperial
capital" and was popular among the political leaders, educated
elites, and the wider populace.
In 1398, however, with Timur's armies approaching, Gisu Daraz

fled Delhi, returning to the south, but this time with the religio-
political authority afforded a Sufi master and successor of the
Nizam al-Din Avaliya's Chishti lineage. The political context in the
southern reaches of what had been the vast Tughluq empire,
however, had changed. In 1347, Ala al-Din Hasan Bahman Shah (r.
1347-1358) had broken free from Tughluq rule, establishing
himself as king of the new Bahmani sultanate (1347-1527), and
moved the regional capital from Daulatabad to Gulbarga.
According to local tradition, Bahmani succession from the
Tughluq ruler was prophesied by Nizam al-Din Avaliya years ear-
lier, when, after meeting with Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq, he
saw Bahman Shah outside and said, “One sultan has left my door;
another is waiting there?" Throughout the early stages of the
Bahmani kingdom, Sufi authority was central in the rulers' claims
to sovereignty, with court poets and jurists, such as Abd al-Malik
Isami, writing about Sufi pirs' role in entrusting sovereignty and as
the true protection of the kingdom.
Sufi authorization of kingship in the Bahmani court, as in other

Muslim kingdoms, was displayed through the presentation of
material symbols of sovereignty from Sufi pirs to kings:
61
Gesu daraz:
Bahman Shah was given a robe by Zain al-Din Shirazi (d. 1369),
a Sufi master also from Nizam al-Din Avaliya's lineage,
and pir Siraj al-Din Junaidi (d. 1379–1380) presented the first
three Bahmani kings with robes and turbans at their
coronations.
When Gisu Daraz arrived in Daulatabad in 1399, Sultan Firuz

invited the Sufi saint to join him in the Bahmani capital in
Gulbarga. With Daraz at his court, "Firuz's capital would now
become the true heir to the legacy of the recently ruined Delhi.”
Toward the end of his reign, Sultan Firuz would have a falling out
with Gisu Daraz in which we can see the importance of the pir
for the authorization of regional kingship and succession.
The rift between the king and the Sufi master arose because
Gisu Daraz did not support the sultan's son Hasan's succession
as the Bahmani king. Instead, Gisu Daraz preferred Firuz's
brother Ahmad, who was his faithful devotee. According to
Firishta's History (Tarikh-i Firishta), written by Muhammad
Qasim Firishta (d. 1611), while Firuz was on his deathbed, Ahmad
visited Gisu Daraz, who took off his turban, divided it in two, and
placed one half on Ahmad's head and the other on the head of
his son, Ala al- Din.
In this symbolic transfer of sovereign succession, Gisu Daraz
removed his authority from Firuz and his progeny, literally
placing it on the head of Ahmad and his descendants.
Shortly thereafter, Firuz died, and Gisu Daraz passed away
twenty-three days later. After Gisu Daraz's death, his tomb
shrine (dargah) became an important pilgrimage site that was
maintained by his descendants. His dargah continued to be a
site of imperial patronage under Bahmanis and their successors,
the Adil Shahs of Bijapur (1490–1686), for whom his spiritual
descendants continued to be influential.
62
Gesu daraz:
As we have seen in chapter 1, Tipu Sultan's lineage was

connected to Gisu Daraz and his dargah in the History of Haidar,
which tells us that Tipu Sultan's great-grandfather moved to
Gulbarga to attend to the shrine during the reign of Muhammad
Adil Shah (r. 1626–1656) and married one of the saint's
descendants. Tipu Sultan attempted to renew this familial
alliance and requested to marry the pirzada's daughter in the
mid-1790s, around the same time he was attempting to garner
support for an attack on the British and as he was rebranding his
kingdom as the Sarkar-i Khudadadi, or the "God-given
Government.” This attempt was refused, but the religio-political
authority of Gisu Daraz was instead conferred to Tipu Sultan
through other means, namely, the king's dreams.
Starting in 1795, Tipu Sultan had taken great care to record and
interpret dreams that he deemed significant, going as far back as
March 1786. The dream register in which he recorded these
significant dreams with his own hand was part of the loot taken
by the British army after the fall of Shrirangapattana in 1799 and
is now located in the British Library. The register contains thirty-
seven dreams that are recorded alongside other news of the time.
Kate Brittlebank has noted the importance of reading these
elements as part of one holistic unit, as they together
preIndeed, Tipu Sultan more often than not refers to his dreams
as “affairs” (muamalat), mirroring the term waqqia (“incident")
that is commonly used to refer to Sufi visions or “true dreams?"
The relationship between historical events and Tipu Sultan's
visions is also demonstrated by the fact that he often recorded
dreams that reflected the military engagements in which he was
occupied at the time.
sent the reality of Tipu Sultan's dream world.
63
Gesu daraz:
Indeed, Tipu Sultan more often than not refers to his dreams as
“affairs” (muamalat), mirroring the term waqqia (“incident") that
is commonly used to refer to Sufi visions or “true dreams?" The
relationship between historical events and Tipu Sultan's visions is
also demonstrated by the fact that he often recorded dreams
that reflected the military engagements in which he was occupied
at the time.
This dream journal gives us insight into the ways Tipu Sultan saw
himself within a lineage of sovereigns and royal devotees.32
Specifically, two dreams demonstrate his vision of his place as
the protector of Gisu Daraz's relics and as the recipient of the
pir's religio-political authority and successor of the Bahmani
sultanate and South Indian Islamic kingship more broadly.
Tipu Sultan's first recorded dream in which Gisu Daraz figures

significantly came in June 1790, during the Third Anglo-Mysore
War, as Tipu Sultan's armies had begun their retreat from
Travancore and from General William Medows in Tiruccirappalli
(Trichinopoly). In this dream, Tipu Sultan saw "two aged holy
persons, both being brothers," who told the king they had come
"according to the orders of Hazrat Bandah-nawaz [Gisu Daraz]
who had sent certain relics." The relics included cloth from the
covers of Ka'ba in Mecca, from the Prophet's mosque in Medinah,
and from the tomb of Gisu Daraz; some sugar candy; and a copy
of the Qur'an. The Qur'an that was given to Tipu Sultan had the
names of the scribes who had copied the text, which included
"several saints and calligraphists" and Gisu Daraz.
The holy men then proceeded to inform Tipu Sultan that the
Qur'an had been Gisu Daraz's personal copy from which he
recited daily.
64
Gesu daraz:
They also revealed that they were the saint's descendants who
facil- itated worship at this tomb. This dream is significant for Tipu
Sultan during this turning point in the Third Anglo-Mysore War, as
his military supremacy was in question for the first time.
Instead of turning to exemplars of kingship, Tipu Sultan envisions
the descendants of a saint. Tipu Sultan's dream was similar to a
narrative recorded in 1427 in Muhammad's Biographies (Siyar al-
Muhammadi), composed by Muhammad Ali Samani, which details
how spiritual authority was transferred to Gisu Daraz from his
spiritual mentor, Nasr al-Din, through the gift of textiles.
In this text, Gisu Daraz, too, had a vision in a dream; he related the
dream to his master: “I saw people coming and instructing me to
put on and then take off, successively, the robe of Dominion, the
robe of Prophethood, the robe of Unity, and the robe of Divine
Essence." After hearing this dream, Nasr al-Din gave his prayer rug
and spiritual authority to the young Gisu Daraz.
But of course, Gisu Daraz was not just any saint, and Tipu Sultan's
dream was not just about spiritual authority.
The Sufi master was a symbol of religious authority intimately

connected to regional Islamic sovereignty. Through this vision of
the transfer of religio-political authority, Tipu Sultan grounded his
kingship in royal devotion that stretched back to the earliest
period of Islamic hegemony in the region.
The importance of an association with Gisu Daraz was also evident
to Nizam of Hyderabad.
So when Tipu Sultan attempted to solidify his connection to the
saint through a marriage alliance, the Nizam, not eager for the
alliance to materialize, refused to allow the marriage to proceed.
65
Gesu daraz:
In January 1798, Tipu Sultan recorded another dream about Gisu

Daraz; however, in this case, the Sufi saint himself appeared to
the sultan along with the Prophet Muhammad and Hazrat Ahmad.
In the dream, Tipu Sultan was met first by the Prophet, who gave
the king a green turban and asked him to tie it on his head.
Then Gisu Daraz also gave Tipu Sultan a turban and asked him to
tie it on his head. Finally, Hazrat Ahmad gave the Mysore sultan a
turban, which Tipu Sultan tied on his head.
As we have seen above, the gift of a turban signifies the transfer
of sovereignty and is commonly bestowed at a king's coronation.
Tipu Sultan himself interpreted the imagery as such:

"My interpretation of the dream is that God Almighty and our
Prophet have conferred the empire of the seven climes upon me."
e.” Tipu Sultan refers to both God and the Prophet in his in-
terpretation, but he does not comment on the presence or the gift
of the turban from either Gisu Daraz or Hazrat Ahmad. Given our
information about Gisu Daraz's connection to both the Tughluqs
at their height and the formative years of Islamic kingship in the
south, the Sufi saint serves to act as the mediator of divine favor
and temporal sovereignty as he had in Gulbarga centuries before.
The identity of the other figure, Hazrat Ahmad, is unclear and has
been puzzling to many scholars.
Mahmud Husain, writing about this dream, admitted that the

identity was unclear but suggested that it might be Mujaddidi-
Alf-i-Thani or Ahmad al-Faruqi al-Sirhindi (1564-1624),
the controversial Naqshbandi Sufi from the Mughal emperor
Akbar's court.
66
Gesu daraz:
While this is certainly possible, another reading of the dream is

that Hazrat Ahmad refers not to a holy person but to Ahmad Shah
Bahman, the king selected by Gisu Daraz to succeed Sultan Firuz,
which would amplify Tipu Sultan's connection to regional
sovereignty and religio-political authority. Tipu Sultan and his
court were adroit custodians of regional history and would have
most likely been aware of the biography of Gisu Daraz in Firishta's
History and the narrative of the saint bestowing the turban of
kingship on Ahmad Shah and his son.
In this reading of the dream, Tipu Sultan is placed in a long lineage
of spiritual and temporal authority and sovereignty in which he is
the successor of the Prophet Muhammad, Gisu Daraz, and the
Bahmani kings of Gulbarga and is the proper sultan of the Deccan.
Through his devotion to Sufi pirs, Tipu Sultan drew from their
spiritual authority and tapped into their spiritual power.
As in the case of Gisu Daraz, his worship was not just a matter of
spiritual proclivities, but the Mysore king envisioned his devotion
within the context of regional sovereignty.
At times when his sovereignty was threatened, he turned to these
traditional sources of religio-political authority in order to ground
his kingship in a historical lineage of Islamic devotion and
patronage, constructing his Mysore sultanate as the heirs to
Islamic rule in the south.
67
Gesu daraz:
Firoozeh Papan-Matin
Firoozeh Papan-Matin is a distinguished scholar in the fields of
Persian literature and Islamic mysticism. Her academic journey
led her to earn a Ph.D. in Near Eastern Languages and Cultures
from the University of California, Los Angeles.
Dr. Papan-Matin’s work is characterized by a deep exploration of
Sufism and its intricate teachings, as well as the broader cultural
and literary landscapes of the Islamic world.
Academic Contributions
Dr. Papan-Matin has made significant scholarly contributions
through her research and publications.
One of her most notable works is "Beyond Death: The Mystical
Teachings of ʿAyn al-Quḍāt al-Hamadhānī".
This book is a profound examination of the medieval Iranian
mystic ʿAyn al-Quḍāt al-Hamadhānī’s approach to death and his
mystical teachings.
It is part of the Islamic History and Civilization Series and offers a
unique perspective on death as a state of consciousness, drawing
from medieval manuscripts and primary sources.
Teaching and Advocacy

In addition to her research, Dr. Papan-Matin is an advocate for
adult education and has taught academic courses at various
levels, including adult, post-secondary, and university settings.
Her dedication to education reflects her commitment to sharing
knowledge and fostering a deeper understanding of Islamic
studies and Persian literature.
68
Gesu daraz:
Translation and Literary Work

Dr. Papan-Matin is also recognized for her translation work,
notably for translating the love poems of Ahmad Shamlu.
Her efforts in bringing Persian literature to a broader audience
demonstrate her passion for the subject and her skill in bridging
cultural and linguistic divides.
Recognition and Impact

Her extensive work on topics in Persian literature and Islamic
mysticism has established her as a respected figure in her field.
Dr. Papan-Matin’s scholarly work continues to influence
students, academics, and readers interested in the rich traditions
of Persian literature and the complex world of Islamic mysticism.
Dr. Firoozeh Papan-Matin’s contributions to the academic world

are invaluable, providing insights and knowledge that enrich our
understanding of the Islamic and Persian literary heritage.
Her work serves as a bridge connecting past wisdom with
contemporary thought, inviting readers to explore the depths of
mystical teachings and their relevance to modern life.
For those interested in delving deeper into her work, her

publications are available for further reading and study.
Dr. Firoozeh Papan-Matin delves into great detail about

the life, teachings, and philosophies of Hazrat Khwaja
Bandanawaz Sarkar in her book "Beyond Death:
The Mystical Teachings of Ayn al-Quḍāt al-Hamadhānī."
69
Gesu daraz:
The founders of the Chishti order considered learning a spiritual

practice. The masters of the order were expected to know the
inner meaning of the scholarly issues that were posed to them.
This tradition of scholarly wayfaring reached an apex in the
extraordinary work of Khawaja Banda Nawaz Gisūdarāz. He was
a visionary mystic, learned scholar, religious leader, and a
follower of the shari'a."
In his work, he provided extensive commentaries on Abu Talib
al-Makki (d. A.D.996), Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn Ishaq al-
Kalābādhi (d. A.D. 990- 94), Abu al-Qasim al-Qushayri (d. A.D.
1072), Al-Hujwiri (d. A.D. 1072), Muḥammad Ghazzali, Aḥmad
Ghazali, and 'Ayn al-Qudat. He also referred to Najm al-Din al-
Kubra (d. A.D. 1221), Ibn al-'Arabi (d. A.D. 1240), Jalal al-Din
Rumi (d. A.D. 1273), 'Aziz al-Din al-Nasafi 13th century, Farid al-
Din 'Aṭṭār (d. A.D. 1119), Sana'i (d. A.D. 1131), Abū al-Najib al-
Suhrawardi (d. A.D. 1168), and Shihab al-Din 'Umar al-
Suhrawardi (d. A.D. 1234).
Gisüdaraz was a sunni follower of the Hanafi school but his

forefathers were shi'is from Khurasan known as Sayyid
Hussayni. The name means descendents from the house of the
Prophet through his daughter Fäțima, the mother of the shi'i
iconic martyr Imam Hussayn. The descendents of Gisūdaraz
have used the name Hussayni as their surname until the present
age. Currently, Syed Shah Khusro Hussaini is in charge of the
Shaykh's shrine and the dargah in Gulbarga of Deccan.
The dargah institution is the site of research, education,
pilgrimage, and the annual 'urs (death- anniversary) celebration.
Sahib Hussaini traces the etymology of the word Gisûdaraz to
the ancestors of Khawaja Banda Nawaz who were known in
Khurasan as the "sayyids with long-locks (sādāt-i dirāz gisü).
70
Gesu daraz:
Muḥammad Ali Sămâni, Gisüdaraz's disciple and biographer,

relates that the name was first used in a conversation between
Chiragh Delhi and his disciple Mawlana 'Ala' al-Din Anşări Alandi.
The Shaykh had instructed this student to select a fellow among
his peers as a tutor. Alandi chose Khawaja Banda Nawaz whom he
described to the Shaykh as the sayyad with long-locks.
Chiragh Delhi summoned Khawaja Banda Nawaz by the title
Gisûdaraz and said "Gisûdaraz come and keep 'Ala' al-Din in your
company and make him benefit from what I have taught you.
"491 Sāmānī explains that Gīsūdarāz's hair was long and reached
his knees and during sama sessions when they danced and
moved about, his hair touched the ground.
Gisüdarǎ z was born in Delhi and was a young boy of four when his
family moved to Dawlatabad of Deccan in A.D. 1325, a few years
prior to the forced migration campaign of Sultan Muhammad ibn
Tughluq (d. A.D. 1351). "The migration south was part of the
political campaign of the ruler of Delhi who was intent on
establishing a second capital in Deccan.
His plan was to expand his dominion to the South and create a
Muslim settlement in that area in order to offset the non-Islamic
population of the region. Consequently, he required that the
learned Muslim shaykhs be moved there. Khawaja Banda Nawaz's
father, Sayyid Yusuf al-Husayni, known as Räjú Qattal (d. A.D.
1330), was among the first Dihlawi elite who relocated with his
family to the Deccan.
Over the years, Khuldābād of Deccan became the Chishti spiritual

center in India and gained the title of the "valley of the saints."
Sayyid Yusuf al-Husayni who died while Gisüdaraz was still a young
boy, was one of the first Sufis who was buried in Khuldābād."
71
Gesu daraz:
A disciple of Shaykh Nizam al-Din al-Awliya', he was a famous

Sufi with followers during his life and after his death.
After the death of his father and an eight year stay in the
Deccan, Gisūdaraz and his family returned to Delhi.
It was in Delhi that at age twelve, or according to some accounts
fifteen, Gisüdaraz and his brother Chandan, joined the tutelage
of Chiragh Dihli.
Gisüdaráz remained in Delhi until A.D. 1398
when he set out for Dawlatābād in the company of his family
and his disciples who included his biographer Sămâni.*
The decision to return to the Deccan was prompted by Timur's

(A.D. 1336-1405) campaign against India. Timur justified his
campaign as an attempt to save Islam and to defeat the Delhi
rulers for their mild. attitude toward the Hindu population.
Gīsūdaraz had predicted Timur's attack and the fall of Delhi

about three years prior to the military conquest. According to
Sämäni, during that time Gisüdaráz used to warn those around
him about what the future held and advised them to leave Delhi.
When Gisüdaraz and his company arrived in Deccan,

the Bahmani king, Firüzshah (r. A.D. 1397-1422) showed
Gisûdaraz the respect deserving of his stature.
Firūzshah was enthusiastic about Gisūdaraz's relocation to his
domain and when the caravan reached the outskirst of the city,
the king was personally awaiting their arrival.
Sămâni describes that upon the arrival of Gisūdaraz in the
Fatahābād district of Dawlatābād, Firūzshāh invited him to his
capital Ahsanābād (Gulbarga).
72
Gesu daraz:
The Shaykh thought about the offer and responded that he

would have accepted the invitation except that the king's life was
soon to end; therefore, his residence in the vicinity of the king
was futile as the king was destined to leave.
The king asked for his blessings so that God would prolong his
life. After a few days of prayer, the Shaykh told Firūzshah that his
prayers have been answered and the king was granted to live as
long as the Shaykh himself. That proved accurate and Firūzshāh
died only a few days earlier than Gisüdaraz. The Shaykh and his
company settled in Aḥsanābād (Gulbarga) in A.D. 1400.
Firūzshah's initial enthusiasm for him waned in time; however,

his younger brother Khan Khānān Ahmad Shah (d. A.D. 1436)
remained dedicated to Gisüdaraz and helped him build the
fortress that served as his residence and hospice.
After the passing of Gisüdaraz, the hospice was transformed to
the dargah where his family and disciples lived in residence.
This tradition has been kept alive over the centures. To this day,
there are students of religious sciences who live at the dargah.
Gisûdaraz's residential quarters have been transformed into the
dargah's library, and some pilgrims spend the night in the
courtyards of the shrines of the Khawaja and his descendants.
The Hussaini family lives on the dargah premises within walking
distance of the shrine.
Their efforts in cultivating the Gulbarga community at large

through establishing schools, colleges, and universities,
have promoted learning in the spirit of the early Chishtis.
Today, Gulbarga is counted as one of the most active educational
centers in India.
73
Gesu daraz:
Sharh-i Tamhidāt
Gisūdarāz was an erudite scholar with remarkable knowledge of

Islamic and Indian spiritual traditions. He was a devout Muslim
and a religious leader who followed the shari'a but was also
inclined toward the learnings of mystics like 'Ayn al-Qudät who
evaluated faith in terms of knowledge by presence or proximity
to God. His commentary on 'Ayn al-Qudat complemented the
existing Chishti scholarship on him. Gisüdaráz's contribution,
however, was distinguished in its exclusive and detailed focus on
'Ayn al-Qudät independent of the insurmountable image of his
teacher, Aḥmad Ghazzāli. Gisūdarāz was fond of 'Ayn al-Qudät
and in instances when he disagreed with 'Ayn al-Qudat and
criticized his views, he still defended him and offered
justification for the perspective under consideration.
Sometimes, he conveyed his affection for 'Ayn al-Qudat in his

playful manner of referring to the master as being young and
immature or perhaps insane (qadi-i ma diwani ast). Gisûdaraz was
drawn to this young mystic for the intellectual and spiritual
quality of his thought, but also because the early Chishtis highly
regarded him.
Chishti hagiographies that were composed for a more general

readership, constitute another important reference on 'Ayn al-
Quḍāt. It aught to be emphasized that for the early Chishtis,
interest in 'Ayn al-Qudat was to a great extent prompted by his
relationship with Aḥmad Ghazzali."
This was also the case in the hagiographies and the mystical
literature of Iran and the Arabic-speaking world.
74
Gesu daraz:
The difference between these sources and those of the Indian

Chishtis is that the former did not elaborate much on Ahmad
Ghazzālī in the first place. For the most part, he was described as
the younger brother of Abū Hāmid Ghazzali. These sources, unlike
those of the Chishtis, cast Ahmad in the shadow of his formidable
brother. Naturally, in this body of literature 'Ayn al-Qudät, who
was identified as the disciple of Ahmad Ghazzāli, received even
less attention. The Chishtis, on the contrary, celebrated Aḥmad
Ghazzālī as a defining author of mystical literature.
Ghazzali's doctrine on sama', specifically, was at the heart of the
Chishti canonical teachings.
Gisūdaraz's commentary demonstrates that the author felt an

intimate affinity with 'Ayn al-Quḍāt. Similar to him, Gisūdarāz was
an original thinker and an open-minded mystic who was receptive
to varied expressions of faith and venues for acquiring knowledge.
At a time when the Chishti sufis were discouraged from learning
any other language besides Persian and Arabic, Gisüdaraz had
acquired knowledge of Hindi, Deccani, and Sanskrit, which were
considered the languages of the heathen and the polytheist.
Moreover, he exercised an unconventional approach to writing
that was in variance with the Chishti stance on this subject.
The Chishti shaykhs did not favor writing, and our understanding
of them is confined to the malfuzat (discourses) that their
disciples, at a later point, committed to writing by having
memorized the teachings and the sayings of their teachers.
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Gesu daraz:
Gisūdaraz was one of the first Chishti who authored his own texts.
He was a prolific writer and produced close to two hundred books
in Arabic, Persian, and some in Deccani. Sharh-i Tamhidät, also
known as Sharh-i Zubdat al-Haqa'iq, is among this important
collection of original writings.
Gisüdaraz organized the commentary, after the Tamhidät,

in ten chapters. Each section followed a large selection of
passages from the corresponding chapter in the Tamhidät.
The selections were those that Gisüdaraz deemed important
and/or complex. They included discussions on the verses from the
Qur'an, the mysteries of the unseen, the lights of Muhammad and
Satan, the opening of the heart as a stage in the process of
illumination, mystical disciplines such as fasting and prayer, the
wayfarer's attitude toward his body and its needs, mystical birth
and death, faith, habitude, and sama'. The opening passage of
harh-i Tamhidät recaptures the opening lines of the Tamhidät,
followed by the interpretation of the author.
"Follow the light that was sent down with him." He called him light
and called the book light also. He commanded all to follow that
book and made the following of it as the following after
Muhammad. Therefore, He brought everything out in the same
garb: Muhammad as light, the book as light, and the one who was
the follower of Muhammad as light. And so it is light upon light.
Hearken, and make your mind clear, these words are more delicate
and subtle than what I am saying. Do you know what he is saying?
The Qur'an came from God and Muhammad came from God.
Muḥammad came from God in the same way as Qur'an came from
God. You call one uncreated: consider that jewel to be the
amaranth of this jewel.
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Gesu daraz:
This is a seemly metaphor. Since you are a man of gnosis, draw

your heart hither and know that if by Qur'an you understand the
paper, ink, and the words, that is not the Qur'an. There is a Qur'an
beyond this one, which this is a sign of. Also, Muhammad, peace be
upon him, has hands and feet and a body. But that is not
Muhammad. Muhammad is beyond that as the source of mercy.
The Qāḍī,500 peace be upon him, is in accord with my sayings.
'Ayn al-Qudat begins the Tamhidät with the central argument of
his teachings that "everything is light."
He appeals to Qur'anic verses and explains that the scripture and
the Prophet are manifestations of light.
Gisūdaraz opens the commentary by following closely the initial
words of the Tamhidat. He proceeds by approaching the selections
chronologically according to their order of appearance in the
Tamhidat.
Throughout the work Gisûdaraz's methodology is to highlight the

crucial concepts or phrases in each passage as the starting point
of his discussion. The Tamhīdāt was an important text for
Gisūdaraz who regarded its teachings to be so profound and
complex that he deemed the novice among his disciples incapable
of approaching this text. Therefore, he forbade his beginning
students access to the Tamhidāt and used it in teaching those
disciples who were experienced in mystical learnings.
Gisūdaraz's detailed and elaborate commentary on the Tamhidāt
was intended for such readers.
77
Gesu daraz:
Phyllis G. Jestice
Phyllis G. Jestice is a respected academic known for her work in
medieval history. She has authored several notable works,
including:
• “Holy People of the World: A Cross-Cultural Encyclopedia”:

This three-volume work is a comprehensive encyclopedia that
examines why people in a wide range of religious traditions
throughout the world have been regarded as divinely inspired.
It includes nearly 1,100 biographical sketches of holy men and
women, written by experts and historians.
• “Imperial Ladies of the Ottonian Dynasty: Women and Rule in

Tenth-Century Germany”: In this book, Jestice explores the
roles of elite Ottonian women, particularly Theophanu and
Adelheid, and examines societal attitudes toward women in
Germany during the central Middle Ages.
She presents arguments against the concept of exceptionalism
—the idea that Ottonian royal women were treated and had
powers very different from those of non-royal women.
• “Wayward Monks and the Religious Revolution of the

Eleventh Century”: This work delves into the changes within
monastic communities and the broader religious landscape of
the eleventh century.
Dr. Jestice has also contributed to the understanding of

ancient Egypt through her work on the rulers of Egypt over
3000 years3. Her scholarly contributions provide valuable
insights into the lives and influences of historical figures across
different cultures and eras.
78
Gesu daraz:
In her book "Holy People of the World:

A Cross-Cultural Encyclopedia,"
Phyllis G. Jestice portrays the life and
spiritual journey of Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkar
in the following manner:
GISUDARAZ, MUHAMMAD BANDANAWAZ (1321–1422 C.E.)

Muslim sufi Muhammad Bandanawaz Gisudaraz was a sufi of the
Chishti order in the Deccan area of India, not far from the city of
Hyderabad, in a town called Gulbarga. The name Gisudaraz (He of
the long tresses) is said to have been passed down in his family.
He is also known as Khwaja Banda Nawaz (Good to humanity).
Gisudaraz originally migrated to southern India as a child from
Delhi, where he was born in 1321. He was the son of a disciple of
Nizamuddin Auliya, Sayyid Yusuf al-Husayni (Raju Qattal) of
Khorasan, a descendant of the prophet Muhammad.
As a young man, Gisudaraz returned to Delhi, becoming a disciple

of Nasiruddin Chiragh-i Dihli in 1336. He became a khalifa (deputy)
of the shaykh at the age of thirty-six and was said to be the most
favored among his disciples. At the age of eighty, Gisudaraz left
Delhi for Dawlatabad in the Deccan.
He was invited to the Bahmani dynasty capital, Gulbarga,
in 1400 and given a land grant there by the sultan.
His shrine is located in Gulbarga, which is a prominent pilgrimage

site for Muslims in the Deccan area of India.
Gisudaraz was a religious scholar and literary figure as well as a
saint. He was acquainted with the religious sciences and wrote
poetry and prose in both Arabic and Persian.
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Gesu daraz:
He commented on many works in the classical tradition of

sufism, including the writings of Ibn al-'Arabi (1165-1240),
whose thought he criticized in favor of a more dualistic position
known as wahdat al-shuhud, the unity of experience.
One part of his malfulzat (audiences), the Jawami al-Kalam

(Compilations of words), is extant. Sama', or listening to mystical
poetry, was an important practice in his khanaqah (hostel for
sufis). In fact, Gisudaraz developed his own theory of musical
audition, limiting the musical instrumentation to a small
tambourine and instituting a unique practice known as band
sama", "closed audition," that still is held only once a year during
his urs (anniversary of his death).
80
Gesu daraz:
Bruce B. Lawrence
Bruce B. Lawrence is a renowned scholar in the field of Islamic

studies, with a particular focus on the history of Islam and its
interplay with other religious traditions in Asia.
He has been a distinguished member of the faculty at
Duke University, where he has taught since 1971
and holds the title of Nancy and Jeffrey Marcus Humanities
Professor of Religion Emeritus.
Academic Background
Lawrence’s academic journey began with his education at Princeton
University, followed by a Master of Divinity from Episcopal Divinity
School. He earned his doctorate at Yale University in the History of
Religions, where he was trained to engage with the cultures and
languages of West Asia (the Middle East) and South Asia,
particularly in the context of Muslim history and religious practices.
Scholarly Work
His early books, such as “Shahrastani on the Indian Religions”
and “Notes from a Distant Flute,” reflect his interest in the
intellectual and social history of Asian Muslims.
Lawrence’s work has evolved to address the interplay between
religion and ideology, with his monograph “Defenders of God:
The Fundamentalist Revolt against the Modern Age”
winning acclaim for its examination of fundamentalism.
81
Gesu daraz:
Influence and Legacy

As a professor emeritus, Lawrence continues to contribute to
the academic discourse on Islam and interfaith relations.
His extensive body of work, which includes numerous books and
articles, has made a lasting impact on the study of Islam and its
role in the modern world.
Bruce B. Lawrence’s dedication to scholarship and teaching has

enriched the field of Islamic studies, providing valuable insights
into the historical and contemporary dynamics of religious
interaction and cultural exchange.
The book "Windows on the House of Islam," edited by John Renard

and published by the University of California Press,
includes an article by Bruce B. Lawrence titled
"Muhammad Husayni Gesu Daraz on Love,"
shedding light on Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkar's perspectives on love.
Muhammad Husayni Gesu Danz (d. tin) was a major figure in the
Chishti order. His malfuzat appear in Collected Discourses
(Jawami al-kalim), the last major biographical work about early
Indian Chishti shaykhs. It records his con-versations following his
departure around 1400 from Delhi, where he had lived some forty
years, for Gulbarga in the Deccan (southern India).
The work stands in the line of a number of major writings of the
same genre by members of sev-eral Sufi orders, dating from at
least the late thirteenth century. Here Gesu Daraz reflects on the
pitfalls along the path of mystical love:
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Gesu daraz:
Every activity has its attendant perils. In love there are two
dangers—one at the beginning, and another danger at the end.
The initial danger is that the grief of love and pain from seeking
the Beloved might overwhelm the lover suddenly and engulf
him. After he remains in this state for some time, he finds
complete contentment in it and no longer pursues union with
God. He assumes that apart from pain and anxiety there are no
other fruits of the spiritual life.
But after some time, pain and affliction become second nature
to him, almost a habit.
The taste for more pain disappears, and he is left with neither
the pleasure of union nor the pain of separation. Passion dies,
and he becomes cold and unmoved.
He has nothing to show for his troubles, ending his life in sorrow
and without hope. From this [misery] we take refuge in God! The
danger at the end is that when one is at the point of union with
the Beloved, he may become so absorbed in the pleasure of
union that the pain of the agony of separation disappears.
After some time, he becomes accustomed to union and loses his
taste for it, but the goal in both condi-tions should be nothing
other than a taste for, and contentment with, the Beloved.
Union without continuing desire and separation without either
pleasure or pain—what use are they? Again, the man becomes
cold, and nothing remains.
He is deprived of his taste for the beauty of the Beloved. May
God prevent this [from happening to,us] I For though in union
there is invariably a sense of the beauty of the Beloved,
where is the taste that allows enjoyment of it?
Union with stasis—what use is it?
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Gesu daraz:
As for the fortunate lover, he is the one who in the initial state is
absorbed in the pleasure of separation, the taste of its pain, and
the passion of distant adoration. In the last state, the more united
he becomes, the greater his taste for union, and the more eagerly
he seeks it. Pain upon pain and taste upon taste appears.
They say of this lover that he comes to a happy end; he finds

contentment in love, and a full measure of life. Although the
knowers of God would call this deficient, yet the taste of this stage
is beyond the point where gain or loss can be reckoned.
In The Benefits of Intimate Knowledge [Awarif al-mearif by Shihab
ad-Din tmar Suhrawardi, d. 1234] it is stated that the perfected
Sufi no longer has any taste for samd, but this is the sort of
"perfected Sufi" who has fallen prey to the danger at the end of
the Way. Having been trans-ported [to the presence of God],
he becomes accustomed to union in such a way that it becomes a
habitual state and he grows cold.
The commend-able Sufi is the one who avoids such a danger; and
it is to him that the following couplet [of Salk see fig. 58] alludes:
It is not strange that the seeker of the Friend loses his head.
What is strange is that I have found union and still my head is
spinning.
84
Gesu daraz:
Barbara Daly Metcalf
Barbara Daly Metcalf is a renowned historian and Professor

Emeritus of History at the University of California, Davis.
Born on September 13, 1941, she has made significant
contributions to the study of South Asian history,
particularly focusing on the colonial period and the history of
the Muslim population in India and Pakistan.
Academic Career
Metcalf received her Ph.D. from the University of California,
Berkeley, in 1974, Her work has been influential in challenging
the dichotomies that shaped historical writing on modern India,
particularly the distinction between “colonial” influences
and “traditional” forms of social organization
and thinking in Indian society.
Leadership and Influence

She has held prestigious positions, including the dean of the
College of Letters and Science at UC Davis and the Alice Freeman
Palmer Professor of History at the University of Michigan (2003–
2009).
Metcalf served as the president of the Association for Asian

Studies in 1994 and the president of the American Historical
Association in 2010–11.
85
Gesu daraz:
In Barbara Daly Metcalf's esteemed volume,

"Islam in South Asia in Practice," the illustrious treatise
"Chakki Nama," penned by the venerable Khwaja Banda Nawaz
Gesu Daraaz, is rendered with the tender reverence of a sufi's pen,
beckoning readers to delve into the sacred depths of its wisdom.
CHAKKI-NAMA ATTRIBUTED TO SHAYKH GISU DARAZ
The following chakki-nama, spuriously attributed to Shaykh

Muhammad Gisu Daraz (d. 1422),
effectively weaves together three elements:
the parts of the grindstone, the specific tasks in which the woman
is engaged, and the simplest precepts of Islam.
In this way the poem transforms the components of a common
household device into religious metaphors.
See that our body is also a chakki,

And be careful in grinding.
The devil is my saukan [co-wife?]
Which prevents me from working and tires me.
[refrain] Ya bism Allah, hu hu Allah.
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Gesu daraz:
The chakki's handle resembles alif,

which means Allah; And the axle is Muhammad, and is fixed there.
In this way the truth-seeker sees the relationship.
We put the grains in the chakki,

To which our hands are witnesses.
The chakki of the body is in order
When you follow the shari'at [Islamic Law].
The name of Allah comes from alif.

Know that pirs and murshids [teachers] can direct our lives.
Grind the flour and then sift it—
Grind the flour and make stuffed puri;

Put in it heavenly fruits and sugar,
The seven qualities of God must be taken in the body
As the seven ingredients fill the puri, oh Sister.
87
Gesu daraz:
Carl W. Ernst
Carl W. Ernst, born on September 8, 1950, in Los Angeles,
California, is the William R. Kenan, Jr., Distinguished Professor
Emeritus of Islamic Studies at the Department of Religious
Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
His scholarly contributions span various aspects of Islamic
studies, with a focus on West and South Asia.
1. Education and Career:

○ Dr. Ernst earned his A.B. in Comparative Religion
from Stanford University in 1973.
○ He pursued his Ph.D. at Harvard University in 1981.
○ From 1981 to 1992, he taught at Pomona College.
○ Subsequently, he became a professor at the University of
North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where he served until 2022.
○ Dr. Ernst played a pivotal role in the UNC-Qur’an Controversy
in 2002, triggered by the university’s Summer Reading Program
that required incoming students to read Michael Sells’ book
“Approaching the Qurʼan.”
2. Notable Works and Awards:

○ His book “Following Muhammad: Rethinking Islam in the
Contemporary World” (UNC Press, 2003) received international
acclaim, including the 2004 Bashrahil Prize for Outstanding
Cultural Achievement.
○ His translation from Arabic, “Hallaj: Poems of a Sufi Martyr,”
was supported by a John Simon Guggenheim Memorial
Foundation Fellowship and was the inaugural recipient (2017) of
the Global Humanities Translation Prize from
the Buffett Institute at Northwestern University.
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Gesu daraz:
○ Dr. Ernst has received several Fulbright fellowships and grants

from the National Endowment for the Humanities.
○ He is a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
○ As a visiting professor, he has contributed to the Ecole des
Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales.
3. Selected Books:
○ “Refractions of Islam in India: Situating Sufism and Yoga”
(SAGE Publications India, 2016)
○ “Islamophobia in America: The Anatomy of Intolerance”
(Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, editor)
○ “How to Read the Qur’an: A New Guide, with Select
Translations” (University of North Carolina Press, 2011)
○ “Sufi Martyrs of Love: Chishti Order in South Asia and Beyond”
(co-authored with Bruce Lawrence, 2002)
“Ruzbihan Baqli: Mysticism and the Rhetoric of Sainthood in
Persian Sufism” (1996)
The book by Carl W. Ernst, "Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History,

and Politics at a South Asian Sufi Center,"
depicts Hazrat Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesu Daraz in a profound
manner.
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Gesu daraz:
The other follower of Chiragh-i Dihli who commented negatively

on Burhan al-Din Gharib was Muḥammad al-Husaynī “Gīsū Darāz”
(d. 825/1422), so named for his long tresses of hair.
According to his oldest biography, Gīsū Darāz had gone with his
father to Daulatabad from Delhi in 725/1325, at the age of four,
at the time of Muḥammad ibn Tughluq's en- forced transfer of the
population to the new capital (that event actually took place four
years later, in 1329).
He remained there for eight more years until he returned to Delhi,
and there he became a disciple of Chiragh-i Dihli in 733/1333 at
the age of twelve. 116 Gīsū Darāz cannot have had much signifi-
cant contact with Burhan al-Din Gharib during his childhood years
in Daulatabad, but many years later, when he passed through the
Deccan again, he recalled hearing Burhan al-Din Gharib predict
that Gīsū Daraz would obtain spiritual guidance from Chirāgh-i
Dihlī. In a conversation recorded in 802/1400,
Gīsū Darāz discribed the relationship between Burhan al-Din
Gharib and Chiragh-i Dihlī as that of disciple to master.
According to Gīsū Darāz, “Mawlānā Burhān al-Dīn Gharib had
perfect faith in our shaykh, saying just this:
'If I had not been connected to the revered Shaykh al-Islām Nizām
al-Din, I would be connected to Mawlānā Maḥmūd [Chirāgh-i Dih-
lī].'"
Gīsū Darāz illustrated the spiritual superiority of Chiragh-i Dihli

by several anecdotes. In the first story, Burhān al-Din Gharīb's
associates criticize Chiragh-i Dihli for an apparent lapse of
manners, but he is vindicated. In the second, Burhan al-Din
Gharīb approaches the meditating Chiragh-i Dihlī, led by Gīsū
Daraz himself (who would have been less than four years old at
the time), and humbly begs Chirāgh-i Dihli to pray for him.
90
Gesu daraz:
Dr. Lloyd Ridgeon
Dr. Lloyd Ridgeon is a Reader in Islamic Studies

at the University of Glasgow.
He specializes in Theology and Religious Studies, with a particular
focus on Persianate Sufism, Iranian history, and modern Iranian
culture. Dr. Ridgeon has published extensively in these areas,
including works on javānmardī and the understanding of the ḥijāb
by modern Iranian seminarians.
He has authored and edited several books, such as:

• “Major World Religions” (Editor)
• “The Cambridge Companion to Sufism” (Editor)
• “Aziz Nasafi” (Routledge Sufi Series)
• “Sufi Castigator: Ahmad Kasravi and the Iranian Mystical
Tradition” (Routledge Sufi Series)
• “Religion and Politics in Modern Iran”
• “Morals and Mysticism in Persian Sufism”
• “Hijab: Three Modern Iranian Seminarian Perspectives”
(Gingko-St Andrews Series)
• “Jawanmardi: A Sufi Code of Honour”
• “Sufis and Salafis in the Contemporary Age” (Editor)
• "Shi’i Islam and Identity: Religion, Politics and Change in the
Global Muslim Community".
Dr. Ridgeon’s work has contributed significantly to the field of

Islamic studies, offering insights into the complex interplay
between religion, culture, and politics in the Muslim world.
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Gesu daraz:
In Dr. Lloyd Ridgeon's book, "Routledge Handbook on Sufism,"

Hazrat Khwaja Banda nawaz Gesu Daraz
is described in the following manner.
Second Cycle of the Indian Chishtiyya Order

By the mid-fourteenth century, the Delhi Sultanate expanded so
far that it began to break apart. Sultan Muḥammad ibn Tughluq
experimented with moving the capital south to the Deccan.
He forced Sufis, scholars, and Muslim notables to relocate to the
fortress-city of Devagirī (“Fortress of the God" in Sanskrit, also
known as Deogir) which he renamed Daulatābād.
This helped spread the Chishtiyya Order, as many fled Delhi to
avoid being coerced into migrating and serving in court.
The Sultan raised taxes and minted new coins to consolidate his
expansive rule but revolts weakened the Sultanate.
When the Turco-Mongol Tīmūr ravaged Delhi in 1398,
most provinces had broken away from Delhi's control.
As provincial governors promoted themselves to kings, the

Chishtiyya Order entered a new phase: the first half of the
"Second Cycle of the Indian Chishtiyya Order" (fourteenth to
sixteenth centuries). In this era of diversification, Chishtiyya Sufis
became local leaders and adapted their teachings more deeply to
the South Asian environment.
Some took on new political roles and adapted new forms of
institutional authority.
Others took up literary and artistic pursuits or engaged in routine
forms of Islamic scholarship.
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Gesu daraz:
Emblematic of the potentials and perils of this new era is Sayyid

Muḥammad Ḥusayni Gīsū Darāz (d. 1422). His father was a disciple
of Nizām al-Din Awliyā who moved to Daulatābād but sent his son
to Delhi for education. Gīsū Darāz took initiation with Naşir al-Din
Chirāgh-i Delhi and considered himself the primary successor.
Gīsū Daraz migrated to the Deccan, where the ruler of the
Bahmani Sultanate (1347-1527) invited him to settle. Bahmanī
Sultans claimed legitimacy to rule through the blessing of Sufi
masters. At first, Sufi scholars of the Junaydiyya Order who were
called upon to crown the Sultan.
When Gīsū Darāz arrived at the capital of Gulbarga, the Sultan
Firuz Shāh looked to Chishtis for support, though competition
with Junaydiyya Sufis (who did not practice samā music
assemblies) and worldly scholars complicated matters.
Gīsū Darāz moved from the fort-palace to a new khānaqāh distant
from the court's interference.
His popularity rankled the Sultan; after the Sultan named his son
as successor, Daraz supported the Sultan's imprisoned younger
brother instead.
Through unexpected events, the younger brother was crowned.
Gīsū Darāz's prestige as king- maker soared; he accepted huge
land-grants and assigned successorship to his sons, thereby
creating a family dynasty.
By doing this, he broke with Chishtiyya norms, yet created a
durable institution (the first real Chishtiyya khānaqāh) that
combines spiritual guidance, Islamic learning, and charitable
giving. He me known popularly as Banda Nawaz (Helper of
Commoners and Slaves).
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Gesu daraz:
Gīsū Darāz was the first Chishtiyya master to compose books as

a prolific scholar in Arabic and Persian who spoke several Indian
languages. He wrote a commentary on the Qur'an, collections of
ḥadīth, and books of Ḥanafi law in addition to Sufi texts like the
Tamhidāt of Ayn al-Quḍāt Hamadhānī; his teachings were
recorded in four malfūzāt texts, only one of which survives
(entitled Jawāmi' al-Kalim or "Most Comprehensive of
Discourses"). He recorded his dream-visions (Asmār al-Asrār)
and collected his letters on Sufism (Maktūbāt).
In them, he advocated theo-erotic mysticism in which lover and
beloved are united in love. He saw this oneness in love ('ishq) as
different from the philosophical monism of Ibn ‘Arabi, which
stressed oneness in existence (wujūd).
During the era of Gīsū Darāz, Chishtiyya Sufis fostered a major

flowering of Persian literature, combining poetry and prose in
innovative ways.
Chishtiyya contributions to literature get little scholarly
attention (with the notable exception of Amir Khusraw) though
the archive is very rich. This chapter continues the effort of
Ernst and Lawrence to highlight lesser-known texts and authors,
presenting three Sufi literati who wrote about the most
distinctive characteristic of the Chishtiyya Order,
its love of devotional music.
94
Gesu daraz:
"Major Socio-Religious
Reform Movements in India"
"Major Socio-Religious Reform Movements in India"

authored by Dr. Shiv Kumar Uppe is a significant scholarly work
delving into the multifaceted landscape of reformist movements
that have shaped Indian society.
Dr. Uppe meticulously examines the historical contexts, ideological
underpinnings, and socio-political impacts of these movements,
spanning from medieval Bhakti and Sufi movements to the modern
reformist endeavors of the 19th and 20th centuries.
With a critical lens, he assesses the catalysts driving these
movements, such as caste discrimination, gender inequality,
and colonial rule. Moreover, the book provides a nuanced analysis
of the achievements and limitations of these movements,
reflecting on their enduring legacies in contemporary Indian
society. Through this comprehensive exploration, Dr. Uppe's work
not only enriches our understanding of India's socio-religious
history but also offers valuable insights into the ongoing quest for
social justice, equality, and religious pluralism in the country.
In "Major Socio-Religious Reform Movements in India"

authored by Dr. Shiv Kumar Uppe
Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Gesu Daraz is described in the
following manner.
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Gesu daraz:
Khwaja Bande Nawaz
Banda Nawaz Gesu Daraz is the common name given to Khawaja

Syed Mohammad Hussaini.
He was a man of great practice and knowledge,
born in 720 AH.His grandfather and father were in charge of his
early education. He went on to graduate when he was 19 under
the guidance of excellent teachers.
He swore allegiance to Khawaja Naseer-ud-Din Chirag Dehlavi
after some time had passed, rose to prominence in the
caliphate, and became involved in promoting Islam.
He was an energetic poet.Muhammad used to be his pen
name.He mostly read quatrains and ghazals.
He is known for his miracles.His words, instructions, and letters
shine a light on everyone.The Indian sultans had faith in him.
He accepted Sultan Feroz Shah Bahmani's invitation to visit
Gulbarga. After Khawaja passed away, Sultan Ahmed, the
younger brother of Sultan Feroz Shah, constructed a
magnificent dome to cover the shrine.
In 1625 AH, he passed away in Gulberga.
Biography
He was born in Delhi in 1321 as Syed Mohammed Hussaini.

His family moved to Daulatabad in the Deccan (now in
Maharashtra) when he was four years old.
He was invited to Gulbarga, Deccan (now in Karnataka), by
Sultan Taj ud-Din Firuz Shah of the Bahmani Sultanate, in
1397.Around 195 books in Arabic, Persian, and Urdu were
written by Bande Nawaz.
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Gesu daraz:
He went back to Delhi at the age of fifteen to receive education

and training from the well-known Sufi saint Hazrat Nasiruddin
Chiragh Dehlavi.
After about fifteen years, he received his Khilafath and
succession.Additionally, he was a very enthusiastic student of
Qazi Abdul Muqtadir, Hazrat Tajuddin Bahadur, and Hazrat
Kethli.He taught in Delhi, Mewath, Gwalior, Chander, Aircha,
Chatra, Chanderi, Miandhar, Baroda, and Khambayat before
returning to his base in Gulbarga in 1397 to teach there.
He died there in November 1422.
Syed Shah Khusro Hussaini, who has written numerous books

about his ancestor, is the current head of the family.
On the fourth Rajab 721 A.H., Hazrat Khaja Banda Nawaz Gesu
Daraz RH was born in Delhi.
Syed Muhammad Hussaini, more commonly referred to as Hazrat
Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gaisu Daraz, was a well-known Sufi saint
from India who belonged to the Chishti Order.
He was born on July 13, 1321, and he died on November 1, 1422.
He promoted tolerance, understanding, and harmony among
various religious groups.
Hazrat Khaja Banda Nawaz Gaisu Daraz RH was a murid (disciple)

of Hazrat Nasiruddin Chiragh Dehlavi RH, a well- known Sufi saint
from Delhi.Gaisu Daraz assumed the role of successor (khalifa)
after Chiragh Dehlavi's death.
Due to Timur's attack on Delhi in 1398, he moved to Daulatabad
and brought the Chishti Order to South India.
97
Gesu daraz:
“India before Europe”

by Catherine B. Asher and Cynthia Talbot is a comprehensive
examination of the Indian subcontinent from approximately 1200
to 1750, prior to European intervention.
The book provides a richly illustrated journey across the political,
economic, religious, and cultural landscapes of medieval India.
It covers the Ghurid conquests, the Delhi Sultanate, the rise and fall
of the southern kingdom of Vijayanagara, and the great court of the
Mughals. This second edition has been updated with the latest
scholarship, including additional material on food history,
literary history, the lives of women, religion and rulers,
trade, and economic history.
The work is a valuable resource for understanding the complex
tapestry of India’s past and the diverse influences that shaped its
history before European dominance.
The following is mentioned in this book:

Prominent Sufis migrated to the new Tughluq successor states,
establishing their own new khanqahs or residential centers in
these far-flung locales. Among the most famous was Muhammad
Gisu Daraz (1321-1422) of the Chishti order, who remains the most
popular Sufi of the Deccan.
He settled in the Bahmani capital Gulbarga c. 1400, where he
formed a close relationship with Prince Ahmad, who became the
sultan shortly after Gisu Daraz's death. Sultan Ahmad ensured that
the memory of Shaikh Gisu Daraz would be passed down over the
generations by creating a huge mausoleum for him and endowing
it generously with land grants.
Some folk songs sung in the past by women while grinding grains
or spinning thread refer to the Shaikh,
demonstrating that he was revered not just by the politically
powerful but also by the Deccan's peasant population.
98
Gesu daraz:
Jürgen Wasim Frembgen

Jürgen Wasim Frembgen is a German ethnologist and scholar of
Islamic studies, particularly known for his work on Sufism in
Pakistan. He has served as the chief curator of the Oriental
Department at the Museum of Ethnology in Munich and as an
associate professor of Islamic religious and cultural history at the
University of Munich.
His extensive field research in Pakistan, Iran, and India, along with
his numerous publications, have made him a respected figure in
the study of Islamic cultures and religious practices.
Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Gesu Daraz Sarkar is described in the

German language in the book "Kleidung und Ausrüstung
islamischer Gottsucher" by Jürgen Wasim Frembgen.
Einführung
Bei der Mehrzahl der Bruderschaften folgen die Derwische von
ihrem Aussehen her dem Vorbild des Propheten - sie tragen
einen Bart und lange Haare.
Lange Locken sind daher auch ein äußerliches Merkmal von
dessen Nachkommen, den Sayyid.
Das oft ungekämmte, wirre Haupthaar südasiatischer
Wanderderwische gilt als Zeichen der Weltentsagung und
Sakralität.
Der bedeutende Chishti-Heilige Sayyid Mohammad Gesudaraz
(1320-1422) trug zum Beispiel sein Haar schulterlang, worauf
auch sein Beiname „der Langlockige“ (gesudaraz) hinweist.
99
Gesu daraz:
Dr. C. Kunhan Raja
Dr. C. Kunhan Raja was a prominent figure in the field of Indology,

known for his extensive research and contributions to Indian
literature and philosophy.
The “Dr. C. Kunhan Raja Presentation Volume” is a festschrift, a
collection of writings published in honor of a scholar.
Published in 1946, this volume includes a variety of Indological
studies and is a testament to Dr. Raja’s influence and legacy in
the academic world.
The volume covers a wide range of topics within Indology,
reflecting the depth and diversity of Dr. Raja’s interests. It is a
valuable resource for scholars and students of Indian culture,
history, and literature, offering insights into the social, religious,
and intellectual fabric of India.
Biography of Dr. C. Kunhan Raja

• Birth: Dr. Raja was born in 1895 in Chittanjoor Kovilakam, a
branch of Thalappalli Kovilakam.
• Academic Career: He was the first Sanskrit Professor at Madras
University and later became the director of the Adyar
Theosophical Society Library.
• Contributions: Dr. Raja contributed significantly to India’s
cultural history through his scholarly work.
• Recognition: In 1945, he was conferred the title
“Gaveshanathilaka” by the Cochin King.
• Passing: Dr. Raja passed away in 1963, leaving behind a rich
legacy of Indological scholarship.
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Gesu daraz:
Dr. C. Kunhan Raja Presentation Volume

Hazrat Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesu Daraz is described in the
following manner.
I proceed now to identify the author, his revered ances Lor, and
his royal patron. Bande Nawaz Hazarat who is saluted in verse 3 is
the renowned Muslim Saint Gesu Daraz of Gulbarga.
According to the Hadiqat-ul-Alam, Auranga- zeb, during his
march against the last Qtub Shahi King Abul Hasan alias Tana
Shah, paid a visit to the tomb of "Hazarat Saiyad Bande Nawaz
Muhammad Gaisu-Daraza" at Gul- barga (on 6-12-1686),"
and distributed Rs. 20,000 to the devotees and disciples there.
Fortunately, we have ample materials bearing on the life of this
Muslim Saint. "This famous Muslim Saint was born at Dilli (Delhi)
on the 4th Rajab, A. H. 721 (30th July A.D. 1321).
His proper name is Sadr-ud-Din Muhammad Hussaini, but he was

commonly called Muhammad Gesu Daraz, on account of his
having long ringlets. He was a disciple of Shekh Nasir-ud-Din
Chiragh of Dilli who sent him to the Dakhan in A. H. 802 (A.D.
1399) during the reign of the Sultan Firuz Bahmani.
The latter received him with much honour and respect, but
afterwards quarrelled with him, and to this disagreement with the
Saint the author of the Burhan-i-Ma'Asir attributes the
subsequent misfortunes of Sultan Firuz. According to.
Ferishtah, the Sultan favoured Gisu Daraz as the supreme Saint in
the place of the previously favoured family of Shekh Sirajuddin,
granted to him many towns, villages and lands near Kulbargah,
together with a college and a monastery; the people of Dekhan
revered Gisu Daraz as even greater than the Prophet.'
101
Gesu daraz:
The Oriental Biographical Dictionary of Thomas William Beale

gives some more information about Gisu Daraz.
Beale says that the saint is said to be the author of several works
among which are the "Adab al Murid", the "Wajadul-Ashikim",
containing the whole. duty of a Sufi disciple etc.,
and also a work of fables in Persian entitled "Asmar-ul-Asrar."
He was buried at Hasanabad commonly called Kulbarga.
Of his descendants Beale says that "during the reigns of the
Dakhin Sultans, great sums of money were occasionally offered
to his (Gisu Daraz's) descendants who reposed near the saint,
in vow and presents."
Beale mentions also the son of Gisu Daraz who was known as
Muhammad Akbar and was the author of the "Akæd Akbari"
containing the principles of the Muham- madan faith."
According to the Taskire auliya-i-Hind, I am told, the father of
Gisu Daraz was known as Shah Raja, and that the grandson of
Gisu Daraz was known as Mir Sadidullah.
The Hadiquat-u'l Alam also says in connection with the death and
burial of Sultan Abul Hasan at Daulatabad near the tomb of the
father of Gisu Daraz, that Syed Raju Qattal was the name of the
father of Gesu Daraz. From the genealogy given in our
Srigaramañjarī, we may see these names Shāhrāja, Akbar and Mir
recurring in the family.
Recently mention has been made of Gisu Daraz by Prof. H. K. Sherwani of the Osmania
University, Hyderabad, in his article entitled "Taju'D-Din Firoz and the Synthesis of
Bhamani Culture," in the New Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI, No. 4, pp. 75-89.
According to Mr. Sherwani, Gisu Daraz's father was Syed Yusuf who had visited Dekhan
during the time of Muhammad Tughlaq and had breathed his last at Khuldabad on 12-7-
1331 A.D. Gisu Daraz was born at Delhi on 10-7-1321, but was "eighty lunar years old" when
he arrived at Gulbarga with a host of disciples. The first im- pression of the Saint and the
regard which Firoz had for him did not last. Gisu Daraz died on 1-11-1422.
102
Gesu daraz:
Lala Deen Dayal
Dargah of Banda Nawazؓ, Gulbarga; a photo by Lala Deen Dayal, 1880's
Lala Deen Dayal (1844–1905) was a pioneering Indian photographer

during the British colonial era.
His work focused on architectural and landscape views of India,
capturing both the lives of the colonial elite and native communities.
Deen Dayal’s legacy endures through his captivating photographs,
which provide glimpses into India’s rich past.
103
Gesu daraz:
Dr. Santosh Kumar Jadhav

“The History of Bahamani Kingdom: A Review”
by Dr. Santosh Kumar Jadhav is a scholarly work that delves into
the rich history of the Bahamani Kingdom, which was a
prominent state in medieval South India.
The book is a comprehensive study that spans the political,
social, economic, and cultural aspects of the Bahamani period,
providing insights into the kingdom’s administration, the socio-
religious harmony, and the educational system of the time.
Overview of the Bahamani Kingdom

The Bahamani Kingdom was established by Alauddin Hasan
Bahman Shah after revolting against the Delhi Sultanate and was
one of the major medieval kingdoms in the Deccan region.
It played a significant role in shaping the history and culture of
South India, particularly in the areas that are now part of
modern-day Karnataka and Maharashtra.
Dr. Santosh Kumar Jadhav’s Analysis

Dr. Jadhav’s review of the Bahamani Kingdom is not just a
historical recount but also an analysis of the kingdom’s impact
on the cultural ethos and values unique to India.
The book discusses the Bahmani dynasty’s contributions towards
building a secular, democratic, liberal, and value-oriented
society with unity and integrity as the cornerstone of its culture.
104
Gesu daraz:
Key Themes in the Book

• Political History: The book covers the political landscape of the
Bahamani Kingdom, including the reigns of different sultans and
their administrative policies.
• Social Conditions: It examines the social structure, including the
lives of various communities and the social reforms of the period.
• Economic Conditions: The economic practices, trade, and
commerce under the Bahmani rule are explored.
• Education System: Dr. Jadhav sheds light on the educational
institutions and the spread of learning during the Bahmani era.
• Socio-Religious Harmony: The book highlights the coexistence of
different religions and the syncretic culture that developed in the
kingdom.
Significance of the Work

Dr. Jadhav’s work is significant for its detailed examination of a
period that is often overshadowed by the more extensively
studied Mughal Empire.
It provides a nuanced understanding of the Bahamani Kingdom’s
legacy and its place in the broader narrative of Indian history.
For those interested in the medieval history of India and the
Deccan region, “The History of Bahamani Kingdom:
A Review” offers a valuable perspective and contributes to the
appreciation of India’s diverse historical heritage.
Dr. Santosh Kumar Jadhav is an author who has contributed to the
field of education through his writings.
While there is limited information available about his biography,
his work on the Bahamani Kingdom stands as a testament to his
research and dedication to bringing historical narratives to the
forefront.
105
Gesu daraz:
In this book, Dr. Santosh Kumar Jadhav mentions the programs

held on the occasion of the Urs (anniversary) of Hazrat Khwaja
Banda nawaz Gesu Daraz Sarkar.
Sayed Gesudaraz passed away at the age of 105, he breathed his

last on 16th zilquada A.H 825 (1425 A.D).
Soon after his death people from various walks of life
irrespective of caste and creed assembled to celebrate the death
anniversary of Khwaja Bandanawaz.
A tradition was formed to commemorate the death anniversary
of sufi saint to attract pilgrims from far off places as well as the
local. In this regard during the month of shawwal which falls after
the holy month of Ramzan at ritual called Jhela is performed.
Jhela is garland made of silver weighing 10 tolas. The silver was
presented by Sultan Ahmed Shah Bahmani.
This ritual was performed to create awareness among the
devotees for preparation and celebration of the Urs of Gesudaraz
which falls in the month of zilquada (i.e., exactly after one
month). The faqir sell jasmine flower garlands moving from house
to house irrespective of caste and creed and the devotees
purchase it by paying alms and return back to the Faqir.
The selling and collection is done from sunrise to sun set. Good
numbers of garlands are collected and a huge bundle is made out
of it. Next an announcement is made in the entire city to
assemble at Mehboob Gulshan garden.
All the Sajjadas of various Dargahs, khadims and devotees
assemble and after performing Asar Namaz (salat) and Fateha a
procession is followed. In the beginning as per tradition the
garland bundle is placed on the head of the Sajjada of
Bandanawaz Dargah and later it is carried by other family
members on rotation.
106
Gesu daraz:
The procession keeps moving through the city. During the course
of the procession people enjoy singing, dancing and merry making
till they reach dargah. After reaching the threshold of dargah the
flower bundle is handed over to the barber who is a Hindu and as
per the tradition it is hereditary, this custom is practiced even till
this day. Next, the barber has to carry the bundle on his shoulder
and reach the top of the dome of the dargah along with dhobi
(washer man) who is also a Hindu this is also hereditary.
The dhobi carries mashall / dutee torch in his hand and moves
along with barber up till the top of the dome.
As there was no electricity those days the torch was used but this
custom is still continued.
It was a tradition that the barber's wife was suppose to wear white
dress and remove all the ornaments and sit almost like a widow
till her husband comes back after fixing the flower garlands on the
top of the dome. After his safe return both the barber and wife are
decked with colourful dress and ornaments and gifts are offered
to them, then fateha is offered. Later the Qawwali programme
starts and continues the whole night up till Morning Prayer.
Exactly one month an Urs attended by lakhs of people take place

every year on 15th zilquada.
No definite date can be mentioned of this Urs in English calendar
since it varies by about eight to ten days every year. The Urs ranks
the second important after the Urs of Khwaja Garib nawaz of
Ajmer. An announcement is made, Urs posters are circulated in all
the cities of Hyderabad-Karnataka even today this custom is
practiced.
The Qawwalls of different states are invited; they come with great
regard and respect to the parted soul.
These Qawwals have become world famous.
107
Gesu daraz:
The Urs begins with full swing with the ceremony of Chadar
presentation (Gilaf) on the tomb of Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz. It
is interesting to note that the preparation of Urs begin with making
of Sandal wood paste.
The family members are invited to make sandal paste and it is

done with great neatness. About 8 to 10 kg sandal wood paste is
prepared and placed in a silver plate.
On 15th of zilquada an announcement is made in the city for
sandal ceremony people from all section both Hindus and Muslims
assemble together at Mehboob Gulshan garden.
The Sajjadas of Bandanawaz dargah and various dargahs, khadims
and devotees all assemble together.
After Namz-i- Asar and fateha a procession begins from garden to
Bandanawaz. In the beginning the silver plate consisting sandal
paste is carried on the head of the Sajjada of Bandanawaz dargah
for few furlongs and by rotation it is handed over to other family
members till they reach the threshold of dargah.
It takes about 7 to 8 hours to reach dargah.
After reaching dargah only the family members enter the dargah
and the sandal wood paste is applied on the tomb of the
Bandanawaz and it is called as 'Sandal Mali' and a new Chadar
(Gilaf) is placed on the tomb.
The next day on 16th zilquada the 'Chrag' ceremony (burning of
lamps) it is customary that about 16 silver lamps with ghee should
be lighted. This custom is practiced even to this day.
Burning of lamps is practiced in the houses of the devotees.
108
Gesu daraz:
A good treat of cultural programmes are held at the Urs by

conducting Mushaira, Music conference and debate
competition in a decorated pendal.
The descendants of dargah spend large amount in making
elaborate arrangements to maintain law and order and
regulate traffic arrangements by having a full-fledged police
service. This system has also continued with latest technology
with walkie-talkie set, wireless station and central
loudspeaker system.
The cynosure of all eyes at the Urs is decorated exhibition

consisting of stalls of various departments depicting the
activities and achievements through colourful exhibits
arranged in an eye-catching manner.
An exhibition and sale of handicrafts materials, food items,
soft drinks, utensils, crockery item etc.,
and good number of stalls are arranged. Salesman comes from
different part of the country.
109
Gesu daraz:
Richard Maxwell Eaton

Richard Maxwell Eaton is a historian and scholar known for his
work on medieval India.
One of his notable books is "Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700: Social
Roles of Sufis in Medieval India"
Title: Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700:

Social Roles of Sufis in Medieval India
• Author: Richard Maxwell Eaton
• Publication Date: 1996 (originally published in 1978 by
Princeton University Press)
• Content: The book focuses on the social roles of Sufis in the
Deccani Kingdom of Bijapur during the period from the early
fourteenth century to the late seventeenth century. Eaton
examines the careers and influence of Sufis within this city-state,
shedding light on their impact on society and culture during that
time
In the meticulous chronicles presented within this scholarly work,

the vibrant tapestry of Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Gesu Daraz
Sarkar's life unfolds, resonating with profound historical
significance and imbued with the richness of his spiritual legacy.
110
Gesu daraz:
Chishti association with the Bahmani court was intensified by

another prominent Sufi of the time, indeed the best known
Muslim divine of Deccan history, Saiyid Muhammad Husaini
Bandanawaz Gisudaraz (d. 1422, pictured in Figure 3).
The activities of this famous Sufi and saint indicate the degree to
which certain Chishti ideals of fourteenth-century Delhi had been
compromised in fifteenth-century Gulbarga.
Born in Delhi in 1321, Gisudaraz moved to Daulatabad with his
father when Muhammad bin Tughluq ordered the Sufis of Delhi to
migrate there. When his father died in Daulatabad, Gisudaraz,
then sixteen years of age, returned to Delhi where he became
attracted to the one Chishti Sufi who had defied the sultan’s
orders by remaining in Delhi, Nasir al-Din Chiragh-i Delhi (d. i356).
Butin 1398 when rumors of Tamerlane’s invasion of India

prompted him again to abandon Delhi for the Deccan, Gisudaraz
veered radically from the ideals of his pir with respect to the
traditional Chishti policy of avoid-ing the court.
When Gisudaraz arrived at Gulbarga the reigning monarch, Sultan
Firuz Bahmani (1397-1422), sought him out and granted him
several villages in in’ am (tax-free land), which the Sufi
apparently accepted.
Gisudaraz’s popularity with the urban population at Gulbarga
evidently lent considerable political importance to his support of
one or another political rival at the court, for relations between
the sultan and the Sufi broke down when Gisudaraz threw his
support to the sultan’s brother Ahmad as successor to the
Bahmani throne, in preference to Firuz’s son, who was the sultan’s
own choice.
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Gesu daraz:
Angered, Sultan Firuz ordered Gisudaraz to move his khanaqah

away from the proximity of the court, complaining of the
excessive mobs of people who thronged around the khanaqah ,
Ahmad, on the other hand, regularly attended Gisudaraz’s
musical sessions and lavished great sums of money on his
khanaqah.
When he eventually did succeed in obtaining the throne on
Firuz’s death (1422), Ahmad went even further by transferring the
court’s traditional support of the family of Siraj al-Din Junaidi to
Gisudaraz, as well as by granting the Sufi even more towns and
villages in the Gulbarga region.
It was a normal pattern in the history of Indian Sufism that as

a Sufi’s political sympathies merged with those of the court, his
doctrinal position generally became more orthodox.
This was certainly true in the case of Gisudaraz. We have noted

above that under Nizam al-Din Auliya the Chishti Sufis of Delhi
had incorporated many of the pantheistic and monistic ideas of
Ibn 'Arabi, and that this development provoked the stern
condemnation of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq as well as of the
'ulama. Unlike the Chishtis of Delhi, however, Gisudaraz aligned
himself squarely with the ' ulama by declaring the supremacy of
Islamic Law ( shari’at ) over all Sufi stages and by launching a
tirade not only against Ibn 'Arabi but also against the liberal
Persian Sufis Farid al-Din 'Attar and Jalal al-Din Rumi, all of whom
he denounced as enemies of Islam.
112
Gesu daraz:
No Chishti Sufis of note succeeded Gisudaraz at Gulbarga.

In the year that he died, 1422, the Bahmani court shifted its
capital from Gulbarga to Bidar, thereby removing the political
center on which Sufis in Gulbarga had come to depend.
Before leaving Gulbarga, however, Sultan Ahmad built a great
shrine ( dargah ) over the grave of the Sufi who had helped him
to power. As was true generally in all parts of the Muslim world
and at all times, a vibrant tradition of Sufi teaching frequently
terminated with the construction of a great mausoleum over a
Sufi’s grave. For it was roughly at this point that the institutions
of the Sufis became replaced by the institutions of the dargah,
or, in Trimingham’s scheme, that the tariqa phase of Sufi
development passed to the ta’ifa phase. As the tomb became a
renowned focal point of popular devotionalism in the Deccan,
the descendants of Gisudaraz became too occupied
administrating the affairs of the dargah as well as the vast
estates bestowed upon their illustrious ancestor to turn their
attention to teaching Chishti doctrine.
Taken together, these developments effectively killed any living
tradition of Chishti Sufism in Gulbarga.
If the Chishti tradition had ceased functioning in Delhi by being

too unyielding before a hostile court, it ceased functioning in
Gulbarga bv being too pliant before a generous court. In both
cases the Chishti khanaqahs were located in such close
proximity to the seats of political power that Sufis could not
remain entirely uninfluenced by the court and its conception of
the Sufis’ proper role in the Muslim state. Clearly, if the Chishti
order were to survive in India in its vibrant tariqa phase it could
not follow the examples provided bv the Sufis of Delhi and
Gulbarga.
113
Gesu daraz:
114
Gesu daraz:
The State and the Family of Bandana waz Gisudaraz
The above interpretation of the family of Mustafa and Qasim

Qadiri has been based primarily on the biography compiled by
an early nineteenth century descendant of the Sufis he
described. The shortcomings of hagiographical accounts in
general and of the Sahifat-i Ahl-i Huda in particular have been
mentioned above; and indeed, only a single but crucial farman —
that of Sikandar 'Adil Shah to Isma'il and Shams al-Din Qadiri —
can be brought to bear in verifying the biographer’s account of
the family’s landed status. With the family of Saiyid Muhammad
Husaini Bandanawaz Gisudaraz of Gulbarga, on the other hand,
essentially the same process of institutional evolution can be
documented with harder data. This includes a series of over
twenty-five famians in favor of the sajjada-nishin of the
Bandanawaz dargah dispatched by the Bijapur court over the
seventeen-year period, 1659-76. These farmans not only
corroborate the case of Mustafa and Qasim Qadiri’s successors
in documenting the formation of a class of Sufi in'amdars-, they
also afford deeper insights into the relations between the
in'amdars and the court.
Both the dargah of Bandanawaz Gisudaraz and the in' am grants

supporting it had become hallowed institutions in the Deccan
nearly from the moment of the famous saint’s death in 1422.
The Bahmani sultans granted the first in'am lands to Gisudaraz in
the early fifteenth century and thereafter continued them in
favor of the Sufi’s family descendants.
115
Gesu daraz:
After the city of Gulbarga and its surrounding lands passed to

Bijapur’s control in the early sixteenth century the 'Adil Shahi
court evidently honored these grants, for in 1609 the historian
Firishta noted that “in the present day . . . most of the estates
given by the former princes are still in possession of the Syud’s
descendants.”
The dargah of Bandanawaz Gisudaraz was originally constructed

in the year of the Sufi’s death and was enlarged in 1640.
Praised by Sultan Ibrahim II and visited at least twice by Sultan
Muhammad, this dargah had become by the mid-seventeenth
century one of the great devotional centers of the Deccan, rivaled
perhaps only by the temple of Vithoba at Pandharpur.
The most important annual event of the Bandanawaz dargah ,

as is true of any dargah, was the ' urs , celebrated on the saint’s
death date. This being the biggest dargah of the kingdom, or even
of the Deccan, the Bandanawaz 'urs had been and still is a
particularly celebrated institution. In early March 1673 Abbe
Carre, a French agent then en route from Surat to Madras,
traveled through Gulbarga around the time of the 'urs
celebration. His vivid description of this event merits quoting in
full because its fine attention to detail accurately illustrates the
sort of popular devotionalism that characterized Sufism in its
third or ta'ifa phase in Bijapur.
Indeed, it is the best contemporary description of popular Sufism

that survives from Bijapur’s medieval period. “After having
marched all the morning while it was cool,” wrote the Abbe,
116
Gesu daraz:
I was surprised to find the road [to Gulbarga] full of processions

of fakirs and Hindus. . . . Most of the men had a sort of cradle on
their heads, covered by little streamers of cock’s feathers, bells,
and the like. The women and children all carried sticks which they
lifted in the air, for the wind to turn whirligigs on them, made of
cloth in all sorts of colours. They also carried plates of copper,
little pots, and a sort of caldron on which they beat as on our
Basque drums. Others, who had shaved their heads, carried their
hair on the end of sticks, as if it was a very precious possession. . .
. Here [in the village of “Trapour”] were still more of the same
sort of folk that I had met on the road. This led me to enquire of a
local Hindu, who came tb speak to me, what it all meant. “Why,”
he replied, “don’t you know that these are holy families, who
have come from a great distance to worship their saint called
Mundun la Heb [Bandanawaz] whom they have at Calberga, a
large village about two leagues from here.
Every year there is a pilgrimage there by a great number of

people such as you have seen. They are thus sanctified when
they return home.” “But,” I said, “what is meant by all those
instruments and streamers paraded by them?” “Those,” he said,
“are souvenirs of their pilgrimage, which they keep all their lives,
and which they regard with much confidence and devotion in any
afflictions or maladies that befall them.
They put their children, when sick, into those little cradles you
saw, and are quite content, whether the child lives or dies,
because the cradle had been in the saint’s house and had been
sanctified by him. The little banners carried by the women are
put on the head, or into the hands, of a woman in childbirth for
her safe delivery.
117
Gesu daraz:
The copper pots and plates are for the food of anyone who is
dangerously ill, and those who carry their hair on the end of
sticks are, as you saw, quite young girls. They cut their hair, while
virgins, to get it sanctified by the saint, and keep it carefully to
show that they were very young at the time of this pilgrimage.”
The “fakirs and Hindus” whom Abbe Carre had seen comprised
the outer circle of devotees at the Bandanawaz dargah.
hat they represented the lower elements of both Muslim and
Hindu society is suggested by the Abbe’s astonishment at “the
stupidity, coarseness and foolishment of these poor people,”
whose lives he judged as “the lowest and most infamous and
unhappy in the world.”
The Abbe’s account clearly shows the economic and religious

importance that the Bandanawaz dargah possessed in the
seventeenth century. The various “souvenirs” noted by Abbe
Carre — ..treamers, bells, whirligigs, pots, plates, cradles —
indicate that the celebrations were accompanied by great
markets and fairs, which must have attracted considerable trade
to Gulbarga. Similarly, the passage indicates the spiritual grip
exerted by the dargah over the inestimable numbers of pilgrims
and local devotees who participated in its functions.
One sees this in various objects serving as talismans against
sickness and in the special importance the pilgrimage
represented in the lives of women and girls.
The practice of a girl’s having a lock of hair ( chonti ) consecrated
in the name of a saint and later cut at the saint’s dargah is a
custom still current in various parts of India.
118
Gesu daraz:
Hence, for both economic and religious reasons it is reasonable

to assume that the leader of the Bandanawaz dargah ,
the sajjada-nishin, must have commanded a position of
considerable influence in the kingdom at that time.
For either or both of these reasons the 'Adil Shahi court deemed
it politic to exercise its influence over the dargah and its
sajjadanishin, and extant farmans issued by the court between
1659 and 1676 illustrate how this took place.
The earliest surviving 'Adil Shahi communication regarding the

Bandanawaz dargah is a farman issued early in 'Ali II’s reign, in
1659, notifying the revenue officials of Gulbarga district to recog-
nize Shah Asad. Allah Husaini as the rightful sajjada-nishin of the
dargah. Later that same year, on 12 October, the court issued
three separate farmans to the desais and other revenue officials
of districts Akalkot, Masarkal, and Raichur instructing them to
release one village in each district for the in'amdari of Asad Allah
Husaini. A month later, on 9 November 1659, the court issued
five more farmans to the revenue officials of districts Terdal,
Masarkal, Raichur, Sagar, and Gulbarga directing the transfer of
still more villages to the sajjada-nishin .
From each of the first four districts one village was reserved in
in'am, while in Gulbarga district six and a half villages plus six and
a half chawars from four other villages were placed in his favor.
In August 1660 another farman was sent to the officials of

Gulbarga again confirming Shah Asad Allah as the legitimate
sajjada-nishin at the Bandanawaz dargah and stating that “all the
villages, gardens, chawars, houses, bazaars, etc., which are his
shall continue with his children and grandchildren.”
119
Gesu daraz:
This royal assurance would seem redundant unless there had

occurred a challenge to Asad Allah’s authority at the dargah.
The very next farman to Gulbarga, dated 26 February 1661,
indicated that such was the case. A certain Shah Hazrat bin Shah
Manjla had committed obstructions that the sajjada-nishm
brought to the attention of the court, and which the court in turn
brought to the attention of the Gulbarga revenue officials:
But Shah Hazrat [bin Shah Manjlaj does not desist from causing
disturbances and will not allow the followers at the dargah to do
service to Pir Dastgir [Asad Allah j. Insofar as the in'ams, the
successorship, and the above-mentioned houses have already
been apportioned by order of the farmans, what is the meaning
that Shah Hazrat will not desist from causing disturbances and
oppression, but rather extends the arm of appropriation?
The court then ordered the Gulbarga officials thereafter to thwart

any attempt by Shah Hazrat to interfere with the affairs of the
dargah. It is evident that the court had already assumed for itself
the role of protector of Shah Asad Allah and the Bandanawaz
dargah.
In the next year a crisis developed within the dargah’ s leadership

that prompted the court to intervene even more vigorously than
before. A farman of 13 September 1662 explained that a certain
Shah Buzurg had emerged claiming for himself the rightful
successorship to the dargah , disputing the position of Shah Asad
Allah. It is not certain what this man’s family lineage was or on
what basis he made his claim, but his assertion of successorship
represented a far more fundamental threat to the dargah than
interference with its functions. At issue here was a son’s right to
the spiritual succession of his father. The farman stated,
120
Gesu daraz:
The aforesaid case has been brought before the Chief Judge of
the Faith [ hakim al-shar'] of the Sultanate of Bijapur, as well as
the high shaikhs and the great 'ulama. . . .
Therefore a satisfactory and peaceful solution for both

[disputants] has been fixed. The successorship and management
of the sacred dargah shall continue in the name of Shah Asad
Allah, as it had been inherited by him from ancient times.
And from the in'ams of the dargah , the villages of Nagarhal and
Korampalli in the subdistrict of Chincholi, the village of Dhotarka
Khurd in the subdistrict of Jasur, and the village of Hanchanal in
the subdistrict of Nilogi, in Sagar district, shall be made over to
Shah Buzurg.
By transferring to Shah Buzurg several villages from the

considerable in'amdcn of the dargah the court apparently hoped
to pacify the disputant while upholding Shah Asad Allah’s
rightful claim to the successorship.
What is most significant about this event is not how the court
adjudicated the dispute, but that it was the court, not the dargah,
which resolved it. Throughout the period 1659-76 the
government with one hand gave the Bandanawaz dargah land
grants while with the other hand it took away rights and
functions that were specifically Sufi in nature.
The most hallowed of these was the right of a pir to select his
own spiritual followers, of whom the chief was the sajjada-nishin.
Even though the dargah had replaced the khanaqah as the
institutional basis of Bijapur’s urban Sufis, and even though the
office had become in practice hereditary, the sajjada-nishin
remained in theory a spiritual successor and his selection
remained in theory the prerogative of his predecessor.
121
Gesu daraz:
Economic dependence upon the court, however, had damaged this

prerogative and undermined the spiritual nature of the office.
Regardless of who claimed to be the legitimate successor at the
Gulbarga shrine, only the court, as the 1662 case illustrates, was the
final arbiter in the matter.
The court’s intrusion in the dargah’s affairs resulted not only from
royal design, however, but probably also from the sheer mechanics
of an administrative bureaucracy.
In the event of an in'amdar’s death, for example, local revenue
officials would have to know in whose name to continue in' am
payments. An original grant would have stated only that the in'am
would continue in the hands of the in'amdar's descendants, without
specifying those individuals by name.
Only royal authorization would confirm the matter to the
satisfaction of the local clerks. Hence, when Shah Asad Allah died
and the issue of successorship again surfaced, the court on 10
March 1664 issued such authorization to its revenue clerks in
Gulbarga: “Shah Asad Allah has died.
Therefore his wish has been brought to [our] blessed memory, and in
the way of royal kindness and kingly benevolence the successorship
to the dargah, formerly held by the late Shah Asad Allah, has been
bestowed upon his son, Shah Husain.”
Now confirmed as the new sajjada-nishin, Shah Husain bin Asad
Allah received all the villages in in'am formerly held by his father,
plus some more subsequently granted in his own name in the
Gulbarga region.
And in 1670 he was even allowed to establish his own Thursday
bazaar at a town near Gulbarga and to keep the profits he derived
from this enterprise.
122
Gesu daraz:
But the period of Shah Husain’s successorship at the Bandanawaz

dargah was not an auspicious one. In 1672 'Ali II died delivering
the kingdom’s leadership to quarreling regents and a factious
nobility while the central administration seriously deteriorated.
In 1677 Mughal armies, which had been hovering in the region for
several decades, succeeded in wresting the city of Gulbarga from
'Adil Shahi control, thus severing all administrative connections
between the dargah and the Bijapur court.
The decade prior to the Mughal conquest of Gulbarga was as
much a time of troubles for the Bandanawaz dargah as for the
Bijapur court. Twice in this period Shah Hazrat bin Shah Manjla,
the same man who in 1661 had committed obstructions at the
dargah , asserted his own claim as successor to Shah Asad Allah.
In 1666 a certain Mir Muhammad Sarkhail had been appropriating
for himself the cash flow from some of the in'am villages to the
dargah . Although both Shah Hazrat and Mir Muhammad were
censured by the court, it is conjectural how effective Bijapur’s
farmans were when the central administration at this time was
breaking down.
One of the clearest indications of the dargah's deteriorating

affairs is found in a farman of 5 September 1672.
This farman recorded that the sajjada-nishin’s brother, Shah
Akbar, had been murdered by a group of Hindus just outside
Gulbarga. Shah Akbar, stated the farman , “was walking from
Gulbarga to the village of Kirsavali, one of the in'ams of the
dargah. On the road were gathered some revenue officials and
other Hindus of the village of Sirasgi. According to Hindu custom
they had brought out from their village an image of Kans [a foe of
Krishna], which they were about to ‘kill.’
But this ritual was obstructed by Shah Akbar, who thereupon was
murdered by the accursed Hindus.”
123
Gesu daraz:
Not only were communal relations involving Gulbarga in'amdars

deteriorating in this period, but these individuals were flaunting
their high status to excessive degrees.
Abbe Carre noted in 1673 that the most powerful of the “fakirs”
of Gulbarga, “and those who are considered the wisest and most
judicious in this country, are esteemed and worshipped to such
an extent that they are allowed to commit the most dreadful acts
in a household, which is supposed to be sanctified thereby.”
Twenty-two years later another European, John F. Gemelli

Careri, traveled along the Konkan Coast and in parts of the
Deccan plateau near Goa and also noticed the remarkable
privileges accorded to the “fakirs.”
By “fakirs” Careri presumably referred to the same sort of
pirzadas to whom his French contemporary, Abbe Carre, referred
with respect to the functionaries of the Bandanawaz dargah.
“The Gentils,” wrote Careri, “pay so great a Respect to these
Penitents, that they think themselves happy, who can Prostitute
Daughters, Sisters, or Kins-women to their Leudness, which they
believe lawful in them; and for this Reason there are so many
Thousands of Vagabond Fakirs throughout India ."
As for the later history of the pirzadas of the Bandanawaz shrine,
an 1855 British gazetteer stated that the vices committed by
these descendants eventually compelled the Nizam’s
government to expel them from Gulbarga and to appoint a
government nominee to receive the in'am revenues.
124
Gesu daraz:
Anjana Sharma
Anjana Sharma: A Brief Biography

• Academic Background: Anjana Sharma holds a Ph.D. in English
Literature from The Pennsylvania State University, with a focus
on British Jacobin women novelists of the post-Revolutionary
period of the 1790s.
Research Interests: Her research interests include feminist
academic discourse, genre, gender, hegemony, and Indian
Writing in English, with a special focus on gender and culture.
“Records, Recoveries, Remnants, and Inter-Asian Interconnections:

Decoding Cultural Heritage” is a scholarly work edited by Anjana
Sharma that focuses on the inter-regional networks of Nalanda
Mahavihara and its significance in the Asian context.
The book’s narrative centers around the revival of Nalanda
University in 2010 as a symbol of shared inter-Asian heritage,
offering critical views on regional dynamics, racial politics, and
hegemonic discourses in relation to Asia’s tangible and intangible
heritage.
In this book, the absolute thoughts of Hazrat Khawaja Banda Nawaz

Gaisu Daraz regarding "Samaa" have been written down.
125
Gesu daraz:
Such theories continued to influence even later Sufi masters in

the Deccan, the most important of them being Gesudaraz.
Two very important aspects of sama, where Gesudaraz made a
firm intervention, were those which concerned the issue of
participation. First, was the problem of the common masses
participating in sama. Like his illustrious predecessors in the
north, Gesudaraz too did not impose a complete sanction on the
participation of the lay in assemblies of sama. In fact, because
people would throng in large numbers to his khanqah, became
the pretext for Sultan Firuz Shah Bahmani to ask the saint to
move away from the vicinity of the royal fort citing security
concerns. Nevertheless, while elucidating on the qualities of
listeners in such an assembly the Shaykh insisted that the
listener (mustami) should be an individual of high intellect
(sahib-i f irasat) to be worthy of participating in such a
spiritually charged assembly. The above preconditions make a
clear distinction between lay individuals and those who possess
sufficient spiritual training. Gesudaraz drew his conclusion that
sama was not for everybody, and a Sufi who held a taste (zawq)
for participation in sama should stay away from any such
assembly where all sorts of people (har jins) gathered in to listen
to words of poetry.
Gesudaraz’s reservation for the common masses participating

in such a spiritual assembly is made amply clear when he stated
that sama is “desireable” to the proficient (muntahiyan),
“allowable” to the beginners (mubtadiyan) and intermediate
(mutawassitan), but is completely “undesirable” for the common
masses. Such clear categorization leads us to the second issue,
that of the participation of novices in the assembly of sama.
126
Gesu daraz:
Gesudaraz made sama “allowable” for “beginners”.

But at the same time he left behind some amount of
ambiguity by referring to Shaykh Junayd, founder of the
Baghdad school of Sufism. Junayd was sceptical regarding
sama and argued that if a novice participated in sama it
signified that there was an element of idleness left in him. If
Gesudaraz followed Shaykh Junayd, in this respect, then it
was improper on his part to advocate the participation of
novices in the ritual of sama.
In the face of such debates Sufis of the Chishti order

maintained that together with prayer, fasting and recitation
of the Quran, sama too led an individual closer to the divine
by allowing the Sufi mystic to interiorize the qualities of
contemplation and thought — focusing on the attributes and
essence of the divine. Though Gesudaraz was a strict follower
of religious doctrines, he stood firm in his defense of sama
against criticisms put forward by clerics. Rather, Gesudaraz
emphasized that a combination of recitation of the Quran
together with sama, brought more benefits to the mystic than
ordinary prayers. Thus all his assemblies of sama begun and
ended with a recitation of the Quran.
However for Gesudaraz, remembrance, meditation and prayer —

all of which emanate from a recitation of the Quran should be
performed in conjunction with the exercise of sama for progress
in the spiritual path.
For those, like religious clerics, who are unaware of such secrets
of the mystical path, observing silence is prudent.
127
Gesu daraz:
Towards formalizing the tradition of sama in the Deccan,

Gesudaraz drew inspiration from a number of early Persian
mystics, the most important of them being Ayn-ul Quzat al-
Hamadani (d. 1131) and his master Ahmad Ghazzali (d. 1126).
Following the teachings of Ghazzali elaborated in his classical
treatise The Lightning Flashes of Indication Concerning the
Refutation of those who Declare Audition Forbidden in
General, Hamadani in his work the Tamhidat argued that sama
as a powerful spiritual exercise could emancipate the soul
from the body preparing the wayfarer to receive illuminations
from the divine realm.
In the process, Hamadani continued, the heart of the seeker
would be transformed by the light of God that shone through
it obliterating worldly desires. Both Hamadani and Ghazzali
engaged in depth with the issue of sama given its
controversial position among Muslim legal scholars.
Both recognized the dangers involved in this exercise that
could lead a novice towards deceit and temptation.
As a result beginners and women were advised to keep away
from this practice, since it could be read by them as popular
acts of music. Drawing examples from the Quran, the life of
the Prophet and his teachings (hadith), both these scholar-
Sufis criticized the jurists and clerics who questioned the
sanctity of sama and its worth as a spiritual exercise.
Recognizing sama as a spiritual practice not free from dangers,

both Ghazzali and Hamadani did not advocate a complete ban on
the exercise. Rather they argued that Sufis should engage in sama
only under the proper supervision of their master, under specific
physical and emotional conditions, in the company of individuals
who are sufficiently trained in the pursuit of the ritual.
128
Gesu daraz:
The above regulations correspond to the preconditions of time

(zaman), place (makan) and brethren (ikhwan), for organizing
sama, emphasized repeatedly by Sufi masters of Persia in their
advice manuals. The limb movements that accompany the ritual
of sama express joy and elation as the heart experiences
closeness to God. Different Sufis have their own style of
gestures that involve the movement of hands, feet and head,
and the whole body. The most identifiable style is that of the
Mevlevis of Turkey whose typical bodily gestures label them as
whirling dervishes. In this context it was perhaps not uncommon
for Sufis like Shaykh Burhanuddin Gharib to have a particular
dance style of his own, recognized as Burhani.
Regarding the use of language in assemblies of sama,

Gesudaraz preferred Persian for “only in the sweet and tender
melody of Persian poetry is it possible to do justice to the
feelings and emotions surging in the heart of the singer”.
In spite of characterizing sama as a practice unfit for the
uninitiated, Khwaja Gesudaraz took measures to increase its
popularity, together with making some of the verses intelligible
to the common masses. Towards this end he encouraged the
inclusion of Hindavi verses in assemblies of sama arguing that
“Hindavi verses are usually soft, sweet and touching. The tunes
are also soft and tender like the couplets, which induce humility
and submission.”
Gesudaraz realized the demands of the age and the social milieu
he had situated himself in, and was one of the earliest Chishti
mystics to use Hindavi and Dakhni Urdu as a means of active
communication and expression of thoughts.
129
Gesu daraz:
Not with standing the high standards of spiritual discipline and

rules of conduct laid down by Gesudaraz, on the ritual of sama,
attempts are made even to this day to organize sama, in
compliance with all the regulations laid down by the Sufi saint.
Such a sama that is held during the death anniversary (urs)

celebration at Gulbarga, is termed as “Bund Sama” or closed
assembly. It is titled such so as to differentiate it from the more
popular assemblies of qawwali that are regularly performed at the
dargah complex participated by the common masses.
Bund Sama is held strictly under the rules laid down by the Sufi
saint himself. Being an assembly of great spiritual significance
very few individuals, mostly Sufi adepts, are allowed to
participate in it. The small size of the assembly make it easy to
regulate, and moreover produces a conducive ambience for
intense contemplation and meditation. The sacred gaddi
(cushion), on which Khwaja Bandanawaz used to sit, is placed in
front of the head of the shrine (sajjada nashin), who then initiates
the assembly. The audition session is accompanied by only a pair
of small tambourines (duff), with the strict exclusion of all sorts of
musical instruments. The couplets are read out in the traditional
form, both in Hindavi and Persian, as Gesudaraz preferred it.
Some of them being his own compositions and some by his
devotees. In the assembly of Bund Sama, these couplets written in
Dakhni Urdu by the Sufi saint, and also his disciples are recited
with the accompaniment of the tambourine, invoking the spiritual
lineage of the Deccani saint.
130
Gesu daraz:
The fire of separation has

kindled Today in my body and soul
My Beloved is on the throne
Himself and His splendor on display
I am burning in the fire of love today
For Gesudaraz, and for many other Sufis of the Chishti tradition,
sama remained an essential means to involve oneself in the
thoughts of the Divine, through an intense feeling of love and
devotion. Therefore Chishti Sufis in the Deccan never hesitated to
uphold the integrity of the exercise in the face of strong
opposition. Nothing illustrates this better than the breakdown of
all cordial relations between Gesudaraz and Firoz Shah the
Bahmani Sultan, when the latter could not come to terms with the
elaborate musical assemblies in the khanqah of the Sufi saint.
Though the Sultan dared not to ask Gesudaraz to discontinue such
practices, he asked the saint to listen to the assembly in
seclusion.
Gesudaraz acceded and henceforth listened to sama from inside a
room where a curtain separated him from the assembly. Later
when the Sultan complained that the large number of people who
visited these musical assemblies created chaos and a security
threat near the royal fort, Gesudaraz showed no signs of
compromise; he moved to the other end of the city. Similar would
be the attitude of Shaykh Burhanuddin who chose to ignore the
criticisms from some of his fellow Sufis on his ecstatic behavior
leading to limb movements in an assembly of sama.
131
Gesu daraz:
Sir Charles Fawcett

“The Travels of the Abbé Carré in India and the Near East,
1672 to 1674” is a historical account edited by Sir Charles Fawcett,
based on the manuscript journal of Abbé Carré’s travels,
which were translated by Lady Fawcett.
The work provides a detailed narrative of Carré’s journey from
France through Syria, Iraq, and the Persian Gulf to various regions in
India such as Surat, Goa, and Bijapur.
It also includes an account of his severe illness during his travels.
Sir Charles Fawcett, in his renowned work, eloquently describes

Hazrat Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gisu Daraz sarkar, as follows:
This saint evidently is the one generally known as

Khwaja Banda Nawaz (Carré's name for him being a corruption of
the last two words), whose shrine is at Gulbarga.
His name was Sadr-ud-din Muhammad Husaini, and he was also
known as Sayyid Muhammad Gesu Daraz, on account of his
having long ringlets. He lived at Gulbarga in the reign of the
Bahmani Sultans, c. 1413-22; a visit to his shrine was supposed to
have the same benefit as performing the pilgrimage to Mecca;
and a very large concourse of people used to be attracted to his
tomb, a magnificent edifice, covered with a dome, in the middle
of an extensive court. His urs (assembling of his worshippers)
began on the 16th day of the month Ziqada,
132
Gesu daraz:
Umesh Ashok Kadam
The book “Deccan in Transition, 1600 to 1800:

European Dominance and Maratha Sovereignty”
by Umesh Ashok Kadam provides a detailed analysis
of the socio-cultural and historical changes in the Deccan
region during the early modern period.
Khwaja Gesudaraz
The Sufis' relationship with the local population and their method
of preaching to them at their hospices led to the development of
a new language. The formation and development of a dialect
came to be termed as Dakhni. It was in the Deccan that the first
Sufi prose work in Dakhni language was written during the reign of
Sultan Firoz Bahamani, known as Mi'raj al-Ashiqin.
The tradition attributes this to the renowned Chishti Saint of
Gulbarga, Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesu Daraz. Gesu Daraz was a
well-known academician and scholar and had composed a
number of works in Delhi. After settling in Gulbarga, he is known
to have compiled several books and also established a madrasa at
his khanqah. Gesu Daraz was a learned scholar and was also well
versed in Quranic studies, Prophetic traditions, theology and
Sufism. He is said to have known an extensive understanding of
different languages like Arabic, Persian, Hindawi and Sanskrit.
This helped him to converse with all classes of people.
He also wrote a commentary on Quran and another on Mashariq-
ul-anwar, which is a well-known collection of Prophetic traditions.
The Dakhani or Hindawi dialects were not the only regional
languages that were developing as literary languages during the
medieval period.
133
Gesu daraz:
"Festivals in Indian Society" by Usha Sharma

is a comprehensive exploration of the diverse and vibrant festivals
celebrated across Indian society. The work is presented in two
volumes, detailing the various religious and cultural festivities that
mark the Indian calendar. Sharma provides an in-depth look at the
significance and practices associated with each festival, reflecting
the rich tapestry of India’s heritage.
THE LAMP FESTIVAL OF BANDA NAWAZ, GESU DARAZ

This festival is observed on the sixteenth day of the last month of
the Musalman calendar, Zu-l-qa'da, also called the month of
Banda Nawaz. His Holiness Banda Nawaz, Sayyid Muhammad
Gesu Daraz, 'he of the long locks',-May God sanctify his
sepulchre!-was a great Wali or Saint, who came to Gulbarga or
Kulbarga in the Nizam's Dominions during the reign of Firoz Shah
Bahmani42 in A.D. 1413, and died there in 1432.
He was told in one of his reveries that when, for good reason,
people were unable to make the pilgrimage to Mecca, a visit once
in their lives to his mausoleum would convey the same merit.
On the sixteenth day of the month they perform here his Sandal
rite, and on the night following the seventeenth day or the
eighteenth for Musalmans, they observe the anniversary of his
death ('urs) with splendour equal to that of the same ceremony in
honour of His Excellency Qadirwali Sahib at Nagor-Nagpatan, as
already described. Nay, if possible they observe it with greater
splendour. In other parts of the country, however, it is on the
fifteenth and sixteenth that they have illuminations in his name,
cook cakes or stew, offer the Fatiha over the food, send some to
relatives, eat some themselves, and distribute to others.
On the night of the sixteenth, or by Musalman reckoning the
seventeenth, some people light sixteen lamps with butter,
place them on cakes and offer the Fatiha over them,
as previously described.
134
Gesu daraz:
Dr. Sara Mondini
Firuz Shah's most serious mistake, one that contributed to the

rise of his brother Ahmad I to the throne, was possibly the way in
which he managed his relations with Sayyid Muhammad Gesu
Daraz (d. 1422), the famous representa-tive of the Chishtiya,
whose dargah (Sufi shrine or funerary complex build over the
grave of a revered religious figure) remains one of the best-
known and most visited Islamic pilgrimage sites in south-central
India (Hussaini 2004: 120-135).
Gesu Daraz first reached Gulbarga in the early years of Firuz

Shah's reign; after receiving a warm welcome from the
sovereign, he immediately acquired a leading role.
Soon, however, disagreements between the two started to
seriously erode the popularity of the ruling sovereign, much to
the benefit of Ahmad I, who had meanwhile won the religious
leader's favor.
The deterioration of rela-tions between Gesu Daraz and Firuz
Shah eventually led the latter to ask the sheikh of the Chishtiya
to leave his khanqah (a sort of monastery or hostel for Sufis or
dervishes), which according to the sources of the period was
situated in the immediate environs of the palace.
To justify the firm stance he had adopted, the ruler cited petty
reasons, such as the annoyance caused him by the flocks of
devotees and the sama' rituals (lit. "listening," a Sufi ceremony
that included also singing, playing instruments, and dancing).
135
Gesu daraz:
According to our sources, Gesu Daraz complied with the ruler's

request, moving his khanqah away from the fort to the place
where it is still believed to stand.
Because the rift between the two was by then past the point of
healing, however, he refused to support and bless the
ascendancy to the throne of Firuz Shah's son, who was already
enjoying the privilege of sitting on the takht-e firfiz (turquoise
throne) and bearing the royal insignia.
Instead, Gesu Daraz chose to actively favor the ascendancy of
the sov-ereign's brother, Ahmad I.
Only a few months after the new ruler came to power,

however, Gesu Daraz passed away.
His death marked not only the disappearance of a figure who
had played a crucial role in the social and religious context of
the city as well as in the dynasty, but also the loss of the main
supporter and advocate of Ahmad I Shah's political success - of
the person, that is, who ever since his arrival in Gulbarga had
actively promoted the latter's rise to power.
While on his deathbed, Firuz Shah had acknowledged his
brother's rule, hoping he might be the right man for the dynasty,
but this did not bridge the chasm between the two opposing
factions of nobles siding either with Firuz Shah or Ahmad I Shah.
136
Gesu daraz:
It was therefore easy to foresee that once deprived of such a

popular backer, the new sovereign would be treated as the
usurper of his brother's throne and thus find himself at the
mercy of the internal feuds that had broken out with his suc-
cession.
It is most likely these circumstances that may account for the
sovereign's order to move the capital from Gulbarga to Bidar.
After having erected Gesu Daraz's mausoleum inside his
khānqāh, Ahmad I Shah may have sought to distance himself
from the factions of nobles entrenched in the old capital, which
might have seriously jeopardized his newly established rule.
book: Southern India

By George Michell
137
Gesu daraz:
Simon Digby
Simon Digby, an oriental scholar, made significant contributions

to the study of medieval Indian history.
One of his notable works is the book titled
“Before Timur Came: Provincialization of the Delhi Sultanate
Through The Fourteenth Century”.
Book Overview:
• Title: Before Timur Came: Provincialization of the Delhi
Sultanate Through The Fourteenth Century.
• Author: Simon Digby.
• Publication Date: 2004.
• Focus: The book examines the relationship between provincial
settlements within the territories of the Delhi Sultanate and the
capital city during the fourteenth century.
The Deccan and Sayyid Muhammad Gesudaraz
More than is the case in the previous century,

one is struck by the elasticity and resourcefulness of behavior of
fourteenth-century Sufi Shaykhs,
who had assumed some of the characteristics of the soldiers and
armed citizenry with whom they associated.
138
Gesu daraz:
Sayyid Muhammad Gesudaraz

was born on 4 Rajab 723/8 July 1323. He was taken from Dehli to
Dawlatabad in the Deccan when he was five years old. Gesudaraz
subsequently stated that his father with his whole family set out
from Dehli on 20 Ramazan 728/13 July 1328.
Sultan Muhammad Tughluq was sending qafila after qafila to
Dawlatabad The journey lasted more than four months.
We are told that in old age Gesudaraz could still describe the
stages and encampments.
They arrived at Dawlatabad on Thursday, 17 Muharram 729/26
November 1328 ( c Abd al- c Aziz 1367/1948).
Gesudaraz returned to Dehli shortly before his sixteenth

birthday. At this time he appears to have survived an attack of an
epidemic, brought by Muhammad b. Tughluq’s army from
Motupille on the Andhra coast (Husayni 1936: 293-4).
For many decades Gesudaraz resided at Dehli, attempting to gain
recognition as a major Chishti Shaykh. His reminiscences reveal
that this pursuit of holiness did not prevent him from borrowing
a horse from an acquaintance in the Sultan’s paegah for an
outing to the north of the triple city of Dehli.
In the course of the day he was pursued by dacoits, but he
outrode them and came back safely within the city walls
(Husayni 1936: 188-9).
This swiftness of response did not desert him in old age.

When Sultan Mahmud Tughluq and his wazir Mallu Khan
confronted Amir Timur on the plain west of the triple-city,
tidings reached Gesudaraz inside the city that the battle was
going against them.
139
Gesu daraz:
Then aged 77 solar years, Gesudaraz gathered a party about

seventy strong (probably not counting the women and children)
and left by the Bhilsa (southern) Gate of the city some hours
before Sultan Mahmud and Mallu Khan fled.
The aged Shaykh had the foresight and powers of organization to
leave the city before the roads were blocked by other fugitives.
This was on Tuesday 17 December 1398.
The party led by Gesudaraz regrouped and acquired provisions

at the first villages along the right bank of the Jamuna along the
Mathura road, and then headed for Gwalior, where a senior
disciple of the Shaykh was established, to whom an advance
messenger was sent. Some ten days of travel on the route to the
south of the Jamuna passed without incident; but when they
reached the deep ghat of the Chambal river — a place renowned
in medieval as in modem times for the robbery of travellers — the
party was shadowed by a hostile group of unbelievers.
However the message from Gesudaraz had reached his disciple in
Gwalior, and the military commandant there sent out an armed
force of Muslims to escort the fugitives from Dehli, and these
proceeded to put the “unbelievers” to flight.
The demands made by Gesudaraz and his party upon his Chishti
disciple and other resident Muslims were for immediate board
and lodging, and for cash and provisions to continue their
journey. There must also have been other distinguished fugitives
from Dehli for whom provision had to be made out of local
resources. The exceptional services rendered by the disciple of
Gesudaraz, c Ala" al-Din Gwaliyari, led to his investiture with the
first khilafat or grant of succession by Gesudaraz, before even
the Shaykh’ s two sons were invested.
140
Gesu daraz:
The pressure on local resources probably led the party to move

on to enjoy the hospitality of several small qasbas in the area.
Their location suggests that Gesudaraz had not yet decided in
which direction he should move. In these settlements the
biographer names the local notables who met with Gesudaraz. In
one place there were all Afghans. This detail suggests the planting
of a community by one of the Dehli Sultans as a garrison, a
pattern that we know took place in some of the small settlements
immediately south of the capital city (cf. Barani 1862: 57).
The subsequent movement of Gesudaraz and his party to

Chanderi suggests that the Shaykh had made up his mind that he
would go to the southeast or the south, to the Muslim courts and
capitals that had emerged in Gujarat or the Deccan.
His first exploration was in Gujarat. The Shaykh spent many
months in Gujarat, but his prospects of establishing himself there
were frustrated by the rivalries that had emerged between
factions that already divided the high officers of the newly
established dynasty of the Tak Sultans of Gujarat.
In the first stages of the journey the itinerary of the Shaykh and
his party perhaps indicates indecision about their ultimate
destination.
This was resolved when the party turned southward to Jhatara.
The next moves were westwards, by longer marches over greater
distances, passing through the old-established Muslim
settlements of Chanderi and Dhar towards a greater Muslim
center of power in Gujarat.
141
Gesu daraz:
After Gesudaraz had left Gwalior, three months and ten days
elapsed before he reached Baroda around 6 June 1399.
In the following month (Dhu’l-Qa c da, July 1399), Gesudaraz
went from Baroda to Cambay (Khambayat).
This is the last date mentioned in the narrative. This move was at
the summons [or “humble f arzadasht ”] of Zafar Khan, who was
at this time consolidating his authority as founder of the dynasty
of Sultans of Gujarat.
Zafar Khan came out of the town to a distance of 5 or 6 kos
[perhaps 20-25 kilometers] to welcome the Shaykh.
The Siyar-i Muhammad I at this point very briefly records a
significant conversation between the Sultan, his courtiers and
the Shaykh.
“Is there anyone still with you nowadays, who will speak to you
about your faults and inform you of them?” Qazi Sulayman, who
was one of the Zafar Khan’s courtiers, said: “My Lord Khan does
not indulge in anything forbidden.” Hazrat Makhdum said: “I did
not say that. He can seek to satisfy in all ways.” Zafar Khan and
all his friends who were present bent their heads.
The brevity and circumlocution of this reported diplomatic

exchange of words masks the political importance of the deal
that is on offer.
The opening words suggest that Gesudaraz was already well
acquainted with Zafar Khan, probably from the days when the
latter’s father Wajih al-Mulk was a favorite of the court of Sultan
Feroz Shah Tughluq in the metropolis.
142
Gesu daraz:
As a young man Zafar Khan may have attended at the Chishti

dargahs. Gesudaraz offered himself as Pir or Sufi guide under
whose spiritual authority and protection ( wilayat ) the new
realm that Zafar Khan was establishing would flourish.
It is not surprising that the proposal provoked resistance from
those who were already established in the entourage of this
rising chieftain, nor that a remonstrance was voiced by a
member of this entourage who was a Qazi.
Moreover the links between the family of Wajih al-Mulk and the
prominent Sufi Shaykh Jalal al-Din “Makhdum-i Jahanian” of
Uchh had already been made in Dehli, probably at least three
decades earlier, and close relations between the Sultans of
Gujarat and the descendants of “Makhdum-i Jahanian” endured
through the rule of the dynasty (Sikandar b. Manjhu 1956: 10-11;
1899: 3, 27, 134, 177; Bayley 1886: 70
“From this it is manifest that with the fulfilment of the prayer
(du c a) of Hazrat Makhdum-i Jahanian the tribe of the Taks were
rulers in Gujarat for fourteen generations” ( c Abd al-Rahman
Chishti 1997: 1208).
Like other incidents of the journey, this exchange bears witness

to the political astuteness and powers of organization of the
octogenarian Sufi Shaykh.
The route taken may once again indicate that he was keeping his
options open.
He had first gone to Baroda, from where — if no invitation had
reached him from Zafar Khan at Cambay — he could have gone
on more expeditiously towards the Deccan.
143
Gesu daraz:
Gesudaraz had known the Deccan from his childhood.

From his adolescence he was already familiar with the route
between Dehli and the Deccan, where his father was a Sufi Shaykh
whose grave near Dawlatabad already possessed charisma.
Apart from his own reputation as a major Shaykh, this
geographical knowledge may have been a reason for the
acceptance of his leadership by the party fleeing from Dehli
towards this ultimate destination. That they did accept his
leadership is evident from the narrative of the journey.
From the moment of their hasty flights from Dehli Gesudaraz
must have thought of the court of the sultan of the Deccan as a
likely destination, though the route via Eracch might suggest
consideration of either Jawnpur or Kalpi, which were both at this
time emerging as centers of new state-formations, as possible
places of refuge.
In Cambay the Shaykh met others with “a previous link in
devotion.”
He had been joined by a servitor Q khadim ) with a connection
with the Sufi shrine of Aland in the Deccan, some forty kilometers
away from the new Bahmani capital of Gulbarga. Information
about recent conditions in the well-established Bahmani realm
may have strengthened Gesudaraz ’s resolve to go.
After his “stay for a while in Gujarat,” Gesudaraz set out towards
Dawlatabad. The date is not mentioned when Gesudaraz and his
party moved back to Baroda. From Baroda his party must have
crossed the Narmada River.
The next settlement mentioned is Sultanpur, which lies by the
Gomai, a northerly tributary of the Tapti. From there the party’s
route ran south by southeast to Dawlatabad.
144
Gesu daraz:
In the hills above Dawlatabad, Gesudaraz visited the grave of his

father Sayyid Yusuf (“Raju” or “Raja”) Qattal (“the battler”).
At that place a message came from the Bahmani ruler of the
Deccan, Sultan Feroz Shah, to meet him in the vicinity of his
capital of Gulbarga, which lay at a considerable distance farther
south by southeast.
This was the last stage of the Shaykh’s journey.

He still had more than two decades of life ahead of him at
Gulbarga, where he had a considerable political role to play,
and the traditions of his spiritual authority, his teachings and his
literary works were preserved down to the present day.
In contrast to the situation in Gujarat, the Bahmani Sultans

of the Deccan had enjoyed their independence from Dehli for half
a century. Chishti Sufi links with the Deccan had been established
by the forced migration of 1328 from Dehli to Dawlatabad, in
which Gesudaraz himself had travelled as a little boy.
The vicinity of Dawlatabad had been sanctified by the presence
there of Nizam al-Din Awliya’s khalifa Burhan al-Din Gharib, and of
Gesudaraz’s own father Shaykh Raju Qattal.
An invitation came from the Bahmani Sultan Firuz Shah to
Gesudaraz, to establish himself in the new capital of Gulbarga.
Gesudaraz accordingly set out from Gujarat and spent the last two
decades of his long life in Gulbarga. He and his family exercised an
influence there that the Sultan’s successors came to regret.
145
Gesu daraz:
Jackie Assayag
Jackie Assayag is an anthropologist and a Professor of Research
at the CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique)
affiliated with the Maison Française in Oxford, UK.
His work spans anthropology, sociology, history, and politics,
with a focus on modern South Asia. He also engages in
comparative analysis within the field of social sciences.
Assayag’s research interests include the intersection of
anthropology, history, sociology, and political science.
In their French language, they have quoted Hazrat Khawaja Banda Nawaz
Gisu Daraz's words on the subject of sama (spiritual audition), as follows:
La référence insistante à Gësüdaraz invite à faire quatre

commentaires historiques. Premièrement, alors même qu’on
ne compte plus les hadïth réprouvant les manifestations de
l’extase, on sait que l’opinion de ce lettré sur le samä' fut
extrêmement nuancée.
Il statuait sur sa licéité en distinguant quatre catégories
légales, d'ailleurs empruntées à Burhänuddin (Ernst 1992 :
310 n. 25) : « Lorsque les pensées de l’auditeur sont plutôt
tournées vers Dieu (hagq), le samä‘ est permissible (mubah).
Lorsque ses pensées sont tournées principalement vers les
affaires matérielles, il est illicite (haräm). Lorsqu’elles sont
entre haggq et hagïqat (le Vrai et la Vérité), alors le sama‘ est
licite (halal) » (cité par Hussaini 1970 : 178).
Tout dépend en somme de l’authenticité des acteurs ; ce qui,
on l’admettra, est fort difficile à mesurer. Bien sûr, les natifs
de Belgaum ignorent ces subtilités, mais ces manifestations
sont pour eux d’autant plus « obligatoires » (waäjib) qu’elles
sont accomplies pour l’ensemble des raisons que Gësüdaraz
se faisait fort de distinguer.
146
Gesu daraz:
Glimpses of the Nizam's dominions :

being an exhaustive photographic
history of the Hyderabab state,
Deccan, India.
by Campbell, A.C,
Publication date 1898
147
Gesu daraz:
In honor of Hazrat Khawaja Gisu Daraz

Manqbat written by Maharaja Kishan Prashad
Bemaar Ishq Ka Hun Tumhi Chaara Saaz Ho.
Ab Mehr Ki Nazar Mere Banda Nawaaz Ho.
Padhta Hai Kaam Ishq Me Jab Sooz o Saaz Se,

Aankhen Rahen Pur Ashk To Dil Me Gudaaz Ho.
Ishq Ka Hai Qibla Ye Darbaar Aap Ka,

Har Waqt Sajdah Reez Jabeen e Niyaaz Ho.
Gar Dil Me Dard Ho To Tadapne Ka Lutf Hai,

Bemaar Ho Koi To Koi Chaarah Saaz Ho.
Aye Khuwaja Tum Ghareeb Nawaazi Me Misl Ho,

Mehmood Tum Bano To Ye Banda Ayaaz Ho.
Dekhu'n Jamaal e Haq Ko Main Khuwaja Ki Shaan Me,

Ya Rabb Naseeb Yu'n Nigh e Imtiyaaz Ho.
Zulf e Rasa Ka Aap Ki Sauda Hai Isliye,

Mashoor Khaas o Aam Me Gesu Daraaz Ho.
Wo Rind Hun Main Shaikh Agar Jaao'n Khuld Me,

Daamaan e Hoorain Meri Ja Nmaaz Ho.
Hai Umr e Khizar Aap Ki Kaakul Ka Ek Muu,

Fazl e Khuda Se Aap Wo Gesu Daraaz Ho.
Ahwaal e Zaar Se Ye Taghaful Hai Kis Liye,

Apne Niyaaz Mand Se Kyun Be Niyaaz Ho.
Dil "Shaad" Mujh Ko Rakhiye Aur Aulaad Ko Meri,

Main Hun Faqeer Aap To Banda Nawaaz Ho.
148
Gesu daraz:
149
Khwaja Gesudaraz:
Gesudaraz:
A compilation of
heartfelt reverences
by great philosophers
worldwide
Compiled by:
Syed Jaffer Hussain Hamzavi
Dargah Taarik Ud Dunya Waasil e Deen Qudwat Ul Salikeen

Qutub Ul Aqtaab Iftikhar e Auliya Hazrat Sayyid Shah
Miyan Kamaal Uddin Hamza Pir Zaidi al Wasiti Chishti
Nizami Bandanawaazi Dharsonvi Rehmat Ullahi Alaih.
(Dharson, Narnaul, Haryana, India.)
dargahhamzapir6@gmail.com
+91 9182901371

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Gesu daraz:

A compilation of heartfelt reverences

‫َأ اَل ِإ َّن َأ ْو ِلَياَء الَّل ِه اَل َخ ْو ٌف‬

In the vast expanse of spiritual exploration, where the heart

As I embark on this journey of words and reflections,

I dedicate this book to my great grandfather, Hazrat Syed

This book is a compilation of the heartfelt reverences of great

In the loving memory of the revered Khwaja Bandanawaz

May this humble offering serve as a tribute to the rich heritage

With gratitude and reverence,

SYED JAFFER HUSSAIN HAMZAVI

With profound gratitude,

His esteemed contribution fills me with

22) Carl W. Ernst 88-90

I begin with this couplets

Aaj humne usey pukaara hai

It gives me immense pleasure and opportunity to write this

Beginning from his childhood to the mystical words predicted by

“Syed Mohammad aur padho, humey tumse ek kaam lena hai”

I always speak to people in general that this is one amongst

I would like to mention, Every era since past 700 years

This compilation of reverences of the worlds renowned

As it scripts almost all the events passed in the then era’s.

The couplets I wrote in the beginning of this foreword speaks of

I thank almighty Allah subhanahu wa taala for the blessing us all

SYED MOHD YADULLA HUSSAINI

.‫شعاع آفتاب مہر افروز‬

The auspicious month of Dhul-Qadah has brought the Urs Sharif of

Saaya e Ahmad e Mukhtar Mubarak Baashad.

On the occasion of the Urs of Hazrat Khwaja Banda Nawaz

Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gisu Darazؓ is counted among the most

The idea came to my mind to compile a book in which the articles

A year ago, I was researching the scholarly achievements of

I pray that Khwaja Sahibؓ will accept it, Aameen.

.‫مقبول تو غیر مقبل جاوید نشد‬

SYED JAFFER HUSSAIN

Zaidi Hussaini Lineage

1) Hazrat sayyiduna maula imam Ali e Murtaza alaihissalatu

Spiritual Lineage 22 Khwajgaan:

In the year 728 AH/1327 CE, Sultan Muhammad Tughluq

At the time of his father's passing, Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkarؓ

Here, Hazrat Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkarؓ received education from

He benefited from Hazrat Khwaja Syed Naseeruddin Mahmud

“Har ki murid Syed gesu daraaz shud

(“Every disciple who, despite his long locks, pledges his

Thus, in recognition of his unwavering devotion, he was bestowed

Caliphate and Succession

Hazrat Sheikh ul-Islamؓ advised, "Compile a list of deserving

Hazrat Sheikh ul-Islamؓ acknowledged the esteemed name of

Migration from Delhi

The Royal Welcome of Hazrat

Upon Hazrat Khwaja Sahib'sؓ arrival near Gulbargah,

Painting of Tombs and shrine of Gesu Daraz, Gulbarga

1. The eldest son, Hazrat Syed Hussain, also known as Syed

2. The second son, Hazrat Syed Muhammad Yousuf, also

The eldest daughter of Hazrat Khwaja Sahibؓ was named Bibi

Upon assuming this responsibility, his faith in Hazratؓ grew even

Khwaja Bandanawaz Sarkar'sؓ benevolent miracles continued to

Afterward, in the blessed month of Dhu al-Qi'dah, 825 AH

Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesudaraz:ؓ

As the title of this book suggests,

you have journeyed through the

Early Life and Education: