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TRADE IN KNOWLEDGE
Edited by
ANTONY TAUBMAN
JAYASHREE WATAL
University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom
One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA
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New Delhi – 110025, India
103 Penang Road, #05–06/07, Visioncrest Commercial, Singapore 238467
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108490429
DOI: 10.1017/9781108780919
© 2022 The World Trade Organization
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2022
Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ Books Limited, Padstow Cornwall
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
ISBN 978-1-108-49042-9 Hardback
ISBN 978-1-108-74847-6 Paperback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy
of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
CONTENTS
v
vi
Index 807
FIGURES
ix
x
7.12 Importance of citing wind power patents between developed and
developing countries 241
7.13 Importance of cited wind power patents between developed and
developing countries 242
7.14 Mean importance of citing wind technology patents between developed
and developing countries 243
7.15 Mean importance of cited wind technology patents between developed
and developing countries 244
7.16 Trend in pharmaceutical patents over time 245
7.17 Rates of interjurisdictional citation for pharmaceutical
technology 246
7.18 Pharmaceutical patent citations between developed and
developing countries 246
7.19 Importance of citing pharmaceutical patents between developed and
developing countries 247
7.20 Importance of cited pharmaceutical patents between developed and
developing countries 248
7.21 Mean importance of citing pharmaceutical patents between developed
and developing countries 250
7.22 Mean importance of cited pharmaceutical patents between developed
and developing countries 250
7.23 Radial diagram of international knowledge flow 252
7.24 Directional knowledge flow between developed and developing
world countries 253
8.1 R&D collaboration (applicant criterion), by region
and technology 271
8.2 R&D collaboration (inventor criterion), by region 274
8.3 Technology sourcing from developing countries 276
8.4 Technology sourcing from developed countries 277
8.5 Technology transfers to developing countries 279
8.6 Technology transfers from developing countries 281
A8.1 Links between the United States and Canada/Core Europe and
developing countries 292
9.1 USPTO patent assignments at grant, 1976–2017 314
9.2 USPTO trademark assignments, 1899–2018 314
10.1 Breakout of the video on demand (VoD) ecosystem, by types of
providers (non-exhaustive) 333
10.2 Global music revenue, by segment, 2017 338
11.1 Dynamics of R&D&DDT greenfield investments (total and %) 358
12.1 Percentage shares in top 10 per cent most valuable crop protection
patents as measured by the Patent Asset Index 385
12.2 Process of concentration in the chemical industry 386
xi
12.3 Sum of Patent Asset Index (top) and average Competitive Impact
(bottom): development from 2000 to 2015 for top 10 countries by Patent
Asset Index in 2015 388
12.4 Top 10 countries where German patents spread in terms of the Patent
Asset Index from 2000 to 2015 391
12.5 Top 10 countries where Japanese patents spread in terms of the Patent
Asset Index from 2000 to 2015 392
12.6 Top 10 countries where US patents spread in terms of the Patent Asset
Index from 2000 to 2015 393
15.1 R&D spillovers by distance and the intensity of supply chain linkages, the
effect of a 10 per cent increase in foreign R&D spending 462
16.1 Construction of final merged dataset from PATSTAT and
WIOD data 478
16.2 Yearly VAX, NStages and Upstreamness and international patent flows
by sector 480
16.3 Estimated unilateral elasticities for VAX, NStages and Upstreamness with
respect to patents with 95 per cent confidence intervals based on robust
standard errors 486
16.4 Regression coefficients for VAX, NStages and Upstreamness based on
patent flows by sector 488
16.5 Unilateral regression coefficients for VAX, NStages and Upstreamness
based on patent flows by region 489
17.1 Bollywood revenue (log scale), 1960–2010 505
17.2 Indices of Indian movie production, 1960–2010 506
17.3 IMDb rating of top 20 Bollywood movies 507
17.4 Google notice and takedown requests, 2011–2016 513
17.5 Post-shutdown change in weekly digital movie sales vs December
2011 Megaupload penetration 515
17.6 iTunes single track unit sales trends (2008–2011) 519
18.1 The economic contribution of cultural and creative industries by region,
USD billion 534
18.2 Global recorded music revenues, 2004–2019, USD billion 538
18.3 Global music revenues, 2019 539
18.4 Global collections of royalties, share by regions, 2017 541
TABLES
xii
xiii
14.2c Definition of control group of low-IP products (SITC Rev. 3 Labels
and Codes) 444
14.3 Descriptive statistics 445
14.4 Post-TRIPS estimated effect on trade of high-IP sectors,
1993–2016 446
A14.1 Classification criteria for a country’s TRIPS compliance 451
15.1 Summary of main variables by industry, average over the period
2000–2008 458
15.2 Summary of main variables by economy, average over the period
2000–2008 459
A15.1 Industry descriptions 467
A15.2 10 most connected economy-pair-industries by the type of supply
chain linkages 468
A15.3 Knowledge spillovers through supply chains –
regressions results 469
A15.4 Knowledge spillovers from main innovators –
regression results 469
A15.5 The distance decay of knowledge spillovers 470
A16.1 Country-Industry Regressions on VAX Ratio, 1995–2011 496
A16.2 Country-Industry Regressions on NStages and
Upstreamness, 1995–2011 497
17.1 Academy awards by country, pre-/post-piracy 508
17.2 Taxonomy of anti-piracy options 514
A17.1 Peer-reviewed journal articles finding no statistical impact
of piracy 525
A17.2 Peer-reviewed journal articles finding that piracy harms sales 526
18.1 Music collections by region, 2017 (Euro millions) 540
18.2 Average collection for copyright, by number of inhabitants across
the globe 541
A18.1 Digital music providers in the developing world 550
22.1 Provisions relating to knowledge flows in WTO agreements and
selected FTAs 668
CONTRIBUTORS*
* Correct as of 2020.
xiv
xv
Broadcasting 3.0: Legal Design for the Digital Present (Routledge 2015).
Mira’s publications are available at: http://ssrn.com/author=483457.
Circuit, and practised law for three years with the Washington, DC office
of Fried, Frank, Harris, Shriver & Jacobson. In addition to her law review
articles and book chapters, Professor LaFrance has authored or co-
authored six books, including Intellectual Property Cases and Materials
(Thomson West 2018), Understanding Trademark Law (Carolina
Academic Press 2019), Understanding Intellectual Property Law
(Carolina Academic Press 2019), Global Issues in Copyright Law (West
2009), Entertainment Law on a Global Stage (West 2015), and Copyright
Law in a Nutshell (West 2017).
It is now more than 25 years since the WTO TRIPS Agreement entered
into force, setting intellectual property (IP) standards at the centre of
multilateral trade rules. The quarter-century since then has seen a funda-
mental transformation in the scale, diversity and very nature of cross-
border commercial transactions in knowledge and knowledge products.
An array of technological, economic, social and policy factors has driven
this transformation and diversification. The disruptive impact of techno-
logical change – the prospects that it brings for sustainable development
and for a more equitable world, along with concerns about its potential to
displace and disenfranchise, and to entrench inequities – has placed it at
the centre of policy debates and practical initiatives about economic and
social development, and indeed a host of wider public policy issues today.
The framing of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs) in 2015 – a blueprint for international cooperation and national
action towards an ambitious set of targets in 2030 – was striking for the
high degree of recognition of the need for the development and imple-
mentation of new technologies to address fundamental development
needs. Innovation, as such, was recognized as a development goal in itself.
As international officials charged with providing policy support to
developing country members of the WTO, we have been increasingly
struck by the demand from a wide range of policymakers and officials for
a fresh, up to date and inclusive information platform to support a truly
contemporary discussion and practically relevant planning of technical
cooperation that reflects the current understanding of the economic, legal
and policy aspects of trade in knowledge today. The TRIPS Agreement
was concluded in the absence of any understanding of the dramatic
impact of the development of the Internet and increasing global access
to digital networks. Indeed, it is a piquant historical irony that Tim
Berners‑Lee was in the process of inventing the World Wide Web at
CERN, in Geneva, a few minutes away from the negotiating rooms where
the text of the TRIPS Agreement was being hammered out at exactly the
xxxi
xxxii
same time. Yet TRIPS did not account for the revolutionary upheaval in
the way knowledge would be created, disseminated and traded once the
Web had reached the wider community; its negotiating roots could be
found in attempts in the 1970s and 1980s to develop a code on counter-
feit trade, with a concentration on IP as part of the added value in traded
physical goods, rather than as a tradable good in itself. As an agreement
on ‘trade-related aspects’ of intellectual property rights, TRIPS set the
stage for the impending fundamental transformation of the relationship
between IP and trade.
The volume is intended to serve as a conceptual and empirical
foundation for a renewed set of policy discussions, capacity building
and technical assistance for governments seeking to engage with the
knowledge economy for development, through new trade, business
and employment opportunities. It seeks to review the legal character
and economic implications of international transactions that facili-
tate the transfer or diffusion of new knowledge and intangible con-
tent, through traditional trade channels and new forms of business
and knowledge transfer. To provide a complete picture, we have
aimed to include legal, policy and economic analysis in a coherent
manner. Thus we sought accounts of how knowledge crosses inter-
national borders in different ways, and how to measure these flows,
as well as the analysis of legal and policy scholars reviewing the
evolving laws, regulations and policies that govern such trade, and
analysing the legal character of knowledge transactions in today’s
international economy.
In a call for papers, we set out several broad research questions:
1. How can we measure different forms of global cross-border flows of
knowledge and knowledge products, including digital content? What
can we say from the relevant data about the scale, and geographical
and time trends (for example, pre-TRIPS and post-TRIPS) of
such flows?
2. What legal and policy questions are raised by current trends in
cross-border knowledge flows?
3. What can we say about the effects of knowledge flows on economic
development, growth and productivity; domestic innovation; tech-
nology transfer; trade, especially high-tech trade and trade in digital
content; and the development opportunities afforded by new
avenues for trade and employment?
xxxiii
4. What is the relationship of such knowledge flows to improved
creation of and access to global public goods, especially technologies
for agriculture, health and climate change, and (information and
communication technology) ICT?
5. What can we say about the legal and economic character of trade in
digital content covered by intellectual property rights (IPRs), includ-
ing issues arising from global or regional regulatory frameworks,
new business models for content distribution, and cross-border
licensing and enforcement?
6. What is the current experience in specific sectors, and in markets for
IPRs as such, and what insights does this experience offer
policymakers?
We were delighted at the strong, positive response elicited by this call for
essays, and the willingness of the leading international scholars whom we
invited to contribute. While we cannot expect this broad and ambitious
set of questions to have been definitively answered, we believe that the
scholarly work collected in this volume should establish a stronger and
more up-to-date empirical, theoretical and methodological basis for a
vital continuing international conversation centred on these questions.
We hope that policymakers and scholars will continue to return to these
questions, armed with greater insights and greater curiosity sparked by
an encounter with this book.
The book project was greatly enhanced by several peer-review ses-
sions, in particular the Seminar on Intellectual Property and Knowledge
Flows in a Digital Era, convened at the WTO in November 2018, as a
follow up to the call for papers. This Seminar drew together over
40 policymakers from developing and least developed countries around
the world, who were joined by 20 internationally renowned economist
lawyers and policymakers. Their discussions on how to map and assess
the impact of knowledge flows across borders and charting their legal,
economic and policy dimensions helped inform and consolidate the
scheme for this book and served to strengthen and make more practical
and relevant the contributions that are now gathered together in this
collection. The Seminar considered five broad themes that in turn helped
to shape this book: mapping the interface between trade, intellectual
property rules and knowledge flows; measuring trade in knowledge; the
impact of knowledge flows on trade and development; policy, regulatory
and legislative frameworks; and the way forward on trade rules and
economic implications for cross-border knowledge flows.
xxxiv
Addressing the Seminar, the WTO Deputy Director General respon-
sible for this field, Mr Xiaozhun Yi, remarked that
The TRIPS Agreement was a landmark recognition of the importance of
the knowledge component of trade. Yet in the years since conclusion,
digital disruption has utterly transformed the interplay between trade and
knowledge. This radical transformation creates a compelling need to
update our understanding of the context for TRIPS rules and the intellec-
tual property system within the framework of trade and development
policy. We need to fundamentally update both our theoretical under-
standing, and the empirical, factual base we work from.
This is important, too, because in this period, development policy has
laid increasing emphasis on the knowledge component of trade, and has
raised practical questions of how developing economies can make best use
of the opportunities provided by the knowledge economy: SDG 9, notably,
identifies innovation as such as a goal for sustainable development.
The WTO’s technical assistance activities have sought to respond to
evolving demand from developing country Members for capacity building
in these areas, but in a relatively ad hoc way, largely as an adjunct to
existing programme structures, and these activities have demonstrated the
unmet demand and practical need for more systematic capacity building
on an updated base of information.1
1
See www.wto.org/english/news_e/news18_e/trip_08nov18_e.htm.
xxxv
dialogue with policymakers and officials from across the developing
world and is intended to provide a scholarly, but practical and
forward-looking, resource as the foundation for a new generation of
technical assistance and policy dialogue.
This collaborative and consultative background, but more importantly
the remarkable quality, timeliness and cross-disciplinary character of the
authors’ contributions, inspires hope that this volume – and the associ-
ated resources at www.wto.org/trade-in-knowledge – will indeed help to
catalyse a fresh, contemporary approach to policy development and
technical assistance in the complex, but critical, area of today’s trade in
knowledge, where the IP system and knowledge flows interact in ever
more diverse ways.
We are profoundly grateful to the authors who have so generously
devoted their time and efforts to produce invaluable new scholarship and
policy insights. Our opening chapter seeks to outline each of their
contributions and to set them into the broader framework of this book
and the aspirations we have for it, and we trust that this will encourage
the reader to explore their work in full, beyond the chapters contained
here, as among the roll of authors are many who have made a major
contribution to scholarship and policy development. We count ourselves
as most fortunate to have among these authors invaluable colleagues who
are also new or long-established friends, and we thank them for their
support and their patience as this project moved forwards.
For his encouragement and support, we thank Deputy
Director‑General Yi, and also record our warm thanks to our colleagues,
Anthony Martin and Heather Sapey-Pertin of the WTO’s Information
and External Relations Division for their advice, support and patience,
Karyn Russell who provided cheerful and efficient administrative support
throughout the editorial process and Giovanni Bertinelli and Francesco
Hernandez Fernandez for their scrupulous attention to final editorial
corrections.
At Cambridge University Press, we are indebted to Kim Hughes for
her encouragement and support at a critical early stage.
Co-editors
Antony Taubman
Jayashree Watal
1
Structure
The book is organized in four substantive parts, corresponding to four
dimensions of the need for systematic understanding of cross-border
knowledge flows or ‘trade in knowledge’:
(i) an overview of the conceptual framework for trade, IP and inter-
national knowledge flows
(ii) possibilities and challenges for measuring trade in knowledge
(iii) the impact of knowledge flows on trade and development
(iv) considerations for the governance frameworks that apply to these
knowledge flows.
The present chapter provides a general introduction to the book, along
with a thematic overview of the individual chapters contained in each of
these parts. A concluding chapter then aims to draw together observa-
tions and insights from the substantive chapters and to offer ideas for
future directions in research and policy dialogue.
Background
Knowledge flows, and their trade and development impacts, have come
to the forefront of contemporary trade policy and trade relations.
Governments seek to clarify and redefine their economic and develop-
ment interests in the light of the disruptive effects of technological
change, the changing patterns of production and trade, and fundamental
shifts in innovative and technological capacity.
The qualitatively more diverse and quantitatively higher cross-border
knowledge flows since the 1990s have in part been associated with a
process of diversification of production capacity, associated with the
rapid development of emerging economies, notably in Asia. This evolu-
tion was, in turn, partly driven by the ICT revolution which so dramat-
ically improved rapid and secure communications that it enabled the rise
of global production chains or value chains – a transformation that
Baldwin has termed ‘the second unbundling’, as physical steps in the
production process (following the ‘first unbundling’, which had separated
consumers from producers). As he has phrased it:
1
Richard Baldwin, The Great Convergence, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
2016, 5–6.
economic analysis – important for understanding some of the details but
not something that changes how we think about big policy questions.
A neoclassical model with perfect competition and exogenous techno-
logical change continues to frame many, if not most, policy discussions of
growth and development. Ideas are routinely ignored . . . ideas are
extremely important economic goods, far more important than the
objects emphasized in most economic models. In a world with physical
limits, it is discoveries of big ideas (for example, how to make high-
temperature superconductors), together with the discovery of millions
of little ideas (better ways to sew a shirt), that make persistent economic
growth possible. Ideas are the instructions that let us combine limited
physical resources in arrangements that are ever more valuable.2
2
Romer, Paul M., ‘Two Strategies for Economic Development: Using Ideas and Producing
Ideas’, Proceedings of the Annual World Bank Conference on Development 1992,
Supplement, Washington, DC, World Bank Economic Review, 1993, at 63.
3
Ibid., 89.
4
For individual negotiators’ accounts of the TRIPS negotiations, and a thematic overview of
the negotiations, see Jayashree Watal and Antony Taubman, The Making of the TRIPS
Agreement: Personal Insights from the Uruguay Round Negotiations, Geneva: WTO, 2015,
available at: www.wto.org/english/res_e/booksp_e/trips_agree_e/history_of_trips_nego_e
.pdf.
comprised a core element of the emerging legal and economic framework
for what were to be the largest global transfers of knowledge in the period
from the 1990s to the present day.
The period since 1995 has seen a fundamental transformation not
only in the character and impact of digital technologies, but also in the
geographical distribution of innovators and associated IP right owners,
especially patents. Over this period, due specifically to the digital revolu-
tion, creative cultural content that used to be traded as physical goods are
now sold on digital platforms online directly to markets across the globe –
a burgeoning ‘trade in knowledge’ that frees valuable content from the
physical carrier media once relied upon to transport it. Such ‘digital
disruption’ offers new opportunities for development, as small traders
and creative industries in the developing world can potentially overcome
traditional obstacles to trade, although significant challenges remain,
with concerns about the potential effects on beneficial competition of
dominant online platforms and the difficulty of establishing alternative
avenues for knowledge trade. Equally, the management of IP and IP
licensing transactions constitute significant elements of dispersed global
production chains and play a key role also in the knowledge spillovers
resulting from IP-based transactions.
Conceptual Framework
Part I of this book sets out the conceptual framework about what we
consider to be trade in knowledge in relation to trade in goods, services
and intellectual property. We note the growing importance of trade in
intangibles, distinguishing the delivery of knowledge-intensive services
from the charges for the use of IP such as licence fees and royalties. We
also note the rise in trade of digital products and services, and the IP
dimension of such trade, in view of the fact that much of this trade is
constituted as transactions in IP rights, whether through the purchase
of licences or the transfer of ownership. Finally, this part looks at the
existing IP framework for trade in knowledge, analysing both the TRIPS
Agreement itself in its contemporary context, as well as provisions in
subsequent trade agreements that have bearing both on IP in the digital
environment and on trade in digital products; it then broadly points to
the emerging policy issues and possible gaps in the regulatory framework
thus far.
Antony Taubman’s introductory chapter sets the framework for the
book. He charts the evolution and diversification of trade in knowledge
that has taken place in the quarter-century since the TRIPS Agreement
came into force. Entirely new markets have come into being and, argu-
ably, the very character of ‘trade’ is in need of reconsideration. For
instance, the disruptive effect of digital technology has meant that much
of the content formerly conceived of as ‘added value’ embedded in
physical carrier media, traded and measured as ‘goods’, is now traded
in the form of specific licences that use IP rights covering the content that
is now increasingly accessed online in digital form. Taubman outlines
how these new forms of exchange in valuable intangible content confront
fundamental assumptions about the nature of trade and its interaction
with the IP system, forcing a rethink of what constitutes the ‘trade-
related aspects’ of intellectual property. The issues examined include
the principle of territoriality of IP rights and the segmentation of markets
according to national jurisdictions; the structuring of cross-border
commercial exchanges into the two discrete categories of ‘goods’
and ‘services’; the emerging disparity in regional trade agreements
between provisions on digital IP standards and on digital products and
e-commerce; and the significance of IP rights being treated as assets in
investment treaties. The chapter concludes that – whatever formal or
legal overlay is applied to these new trading arrangements – it is essential
to understand that this is now trade in IP licences as such, rather than
trade in goods that have an IP component as an adjunct or ancillary
element. Just as Romer and others demonstrated the need for economic
growth theory to incorporate intangible knowledge as an endogenous
factor, rather than maintaining it as exogenous to models of growth,
trade policy must similarly work to incorporate an understanding of the
trade in IP licences itself within cross-border commercial exchanges as an
integral element of international trading relations. This means treating
the exchange and licensing of IP rights systematically and effectively as
‘endogenous’ to trade. This is essential for an accurate empirical picture
of trade relations today, given the economic significance both of dis-
persed global value chains and of trade in ‘pure’ IP content as such,
particularly in the creative sectors.
Lee Tuthill, Antonia Carzaniga and Martin Roy look at the ways
digital technologies have stimulated the information component of ser-
vices trade and consequently enhanced trade in both goods and services
that embody knowledge. They illustrate the role that ICTs have taken on
as conduits for digital and digitally-enabled trade. Their chapter briefly
describes six important digital developments, namely the cloud, data
analytics, (so-called ‘big data’), Internet of Things (IoT), artificial
intelligence, robotics and three-dimensional (3D) printing. These tech-
nologies are transforming the tradability of services, increasing the
growth of cross-border services supplied electronically, across a wide
range of sectors, from medical, to educational, financial, audiovisual or
professional services. This chapter covers, in broad strokes, the landscape
of policy challenges that governments confront as they seek to adapt,
including policies that could potentially disrupt the growth of cross-
border digital trade such as localization of data. Finally, the chapter
provides illustrations of ways negotiators of trade rules have begun to
shape new legal frameworks via regional trade agreements (RTAs) that
elaborate upon and, in some respects, extend beyond existing multilateral
trade rules. For example, in some cases, WTO members with no GATS
commitments in basic telecommunication services made RTA commit-
ments on the sector, with no limitations. However, trade disciplines allow
countries to take measures to pursue legitimate policy objectives, pro-
vided that they are not applied in a manner that would constitute a
means of arbitrary or unjustifiable discrimination or a disguised restric-
tion on trade.
Wolf R. Meier-Ewert and Jorge Gutierrez explore how regulatory
responses to emerging IP issues in digital trade may develop at the
international level. In particular, the authors examine how existing
mechanisms might influence the chances of developing internationally
agreed rules in this regard. The authors note that the primacy of state
sovereignty in intellectual property up to the late nineteenth century gave
way to the important World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO)
treaties, which still retained some independence of member states and
based international regulatory responses directly on national experience.
While more regulatory sovereignty was ceded in TRIPS, the WIPO
Copyright Treaty and the WIPO Performances and Phonograms
Treaty, the adoption of non-binding instruments (such as the WIPO
Joint Recommendations in the area of trademarks) show the limits of
decision-making by consensus. International non-state solutions such as
the Uniform Domain-Name Dispute-Resolution Policy (UDRP) estab-
lished by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers
(ICANN) have introduced separate, technically determined solutions to
specific IP issues. Proliferating free trade agreements (FTAs) have
emerged as a new platform to agree to IP-related regulatory responses
that can be used to project the national solutions of a few dominant FTA
partners. However, these FTAs have also served to give legally binding
status to internationally agreed non-binding recommendations.
The authors go on to highlight how these diverse approaches are appar-
ent in recent IP-regulatory responses to emerging digital issues that are
particularly relevant for digital business models, including inter alia
Internet service provider (ISP) liability, ‘safe harbour’ provisions and
the issue of orphan works, where there appears to be less agreement.
Still further away from reaching any kind of agreement are the emerging
issues of online exhaustion, data mining and IP-related questions of
artificial intelligence.
5
See https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/BM.GSR.ROYL.CD.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
The Project Gutenberg eBook of Angola and the
River Congo, vol. 2
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.
Language: English
IN TWO VOLUMES.
Vol. II.
London:
MACMILLAN AND CO.
1875.
All Rights Reserved.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
CHAPTER I.
Country From Ambriz To Loanda—Mossulo—
Libongo—Bitumen—River Dande—River Bengo 1
—Quifandongo
CHAPTER II.
City of Loanda—Natives—Slavery—Convicts—
20
Theatre and Morals
CHAPTER III.
Division of Angola—Wretched Pay of Officials
—Abuses by Authorities—Evils of High Import
Duties—Silver Mines of Cambambe—Journey 50
to Cambambe—Exploration—Volcanic Rocks—
Hornbill—The Plantain-eater—Hyenas
CHAPTER IV.
Province of Cazengo—Golungo Alto—Gold—
Wild Coffee—Iron Smelting—Former
84
Missionaries—Customs—Natives—
Productions
CHAPTER V.
River Quanza—Calumbo—Bruto—Muxima—
Massangano—Dondo—Falls of Cambambe—
112
Dances—Musical Instruments—Quissama—
Libollo
CHAPTER VI.
Country South of the River Quanza— 151
Cassanza—Novo Redondo—Celis—Cannibals
—Lions—Hot Springs—Bees—Egito—
Scorpions—River Anha—Catumbella
CHAPTER VII.
Town of Benguella—Slave-trade—Mundombes
—Customs—Copper—Hyenas—Monkeys—
180
Copper Deposit—Gypsum—Hornbills—Birds—
Fish—Lions
CHAPTER VIII.
Country between Benguella and Mossamedes
—Mossamedes—Curious Deposits of Water— 212
Hyenas—Welwitschia mirabilis—Mirage
CHAPTER IX.
Climate—Cookery—Drunkenness—Fever—
Native Treatment—Ulcers—Smoking Wild- 233
hemp—Native Remedies
CHAPTER X.
Customs—Burial—White Ant—Wasps—Fruits
—Scents—Spitting-snake—Scarabæus— 268
Lemur
CHAPTER XI.
Conclusion 307
Appendix 315
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
To face
View of the City of St. Paul de Loanda
page 20
Bellows—Marimba—Native smiths—Rat-trap ” 93
Maxilla and Barber’s shop—Carrying corpse for
burial—Quissama Women, and manner of pounding ” 147
and sifting meal in Angola
Mundombes and Huts ” 185
Native-smelted Copper—Powder-flask—Mundombe
Axe—Manner of securing Fish for drying—Hunters’
fetish (Benguella)—Manner of carrying in the hand ” 190
(native jug)—Gourd-pipe for smoking Diamba—
Wooden dish—Double-handled hoe
Welwitschias growing in a plain near Mossamedes ” 229
Pelopœus spirifex and nest—Devil of the Road—
Dasylus sp.—Caterpillars’ nests—Mantis and Nest ” 277
—Manis multiscutatum and Ants’ nests
ANGOLA AND THE RIVER
CONGO.
CHAPTER I.
COUNTRY FROM AMBRIZ TO LOANDA—
MOSSULO—LIBONGO—BITUMEN—RIVER
DANDE—RIVER BENGO—QUIFANDONGO.
The distance from Ambriz to Loanda is about sixty miles, and the
greater part of the country is called Mossulo, from being inhabited by
a tribe of that name. These natives have not yet been reduced to
obedience by the Portuguese, not from any warlike or valorous
opposition on their part, but entirely from the miserable want of
energy of the latter in not taking the few wretched towns on the road.
Incredible as it may appear, it is nevertheless a fact that to the
present day the Mossulos will not allow a white man to pass
overland from Libongo (about half-way from Loanda) to Ambriz,
although this last place was occupied in 1855, and several
expeditions have since been sent to and from Ambriz to Bembe and
San Salvador. Nothing could have been easier than for one of these
to have passed through the Mossulo country and to have occupied it,
at once doing away with the reproach of allowing a mean tribe to bar
a few miles of road almost at the gates of Loanda, the capital of
Angola.
One of these expeditions, on its return from chastising the natives
of a town on the road to Bembe for robbery, was actually sent to
Loanda by road. The Governor-General (Amaral) was then at
Ambriz, and being unacquainted with the negro character, and
having mistaken humanitarian ideas, gave strict orders that the
natives of Mossulo, who had committed several acts of violence,
should not be punished, but that speeches should be made to them
warning them of future retribution if they continued to misconduct
themselves. Their towns and property were not touched, nor were
hostages or other security exacted for their future good conduct.
The natural consequence was that this clemency was ascribed by
the natives to weakness, and that the Portuguese were afraid of their
power, as not a hut had been burnt, a root touched, or a fowl killed,
and they consequently, in order to give the white men an idea of their
power and invincibility, attacked some American and English
factories at Mossulo Bay, the white men there having the greatest
difficulty to save their lives and property; a Portuguese man-of-war
landed some men, and so enabled the traders to get their goods
shipped, but the factories were burnt to the ground. This was in
September 1859.
I was at Ambriz when the expedition started, so I determined to
join it, and examine the country to Loanda.
The expedition consisted of 150 Portuguese and black soldiers,
and as many armed “Libertos,” or slaves, who are freemen after
having served the Government for seven years; these “Libertos”
dragged a light six-pounder gun. The commander was Major (now
General) Gamboa, an officer who had seen upwards of twenty years’
service in Moçambique and Angola, and to whom I was indebted for
great friendship during the whole time I was in the country. The
major and two officers rode horses; two others and myself were
carried in hammocks. We started one afternoon and halted at a
small village consisting of only a few huts, at about six miles south of
Ambriz. There we supped and slept, and started next morning at
daybreak. The start did not occupy much time, as the Portuguese
troops and officers in Angola do not make use of tents when on the
march, and their not doing so is undoubtedly the cause of a good
deal of the sickness and discomfort they suffer. In the evening we
arrived at the Bay of Mossulo, where we were hospitably entertained
by the English and American traders there established.
The country we passed through on our march was of that strange
character that I have described as occurring in the littoral region of
Ambriz. In the thickets dotted over the country a jasmine (Corissa
sp.) is a principal plant. It grows as a large bush covered with long
rigid spines, and bears bunches of rather small white flowers having
the scent of the usual jasmine. Also growing in these thickets, and
very often over this species, are two creeping jasmines—the
“Jasminum auriculatum” (J. tettensis? Kl.) and “Jasminum
multipartitum?”
Various kinds of birds abounded, principally doves and the
beautiful purple starlings, and on the ground small flocks (from two to
four or five) of the bustards Otis ruficrista and Otis picturata were not
uncommon, appearing in the distance like snakes, their heads alone
being visible over the tops of the short rough grass as they ran
along. A small hare is found in abundance, and also several species
of ducks in some small marshes near Great Mossulo. Of larger game
only some small kinds of antelope are found.
I had gone on some distance ahead of the troops, and on
approaching one large town, about a dozen natives armed with
muskets stopped my hammock, and told me I must return to Ambriz,
as no white man could be allowed to pass. I told them that the
soldiers were close behind, and that resistance would be useless, as
their town would be taken and burnt if they attempted any; they,
however, still persisted in not letting me go forward, so I had to wait
for a few minutes till they saw Major Gamboa and the two officers
approaching on horseback, when they scampered off into the bush
without even saying good-bye, and on our entering the town we
found it deserted save by the king and a few other old men, who
were all humility, and protested that they would never more insult or
ill treat white men.
Major Gamboa was perfectly convinced of the uselessness of only
talking to blacks, his intimate knowledge of them telling him that the
only safe plan would have been to have burnt the towns on the road
and taken the king and old men to Loanda as hostages, but he had
to obey his instructions, and the result was that they attacked the
factories and killed a number of natives. The Portuguese, however,
instead of punishing this outrage, tamely pocketed the affront, and
left the Mossulos in undisputed possession of the road.
In these towns were the largest “fetish” houses I have seen in
Angola. One was a large hut built of mud, the walls plastered with
white, and painted all over inside and out with grotesque drawings, in
black and red, of men and animals. Inside were three life-size figures
very roughly modelled in clay, and of the most indecent description.
Behind this hut was a long court the width of the length of the hut,
enclosed with walls about six feet high. A number of figures similar in
character to those in the hut were standing in this court, which was
kept quite clean and bare of grass. What, if any, were the uses to
which these “fetish” houses were applied I could not exactly
ascertain. I do not believe that they are used for any ceremonials,
but that the “fetishes” or spirits are supposed to live in them in the
same manner as in the “fetish” houses in the towns in the Ambriz
and Bembe country. At one of the towns we saw a number of the
natives running away into the bush in the distance, carrying on their
backs several of the dead dry bodies of their relatives. I hunted in all
the huts to find a dry corpse to take away as a specimen, but without
success; they had all been removed.
Next day we continued our journey, and bivouacked on the sea-
shore, not very far from Libongo, and near the large town of
Quiembe.
On the beach we found the dead trunk of a large tree that had
evidently been cast ashore by the waves, and had been considered
a “fetish;” for what reason, in this case, I know not, as trees stranded
in this way are common. It was hung all over with strips of cloth and
rags of all kinds, shells, &c. As it was dry, it was quickly chopped up
for firewood by the soldiers and blacks.
The following morning our road lay along the beach till we reached
the dry mouth of the River Lifune, a small stream that only runs
during the rainy season. We then struck due inland for about three
miles to reach the Portuguese post of Libongo, consisting of a small
force commanded by a lieutenant. This officer (Loforte) I had known
at Bembe, and he gave us a cordial welcome.
The “Residencia,” or residence of the “Chefe,” as the
commandants are called, was a large, rambling old house of only
one floor, and it contained the greatest number of rats that I have
ever seen in any one place.
One large room was assigned to the use of Major Gamboa, two
officers, and myself, a bed being made in each corner of the room.
We had taken the precaution of leaving the candle burning on the
floor in the middle of the room, but we had scarcely lain down when
we began to hear lively squeaks and rustlings that seemed to come
from walls, roof, and floor. In a few minutes the rats issued boldly
from all parts, running down the walls and dropping in numbers from
the roof on to the beds, and attacking the candle. We shouted, and
threw our boots, sticks, and everything else that was available at
them, but it was of no use, and we could hardly save the candle. It
was useless to think of sleep under these circumstances, for we
considered that if the rats were so bold with a light in the room, they
would no doubt eat us up alive in the dark, so we dressed ourselves,
and pitched our hammocks in the open air, under some magnificent
tamarind-trees, and there slept in comfort.
Libongo is celebrated for its mineral pitch, which was formerly
much used at Loanda for tarring ships and boats. The inhabitants of
the district used to pay their dues or taxes to government in this
pitch. It is not collected at the present time, but I do not know the
reason why.
I was curious to see the locality in which it was found, as it had not
been visited before by a white man, so Lieutenant Loforte supplied
me with an old man as guide, and Major Gamboa and myself started
one morning at daybreak.
We had been told that we might reach the place and return in
good time for dinner in the evening, and consequently only provided
a small basket of provisions for breakfast and lunch; we travelled
about six miles, and reached a place where we found half-a-dozen
huts of blacks belonging to Libongo, engaged in their mandioca
plantations. These tried hard to dissuade us from proceeding farther,
saying that we should only reach the pitch springs next morning. I, of
course, decided to proceed, but Major Gamboa, who did not take the
interest in the exploration that I did, determined to return to breakfast
at Libongo at once, leaving me the provisions for my supposed two
days’ journey.
After a short rest I started off again, and about mid-day arrived at
the place I was in search of. It was the head of a small valley or
gully, worn by the waters from the plain on their way to the sea,
which was not far off, as although it could not be seen from where I
stood, the roll of the surf on the beach could just be heard. It must
have been close inland to the place where we had bivouacked a few
nights before, and had burnt the “fetish” tree for firewood.
The rock was a friable fine sandstone, so impregnated with the
bitumen or pitch, that it oozed out from the sides of the horizontal
beds and formed little cakes on the steps or ledges, from an ounce
or two in weight to masses of a couple of pounds or more.
Although it was very interesting to see a rock so impregnated with
pitch as to melt out with the heat of the sun, I was disappointed, as
from the reports of the natives I had been led to believe that it was a
regular spring or lake. My guide was most anxious that I should
return, and as I was preparing to shoot a bird, begged me not to fire
my gun and attract the attention of the natives of the town of
Quiengue, close by, whom we could hear beating drums and firing
off muskets. Next day we knew at Libongo that these demonstrations
had been for the purpose of calling together the natives, to attack the
factories at Mossulo Bay.
There was great talk at Loanda about sending an expedition to
punish these natives, but, as usual, it ended in smoke, and no white
man has since been allowed to pass through the Mossulo country.
Several years after, the King of Mossulo sent an embassy to me at
Ambriz, begging me to open a factory at Mossulo. On condition that
I, or any white man in my employ, should be free to pass backwards
and forwards from Loanda to Ambriz, I promised to do so, and was
taken to the king’s town at Mossulo, where it was all arranged. I did
not believe them, of course, but I gave a few fathoms of cloth and
other goods that they might build me a hut on the cliff at Mossulo
Bay, which they did, and I then declared myself ready to send a clerk
with goods to commence trading, as soon as they should send me
hammock-boys to carry me to Loanda. As I expected, they never
sent them, and for several years, whilst the hut on the cliff lasted, it
served as a capital landmark to the steamers and ships on the coast.
The Governor-General at Loanda, to prevent traders from
establishing factories at Mossulo Grande, warned us at Ambriz that if
we did so we must take all risks, that he would not only not protect
us, but that all goods for trading at Mossulo would have to be
entered and cleared at the Loanda custom-house. Far from such
disgraceful pusillanimity being censured at Loanda, it was, with few
exceptions, considered by the Portuguese there as a very
praiseworthy measure.
The rock of the country at Libongo is a black shale; also strongly
impregnated with bitumen. A Portuguese at Loanda, believing that
this circumstance indicated coal in depth, sunk a shaft some few
fathoms in this shale, and I visited the spot to see if any organic
remains were to be found in the rock extracted, but could not
discover any. About half way from Libongo to the place where I saw
the bituminous sandstone formation, I observed a well-defined rocky
ridge of quartz running about east and west, which appeared to have
been irrupted through the shale.
The ground about Libongo is evidently very fertile, the mandioca
and other plantations being most luxuriant, and I particularly noticed
some very fine sugar-cane. Some of the tamarind-trees were
extremely fine, and on the stem of a very large one a couple of the
“engonguis,” or double bells, were nailed, which had belonged to the
former native town there, and as they are considered “fetish,” no
black would steal or touch them.
A few hours’ journey (or about fifteen miles) to the south of
Libongo is the River Dande, navigable only by large barges, and
draining a fertile country.
It is only within the last two years that the value of this river, for
trading or produce, has attracted attention at Loanda, and I am glad
to say that it was owing to two foreign houses that trading was
commenced there on anything like a respectable scale. The interior
is rich in coffee, gum-copal, ground-nuts, and india-rubber, and this
country promises an important future; cattle thrive here, and Loanda
is now supplied with a small quantity of excellent butter and cream
cheese from some herds in the vicinity of this river near the bar.
Limestone is also burnt into lime, which is sold at a good price at
Loanda; and were the Portuguese and natives more enterprising and
industrious, the banks of the river would be covered with valuable
gardens and plantations; but apathy reigns supreme, and the
authorities at Loanda prevent any attempt to get out of this state by
the obstructions of all kinds of petty and harassing imposts, rules,
and regulations, having no possible aim but the collection of a
despicable amount of fees to keep alive and in idleness a few
miserable officials.
The country is comparatively level, and calls for no particular
description, till about eighteen miles southward the high and bold cliff
of Point Lagostas (Point Lobsters) marks the bay into which runs the
beautiful little river Bengo, or Zenza, as it is called farther inland.
This is even a smaller river than the Dande, though more
important from its near proximity to Loanda, and the remarks as to
the wonderful indifference and hindrance to the development of the
River Dande, apply with still greater force to the Bengo, a very mine
of wealth at the doors of Loanda! It is hardly possible to restrain
within reasonable limits the expression of surprise at the fact that
Loanda, with its thousands of inhabitants, should be still destitute of
a good supply of drinking water, when there is a river of splendid
water only nine miles off, whence it receives an insignificant and
totally inadequate supply brought in casks only, carried by a few
rotten barges and canoes that are often prevented from leaving or
entering the river for days together, on account of the surf at the bar.
A small cask of Bengo water, holding about six gallons, costs from
twopence to fourpence! All kinds of fruit and vegetables grow
luxuriantly on the banks of the Bengo, and yet Loanda, where
nothing can grow from its sandy and arid soil, is almost unprovided
with either—a few heads of salad or cabbage, or a few turnips and
carrots being there considered a fine present.
At Point Lagostas a good deal of gypsum is found, and also
specimens of native sulphur.
Both the River Bengo and the River Dande are greatly infested by
alligators, and a curious idea prevails amongst all the natives of
Angola, that the liver of the alligator is a deadly poison, and that it is
employed as such by the “feiticeiros” or “fetish”-men.
The Manatee is also not uncommon in these rivers;—this curious
mammal is called by the Portuguese “Peixe mulher” or woman fish,
from its breasts being said to resemble those of a woman. Near the
mouth of the Dande this animal is sometimes captured by enclosing
a space, during the high tides, with a strong rope-net made of
baobab fibre, so that when the tide falls it is stranded and easily
killed. I was never so fortunate as to see one of these animals, and
am therefore unable to describe it from personal observation, but it is
said to be most like a gigantic seal. I once saw a quantity of the flesh
in a canoe on the River Quanza, and was told that the greater part
had been already sold, and I had given me a couple of strips of the
hide of one that had been shot in the River Loge at Ambriz. These
strips are about seven feet long and half an inch thick, of a yellowish
colour, and semi-transparent. They are used as whips, being smooth
and exceedingly tough. The flesh is good eating, though of no
particular flavour, and is greatly liked by the natives. The marshes
and lagoons about the River Bengo are full of wild duck and other
water-fowl, and are favourite sporting places of the officers of the
English men-of-war when at Loanda. The Portuguese, not having the
love of sport greatly developed, seldom make excursions to them.
The country from the Bengo to Loanda rises suddenly, and the
coast line is high and bold, but the soil is very arid and sandy, the
rocks being arenaceous, evidently of recent formation, and full of
casts of shells.
There is much admixture of oxide of iron, and some of the sandy
cliffs and dunes close to Loanda are of a beautiful red from it. The
vegetation is, as might be expected, of a sterile character, being
principally coarse grass, the Sanseviera Angolensis, a few shrubs,
euphorbias, and a great number of giant baobabs. Though the
vegetation is comparatively scarce, birds of several species are
common; different kinds of doves are especially abundant, as are
several of the splendidly coloured starlings; kingfishers are very
common, and remarkable for their habit of choosing a high and bare
branch of a tree to settle on, from whence, in the hottest part of the
day, they incessantly utter their loud and plaintive whistle, and, after
darting down on the grasshoppers and other insect prey, return
again to the same branch.
The exquisitely coloured roller (Coracias caudata) is also very
common in the arid country surrounding Loanda.
The pretty runners (Cursorius Senegalensis, and C. bisignatus, n.
sp.) are also seen in little flocks on the sandy plains, and are most
elegant in their carriage as they swiftly run along the ground. Two or
three species of bustards are also common.
The great road from the interior skirts the River Bengo for some
miles to the bar, where it turns south to Loanda; and the last resting
or sleeping place for the natives carrying produce is at a place called
Quifandongo, consisting of a row of grog-shops and huts on either
side of the road.
It is a curious sight to see hundreds of carriers from the interior
lying down on the ground in the open air, each asleep with his load
by his side. A march of two hours brings them to a slope leading
down to the bay, at the end of which Loanda is built.