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THE ROUTLEDGE COMPANION TO
GENDER, MEDIA AND VIOLENCE
With heated discussion around #MeToo, journalistic reporting on domestic abuse, and the
popularity of true crime documentaries, gendered media discourse around violence and
harassment has never been more prominent.
The Routledge Companion to Gender, Media and Violence is an outstanding reference
source to the key topics, problems and debates in this important subject and is the first
collection on media and violence to take a gendered, intersectional approach. Comprising
over 50 chapters by a team of interdisciplinary and international contributors, the book is
structured around the following parts:
• News
• Representing reality
• Gender-based violence online
• Feminist responses
The media examples examined range from Australia to Zimbabwe and span print and
online news, documentary film and television, podcasts, pornography, memoir, comedy,
memes, influencer videos, and digital feminist protest. Types of violence considered include
domestic abuse, “honour”-based violence, sexual violence and harassment, female genital
mutilation/cutting, child sexual abuse, transphobic violence, and the aftermath of conflict.
Good practice is considered in relation to both responsible news reporting and pedagogy.
The Routledge Companion to Gender, Media and Violence is essential reading for students
and researchers in Gender Studies, Media Studies, Sociology, and Criminology.
Susan Berridge is Senior Lecturer in Film and Media at the University of Stirling, Scotland.
ROUTLEDGE COMPANIONS TO GENDER
Introduction 1
Karen Boyle and Susan Berridge
PART 1
News 13
v
Contents
12 The HIV man, Alexandra man and Hotboy: Swedish news coverage
of rape as a folklore of fear 136
Gabriella Nilsson
vi
Contents
PART 2
Representing reality 185
vii
Contents
PART 3
Gender-based violence online 329
viii
Contents
41 The curious case of Karen Carney: The argument for equity over
equality in curbing the online abuse of women in sports media 442
Guy Harrison and Melody Huslage
ix
Contents
PART 4
Feminist responses 483
52 Digital feminist and queer activism against gender violence in China 563
Jia Tan
x
Contents
Index 621
xi
FIGURES AND TABLES
Figures
4.1 Victim-perpetrator relationships by presumed or confirmed victim
race (percent) 58
4.2 Conviction types based on presumed or confirmed victim and
perpetrator race (percent) 59
4.3 Second-degree murder sentencing length (years) by presumed or
confirmed victim and perpetrator race 60
15.1 Xianzi and her supporters before the first trial. Her placard reads
“Must Win”. Photography: Zhang Yiyi 165
15.2 Xianzi and other feminists show support for He Qian and Zou
Sicong during the Deng Fei trial. Photo provided by Xianzi 166
30.1 Emphasising vulnerability in Swara (Samar Minallah) 322
Tables
6.1 Corpus of televised news recalling episodes of femminicido in La
Vita in Diretta 79
8.1 Description of the analytical sample of print news media articles
(1980–1999) (n = 97) 97
8.2 Print media coverage of girls’ violence over time (1980–1999) (n = 97) 98
26.1 GBV in Global North and Global South settings in women’s
magazines 287
xii
CONTRIBUTORS
Inês Amaral is Associate Professor at the Faculty of Arts and Humanities of the University
of Coimbra. She holds a PhD in Communication Sciences from the University of Minho
and is a researcher at the Centre for Communication and Society Studies. She has been
researching sociabilities in digital social networks, media and digital literacy, technologies
and ageing, audiences and media consumption in the digital age, gender and media. Inês has
published in journals including the International Journal of Communication, El Professional
de la Información, Media Studies and the European Journal for Research on the Education
and Learning of Adults.
Eylem Atakav is Professor of Film, Gender and Public Engagement at the University of
East Anglia where she teaches courses on women and world cinema; gender and Middle
xiii
Contributors
Eastern media and documentary. She is the author of Women and Turkish Cinema: Gender
Politics, Cultural Identity and Representation (2012) and editor of Directory of World
Cinema: Turkey (Intellect, 2013). She is the director of Growing Up Married – an
internationally acclaimed documentary about forced marriage and child brides in Turkey;
and co-director of Lifeline, a documentary that reveals the reality of working in the frontline
of the domestic abuse sector in the UK during the pandemic.
Lucia Bainotti (PhD) is Lecturer in New Media and Digital Culture and a postdoctoral
researcher at the University of Amsterdam. As a postdoctoral researcher, she works on the
SoBigData++ project, focusing on visual analysis for social media research. Her main
research interests revolve around digital consumer cultures, social media influencers, digital
methods and gender-based abuse online. She is the author of the book Donne tutte puttane.
Revenge porn and maschilità egemone (with Silvia Semenzin, Durango Edizioni), which
addresses the phenomenon of the non-consensual dissemination of intimate images on
Italian Telegram channels.
Rita Basílio Simões is Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Arts and Humanities of the
University of Coimbra. She holds a PhD in Communication Sciences and is a researcher at
the NOVA Institute of Communication. Rita serves as coordinator of the Portuguese
Association of Communication (SOPCOM) Working Group on Gender and Sexualities and
of the Portuguese participation in the Global Media Monitoring Project. She has expertise
in feminist media studies, digital media, journalism studies, gender violence and media
policy. Her research focuses on feminist studies, digital media, journalism, gender violence
and media policy.
xiv
Contributors
Susan Berridge is Senior Lecturer in Film and Media at the University of Stirling, Scotland.
Her research focuses on gender inequalities on- and off-screen in film and television. She has
published on these themes in journals including Feminist Media Studies, European Journal of
Cultural Studies and Journal of British Cinema and Television as well as in edited collections
on gender and media. She is currently working on a BA/Leverhulme funded project on
intimacy coordination in contemporary UK television (with Tanya Horeck).
Karen Boyle is Professor of Feminist Media Studies at the University of Strathclyde, Scotland.
Her research focuses primarily on gender, violence and representation and publications
include #MeToo, Weinstein and Feminism (Palgrave, 2019), Everyday Pornography (as editor,
Routledge, 2015) and Media and Violence: Gendering the Debates (Sage, 2010). She is
currently working on a BA/Leverhulme funded project on the use of trigger warnings in higher
education.
Denise Buiten is Senior Lecturer in Sociology and Social Justice at The University of Notre
Dame Australia and Senior Research Associate of the University of Johannesburg. Her
research focuses on understanding gender-based violence and tracing the evolving discourses
surrounding gendered violence in media, policy and public debates.
Munira Cheema is Lecturer in Culture, Media and Creative Industries at King’s College,
London. Her research interests are at the intersection of cultural studies, media and politics.
She is currently working on two projects: the first looking at the rise of social media as an
alternative public sphere in Pakistan; the second evaluating female politicians’ participation
across mediated and parliamentary contexts in Pakistan. Her books include Women and TV
Culture in Pakistan: Gender, Islam and National Identity (Bloomsbury, 2018) and the
forthcoming Spaces of Protest in Pakistan: Debating National Identity on Social Media and
in Cafes (Palgrave MacMillan, 2024).
Ben Colliver is Senior Lecturer in Criminology at Birmingham City University. His research
interests focus on hate crime, gender and sexuality. His research broadly investigates the
role of gender and sexuality in relation to victimisation. He has published extensively on
transgender people’s experiences of hate crime, online hate speech and the representation of
xv
Contributors
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer people in video-games. He is also a member of
the British Society of Criminology “Hate Crime Network” as a steering group member.
Alishya Dhir is a PhD researcher and Teaching Fellow based in the Centre for Research into
Violence and Abuse (CRiVA) in the Department of Sociology, Durham University, UK.
Alishya’s PhD is focused on youth image-based sexual abuse and police responses. She has
also carried out research into technologically-facilitated sexual violence and sexual violence
at music festivals.
Lisa DiGiovanni is Professor of Spanish Peninsular and Latin American Studies, jointly
appointed in the Departments of Modern Languages and Cultures and Holocaust and
Genocide Studies at Keene State College (USA). She is also affiliated faculty in Women’s
and Gender Studies. Her interdisciplinary research and teaching centers on representations
of war and dictatorial violence in 20th – 21st century Spain and Latin America. Her first
book, Unsettling Nostalgia in Spain and Chile: Longing for Resistance in Literature
and Film, was published in 2019. Her current book, Militarized Masculinity in Spain and
Chile, focuses on narratives that render visible the causes and consequences of militaristic
culture.
The Honourable Senator Lillian Dyck, PhD, occupied roles as both Professor and Associate
Dean at the University of Saskatchewan. The Honourable Lillian Dyck is a member of the
Cree Gordon First Nation in Saskatchewan as well as a first-generation Chinese Canadian.
Dr. Lillian Dyck has dedicated her life to the pursuit of equity, equality and justice, and was
the first Indigenous woman to occupy the role of Senator in Canada and the first Canadian-
born Senator of Chinese descent.
Eleonora Esposito is a Researcher at the Institute for Culture and Society (ICS) of the
University of Navarra (Spain) and a Seconded National Expert at the European Institute
for Gender Equality (EIGE). A Marie Skłodowska-Curie Alumna (2019-2021), Eleonora
has been investigating complex intersections between language, identity and the digitalised
society in a number of global contexts, encompassing the EU, the Anglophone Caribbean
and the Middle East.
xvi
Contributors
Maria Garner is Research Fellow at the Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit, London
Metropolitan University, where she researches violence against women.
Júlia Garraio is researcher at the Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra, where
she currently co-coordinates the working group Policredos (Religion, Gender and Society)
and the Observatory of Masculinities. She is co-founder of the international research group
SVAC-Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict. She is Reviews Editor on the International
Editorial Board of the European Journal of Women’s Studies. Júlia has participated in six
research projects in the areas of Gender Studies, Memory Studies, Cultural Studies,
Literature and Communication. Her main focus of research is narratives and the politics of
representing sexual violence in literature and the media.
Ysabel Gerrard is Lecturer in Digital Media and Society at the University of Sheffield. Her
research on social media content moderation has been published in journals like New Media
xvii
Contributors
and Society and Social Media + Society, and featured in venues like The Guardian and
WIRED. Ysabel is also the Chair of ECREA’s Digital Culture and Communication section
and has been a member of Meta’s Suicide and Self-Injury Advisory Board since March 2019.
Aisha K. Gill, PhD, CBE is Professor of Criminology at University of Bristol. Her main research
areas are health and criminal justice responses to violence against Black, minority ethnic and
refugee women in the UK, Afghanistan, Georgia, Jordan, Libya, Iraqi Kurdistan, India,
Pakistan and Yemen. She has been involved in grassroots work to address violence against
women and girls, “honour” crimes and forced marriage for 23 years. Recent publications focus
on femicide, “honour” killings, forced marriage, child sexual exploitation and sexual abuse in
Black and racially minoritised communities, FGM, sex selective abortions, and women who
kill. She is Co-Chair of End Violence Against Women Coalition.
Debbie Ging is Associate Professor of Digital Media and Gender at Dublin City University.
She teaches and researches on digital misogyny, anti-feminism, male supremacism online
and the incel community. Debbie is co-editor of Gender Hate Online: Understanding the New
Antifeminism (Palgrave, 2019). She is a member of the National Anti-Bullying Centre and of
the Institute for Future Media, Democracy and Society (FuJo).
Emily Harmer is Senior Lecturer in Media and Co-Director of DigiPol: Centre for Digital
Politics, Media and Democracy at the University of Liverpool. Her work addresses the
relationship between gender, media and politics. Her recent work explores the online abuse,
harassment and everyday sexism aimed at women in the UK Parliament. She is the author
of Women, Media and Elections: Representation and Marginalisation in British Politics
(Bristol University Press, 2021) and co-editor of Online Othering: Exploring Digital Violence
and Discrimination on the Web (Palgrave, 2019).
Carol Harrington is Senior Lecturer in the School of Social and Cultural Studies, Victoria
University of Wellington, New Zealand. Her research concerns politics and policy on violence
against women, sexual violence and sex work. She has taught courses on the sociology of
violence, sexuality and comparative welfare regimes. She has published on the politics of
sexual violence, including anti-sex-trafficking policy in Bosnia and Kosovo, gender expertise
within peacekeeping operations and sex work knowledge politics in Timor Leste, Sweden, the
UK and New Zealand. Most recently, she has published the book Neoliberal Sexual Violence
Politics: Toxic Masculinity and #MeToo (Palgrave, 2022).
Guy Harrison is Assistant Professor of Journalism and Electronic Media at the University of
Tennessee, Knoxville. His research focuses on gender and race in U.S. sports media. In
2021, he published the book On the Sidelines: Gendered Neoliberalism and the American
Female Sportscaster.
xviii
Contributors
Rebecca Harrison is Lecturer in Film and Media at The Open University and a freelance
film critic. As a survivor and from a working-class background, she is committed to
challenging the white, patriarchal, and elitist structures that have historically excluded
students and scholars from Higher Education. Her research tends to focus on histories of
media technologies and questions of identity and power. Her writing appears in MAI:
Feminism and Visual Culture and Sight & Sound, among many other venues, and her most
recent book is the BFI Film Classic title The Empire Strikes Back (2020).
Heather Hewett is Associate Professor of Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies and an
affiliate of the English Department at SUNY New Paltz. She is a co-editor, with Mary
Holland, of #MeToo and Literary Studies: Reading, Writing, and Teaching about Sexual
Violence and Rape Culture (Bloomsbury, 2021). Her work on contemporary women’s
writing and feminism has been published in scholarly journals and edited collections as well
as mainstream and literary publications. During 2022-2024, she will be working with the
American Council of Learned Societies on their higher education initiative.
Kathryn Claire Higgins is a Postdoctoral Fellow in the Annenberg Center for Collaborative
Communication at the University of Pennsylvania. Her writing on language, culture and the
politics of vulnerability is published in Journalism, Visual Communication and Feminist
Media Studies, among others. Together with Sarah Banet-Weiser she is the co-author of
Believability: Sexual Violence, Media, and the Politics of Doubt (Polity, 2023).
Mary K. Holland is Professor of English at SUNY New Paltz, where she teaches
contemporary literature, women’s writing and theory. Her most recent book is #MeToo
and Literary Studies: Reading, Writing, and Teaching about Sexual Violence and Rape
Culture (co-edited with Heather Hewett, Bloomsbury, 2021). She is also the author of The
Moral Worlds of Contemporary Realism (Bloomsbury, 2020) and Succeeding Postmodernism
(Bloomsbury, 2013), and co-editor of Approaches to Teaching the Works of David Foster
Wallace (MLA, 2019). Currently, she’s working on a collection of narratives about
gendered abuse in academia.
Tanya Horeck is Professor of Film and Feminist Media Studies at Anglia Ruskin
University. She is the author of Public Rape: Representing Violation in Fiction and Film
and Justice on Demand: True Crime in the Digital Streaming Era. Her current research
projects include an UKRI/AHRC funded study on online sexual risks and gendered harms
for young people during Covid-19 and a British Academy funded study on the rise of
consent culture and intimacy coordination.
Melody Huslage is a doctoral candidate in the College of Social Work at the University of
Tennessee, Knoxville. Her research utilises an intersectional framework to investigate issues
of diversity, equity and inclusion.
Rahat Imran holds a PhD in Cinema Studies from the School of Communication, Simon
Fraser University, Canada. Dr Imran held a 2-year MSCA Post-doctoral Research
Fellowship at the Department of Film and Screen Media, University College Cork
(UCC), Ireland (2020-2022). Prior to this, she served as Associate Professor at the School
xix
Contributors
of Creative Arts, University of Lahore, Pakistan. She published the first academic book on
Pakistani documentary cinema: Activist Documentary Film in Pakistan: The Emergence of a
Cinema of Accountability (Routledge, 2016) and is currently writing the first monograph on
Afghan women filmmakers (forthcoming, Routledge, 2024).
Deena A. Isom is Associate Professor in the Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice
and the African American Studies Program at the University of South Carolina. She received
her PhD from Emory University in 2015. Her research aims to understand the causes and
consequences of disparities in criminal behaviours and contact with the justice system.
Emmaleena Käkelä is Research Associate at the School of Social Work and Social Policy at
the University of Strathclyde. Her participatory doctoral research explored refugee women’s
changing vulnerabilities in relation to female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) and other
forms of gender-based violence from a migration perspective. Her research interests are in
the areas of forced migration and asylum, cultural and identity negotiation and the
relationship between gender-based and structural forms of violence and harm.
Jilly Boyce Kay is Lecturer in Media and Communication at the University of Leicester who
specialises in feminist media and cultural studies. She has published widely on gender, class,
feminism and popular and political culture. She is author of the monograph Gender, Media
and Voice: Communicative Injustice and Public Speech (Palgrave, 2020).
Rachel Kuo is Assistant Professor of Media and Cinema Studies at the University of Illinois,
Urbana-Champaign. Her research interests focus on race, feminism, social movements and
digital technology. She is a founding member and current affiliate of the Center for Critical
Race and Digital Studies and a co-leader of the Asian American Feminist Collective.
xx
Contributors
Li Jun (AKA Li Sipan,李思磐) has a PhD in political sociology. She is Chau Hoi Shuen
Scholar-in-Residence of Beatrice Bain Research Group at the University of California
Berkeley and Associate Professor at the Cheung Kong School of Journalism and
Communication, Shantou University in China. In 2004, she established the feminist
organisation Women Awakening Network (新媒体女性), focusing on gender equality in
journalism and communication. Li has coordinated many landmark advocacy projects on
anti-sexual harassment policy and anti-domestic violence legislation. Her research focuses
on the generational difference in media strategy within Chinese feminist activism.
Gabriela Loureiro is a researcher, lecturer and queer feminist mainly interested in feminism,
antiracism, decoloniality, migration, sexuality and emotions. She currently teaches
Sociology of Emotions at the University of Edinburgh. Gabriela’s doctoral thesis
examines the role of emotions in Brazilian online feminist activism and theorises hashtags
as digital consciousness-raising. She holds a master’s degree in Gender, Sexuality and the
Body by the University of Leeds and a BA in journalism by the Federal University of Santa
Maria (UFSM). Before academia, she worked as a journalist in newsrooms in Brazil and at
the BBC in London.
Clare McGlynn is Professor of Law at Durham University and has over twenty years’
experience working with victim-survivors, policy-makers and violence against women
organisations to reform laws and policies on pornography, sexual violence and online abuse.
She is co-author of Cyberflashing: Recognising Harms, Reforming Laws (Bristol University
Press, 2021) and Image-based Sexual Abuse: A Study on the Causes and Consequences of Non-
consensual Nude or Sexual Imagery (Routledge, 2021).
xxi
Contributors
activism and media (Palgrave, 2015), Feminism in the News (Palgrave, 2011) and Digital
Feminist Activism: Girls and Women Fight Back Against Rape Culture (Oxford University
Press, 2019, with Jessica Ringrose and Jessalynn Keller).
Melanie A. Morrison is Full Professor in the Department of Psychology and Health Studies in
the College of Arts and Science, at the University of Saskatchewan, Canada. Melanie is
passionate about promoting the health and safety of women and girls and, in so doing,
challenging and eradicating gender-based, cultural violence. As a social psychologist, Melanie
has spent much of her career conducting attitudinal and behavioural research and publishing
peer-reviewed works on the stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination that marginalise social
groups and serve to compromise the wellness of individuals in their communities.
Jennifer Musial is Associate Professor of Women’s and Gender Studies at New Jersey City
University and holds a PhD in Women’s Studies. She publishes in three fields; 1) reproductive
justice and gender-based violence; 2) critical yoga studies; and 3) Women’s and Gender
Studies field formation. Recent work has been published in Social and Legal Studies, Journal
of Feminist Scholarship and Feminist Formations. She has forthcoming chapters in Rethinking
Women’s and Gender Studies Volume II and Carcerality Locally and Globally: Feminist
Critiques of States of Violence. She is the managing editor for Race and Yoga.
Gary Needham is Senior Lecturer in Film and Media at The University of Liverpool. He is
the co-editor of Queer TV (Routledge, 2009) and United Artists (Routledge, 2020) and his
forthcoming book Sex, Guys, and Videotape (Edinburgh University Press) is a history of
American independent film during the AIDS crisis.
xxii
Contributors
Sonia Núñez Puente is Professor of Gender and Media at the Universidad Rey Juan Carlos
(Madrid, Spain). Her research focuses on the analysis of social media and the
transformation of cultural violence. She has led national and international research and
development projects on feminist digital activism and gender-based violence. She has been a
Leverhulme Research Fellow at the University of Aberdeen (Scotland) and a lecturer
at Vanderbilt University (USA). She has been a Visiting Scholar at The University of
Cambridge (United Kingdom), The University of Coimbra (Portugal), The University of
Milano-Bicocca (Italy) and Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin (Germany), among others.
Jennifer O’Meara is Assistant Professor in Film Studies at Trinity College Dublin. She has
published widely on the topic of screen sound and gender, in publications including Feminist
Media Studies and the Journal of Cinema and Media Studies. Her latest book, Screening
Women’s Voices in the Digital Era: The Sonic Screen from Film to Memes, was published by
University of Texas Press in 2022.
Rafaela Orphanides obtained her PhD in 2020 from Loughborough University. Her current
interdisciplinary research explores the relationship of Reality and the Imaginary in popular
culture. Through this research she has explored mediations of authenticity, success and
gender-based violence in media, and the triple entanglement of feminism, postfeminism, and
neoliberalism in mediated representations. Dr Orphanides has experience from Universities
in the UK and Cyprus in teaching modules at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels.
Kandice M. Parker is a PhD candidate in the Psychology of Culture, Health and Human
Development programme at the University of Saskatchewan. She has previously acquired a
B.Sc. in Biology (UVic), a B.A. in Psychology with Honours and M.A. in Applied Social
Psychology at the University of Saskatchewan. Her research interests include gender and
violence, men and allyship, woke performativity, gender equality and postfeminism.
Kandice has published in numerous outlets including Psychology & Sexuality, Porn
Studies and Journal of Bisexuality.
xxiii
Contributors
Anastasia Powell is Professor of Family & Sexual Violence at RMIT University (Melbourne,
Australia). Her research examines the intersections of gender, violence, justice and
technology, and includes the books: Image-based Sexual Abuse (Routledge, 2020), Digital
Criminology (Routledge, 2018), Sexual Violence in a Digital Age (Palgrave, 2017), Domestic
Violence (Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2011) and Sex, Power and Consent (Cambridge
University Press, 2010).
Michael Salter is a Scientia Fellow and Associate Professor of Criminology at the University
of New South Wales. His research is focused on complex trauma, gender-based violence and
child sexual abuse. His published work includes the books Organised Sexual Abuse
(Routledge, 2013) and Crime, Justice and Social Media (Routledge, 2017) and over fifty
papers in international journals and edited collections. He is the academic member of the
Advisory Group to inform the development and implementation of the Commonwealth ten
year National Plan To Prevent Violence Against Women and Their Children.
Paula Serafini is Lecturer in Creative and Cultural Industries at Queen Mary University of
London. Her research is situated in the field of cultural politics, and her interests include
extractivism, social movements, art activism, performance, cultural labour, cultural policy,
feminist politics and alternatives to development. She is author of Performance Action: The
Politics of Art Activism (Routledge, 2018) and Creating Worlds Otherwise: Art, Collective
Action, and (Post)Extractivism (Vanderbilt University Press, 2022).
xxiv
Contributors
Jennifer Silcox, PhD, is Assistant Professor in the Department of Child and Youth Studies
at King’s University College at Western University. Her main areas of research include
social inequality, youth crime and legislation in Canada, youth mental health, and media
representations of crime.
Jia Tan is Assistant Professor of Cultural Studies at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.
She is the author of Digital Masquerade: Feminist Rights and Queer Media in China (NYU
Press, 2023).
Einar Thorsen, PhD, is Professor of Journalism and Communication and Executive Dean
of the Faculty of Media and Communication at Bournemouth University (UK). His
research covers journalism and social change, citizens’ voices, news reporting of crisis and
politics. He has co-authored and co-edited several reports, including a 2021 UNESCO
report on journalism and sexual violence in India and national survey reports on the
impact of Covid-19 on journalists in Nepal (2020) and Sierra Leone (2021). His recent
books include Media, Journalism and Disaster Communities (Palgrave, 2020, co-edited
with Jamie Matthews).
Fiona Vera-Gray is the Deputy Director of the Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
(CWASU) at London Metropolitan University. She is the author of two books on public
sexual harassment and a forthcoming book on what porn means for women.
xxv
Contributors
Karissa Wall completed her Masters in Applied Social Psychology at the University of
Saskatchewan. Karissa now works as the Manager of Institutional Research at Kwantlen
Polytechnic University in Vancouver, BC, Canada.
Helen Wood is Professor of Media and Cultural Studies at the University of Lancaster UK.
She has published widely on class and gender in the media including the books Reality
Television and Class and Reacting to Reality Television with Beverley Skeggs. She has edited
Television for Women: New Directions with Rachel Moseley and Helen Wheatley and the
book The Wedding Spectacle Across Media and Culture with Jilly Kay and Melanie
Kennedy. Her recent work on representations of the working-class girl can be found in
Feminist Media Studies and the Journal of British Cinema and Television.
xxvi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
xxvii
INTRODUCTION
Karen Boyle and Susan Berridge
DOI: 10.4324/9781003200871-1 1
Karen Boyle and Susan Berridge
What’s in a name?
Although the terms gender-based violence and (men’s) violence against women are often
used interchangeably in activist, research and policy contexts (Boyle, 2019a) it is important
to insist on the distinctions between them. This collection is centrally concerned with how
violence is understood in and through gender – and vice versa. But this does not mean it is
concerned only – or specifically – with gender-based violence.
UN Women give the following definition of gender-based violence:
As this makes clear, not all gender-based violence is violence against women. However, this
definition emphasises the greater risk to women and girls, without identifying who is most at
risk of perpetrating that violence. If gender-based violence is rooted in gender inequality and
involves an abuse of power, the people perpetrating that violence in a patriarchal society are
most likely to be men. This is not to say that gender-based violence is only perpetrated by
men. For instance, female genital mutilation and cutting can be understood as gender-based
violence not because it is always practised by men (it isn’t), but because it targets women
and is a violent expression of gendered inequalities. Likewise, whilst transphobic violence
may be perpetrated by people of all genders, that it functions to uphold gender-binary
norms makes it a form of violence that is based in gender. But these examples do not
undermine our point that just as women and girls “suffer disproportionately”, so men and
boys are disproportionately represented as perpetrators. Yet, men and boys are only
mentioned in this definition as potential victims.
Even in the UN’s definition of violence against women and girls – the most common
form of gender-based violence – it is gendered risk which is centred:
Violence against women and girls is defined as any act of gender-based violence that
results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or mental harm or suffering to
2
Introduction
women and girls, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of
liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life. Violence against women and girls
encompasses, but is not limited to, physical, sexual and psychological violence oc-
curring in the family or within the general community, and perpetrated or condoned
by the state.
(UN Women, n.d.)
Reading these definitions you could be left wondering who on earth is doing all this violence.
In our editorial choices for this collection, we have emphasised men’s violence against
women, but to gain a fuller understanding of the ways that gender and violence are made
meaningful in and through representation we have also included chapters that focus on
other forms of gender-based violence, as well as on violence which is gendered (that is,
understood in relation to gender) but not gender-based (an abuse of power). For instance,
women’s violence is routinely framed in media reporting as a story about gender (and,
sometimes, about feminism) making it important to consider in a collection of this type. It
is not, however, gender-based violence according to the UN’s definition, as it is not –
typically – “rooted in gender inequality, the abuse of power and harmful norms”.
This discussion demonstrates that language matters and that applies not only when we
are looking at the media, but also at policy and activist practice. Of course, it is inevitable
that in any international collection which deals with such a wide variety of types of violence,
there is no one definition that unites all of the chapters. As editors, we have not tried to
impose one. But we have pushed contributors to be as precise as possible about who is doing
what to whom and to be cautious of umbrella terms which may obfuscate gendered
dynamics. This cautious approach to umbrella terms is one which is also advocated by Mia
Fischer in relation to transgender visibility. Fischer is critical of “the framework of trans-
gender visibility” which might “allow mainstream LGB(T) organizations to allege inclusion of
the T without actually addressing the urgent needs and issues of transgender people” (2019,
p. 13). In the context of gender and violence, we understand violence against trans people
because of their gender identity to be a form of gender-based violence. This includes violence
against trans women because they are women, and violence against trans women and men
because they are trans: in these cases, both misogynist and transphobic violence can be based
on perceived gender roles and gender (non)conformity. But to go back to the UN Women
definition above, it is not obvious that all violence against the wider LGBTQI+ population is,
or should be, understood as gender-based: homophobic violence, for instance, may not always
be related to “norms of masculinity/femininity and/or gender norms”.
A large part of what is at stake in these definitions, then, is the commonalities they
establish between different forms of violence and different social groups. This leads us to a
core concept which has informed our editorial selections and is adopted by many of our
contributors: continuum thinking (Boyle, 2019a).
Continuum thinking
Continuum thinking is a characteristic of feminist theorisations of gender and violence and
can be arrived at via the work of a range of different theorists. Our own use of the con-
tinuum is indebted to Liz Kelly who introduced the concept in her 1988 book Surviving
Sexual Violence as a means of understanding women’s experiences of sexual violence. For
Kelly, the continuum was a way of conceptualising how women made sense of individual
3
Karen Boyle and Susan Berridge
actions in relation to a continuum of related experiences throughout their lives. The con-
tinuum was a means of identifying the “basic common character that underlies many dif-
ferent events” and/or “a continuous series of elements or events that pass into one another
and cannot be easily distinguished” (1988, p. 76). The value of the continuum, for Kelly,
was in allowing us to see how experiences accumulated and worked together – in a context
characterised by gender inequality – to shape women’s lives.
Whilst it was Kelly’s work on sexual violence which led her to develop the concept of the
continuum, subsequent feminist work adopted and adapted the continuum to trace how
different forms of (men’s) (gender-based) violence against women are connected (Boyle,
2019a). The brackets are intended to highlight that feminist work has expanded beyond the
continuum to consider a range of different continuums which allow us to make connections
not only in the lives of victim/survivors (Kelly’s original focus), but also, for instance, by
considering men’s behaviour, or the meaning and function of violence. In Surviving Sexual
Violence, Kelly foresaw some of these uses of the concept, noting that continuum thinking
could also help to establish the ways in which “typical” and “aberrant” male behaviour shades
into one another (Kelly, 1988, p. 75). As Karen Boyle notes “this demands that we pay
attention not only to women’s experiences of male behaviour, but also to that behaviour itself
and how it is rendered meaningful for men” (2019a, p. 29). Media representations are some of
the many ways in which that behaviour is rendered meaningful for men.
Here, it is useful to turn to Raewyn Connell’s work and her term “hegemonic mascu-
linity”. Hegemonic masculinity is the dominant/dominating form of masculinity in a given
historical and society-wide social setting that legitimates unequal and hierarchical gender
relations (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005). Reflecting on male violence specifically,
Connell writes:
most men do not attack or harass women; but those who do are unlikely to think
themselves deviant. On the contrary they usually feel they are entirely justified, that
they are exercising a right. They are authorized by an ideology of supremacy.
(Connell, 1995, p. 83)
We can connect this back to our discussion of the UN definitions above to note that one
way male dominance is maintained is by not noticing it exists. Hegemonic masculinity
means that much of men’s violence goes unrecognised as male violence, if, indeed, it is
recognised as violence at all and not, for instance, disguised as sex or romance, as a winning
mentality for business or sport, or as honour. When these linguistic disguises are adopted
the speaker accepts the perpetrator’s framing of his behaviour (Campbell, 2022).
In an article focusing on rape and sexual assault in the news, Boyle, Brenna Jessie and
Megan Strickland note:
To state that in certain conditions, and for certain types of men, rape and sexual
assault can be “normal” is to recognise that the social and cultural construction of
male sexuality and gender inequality legitimates and indeed celebrates sexual
aggression as part of what it means to be “a man.” As such, if a man’s sexually
assaultive behaviour is to be recognised as a problem, then he cannot simultaneously
be recognised as a man.
(2022, p. 116)
4
Introduction
The “certain types of men” referred to here are those who are most closely aligned with
hegemonic masculinity in any given culture. To qualify Boyle, Jessie and Strickland’s argu-
ment slightly, then, he cannot simultaneously be recognised as that kind of man. As many of
the chapters in this collection demonstrate, if he is, or was, that kind of man (an award-
winning movie producer, say) then he must have been miscategorised – he isn’t actually one of
them at all, he’s a monster. At the same time, across many of the contexts discussed in this
book, there is an increasing sense that the ideology of male supremacy is under threat and that
at least some of the men who did not previously think themselves deviant are being forced to
think again. Feminist activism – including in media spaces – has had an important role to play
in these reckonings.
For an internationally-oriented collection, continuum thinking is a fundamentally
political intervention because it allows us to see connections across disparate contexts whilst
remaining alert to their specificities. Importantly, continuum thinking is about under-
standing the common character of differently-situated experiences, it is not about asserting
an equivalence or a hierarchy. In this, it echoes long-standing principles of feminist orga-
nising, as well as debates about sameness and difference in women’s experiences within and
across nations and the structural inequalities produced by race, religion, sexuality, gender
identity, class and dis/ability. A collection like this allows us to contribute to this broader
project of building a feminist community and theorising gender and violence by opening up
space for reflection on the assumptions underpinning not only media coverage but also
representation in theory and research.
As one practical example of this, we want to briefly reflect on what we have learned from
considering how “honour” structures justificatory accounts of men’s violence against
women across different contexts in this collection. “Honour” is directly referenced in a
number of chapters which deal with abuse in Islamic contexts such as Rahat Imran’s
(Chapter 30) and Munira Cheema’s (Chapter 51) chapters focusing on Pakistan and Eylem
Atakav’s (Chapter 55) discussion of child marriage in Turkey. But honour – and its cor-
relate, shame (Gill, 2014, p. 2) – also feature heavily in reports of familicide in white
communities in the UK and Australia discussed by Denise Buiten (Chapter 5); whilst ideas
about honour, pride and white nationalism circulate in Kathryn Claire Higgins’s examples
from Australia (Chapter 7) and Nicky Falkof’s from South Africa (Chapter 24). We are not
suggesting that these examples are the same. Indeed, there are clear and important differ-
ences. So-called “honour” crimes are, typically, attempts to maintain or restore (familial)
“honour” by ensuring women conform to cultural and religious expectations – or are
punished for their failure to do so (Siddiqui and Mahmod, 2021, p. 404). In the cases
discussed by Buiten, Higgins and Falkof, there are parallels in the positioning of men as the
arbiters of family or community honour, but it is men’s understanding of their own beha-
viour or position (and how that is threatened) that is more central. But running through all
these examples is the extent to which gender norms are underpinned by male entitlement
and gender inequality, and that the violent policing of those norms is most often at the
expense of women in families and communities.
Putting these chapters together allows us to see connections in men’s excuses for violence
(and so in women’s experiences of it), but at the same time raises questions about the very
different language typically used to refer to these acts, both in media and research contexts.
Activists are understandably dubious when debates over terminology become a means of
deflecting responsibility and delaying action, particularly on the part of governments
(Siddiqui and Mahmod, 2021). At the same time – and as other chapters in this collection
5
Karen Boyle and Susan Berridge
explore in relation to phenomena including cyberflashing (McGlynn, Chapter 35) and child
abuse images (Salter, Chapter 37) – the terms we use can determine patterns of recognition
and restitution. This may be where those of us involved in media disciplines are able to
make useful interventions in wider debates.
So, to go back to our example of “honour”, what might we gain by thinking of certain
kinds of familicide or white vigilantism as honour-based violence? What would such a
framing allow (and deny), both in terms of our understandings of familicide and vigilantism
and of our understandings of how ideas about “honour” are mobilised in Western accounts
of “Islamic” practices and communities? To return to Siddiqui and Mahmod, might this
offer a means to challenge the exoticisation of minoritised communities which often ac-
companies discussions of “honour”-based violence in the West (p. 409) and, therefore, limits
minority women’s access to effective state protection? At the same time, might it also
challenge the normalisation and relative invisibility of some forms of white men’s violence
against white women which mean that their violence is likely to be understood in individ-
ualist rather than structural terms (Chantler and Gangoli, 2011)? Similar debates have taken
place in relation to the relationship between “honour” violence and coercive control (Patel
and Siddiqui, 2011; Gill, 2011) or “date” rape (Chantler and Gangoli, 2011). This work also
interrogates whose versions of honour, of community and of gender are prioritised and
naturalised – the troubling of “honour” often signalled (as we have done here) by the use of
scare quotes or by insisting on its disputed status: so-called honour (Chantler and Gangoli,
2011, p. 359). These debates may be semantic, but they are also material, impacting, among
other things, on how governments weaponise violence against minoritised women – and
violence by minoritised men – to serve anti-immigration agendas: something which emerges
in a range of contexts in this collection (e.g. Bhaman and Kuo, Chapter 3; Gill, Chapter 9;
Käkelä, Chapter 10).
It is important here to distinguish between continuum thinking – which has underpinned
the editorial selections and analysis in this book – and analogous thinking. By analogous
thinking, we are referring to attempts – in both media and some feminist work – to make
gender-based violence matter by establishing how it is “like” something else: torture, ter-
rorism, hostage-taking (Boyle, 2019a, p. 23). We have seen a lot of this, in various contexts,
since 2020, as gender-based violence – and men’s violence against women in particular – has
been described as a pandemic of its own. UN Women (2020c), for instance, described
violence against women during Covid-19 as the “shadow pandemic”. Given the extent to
which the Covid-19 pandemic has dominated every aspect of our lives since early 2020, this
is an understandable move as it aims to make visible the scale of the problem and the sheer
number of women impacted by it.
However, we are wary of analogous thinking because the analogies are so often not
themselves gendered and/or are phenomena for which individuals cannot be clearly
accountable. As such, we can end up in a situation where we are talking about gender-based
violence and even men’s violence against women in curiously ungendered terms and/or only
focusing on structure, evading questions of personal responsibility. We understand why
feminists have at times adopted this strategy as a way of getting the issue onto agendas
which might be resistant to explicitly feminist language and analysis: indeed, we have done
this ourselves (Boyle, 2019a, pp. 19–20). However, in the context of a collection about the
media, the problematic ways in which analogous thinking – along with any form of eu-
phemistic language – can work to constrain understanding and limit which kinds of vio-
lence, victims and perpetrators come into view are acutely felt.
6
Introduction
7
Karen Boyle and Susan Berridge
8
Introduction
the Middle East and Eastern Europe), we include case studies from 21 different countries,
including Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, China, Finland, Greece, India, Italy,
Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan, Portugal, South Africa, South Korea, Spain, Sweden, the UK,
US and Zimbabwe. Several chapters offer more theoretical and/or less geographically-
bounded case studies, bringing in examples from a range of different contexts. Our hope is
that the collection will prompt readers to consider the relationship between the examples
illuminated here and other local, national or regional contexts in their own research.
Before moving into the individual chapters, however, there are ethical considerations for
a collection like this which are important to address.
9
Karen Boyle and Susan Berridge
may choose to retract or restrict previously publicly-available posts or videos at a later date.
For this reason, our editorial stance has been to ask contributors to omit identifying details
(such as usernames) for private or (on Twitter) unverified1 individuals unless a professional
role is associated with their accounts or their online identities are well known. Still, even
when users have large followings and might expect their videos and posts to be widely
viewed, there remain ethical questions to consider about our role as researchers in handling
that material. There is a recognition that whilst it is important for victim/survivors to be
acknowledged in these debates, it is also important that they are not permanently linked to
that identity.
Chapters in Part 1 also explore questions of ethics in relation to decisions on how to
report gender-based violence, considering how journalists can help change public under-
standings and attitudes. However, we need to remain attentive to local restrictions – legal or
otherwise – which may shape what journalists are allowed to say about victim/survivors,
perpetrators and specific actions or patterns of behaviour. For example, there may be
restrictions around revealing victim/survivors’ identities – most often in sexual assault cases,
and when the victim/survivor is a child. Whilst such restrictions are often to protect victim/
survivors, this can mean that perpetrators’ perspectives and lives are allowed to dominate
media narratives (Miller, 2019; Boyle, Jessie and Strickland, 2022) encouraging a “himpa-
thetic” response (Manne, 2018). There are further considerations around defamation, and –
as Li Jun demonstrates in Chapter 15 – uneven access to legal instruments can leave public
survivors vulnerable to prosecution. This is also an issue for those of us writing about these
issues, meaning we often have to be less definitive in our language than we might like (Boyle,
2019b, pp. 13–14). As we move throughout the book, contributors also consider ethics in
relation to our own engagement with representations of gender-based violence and/or with
media produced in abusive contexts – as audiences, filmmakers, teachers and researchers.
Finally, a note on the language used to refer to those experiencing, and those perpe-
trating, violence. We have not insisted contributors take a uniform approach to this, re-
cognising that different terms can have utility and power in different contexts. In our
editorial work, we have used the term victim/survivor. Whilst the term “victim” has been
rejected by some as stigmatising, other feminists have insisted that there is no stigma in
victimisation and cautioned that the refusal of the term can be a means of minimising harm
(Jordan, 2004, p. 12). At the same time, “survivor” is often preferred in activist contexts as it
offers a more agentic identity and the possibility of recognising women’s active resistance
(Kelly, 1988). We see value in both terms and use the compound victim/survivor to
acknowledge that neither victimisation nor survival are discrete experiences but are them-
selves moving points on a continuum rather than definitive identity markers (Kelly, Burton
and Regan, 1996). This makes sense, for instance, of the oft-repeated claims that media
coverage can itself be revictimising (Boyle, 2019b, p. 15). More recently, the term “perpe-
trator” has also been the focus of critique for similarly suggesting “a kind of person rather
than an act or experience” (Khan et al., 2018, p.453). Whilst acknowledging these limita-
tions, we have continued to use “perpetrator” in this collection in the absence of a widely
recognised alternative.
Note
1 All of the research presented in this book was conducted before Elon Musk’s takeover of Twitter
in October 2022.
10
Introduction
References
Banet-Weiser, S. (2018) Empowered: Popular feminism and popular misogyny. Durham, NC: Duke
University Press.
Boyle, K. (2019a) ‘What’s in a name?: Theorising the inter-relationships of gender and violence’,
Feminist Theory, 20(1), pp. 19–36.
Boyle, K. (2019b) #MeToo, Weinstein and feminism. Cham: Palgrave.
Boyle, K., Jessie, B. and Strickland, M. (2022) ‘Rape in the news: Contemporary challenges’, in
Horvath, M. A. H. and Brown, J. M. (eds.) Rape: Challenging contemporary thinking – 10 years
on. London: Routledge, pp. 113–127.
Campbell, R. (2022) ‘Revisiting Emotionally involved: The impact of researching rape. Twenty years
(and thousands of stories) later’, in Horvath, M. A. H. and Brown, J. M. (eds.) Rape:
Challenging contemporary thinking – 10 years on. London: Routledge, pp. 12–27.
Chantler, K. and Gangoli, G. (2011) ‘Violence against women in minoritized communities: Cultural
norm or cultural anomaly?’, in Thiara, R. K., Condon, S. and Schröttle, M. (eds.) Violence
against women and ethnicity: Commonalities and differences across Europe. Leverkusen-Opladen:
Verlag Barbara Budrich, pp. 353–366.
Cockburn, C. (2004) ‘The continuum of violence: A gender perspective on war and peace’, in Giles, W.
and Hyndman, J. (eds.) Sites of violence: Gender and conflict zones. Berkeley: University of
California Press, pp. 24–44.
Cockburn, C. (2012) “Don’t talk to me about war. My life’s a battlefield.” 50.50, Open Democracy,
25 November. Available at: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/5050/dont-talk-to-me-about-
war-my-lifes-battlefield/ (Accessed: 19 September 2022).
Connell, R. W. (1995) Masculinities. Cambridge: Polity.
Connell, R. W. and Messerschmidt, J. W. (2005) ‘Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking the concept’,
Gender & Society, 19 (6), pp. 829–859.
Durham, M. G. (2021) MeToo: The impact of rape culture in the media. Cambridge: Polity.
Fischer, M. (2019) Terrorizing gender: Transgender visibility and the surveillance practices of the U.S.
security state. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Gago, V. (2019) La potencia feminista: O el deseo de cambiarlo todo. Madrid: Traficantes de Sueños.
Gill, A. (2011) ‘Reconfiguring “honour”-based violence as a form of gendered violence’, in Idriss, M.
M. and Abbas, T. (eds.) Honour, violence, women and Islam. Abingdon: Routledge, pp. 218–231.
Gill, A. (2014) ‘Introduction: “Honour” and “honour”-based violence: Challenging common as-
sumptions’, in Gill, A. K., Strange, C. and Roberts, K. (eds.) “Honour” killing and violence:
theory, policy and practice. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 1–23.
Halberstam, J. (2017) ‘Currents: Feminist key concepts and controversies. Trigger happy: From content
warning to censorship’, Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 42(2), pp. 532–542.
Jordan, J. (2004) The word of a woman? Police, rape and belief. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan.
Khan, S. R., Hirsch, J. S., Wamboldt, A. and Mellins, C. A. (2018) ‘“I didn’t want to be ‘that girl’”:
The social risks of labelling, telling, and reporting sexual assault’, Sociological Science, 5(19),
pp. 432–460.
Kelly, L. (1988) Surviving sexual violence. Cambridge: Polity.
Kelly, L. (2016) ‘The conducive context of violence against women and girls’, Discover Society, 1
March. Available at: https://archive.discoversociety.org/2016/03/01/theorising-violence-against-
women-and-girls/ (Accessed: 18 December 2022).
Kelly, L., Burton, S. and Regan, L. (1996) ‘Beyond victim or survivor: Sexual violence, identity and
feminist theory and practice’, in Adkins, L. and Merchant, V. (eds.) Sexualizing the social:
Power and the organisaiton of sexuality. Basingstoke: Macmillan, pp. 77–101.
Manne, K. (2018) Down girl: The logic of misogyny. New York: Oxford University Press.
Miller, C. (2019) Know my name. New York: Viking Press.
Patel, P. and Siddiqui, H. (2011) ‘Standing in the same dream: Black and minority ethnic women’s
struggles against gender-based violence and for equality in the UK’, in Thiara, R. K., Condon,
S. and Schröttle, M. (eds.) Violence against women and ethnicity: Commonalities and differences
across Europe. Leverkusen-Opladen: Verlag Barbara Budrich, pp. 259–275.
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Silver, R. (1991) ‘Why peace isn’t covered: An interview with Sam Keen’, Media & Values, 56. Available at:
https://www.medialit.org/reading-room/why-peace-isnt-covered (Accessed: 18 December 2022).
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Policy Brief no. 17. Available at: https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/
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materials] Available at: https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/in-focus/in-focus-gender-equality-
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violence (Accessed: 18 December 2022).
12
PART 1
News
NEWS
Introduction to Part 1
Karen Boyle and Susan Berridge
In Part 1, we focus on news media. The news has been a site of concern for feminist scholars
working on gender and violence in a range of disciplinary contexts. This is evidenced in our
choice of contributors for Part 1, a number of whom arrive at media analysis in a round-
about way, for instance, as a side-effect of empirical work with/for victim/survivors. They,
and we, understand the analysis of the media as part of the broader feminist project to
challenge and change gendered inequalities in the social world and see the news as one of the
most visible sites of struggle.
Research on gender and news globally has consistently pointed to the marginalisation of
women as journalists, sources and subjects. The 2020 Global Media Monitoring Project – the
largest international, collaborative, longitudinal study of women and news – showed that
women made up around four in ten journalists and presenters for the leading news stories
globally (Macharia, 2021, p.4) and 25% of news subjects and sources (ibid, p.17). Reflecting
on where and in what roles women appear in the news, the GMMP 2020 report notes,
“Women’s points of view were less frequently heard in the topics that dominated the news
agenda; even in stories that affected women profoundly, such as gender-based violence, the
male voice prevailed” (ibid, p.1). Having identified gender-based violence as a topic in around
6% of the stories in the global GMMP data, the report continues, “The near absence of
coverage of gender-based atrocities committed against girls and women further supports the
observation that such acts have been normalized in and through media coverage” (ibid, p.13).
For gender-based violence to be at stake in 6% of the most prominent news stories globally
does not seem to us to be a “near absence”. However, this interpretation points to a concern
that characterises much work in this area: namely, that the everyday nature of gender-based
violence – particularly men’s violence against women and girls – is not proportionately rep-
resented in news media. That the mundane nature of certain forms of gender-based violence
defies newsworthiness is a recurring theme in the chapters which follow. This matters because
making the problem visible is part of how we can make it actionable.
Yet, at the same time, for the media to play a role in normalising gender-based violence,
as also suggested in the GMMP quote, suggests a contradictory concern: namely that
gender-based violence is a routine and unexceptional element of news coverage. This sug-
gests that it is not the “near absence” of gender-based violence which is the problem, but
DOI: 10.4324/9781003200871-3 15
Karen Boyle and Susan Berridge
rather the lack of feminist analysis in this coverage. Underpinning the contradictions in the
GMMP report, then, is a broader tension in feminist research and activism around gender-
based violence which sees the media as both a tool for change and as part of the problem.
Sometimes simultaneously.
Quantitively oriented projects like GMMP have been persuasive in policy contexts, but
are less effective in helping us to unpack the ideological work of news media and this is
where qualitative methodologies have prevailed.1 There is now a rich tradition of this work,
spanning nations, regions and news genres, different kinds of violence and differently po-
sitioned perpetrators and victim/survivors. The chapters in Part 1 are in conversation with
this tradition and demonstrate depressing consistencies in news coverage, particularly in
relation to victim-blaming and a lack of willingness to engage critically with men’s violence
in relation to gender norms. It is notable, for instance, how rarely the term men’s violence is
used: the maleness of violence is both assumed and, yet, invisible as such. At the same time,
stories about men’s violence against women – and gender-based violence more broadly – are
mobilised in different ways to serve specific local and national agendas at different times.
We will see, for instance, a recurring concern with how these stories can be mobilised for
regressive political ends in relation to race, ethnicity and immigration. Collectively, then, the
chapters in Part 1 demonstrate the resilience of certain long-standing feminist critiques of
news coverage, whilst highlighting the importance of being attentive to context.
We open with a chapter from Nancy Lombard focusing on news coverage of domestic
abuse in the UK. Lombard situates her interest in the media in relation to concerns about
how sociological research can be distorted in news stories. She demonstrates this by con-
sidering how sociological concern with correlations between domestic abuse and football or
Covid-19 can become news stories which imply causality and, therefore, suggest easy ways
to “fix” the problem of domestic abuse. These stories – and the fixes they imagine – ignore
the gendered dimensions of the abuse, render victim/survivors less visible and fail to hold
perpetrators to account.
This provides an essential context for Stephen R. Burrell and Alishya Dhir’s research on
male victims of domestic abuse, which similarly draws on research undertaken in the UK.
Burrell and Dhir argue that misrepresentations of men’s violence against women – like those
detailed by Lombard – also harm male victim/survivors. Whilst focusing on a statistically
rarer form of domestic abuse (against men) this chapter highlights the newsworthiness of
the exceptional and asks how these exceptional cases work to redefine the norm. Using
social research with victim/survivors to make recommendations about representation,
Burrell and Dhir note that many of the men in their study struggled to name their ex-
periences and have them recognised by others. Burrell and Dhir’s argument isn’t that this is
the fault of the media (although the gender stereotypes their respondents came up against
are familiar from media representations), but rather that news media have an important role
to play in shaping how the problem is understood.
Following this, in Chapter 3, Salonee Bhaman and Rachel Kuo weave media examples
together with broader debates about policing, justice and immigration in their reflections on
the heightened visibility accorded to “Asian hate” in the US in 2022. Bhaman and Kuo
demonstrate how violence against Asian American women is most visible and most legible
as violence, when it can be slotted into a narrative of classed and racialised conflict where
professional Asian American women are the helpless victims of Black men.2 This distorts
the realities of racist, misogynist violence most routinely experienced by Asian American
women and, importantly, prevents a wholesale analysis of American racism which would
16
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Editor: J. F. Granlund
Language: Finnish
Toimittanut
J. F. Granlund
Turussa,
Frenckellin kirjapainossa, 1864,
J. F. Granlundin kustannuksella.
Registeri / Sisällys:
Eläköön armias
Arvon mekin ansaitsemme
Entinen aika on Suomelle
Suomenkin maas'
Kyllä on Suomessa luminen luonto
Nouse, riennä, Suomen kieli (1)
Mun muistuu mieleheni nyt
Täällä, pohjantähden alla (2)
Lämpöselle Louna-maalle (1)
Ei huolien pilviä taivahallamme (1)
Luonnon suuren lapsukaiset
Kulkeissani vainiolla
Woi kuinka mailma kolkka on
Lännen ruskokukkasiin
Syksy nyt on, taas meri
Wienan reunall’ koivun alta
Neitto itki itseksensä
Sen ihanaisen Emman saan
Kukka kasvoi kaunokainen (2)
Sammaltunut kota
Tuoll' on mun kultani
Minä seisoin korkialla vuorella
Kultani kukkuu, kaukana
Minun kultan' kaunis on, sen (2)
Itkettää ja surettaa
Onneton olin minä ollessani
Suosio on soma
Ilon ääni ihanainen
Kiilto-mato kukkasissa
Sua, lähe kaunis, katselen
Kesäisen illan kullasta
Mies on maassa oivallinen
Talon-poika, taitava
Jos vaikka kaikki järjestänsä
Touvon aika lähenee
Jo päivä ilman lämmittää (2)
Nyt kesän viime kukka (2)
Mistä Suomi leivän saa
Minä mielin muistutella
Jussi lähti kaupunkiin
Piika-parvi paras
Harjun-mäen kalliolla
Tuo on mun kukkoni (1)
Juoma janon sammuttaa
Pojat! pois nyt kalja tieltä
Löytyypi kultaa kupiksi
Tyhjät maljat pidossa
Ei maljasta maisteta maaten (1)
Mull' oli pullo (1)
Syksy nyt on, Wiina jo poltolla
Pamppu soittaa torvellansa (1)
Ämmä, hoi (2)
Nyt surussani (1)
Juovuksissa kaiken yön (1)
Ystävä-kullat, Siukut ja Weikot! (1)
Kustantaja.
SUURELLE RUHTINAALLE
Eläköön armias,
Rakkahin Ruhtinas
Rauhallinen!
Jossa on onnemme,
Jossa on ilomme,
Turva ja toivomme
Täydellinen.
Avaten armonsa
Wahvisti valtansa
Wartiamme;
Lepo on levinnyt,
Walistus virinnyt,
Elatus enennyt
Majoissamme
Suojeltu sodassa
Riemuitkoon rauhassa
Suomalainen!
Olen taas uudella
Uskollisuudella,
Urhollisuudella
Alammainen.
O, Luoja laupias!
Wahvista voimallas
Ruhtinaamme!
Elonsa enennä,
Päivänsä pidennä,
Waivoja vähennä
Waltiamme!
Töidensä tunnossa,
Menonsa muistossa
Eläköön hän!
Waeltain vieläkin
Taivahan tielläkin,
Muistossa meilläkin
Eläköön hän!
LAULU SUOMESSA
J. Juteini
LAULU SUOMELLE
J. Juteini
SUOMENMAALLE
Suomenkin maas'
Aurinko lämmin on noussut;
Jää on jo virtana juossut
Suomenkin maast'.
Kaunojen maan
Wuoret ja metsiköt suuret
Waattehet kantavat uudet.
Kaunonen maa!
Onnemme maa!
Ei vapauttakan puutu,
Rakkaus, riemu ei muutu
Onnemme maas'.
Woimakas maa!
Kansa on urhosa aina,
Waivat ne miestä ei paina.
Woimakas maa!
Äitimme maa
Walvovan saanut on mielen;
Kaunon ja kuulemme kielen
Äitimme maan.
A. Warelius
J. Juteini
SUOMALAINEN LAULU
Äänis-järvi, Pohjan-lahti,
Auran-rannat, Ruijan-suu,
Siin' on, Suomalainen, mahti,
Jok' ei oo kenenkään muun,
Sillä maalla sie oot vahti,
Älä ääntäs' halveksu!
Nouse, riennä, Suomen kieli,
Korkeallen kaikumaan!
A. Oksanen
SAWOLAISENLAULU