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STUDIES IN CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH
Thinking about
Belonging in
Youth Studies
Anita Harris
Hernan Cuervo
Johanna Wyn
Studies in Childhood and Youth
Series Editors
Afua Twum-Danso Imoh
University of Bristol
Bristol, UK
Spyros Spyrou
European University Cyprus
Nicosia, Cyprus
Penny Curtis
University of Sheffield
Sheffield, UK
This well-established series embraces global and multi-disciplinary schol-
arship on childhood and youth as social, historical, cultural and material
phenomena. With the rapid expansion of childhood and youth studies in
recent decades, the series encourages diverse and emerging theoretical and
methodological approaches. We welcome proposals which explore the
diversities and complexities of children’s and young people’s lives and
which address gaps in the current literature relating to childhoods and
youth in space, place and time. We are particularly keen to encourage writ-
ing that advances theory or that engages with contemporary global chal-
lenges. Studies in Childhood and Youth will be of interest to students and
scholars in a range of areas, including Childhood Studies, Youth Studies,
Sociology, Anthropology, Geography, Politics, Psychology, Education,
Health, Social Work and Social Policy.
Thinking about
Belonging in Youth
Studies
Anita Harris Hernan Cuervo
Deakin University University of Melbourne
Burwood, VIC, Australia Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Johanna Wyn
University of Melbourne
Melbourne, VIC, Australia
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2021
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to
the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and
institutional affiliations.
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Acknowledgements
v
About the Book
This book interrogates the ‘turn’ to belonging in youth studies. The con-
cept of belonging has emerged as a recurring theme in the youth studies
literature, offering new alignments across previously divergent approaches.
But its pervasiveness in the field has led to the criticism that ‘belonging’ is
simultaneously ‘everything and nothing’, and requires deeper analysis to
be of enduring value. This book does this work.
The book is organised around the question ‘what does the concept of
belonging do?’. Taking a global perspective, it provides the reader with an
accessible, scholarly account of how youth studies uses this concept.
Chapters address its historical and theoretical underpinnings, and its prev-
alence in youth policy and research, with a focus on transitions, participa-
tion, citizenship, and mobility.
Readers will gain a much-needed perspective on why belonging has
emerged as a key concept to understand young lives today, and its benefits
and shortcomings.
Praise For Thinking About Belonging
In Youth Studies
“This book is a game changer for youth studies. Offering a new and long
overdue take on the turn to belonging in youth policy and research, it
interrogates ideas about young people and relationality and how these are
deployed particularly in settler-colonial nations. It opens up exciting new
spaces for understanding how young people consider and enact connect-
edness in difficult times. This is an important must-read analysis from a
team of leading youth studies scholars.”
—Joanna Kidman, Professor of Māori Education,
Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand
2 Historical Underpinnings 17
3 Conceptual Threads 45
4 Policy Frames 71
6 Citizenship131
7 Mobilities169
Index233
xi
About the Authors
xiii
CHAPTER 1
social space. These forces are often keenly felt by young people, not just
because they are interwoven with transitions in the life course but also
because young people are intimately connected to both the challenges and
opportunities of social, economic, technological and environmental change.
belonging perspective. Work by Wyn and Woodman has centred the idea of
youth as belonging to a social generation (Woodman & Wyn, 2015). More
recently, the question of how young people are positioned in society in
generational belonging terms has been taken up from the perspective of
political economy. For example, Bessant et al. (2017) provide a provocative
analysis of the situation for the current generation of young people, argu-
ing that it is time for a new ‘intergenerational contract’ to be built – one
that recognises that under post-neoliberalism, the relationship between
work and resources is being transformed. This approach directly confronts
the question of where and how young people belong in new times. Similarly,
Furlong et al. (2018) in Young people in the Labour Market: Past and Present
argue that long-term structural change to the labour market requires new,
more flexible policy responses, as the ‘new normal’ for young people
becomes liminal employment. These books engage with the question of
youth belonging from the perspective of economic security.
In some ways, our book is a response to this growing literature that
uses the concept of belonging to explore the situation and lives of young
people today. The framework of belonging appears to address many of the
current issues confronting both youth and youth studies in an intercon-
nected fashion, sometimes promising to cut across limiting empirical and
conceptual foci, and providing a core organising concept for engaging
with complex and interrelated aspects of young people’s lives today.
Indeed, in our own individual and collaborative work (Cuervo & Wyn,
2012, 2017; Cuervo et al., 2015; Harris, 2016; Raffaetà et al., 2016;
Wyn, 2013, 2015) we have found ourselves drawn to this idea, utilising it
as a way into empirical investigation as well as unpacking it as a metaphor.
The question ‘where and how do young people belong?’ certainly feels
like an intellectually expansive and politically compelling starting point for
youth studies today. ‘Belonging’ has helped to overcome some of the
more rigid and categorical approaches to youth (such as ‘transitions’ or
‘self-concept’) and opened onto productive ways of thinking about the
relational dimensions of youth experience in complex times, and young
people’s connections to place, people, material spaces and objects.
And yet we have been aware of some of its limitations. We have found
ourselves wondering about the easy take up of this term, and especially a
tendency for it to be used uncritically or rather normatively; for it to be
treated as a self-evident idea (and a good state to be in) rather than deeply
theorised. The more belonging pops up, the less it seems to be scrutinised.
Indeed, one of our avenues of inquiry is the possibly universalising
1 THE QUESTION OF BELONGING IN YOUTH STUDIES 7
what the concept of belonging does in and for youth studies. We suggest
that such an analysis of belonging must precede any work to mobilise a
critical framework of relationality, which may be its greatest potentiality.
References
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youth after 9/11. University of Chicago Press.
Anthias, F. (2006). Belongings in a globalising and unequal world: Rethinking
translocations. In N. Yuval-Davis, K. Kannabiran, & U. Vieten (Eds.), The situ-
ated politics of belonging (pp. 17–31). Sage.
Antonsich, M. (2010). Searching for belonging – An analytical framework.
Geography Compass, 4(6), 644–659.
Bennett, A., & Robards, B. (Eds.). (2014). Mediated youth cultures: The internet,
belonging and new cultural configurations. Palgrave Macmillan.
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Habib, S., & Ward, M. R. M. (Eds.). (2020). Youth, place and theories of belong-
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16 A. HARRIS ET AL.
Historical Underpinnings
Introduction
Although the term belonging has only recently come into regular usage in
youth studies, the question of young people’s relationships to and place in
cultural, political, economic, social and physical space is a central theme in
youth studies. Yet, despite being so central to the analysis of young peo-
ple’s lives, the concept of belonging has tended to be poorly defined.
Exploring the work that concepts of belonging do in youth studies invites
us to question how societies and institutions choose to manage their
changing relationships with youth. Its use in contemporary youth studies
compels us to provide greater conceptual clarity about how the concept of
belonging is deployed, how it shapes wider social recognition of young
people, and to understand in more depth what these conceptual approaches
mean and do for analysis. Tracing the genealogy of belonging in youth
studies sets the backdrop for this book.
Our interest in exploring the genealogy of youth studies through the
lens of belonging reflects a broader contemporary movement in the field
to seek ways to go beyond the divisions and binaries that have tended to
dominate youth research over the last 20 years or so (France, 2016), in
order to realise the potential for youth research to be a ‘powerful vehicle
from which we can explore big issues with implications for social science
as a whole’ (Furlong 2015, p. 18). The metaphor of belonging is of
of these dynamics, creating new anxieties about and risks for young people
in ways that are yet to unfold. This chapter draws on these and many other
works to add to the endeavour of understanding of young people’s rela-
tionship with social change and social processes, through the lens of
belonging across time.
Many of the ‘threads’ identified in this chapter are developed further in
the chapters that follow, shifting from the more historical focus of this
chapter to an analysis of contemporary approaches and uses of the concept
of belonging. This includes an analysis of how belonging is explored and
debated through the frameworks of transitions and participation, policy,
citizenship, place-making and mobilities.
She speaks to these and other emerging anxieties about social change
and generational conflict, to parents who have survived the war and strug-
gle to come to terms with a situation where ‘old beliefs, conventional
manners and morals, are being weighed in the balance and viewed from
new angles’ and to a new generation who ‘are unable perhaps to accept
the beliefs and ideals of the generations before them, but they are building
2 HISTORICAL UNDERPINNINGS 21
the complex social and community surround of the young boys he studied.
He maintained that these young men were enmeshed in what he called the
“situation complex,” a web of influences that could not be understood in
isolation from, but only in relation to, each other. One could not under-
stand schools, for example, without understanding how they competed with
the media, families, church, and gangs for boys’ affections and imaginative
energies. Thrasher’s study was highly contextual and relational, foreground-
ing the agency of young people in constructing their selves and social rela-
tions. (Dimitriadis, 2006, p. 338)
new forms of older social divisions based on class, gender and race. For
example, in 1941–1942 Hollingshead (1949) undertook a community
study of the relationship between the social organisation of a small town
(Elmtown) in the Middle Western Corn Belt of the USA, and the lives of
735 school-aged young people. Framed as a sociological study of adoles-
cence, the book is an account of how ‘the social system’ of a town ‘orga-
nizes and controls the social behaviour of high-school-aged adolescents’
(Hollingshead, 1949, p. 10). This approach was explicitly in juxtaposition
to the domination of youth research by other disciplines, comment-
ing that:
In the UK, these changes were also fuelled by concern about the emer-
gence of unwelcome social changes in post-war Britain. For example, Reed
(1950) studied the attitudes and leisure habits of 80,000 Birmingham
youth aged 14–20. This study explicitly references the wartime dislocation
of family life and the emergence of universal state education, both of
which were seen to be a threat to traditional ideas about how young peo-
ple relate to society. Reed, who was a Methodist minister, was especially
concerned about the potential for state-based education to erode religious
beliefs and responsibilities amongst the new generation, foreshadowing
the sense of moral panic that was later identified (Cohen, 1955). Reed
argued that whilst it was:
quite erroneous to suppose that there are large numbers of unattached ado-
lescents roaming the streets or going to the cinema every evening or spend-
ing their leisure in vicious or antisocial ways … what one does feel about the
lives of many of these young people, … is that they are very barren and
restricted. (Reed, 1950, p. 131)
In a tone that foreshadows the interest in insecurity and risk that has
dominated youth studies since the early 1980s the authors refer to the
1950s as ‘a quicksilver age’ in which ‘it is not possible to point, with secu-
rity, the direction in which the changes are trending except to say that they
are productive of further change’ (Connell et al., 1957, p. 207). Focusing
on implications for education, Connell et al. argued that one of the most
‘urgent’ developmental tasks of young people was ‘learning to deal with
insecurity’ (1957, p. 207). This book makes a significant shift from earlier
studies of young people that saw school as a threat to stability, concluding
instead that schools have the answer. Connell et al. saw schools as provid-
ing youth with the skills of ‘cultural evaluation’ and judgement, which
would ‘enable him (sic) to add his mite to the clarification of an urban
culture’ that is ‘far from clear’ (Connell et al., 1957, p. 210). Growing up
in an Australian City (Connell et al., 1957) carves out a distinctive
approach to the question of how young people belong. This study sees
youth as the bearers of a post-colonial future, and young people as making
active choices that will shape that future. Young people, in this study,
belong in the very centre of the colony’s development, guided by a critical
educational program that addresses their developmental needs and those
of the emerging nation.
Yet, there is also a profound statement of ‘unbelonging’ in this
approach, which invites further attention. Young Indigenous Australians
are, quite simply, an absence. Their absence is consistent with the prevail-
ing ideas of the time, which did not recognise Indigenous people as first
nations or citizens, nor account for the relationship between Indigenous
Australians and ‘country’ – the land, the waters and all living creatures that
centrally constitute the spirituality and sovereignty of Indigenous
Australians. Writing about Indigenous Australians from the 1920s onwards
was informed by the idea that Indigenous Australians were inherently
more primitive than White Australians (Elkin, 1929). The aim of academic
writing, drawing on the emerging disciplines of social anthropology and
the eugenics movement, was almost unanimous in positioning the future
for Australia’s Indigenous people as one of assimilation or annihilation. It
is hard to find any writing specifically about young Indigenous people in
the period from the 1920s to the 1960s – there is no recognition of their
past, and rather than being positioned as the hope for the future, they are
positioned as problematic to the future (a position that continues to frame
the way that Indigenous youth are seen, as we discuss in Chap. 4 (Policy
Frames). Australian cultural anthropologist Elkin (1937) argued that ‘if
Aborigines were to attain a fuller participation in the Australian nation’,
26 A. HARRIS ET AL.
they had to be assisted over ‘the difficult times of transition from the old
stone-age to that higher stage of culture to which we desire to lead them’
(Elkin, 1937, as cited in McGregor, 1993, p. 96). Thus, in stark contrast
to the writings of authors like Reed and Chesters, who saw the increasing
institutionalisation of young people in education as constituting a possible
threat to young people’s family and spiritual connections, the removal of
Australia’s Indigenous young people from families and their compulsory
participation in educational institutions from 1910 onwards, became
enshrined in policies that explicitly sought to break young Indigenous
people’s connection to their families, to country and to their spiritual
beliefs (Brown, 2018). As Moreton-Robinson (2003, p. 30) explains, the
situation of young Indigenous peoples:
working-class young men to absorb the ideals and practices of the new
American middle class. Cohen argued that these deviant young men were
a product of the disruption of traditional socialisation processes caused by
a range of changes, including the reduction of unskilled jobs and the rise
of mass secondary education (Cohen & Short, 1958). Like Connell et al.
(1957), Cohen’s work also focused on urban areas as the fulcrum of social
change, arguing that delinquent subcultures occurred in the cities where
an increasingly dispossessed working-class struggled to belong. These
ideas were developed further by Coleman (1961) who focused specifically
on the ways in which the new mass education sector of secondary school
in the US in the 1950s brought with it an era of age-based affiliations,
reflected in ‘teen’ fashion and new leisure styles, threatening traditional
ways. Coleman’s study highlighted the potential threat of this new situa-
tion where, he argued, young people were cut off from adult society
through their mass participation in education. Coleman’s focus on the
risks of education was developed further by Musgrove (1964) who
explored the situation for Australian youth, arguing that mass secondary
education was creating a ‘new class’ based on age.
The sense of unease about youth in this period was to some extent fos-
tered by the field of developmental psychology. This approach assumed
that age meant everything. Drawing on the ideas of G. Stanley Hall
(1904), the concept of stages of youthful development was popularised by
Piaget (1954) and then Erikson (1965). These authors proposed that the
biological processes of development dominated the period of youth
(termed ‘adolescence’ to give prominence to the biological process of
maturation) focussing on the risks of failure to complete all the develop-
mental tasks of successful maturation into adults. This developmental
focus reinforced the idea that youth was an inherently risky stage of life. It
proposed the existence of distinct and universal developmental stages that,
if not achieved, would compromise healthy, mature adulthood, and it saw
youth as being more pre-disposed than any other age group to taking
risks. Risk-taking, from this perspective, is essential because of an inherent
need to ‘try on’ different identities before ‘settling down’ but at the same
time, this period of experimentation has the potential to go wrong and
jeopardise healthy development. The focus on universal normative pro-
cesses of development and the non-normative (or deviant) behaviour that
fails to follow normative patterns, supported a view of youth as inherently
risky and in need of professional intervention. The traces of these ideas are
clear in much youth research of the 1950s and 1960s. For example,
28 A. HARRIS ET AL.
Post-Industrial Youth
The 1960s and 1970s are often regarded as the period which defined the
parallel tracks of youth studies: one focusing on youthful cultural identifi-
cations and social change (youth sub-cultures) and the other focusing on
transformations from education to work (transitions) (Woodman &
Bennett, 2015). However, a closer look at the work being undertaken in
the 1960s and 1970s shows that many youth researchers attempted to
hold the strands of transition and culture together in order to understand
how young people belonged in a context of societal transformations that
impacted most directly on young people.
The signs of a collapse in the youth labour market were emerging by
the early 1970s, resulting from the shift from industry-based economies to
post-industrial economies (often touted as ‘knowledge’ or ‘service’ econo-
mies). These changes had a significant impact on the life choices of young
men from working class families in particular, who would traditionally
have sought full-time work after completing a minimum of secondary
education, but whose options were becoming foreclosed. The 1960s and
1970s were also a period of change for women, whose participation in the
labour market increased significantly during this time. In the US for exam-
ple, the labour market participation for married women increased from
25% to 46% between 1950 and 1970, and this figure is repeated in most
30 A. HARRIS ET AL.
Compulsory school attendance, in effect, has become less an issue in the face
of the substantial incentive, ‘the promise’, for those continuing their educa-
tion. School ‘stayers’ who are ready to tolerate the demands of continued and
often competitive schooling, who can accept economic dependency, social
subordination and sexual sublimation are persuaded it will more than ‘pay
off’ in the future to do so. Postponed satisfactions and suspended rights and
status are temporary losses more than compensated for by personal success,
social standing, income, power and, some would venture, happiness prized in
the dominant success-oriented type of culture. (Connell et al., 1975, pp. 3–4)
how youth was being shaped by the changing relationship between educa-
tion and work, contributing to a renewed focus on this dynamic to the
exclusion of others.
Language: English
THE EVOLUTION
OF THE
STEAM LOCOMOTIVE.
(1803 TO 1898.)
BY
G. A. SEKON
Editor of the “Railway Magazine” and “Railway Year Book,”
Author of “A History of the Great Western Railway,” &c., &c.
London:
THE RAILWAY PUBLISHING CO., Ltd.,
79 to 83, Temple Chambers, Temple Avenue, E.C.
1899.
PREFACE.
In connection with the marvellous growth of our railway system
there is nothing of so paramount importance and interest as the
evolution of the locomotive steam engine.
At the present time it is most important to place on record the
actual facts, seeing that attempts have been made to disprove the
correctness of the known and accepted details relative to several
interesting, we might almost write historical, locomotives.
In this work most diligent endeavours have been made to
chronicle only such statements as are actually correct, without
reference to personal opinions.
In a broad sense, and taken as a whole, the old works on
locomotive history may be accepted as substantially correct.
From these, therefore, and from authentic documents provided
by the various railways, locomotive builders, and designers, together
with the result of much original research, has the earlier portion of
this account of the evolution of the locomotive steam engine been
constructed. The various particulars of modern locomotive practice
have been kindly supplied by the locomotive superintendents of the
different British railways, so that no question can arise as to the strict
accuracy of this portion of the work.
Nearly forty years ago it was authoritatively stated: “That kind of
knowledge of the locomotive engine which answers the purpose of a
well-informed man has already become so popular that it almost
amounts to ignorance to be without it. Locomotive mechanism is
very simple in its elementary nature, and the mind is naturally
disposed to receive and retain any adequate explanation of striking
phenomena, whether mechanical or otherwise; and hence it is that
there are thousands of persons who, although in no way concerned
in the construction or working of railway engines, are nevertheless
competent to give a fair general explanation of their structure and
mode of working.”
If such were true at that time it is abundantly evident that it is
more so at the threshold of the 20th century, considering the growth
of inquiry into, and appreciation of, scientific and mechanical
knowledge by an ever widening and increasing circle of general
readers, which has been one of the marked signs of intellectual
development during recent years. Under such circumstances it is not
surprising that the locomotive and its history have received a large
share of public attention. Whilst railway officers, with the intelligence
for which they are justly distinguished, have always evinced a proper
desire to be acquainted with the evolution of the “steam horse,” the
spread of education has increased and quickened a desire for
knowledge concerning the locomotive amongst all classes in a
remarkable manner. Many of the numerous illustrations that
embellish the book have been specially collected for the purpose,
and several will be quite new to the majority of readers. Special
pains have been taken to admit only such illustrations the
authenticity of which was known to the author, and for the same
reason many otherwise interesting pictures, upon the accuracy of
which suspicion rested, were excluded from the collection.
Despite these exclusions, we believe that no other book on
locomotive history in the English language is so fully illustrated.
As it is proposed to deal with the railway locomotive only, it is not
necessary to make more than a passing reference to the more or
less crude proposals of Sir Isaac Newton, the Marquess of
Worcester, Savery, Dr. Robinson, Leupold, and other writers and
scientists, who hinted at the possibility of steam locomotion. Nor
does the writer propose to discuss the alleged use of railways and
steam locomotives in Germany at a date prior to their general
introduction into England. The claims of Cugnot, Symington, Evans,
Murdoch, and others as builders or designers of actual or model
steam road locomotives will also be passed without discussion.
We take this opportunity of expressing our sincere thanks to the
locomotive superintendents of British railways, who have all been so
willing to assist the author, not only in supplying accurate data
concerning the locomotives of their own design, but also for so kindly
revising the portions of the volume that relate to the locomotive
history of the particular railway with which each one of these
gentlemen is connected.
In conclusion, we leave the “Evolution of the Steam Locomotive”
to the kindly consideration of our readers, hoping that from a perusal
of it they may derive both information and pleasure.
G. A. SEKON.
December, 1898.
CONTENTS.
page
Preface iii.
List of Illustrations vi.
Chapter I. 1
” II. 10
” III. 28
” IV. 40
” V. 56
” VI. 66
” VII. 82
” VIII. 103
” IX. 130
” X. 156
” XI. 185
” XII. 205
” XIII. 231
” XIV. 260
” XV. 294
Index 321
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
page
“990,” the latest type of Great Northern Railway express engine Frontispiece
The First Railway Locomotive of which authentic particulars are known 3
Locomotive built by Murray for Blenkinsopp’s Railway 6
Brunton’s “Mechanical Traveller” Locomotive 8
Hackworth’s “Wylam Dilly,” generally known as Hedley’s “Puffing Billy” 11
Hackworth’s or Hedley’s Second Design, used on the Wylam Rwy. in 1815 13
Stephenson’s Initial Driving Gear for Locomotives 15
Stephenson and Dodd’s Patent Engine, built in 1815 16
Stephenson’s Improved Engine, as altered, fitted with Steel Springs 17
“Locomotion,” the First Engine to Run on a Public Railway 20
The First Successful Locomotive, Hackworth’s “Royal George” 23
Hackworth’s Blast Pipe in the “Royal George” 24
Waste Steam-Pipe in Stephenson’s “Rocket” 25
The “Novelty,” entered by Braithwaite and Ericsson for the Rainhill Prize 29
Hackworth’s “Sanspareil,” one of the Competitors at Rainhill 32
Stephenson’s “Rocket,” the Winner of the Rainhill Prize of £500 35
Winan’s “Cycloped” Horse Locomotive 38
Bury’s Original “Liverpool,” the First Engine with Inside Cylinders, etc. 41
The “Invicta,” Canterbury and Whitstable Railway, 1830 45
The “Northumbrian,” the Engine that Opened the Liverpool
and Manchester Rwy. 46
Hackworth’s “Globe” for the Stockton and Darlington Railway 48
Stephenson’s “Planet,” Liverpool and Manchester Railway 49
“Wilberforce,” a Stockton and Darlington Railway Locomotive 53
Galloway’s “Caledonian,” built for the Liverpool & Manchester Rwy. in 1832 54
Roberto’s “Experiment,” with Verticle Cylinders, Bell-Cranks, etc. 57
Hawthorn’s “Comet,” First Engine of the Newcastle & Carlisle Rwy., 1835 59
“Sunbeam,” built by Hawthorn for the Stockton and Darlington Railway 64
The “Grasshopper,” with 10ft. driving wheels, built by
Mather, Dixon & Co., for the G.W. Rwy. 73
The “Hurricane,” with 10ft. driving wheels, a Broad-Gauge Engine,
built on Harrison’s System 76
The “Thunderer,” a geared-up Broad-Gauge Engine, built on Harrison’s Plan. 78
Bury’s Standard Passenger Engine for the London and Birmingham Railway 83
“Garnet,” one of the First Engines of the London and Southampton Rwy. 85
“Harpy,” one of Gooch’s “Firefly” Class of Broad-Gauge Engines 90
Interior of Paddington Engine House,
showing the Broad-Gauge Locomotives of 1840 92
“Jason,” one of Gooch’s First Type of Goods Engines for the G.W. Rwy. 93
Paton & Millar’s Tank Engine, for working on the Cowlairs Incline, Glasgow 98
Stephenson’s “Long Boiler” Goods Engine, Eastern Counties Railway 104
Gray’s Prototype of the “Jenny Lind, No. 49”, London & Brighton Rwy. 104
”Hero,” a Great Western Railway Six-Coupled Broad-Gauge Goods Engine 106
The “Great Western” Broad-Gauge Engine as originally Constructed 107
The Original “Great Western,” as Rebuilt with Two Pairs of Leading Wheels 109
The “Namur,” the First Engine built on Crampton’s Principle 112
Crampton’s “London,” First Engine with a Name, L. & N.W. Rwy. 113
“Great Britain,” one of Gooch’s Famous 8ft. “Singles,” G.W. Rwy. 114
“No. 61,” London and Brighton Railway. 115
The “Jenny Lind,” a Famous Locomotive, built by Wilson and Co. 119
Trevithick’s “Cornwall,” with 8ft. 6in. Driving Wheels,
and Boiler below the Driving Axle 120
Trevithick’s “Cornwall,” as now Running between Liverpool and Manchester 121
“Old Copper Nob,” No. 3, Furness Rwy., Oldest Locomotive now at work 123
The “Albion,” a Locomotive built on the “Cambrian” System 127
The “Fairfield,” Adams’ Combined Broad-Gauge Engine and Train 132
The “Enfield,” Combined Engine and Train for the Eastern Counties Railway 134
“Red Star,” a 7ft. Single Broad-Gauge Saddle Tank Engine 136
“No. 148,” L. & N.W. Rwy.; Example of Stephenson’s “Long Boiler” Engines 137
Adams’ “Light” Locomotive for the Londonderry and Enniskillen Railway 139
England & Co.’s “Little England,” Locomotive-Exhibition, London, 1851 142
Crampton’s “Liverpool,” London and North Western Railway 145
Timothy Hackworth’s “Sanspareil, No. 2” 149
Caledonian Railway Engine, “No. 15” 153
“Mac’s Mangle,” No. 227, London and North Western Railway 154
“President,” one of McConnell’s “Bloomers,” as originally built 155
One of McConnell’s “Bloomers,” as Rebuilt by Ramsbottom 155
The “Folkestone,” a Locomotive on Crampton’s System,
built for the S.E.R., 1851 158
One of J. V. Gooch’s “Single” Tank Engines, Eastern Counties Railway 161
“Ely,” a Taff Vale Railway Engine, built in 1851 163
McConnell’s “300,” London and North Western Railway 165
Pasey’s Compressed Air Locomotive, Tried on the E.C. Rwy., 1852 170
The First Type of Great Northern Railway Passenger Engine,
one of the “Little Sharps” 171
Sturrook’s Masterpiece, the Famous Great Northern Railway, “215” 172
Pearson’s 9ft. “Single” Tank Engine, Bristol and Exeter Railway 174
One of Pearson’s 9ft. “Single” Tanks, taken over by
the Great Western Railway 176
A Bristol and Exeter Railway Tank Engine, as Rebuilt
(with Tender) by the G.W.R. 178
“Ovid,” a South Devon Railway Saddle Tank Engine, with Leading Bogie 180
“Plato,” a Six-Coupled Saddle Tank Banking Engine, South Devon Railway 181
The First Type of Narrow-Gauge Passenger Engines, Great Western Rwy. 182
“Robin Hood,” a Broad-Gauge Express Engine,
with Coupled Wheels 7ft. in diameter 183
North British Railway Inspection Engine, No. 879 184
The “Dane,” L. and S.W.R., fitted with Beattie’s Patent Apparatus
for Burning Coal 187
Cudworth’s Sloping Fire-Grate, for Burning Coal,
as fitted to S.E.R. Locomotives 189
“Nunthorpe,” a Stockton and Darlington Railway Passenger Engine, 1856 193
Beattie’s Four-Coupled Tank Engine, London & South Western Rwy., 1857 194
Sinclair’s Outside Cylinder, Four-Coupled Goods Engine,
Eastern Counties Railway (Rebuilt) 196
Six-Coupled Mineral Engine, Taff Vale Railway, built 1860 202
“Brougham,” No. 160, Stockton and Darlington Railway 206
Conner’s 8ft 2in. “Single” Engine, Caledonian Railway (Rebuilt) 208
“Albion,” Cambrian Railways, 1863 210
A Great Northern Railway Engine,
fitted with Sturrock’s Patent Steam-Tender 218
Sinclair’s Design of Tank Engine for the Eastern Counties Railway 219
Beattie’s Standard Goods Engine, London and South Western Railway, 1866 226
Beattie’s Goods Engine, London and South Western Railway (Rebuilt) 227
Adams’ Passenger Tank Engine, N.L. Rwy., as Rebuilt by Mr. Pryce 228
Pryce’s Six-Coupled Tank Goods Engine, North London Railway 229
Locomotive and Travelling Crane, North London Railway 230
“Python,” a 7ft. 1in. Coupled Express Engine, L. and S.W. Rwy. 232
8ft. 1in. “Single” Express Engine, Great Northern Railway 237
“John Ramsbottom,” one of Webb’s “Precedent” Class, L. & N.W. Rwy. 238
“Firefly,” a London and South Western Outside Cylinder Tank Engine 239
“Kensington,” a Four-Coupled Passenger Engine,
London, Brighton and South Coast Railway 240
“Teutonic,” a London and North Western Railway
“Compound” Locomotive on Webb’s System 244
“Queen Empress,” one of Webb’s Compound Locomotives, L. & N.W. Rwy. 245
“Black Prince,” L. & N.W. Railway,
a Four-Coupled Four-Cylinder Compound Engine 248
Johnson’s 7ft. 9in. “Single” Engine, Midland Railway 251
“George A. Wallis,” an Engine of the “Gladstone” Class,
L., B. and S.C. Railway 252
“1463,” North Eastern Railway, one of the “Tennant” Locomotives 253
Holmes’s Type of Express Engines for the North British Rai 254
7ft. “Single” Engine, Great Eastern Railway,
fitted with Holden’s Liquid Fuel Apparatus 256
“No. 10,” the Latest Type of Great Eastern Railway Express Engine,
Fired with Liquid Fuel 258
“Goldsmith,” one of the new London, Brighton and South Coast
Railway Express Passenger Engines 261
“Inspector,” London, Brighton and South Coast Railway 262
“No. 192,” a Standard Express Passenger Locomotive, L.C. & D. Rwy. 263
Standard Express Passenger Engine, Cambrian Railways 264
Standard Passenger Tank Engine, Cambrian Railways 265
“No. 240,” the S.E. Railway Engine that obtained the Gold Medal,
Paris Exhibition, 1889 267
Standard Goods Engine, South Eastern Railway 268
Standard Passenger Tank Locomotive, South Eastern Railway 269
Latest Type of Express Passenger Engine, South Eastern Railway 271
Adams’ Standard Express Engine, London and South Western Railway 273
A “Windcutter” Locomotive, “No. 136,” L. and S.W. Railway,
fitted with Convex Smoke-Box Door 274
Drummond’s Four-Cylinder Engine, London and South Western Railway 275
Four-Coupled Passenger Engine with Leading Bogie, North British Railway 277
Holmes’s Latest Type of Express Engine, North British Railway 279
Four-Wheels-Coupled Saddle Tank Engine, London & North Western Rwy. 281
Standard Express Passenger Locomotive, Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway 282
Standard Eight-Wheel Passenger Tank Engine, Lancashire & Yorkshire Rwy. 283
Oil-Fired Saddle Tank Shunting Engine, Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway 284
“Dunalastair,” Caledonian Railway 285
One of McIntosh’s “Dunalastair 2nd” Caledonian Express Locomotives 287
Six-Wheels-Coupled Condensing Engine, Caledonian Railway 288
“Carbrook,” one of Drummond’s Express Engines for the Caledonian Railway 289
McIntosh’s 5ft. 9in. Condensing-Tank Engine, Caledonian Railway 290
“No. 143,” Taff Vale Railway Tank Locomotive, for working on incline 292
A favourite Locomotive of the Isle of Wight Central Railway 293
7ft. 8in. “Single” Convertible Engine, Great Western Railway 295
“Empress of India,” Standard G.W. 7ft. 8in. “Single” Express Locomotive 296
“Gooch,” a Four-Coupled Express Engine, Great Western Railway 297
“Pendennis Castle,” one of the Great Western “Hill Climbers” 298
“Single” Express Engine, Six-Wheel Type, Great Western Rai 300
6ft. 6in. Four-Coupled Passenger Locomotive, Great Western Railway 300
6ft. Four-Coupled Passenger Engine, Great Western Railway 301
“Barrington,” New Type of Four-Coupled Engine, Great Western Railway 301
Four-Coupled-in-Front Passenger Tank Engine, Great Western Railway 302
“No. 1312,” one of Mr. Ivatt’s (1073) Smaller Class of
Four-Coupled Bogie Engines, Great Northern Railway 304
The Latest Type of 6ft. 6in. Coupled Engine, Great Northern Railway 305
Latest Type of G.N.R. Express Locomotive; 7ft. 6in. “Single,”
with Inside Cylinders, etc. 308
“No. 100,” one of the “T” Class Four-Coupled Passenger Engines,
Great North of Scotland Railway 311
Pettigrew’s New Goods Engine for the Furness Railway 315
Six-Wheels-Coupled Bogie Engine, with Outside Cylinders,
Highland Railway 316
Liquid Fuel Engine, Belfast and Northern Counties Railway 317
“Jubilee,” Four-Wheels-Coupled Compound Locomotive,
Belfast and Northern Counties Railway 318
“No. 73,” Standard Passenger Engine, Great Northern Railway (Ireland) 318
Four-Coupled Bogie Express Engine, Great Southern and Western Railway 319
“Peake,” a Locomotive of the Cork and Muskerry Light Railway 319
EVOLUTION OF THE
STEAM LOCOMOTIVE.
CHAPTER I.
Trevithick’s triumph; his first steam locomotives—Mistaken for the devil—
The Coalbrookdale engine—A successful railway journey at Myrthyr
Tydvil—Description of the engine—“Catch-me-who-can”—The
locomotive in London— Blenkinsopp’s rack locomotive—Chapman’s
engine—Did Chapman build an eight-wheel locomotive?—Brunton’s
“steam horse”—Its tragic end.
To Richard Trevithick, the Cornish mine captain and engineer,
belongs the honour of producing the first locomotive—true, his
original essay was a road locomotive. As long ago as 1796 he
constructed a model locomotive which ran round a room; and on
Christmas Eve, 1801, he made the initial trip with his first steam
locomotive through the streets of Camborne. This machine carried
several passengers at a speed in excess of the usual walking pace
of a man. Trevithick was joined in the enterprise by his cousin Vivian,
who provided the money to build the steam engines, and to patent
them, their first patent being dated 24th March, 1802. It is described
as “for improving the construction of steam engines, and the
application thereof for drawing carriages on rails and turnpike roads
and other purposes.” It was claimed that their engine would produce
“a more equable rotary motion on the several parts of the revolution
of any axis which is moved by the steam engine, by causing the
piston-rods of two cylinders to work on the said axis by means of
cranks, at a quarter turn asunder.”
Among other improvements claimed in the specification, mention
should be made of the return tube boiler, bellows to urge the fire, and
a second safety valve, not under the control of the driver.
A steam carriage with these improvements was constructed, and
Vivian and Trevithick commenced a journey on it from Camborne to
Plymouth, from which port it was shipped to London. On the road to
Plymouth a closed toll-bar was met, and the steam carriage stopped
for the gate to be opened. “What have us got to pay here?”
demanded Vivian. The affrighted toll-keeper, shaking in every limb,
and his teeth chattering, essayed to answer, and at last said, “Na—
na—na—na.” “What have us got to pay, I say?” demanded Vivian.
“Na—noth—nothing to pay, my de—dear Mr. Devil; do drive on as
fast as you can. Nothing to pay.”
It must be remembered that to Cornishmen of a century ago the
devil was a very real personage; and, seeing the horseless carriage
proceeding with a fiery accompaniment, the poor toll-keeper thought
he had at last seen his Satanic majesty. He also appears to have
remembered that it is well “to be civil to everyone, the devil included;
there is no knowing when you may require his good wishes.” Hence
the toll-keeper’s reason for calling Vivian “my dear Mr. Devil.”
As early as August, 1802, R. Trevithick (according to his life, as
written by his son, F. Trevithick) appears to have constructed a
railway locomotive at Coalbrookdale. This engine had a boiler of
cast-iron 1½in. thick, with an interior return wrought-iron tube. The
length of the boiler was 6ft., and the diameter 4ft. The cylinder
working this engine was 7in. in diameter, the stroke being 3ft. The
next railway locomotive was that constructed for the Pen-y-darren
Tramroad near Myrthyr Tydvil. Of this particular locomotive (Fig. 1) it
is possible to obtain authentic particulars, although much that is
legendary already clusters around this historic locomotive. For
instance, we read that the locomotive in question had a brick
chimney, and that it was demolished by colliding with an overhanging
branch of a tree. Then the amount of the bet between Mr. Homfray,
the owner of the tramroad, and his friend, as to whether the
locomotive would successfully perform a journey from Pen-y-darren
to the navigation at Plymouth, is a variable quantity. The amount
staked has been stated to be £500 a side, and also £1,000 a side.
Fig. 1.—THE FIRST RAILWAY LOCOMOTIVE OF WHICH
AUTHENTIC PARTICULARS ARE KNOWN