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Profiles of Disadvantaged Children:
Street Children in Six Philippine Cities

Amaryllis T. Torres

Office of Research Coordination

University of the Philippines
Diliman, Quezon City
1996
 To my husband, Ruben
A street child in his adolescence
A street parliamentarian in his young life
A broker of peace in his mature years

Copyright Amaryllis T. Torres 1996

All rights reserved.
No part of this book may be reproduced in any form
without the written permission of the author,
except for PUrpOSeS of review and scholarly citation.

ISBN: 971-8729-10-0
Lay-out design: Bobby C. Orillaneda
Production assistant: Maricel J. Constantino
Cover design: Hubert Fucio
Contents
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Vii

PREFACE Ix

INTRODUCTION
Urbanization, Child Survival and Development
PART ONE
The Situation of Children in Especially Dqficult -1.3
Circumstances

CHAPTER I
The community of the Urban Child in 14
Especially Difficult Circumstances
CHAPTER II
The Urban Family and Child: Emerging 38
Definitions
CHAPTER III
Processes of Becoming Disadvantaged in 57
Urban Settings
CHAPTER IV
Focus: The Child in Especially Difficult 76
'Circumstances
CHAPTER V
The Situation of Children in Especially Difficult 99
Circumstances
PART TWO
Case Studies Of Disadvantaqed Children 113

OVERVIEW OF THE CASE STUDIES 114

A Scavenger who Dreams to Become a Doctor 117
"Sampaguita, Sampaguita" 129
A Future Soldier? 138
A Sense of Responsibility 151
Acknowledgments
home Away From home 159
This research was done as part of the Philippine Case Study on the
The Story ofA Runaway Child 165 Urban Child and Family in Especially Difficult Circumstances, under
A Young Offender 179 the auspices of the International Centre for the Development of Children
(ICDC), in Florence, Italy. The Program Coordinator of the ICDC was
BIBLIOGRAPHY 189 Dr. Cristina Blanc, now with Columbia University in New York. I would
like to thank her for the support which she provided the researcher, not
only in terms of funds but also in terms of the numerous opportunities
she provided to discuss frameworks, methods, concepts, and insights
at every stage of the study.
I also wish to acknowledge the support provided by the Philippine
Country Office of the UNICEF, then under the leadership of Dr. Pratima
Kale. Two of its Program Officers assisted the researchers in the
preparation, implementation, and review of the project: Dr. Jainie
Galvez-Tan (later to become Acting Secretary of the Department of
Health) and Mr. Leopoldo Moselina. The research would not have been
realized without their unselfishness and all-out support.
The first year of the project was done under the aegis of the
Philippine Social Science Council (PSSC) and its Research Consortium.
In this respect, I wish to acknowledge the assistance of the following
individuals: Dr. Ruben Trinidad (Executive Director of the PSSC), Leo
Malinay (Center Director), and Alana Gorospe (Research Coordinator).
Data-gathering was undertaken by the following members of the ?SSC
Research Consortium: the Polytechnic University of the Philippines,
under Dr. Leticia Arbis; the Parnantasan ng Lunsod ng Maynila, under
Prof. Estrella Ainpatin; the University of the East (Caloocan campus)
under Prof. Eva Montano-Javier and the Ateneo de Davao University,
with the participation of Professors Cora Mae Baylon and Lourdes

vii
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Ma.maed. Data collection in the Quezon City area was undertaken with
the supervision of Professors Cynthia Valdeavilla and Clarissa Reyes,
both from the College of Home Economics, University of the Philippines
Diliman.
The second year of the research was coordinated by the author
through the Human Resource Specialists, Foundation. The Research
Associates who assisted me include: Ms. Rowena Uematsu and Ms.
Stella Legaspi. The Research Aides were Ms. Evangeline Noriega-Dion-
isio and Ms. Alicia Prudenciano-Cruz. They know as much about the
day-to-day aspects of the research as myself, and provided both techni-
cal and administrative support every step of the way. I thank them for
their efficiency, diligence, persistence and unflagging cooperation dur-
ing the project.
The interviewers who worked for the institutions under the PSSC
Research Consortium include the following faculty and former students
of these schools: Rowena Imperial, Anita Holgado and Annabelle
Ragsac of the Polytechnic University of the Philippines; Rosal Dolanas,
Rommel de Vera, Lauro Dungao, Roberto Lopez, and Vinagracia Lucila
of the Pamantasan ng Lunsod ng Maynila; Nancy Corvera, Edgar de
Ocampo, Tristan Jaime' Flores, Michael Lim, Leny Pineda, and Nathan
Sagun from the University of the East; Tessa Baja, Nam Ibanez, and
Del Jumaquio from the University of the Philippines Diiman; Ellen
Delfino and Gemma Justimbaste of the Ateneo de Davao University.
The cases studies included in this monograph were collected and
written by the following program staff of the PSSC: Rachel Angela
Anosan, Pedrito dela Cruz, and Oliver Tayo.
Last but not least, I thank my family for giving me joy, love and
support while I spent long days and evenings poring over countless
notes and long computer print-outs: to my husband, Ruben, daughters
Mira, Celia, and Kristine, and my son Mikhail. This research, as are all
other productive activities I undertake, was for you as much as it was
for my own elucidation.
Amaryllis Tiglao Torres
September 1996
Viii
Preface
simple child,
that lightly draws its breath,
and feels its lijè in every limb,
What should it know of death?"
William Wordsworth,
We Are Seven
Profiles of Disadvantaged Children draws from the result of a
research study undertaken by the author with the support of the
International Centre for the Development of Children (ICDC), an agency
of the UNICEF based in Florence, Italy. The research lasted for two
years, from 1989 to 1991. Since the time the study was completed,
government workers, students, scholars, and other individuals inter-
ested in the plight of street children have asked for copies of the report.
Six years later, we find that the profiles and problems of children from
urban poor families remain much as they were in the early part of this
decade. It was for these reasons that the author was encouraged to
publish these results.
This short monograph is about children. But it is not about the
children portrayed in many instances as sweet and innocent creatures,
protected from the outside world in the havens of their homes by doting
adults who do everything for them. This book brings to life the stories
of children who have learned to fend for themselves in the harsh
environs of the cities, and who have joined the working world of adults
to meet their families' basic needs.
Ix
 - Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities Preface

This book tells the stories of children barely in their teens who plod them pleasure and expand their horizons? Or, will their children become
the streets of the cities rending cigarettes, sampaguitas, or candies, or street children like themselves?
who fuse their puny strengths with those of burly men unloading goods
Right now, the answers are in our hands. We adults must face up
in market places, or assist their mothers selling cooked food in street
to our obligation to secure the future of our children in ways that bring
stalls, or join other youth and adults sifting through the cities' garbage
out the best in them and in our nation. A future without our children's -
in search of re-usable items. This book is about the children of poor
welfare uppermost in our minds cannot be a sustainable one.
families. It is an account of their own world as we fmd them at work
and at play in the streets of Philippine cities—in Metro Manila, in Davao,
and in Olongapo.
The stories of street children de-mystify the notion of childhood
dependency. They illustrate without doubt the ability of young children
to make important decisions, and to take responsibility for their lives
and those of their families. The accounts of these child workers describe
their resiliency, creativity, patience, and persistence—traits not often
associated with childhood and dependence.
At the same time, even while street children have learned to cope
with their poverty situations, their life stories also portray their vulner-
ability in social relations, both at home and at work. They still cry, crave
for affection from their parents, and remember with nostalgia the simple
joys in life. They seek the company of playmates (who double up as
their workmates), and are susceptible to the lure of the cities' entertain-
ment centers. They fall prey to drugs and to sexual abuse. They may
also resort to petty crimes.
What is most admirable about these children, however, is their
unstinting desire to complete their education. Whether or not the
children we observed were in-school or out-of-school, their common
aspiration was that of continuing their studies. In fact, work is perceived
as instrumental to the attainment of this dream. The children imagine
rosy future for themselves, where they will work in their adult lives as
doctors, nurses, accountants, lawyers, or soldiers. These despite the
harsh reality of their immediate circumstances, and the fact that their
parents' present occupations are not much different from those of their
own.
Will Philippine society enable these young citizens to fulfill their
dreams? Will they grow to be self-respecting adults able to contribute
to society's progress? Will they someday enjoy secure jobs that give

X xi
Introduction
Urbanization, Child Survival and Development

The developing nations of the world today are irreversively moving

towards urbanization. The process has become so rapid that urban
populations grow at almost twice the rate of their respective total
populations. However, while cities grow at such alarming speed, accom-
panying services and facilities vital to the well-being of their populations
are not always able to keep apace. This is especially true of cities within
debt-ridden nations saddled with economies that have failed to attain
self-sufficiency (also called the least developing countries).
Incoming migrant families to the cities of poor nations find them-
selves faced with shortages of living spaces, unkempt and crime-riddled
neighborhoods, inadequate means of public transportation, over-
crowded primary and secondary schools, few public health facilities,
sparse recreational spaces, and worst—insufficient opportunities for
formal employment. With these shortcomings, urbanization has led to
the burgeoning of the urban poor sector in many developing societies,
rather than spawned the hoped-for middle classes. In fact, UNICEF
(1989) estimates that by the year 2000, there will be more children
growing up poor in the urban rather than the rural areas.
The 'urban poor' is characterized by young families, usually first or
second generation migrants to the cities, who have low educational
attainments and few skills for hire. Given the lopsided development of
urban centers, it is not uncommon for the urban poor to be unable to
compete in the labor market. As a result, they are often unemployed,
underemployed, or find employment only in the informal economy-un-
der exploitative conditions, or without social security and other benefits

1
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
derived from formal employment. Cash income—a must in urban liv-
ing—is often inadequate to cover family needs.
because of these circumstances, the urban poor is often unable to
rent decent housing and congregate in the slums of the inner city, or
squat on idle public or private lands with others of their kind. While
food may be the priority item on the budget of these families, its volume
and composition may still fall short of nutritional requirements, espe-
cially for vulnerable infants and young children. Illnesses in the families
are common, but there may be no money for proper medicine and
treatments.
The family's survival, therefore, makes it necessary for several of
its members to find jobs. In fact, it has become increasingly common
for even the children of the urban poor to work at various trades while
they study, or to leave school in order to work. Their incomes have
become so vital to their own and their family's continuing existence.
Situation Analysis of the Urban Child
and Family in Six Philippine Cities
The following report is part of the Philippine Case Study on the
Urban Child and Family.
This research focused on the situation of children in 6 cities of the
Philippines, namely: Metro Manila (including Manila, Pasay, Caloocan
and Quezon City), Olongapo City in Central Luzon, and Davao City in
Southern Mindanao.
The objectives of this Situation Analysis are as follows:
1) to describe the personal, work and family characteristics of
streetchildren in selected Philippine cities;
2) to identify circumstances which may influence household/fam-
ily decisions concerning children and work;
3) to-detennine perceived characteristics of the communities
which may influence the family and child's decision to work in
the streets;
2
Introduction
4) using the amassed data, to identify key factors in the child,
family, and community which may increase the risk of
becoming children in "especially difficult circumstances" in
each of the cities.
This study commenced in September 1989, and data processing
was completed by October 1990. In consultation with UNICEF, this
case study of the urban child in especially difficult circumstances
(CEDC) focuses on the situation of street children, as they are found
on the various streets of the 6 cities. Using UNICEF's own definition,
a street child in this study is considered to be a child who works in the
streets, with or without supervision.
Inasmuch as the situation analysis was designed primarily to
describe the situation of street children, very little information is
included here on other CEDCs, such as urban child labor in small
factories and other off-street trades, or about sexually-exploited chil-
dren whose street activities are camouflaged.
Nonetheless, the urban topography of the life of street children, as
it is assessed in this monograph, allows for a comparison of the factors
that place children at risk in the context of 1 metropolis and 2 cities of
differing sizes, complexity, history and functions.
Research Framework
The Situation Analysis (SA) is guided by the framework developed
for the ICDC Urban Child Programme. In essence, the framework
proposes to analyze the CEDC in the context of features of the "urban
topography" as they intersect with micro- to macro-level interventions
for the urban poor. The present report concentrates on describing and
interpreting the CEDC within the micro- and meso-levels of the urban
topography.
According to Schensul (1989), the significant features of the urban
topography of the CEDC include the following:
a) the physical infrastructure of the extra household environment
b) level of social organization in the community
 Profiles ofDisadvantciged Children: Street Children in Sir Philippine Cities
c) peer relationships within the community
d) the family
c) the school and other related institutions
f) the street and life-on-the-streets
g) work/employment setting
h) institutions for social control and/or welfare
The particular set of variables found appropriate for the SA of 6
Philippine cities are identified below. These factors were adapted from
Rodgers and Standing's decision model for child labor (1981).
On the socicta.l level, factors which are related to the phenomenon
of children working on the streets include:
1) national economic policies, esp. on debt servicing
2) local and international politics,
3) socio-cultural values, esp. on children and work,
4) gender role differentiation, and
5) national programs and policies for children's welfare.
On the intermediate plane, circumstances in the community that
affect children-at-risk include:
1) the physical location of the neighborhood,
2) socio-demographic profile,
These include:
3) occupational opportunities,
4) accessibility of schools,
5) availability of basic facilities (e.g., water, light, and fuel),
6) housing density and crowding,
7) health and sanitation,
8) presence of vice lords and criminal elements,
4 5
Introduction
9) general peace-and-order situation,
10) community opinions and attitudes on working children
11) availability of family and child assistance programs.
In the family, factors that may influence the risk situation include:
1) family mobility pattern,
2) family relations and stability,
3) family/household size,
4) occupational history of older members,
5) current occupational profile of older members,
6) total family income,
7) family assets/savings, -
8) family educational profile,
9) family and gender roles and expectations,
10) values on children, work, and education,
11) family status/prestige in the community,
12) kinship ties with community/political influentials,
13) family history on alcoholism, criminality, and drug abuse, and
14) aspirations for the family, especially the children.
Characteristics of children themselves may determine the risks.
1) age and sibling position,
2) gender,
3) school status and performance,
4) residence: with/without family,
5) family responsibilities, relationships, and experiences,
 I'r()J,lcs aJDisadvantuqed CI:iildren: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities Introduction

6) peer relationships and activities, Places selected for the surveys of street children include the follow-
7) work history, ing (Table 1):
8) current work profile, Table 1. Distribution of 308 Urban Children and 58 Household
9) assessment of work/street experience, and Respondents in Six Cities
10) future plans and aspirations. Locality Children Family
freq. (%) freq. (%)
Research Design MANILA
A. Sampling Divisoria 3(6) 1(14.3)
1. Selection of Cities Jbr the Situation Analysis (54). Sta. Mesa 13(26) 3(42.8)
Metro Manila, Davao, and Olongapo were deliberately selected for Tondo 9(18) 1(14.3)
the SA by UNICEF Philippines, because previous studies have demon-
strated the presence of numerous street children in these urban places. Sta. Cruz 13(26)
Futhermore, it was decided that all four cities of Metro Manila be Blurnentritt 3(6) 1 (14.3)
included, considering that no extensive study of the situation of the
CEDC in the metropolis had as yet been completed. Sampalo 9(18) 1(14.3)
50(100) 7(100)
2. Selection of Communities of Work for the GEDC.
QUEZON CITY
Initial efforts were made to obtain samples of the street children
from both governmental and private agencies already involved with the Commonwealth 10 (17.2)
Country Program for Children. However, in Metro Manila, several
Cubao 25 (43.1) 2(33.3)
difficulties were encountered in this respect. The sample of children
from within its 4 cities, therefore, were obtained from the streets Payatas • 18(31) 3(50)
themselves. In Davao, samples of the street children were taken from
Talayan 5(8.6)
the project areas covered by the Davao City Inter-agency Working
Committee on Abandoned and Street Children. Similarly, in Olongapo Sto. Domingo 1(16.7)
City, the inter-agency task force assisted in site selection, primarily
58(100) 6(100)
through the Olongapo Reach-up Project.
Each of the participating research teams was requested to make PASAY
preliminary ocular surveys of their respective citis, with the purpose Holiday Plaza 20 (40).
of identifying the areas where children are likely to be visible at different
times of the day. After this initial inspection, they were asked to select Libertad 16(32) 1(20)
3-5 sites within each city for the conduct of the interviews. Malibay 11(22) 2(40)

6
7
FofUes of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities Introduction

Reclamation Area 3(6) 1(20) Agdao 9(18) 2(11.7)

Protacio/Tranio 1 (20) Bangkerohan 21(42) 2(11.7)
50(100) 6(100) Claveria 13(26) 1(5.9)
CALOOCAN San Pedro 7(14) 2(11.7)
Grand Central 5(10) Boulevard 4(23.5)
Shopping Center Matina 3(17.7)
Monumento 23(46) Isla Bolton 1(5.9)
*OWA\PNR 13(96) Tomas Claudio 1(5.9)
Sangandaan 9(18) 5(83.3) 50(100) 17(100)
Letre1(16.7)
50(100) 6(100) 3. Selection of Child Respondents.
OLONGAPO The Research Teams generally sampled the child-respondents in
the following manner:
Sta. Rita 5(12.5) 3(17.6)
East/West 11 (27.5) 6(35.3) • a. After the ocular visits, the/ research teams determined what
Bajac-Bajac times of the day the places were filled with children.
Pag-asa 5(12.5) 5(29.4) b. Efforts were made to select respondents at these different
hours, to be able to get children engaged in a variety of work.
Gordon Heights 4(10)
c. Random methods, such as interviewing every 3rd child met on
Old/New Cabalan 10(25) 1(5.9) the streets, were used whenever possible. When the interviewer was
Hermosa 1 (2.5) rejected bypotential respondents (or by their parents or employers), a
replacement was chosen in his/her place.
Bo. Barreto 1(2.5)
Kalaldan 2(5) 2(11.8) 4. Selection of household Respondents.
Forestry 1(2.5) When the child interviews had been completed, the Research Teams
were asked to identify who of them reportedly live with their own
40(100) 17(100) families. Six such households were identified for each of the 4 cities of
DAVAO Metro Manila, 17 for Davao and 17 for Olongapo. Visits to the commu-
nities of residence of these households were thus arranged, and inter-
City Hall Drive 1(5.9) views conducted with representative members. The interviewers were
[*Our Lady of Grace Parish Church/Phil. National Railways Lot]

8 9
 Profiles of Dtadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities Introduction

instructed that adult members of the households (particularly parents) 1) Respondent Profile
were preferred as respondents.
2) Family Profile
5. Selection of Children for Follow-up Case Studies. a) household profile
When the surveys were completed, it was decided that 6 children in b) migration profile
each city be followed-up in order to be able to make longer histories and 3) Child Profile
profiles of their situations. These cases were identified on the basis of
the interviews, in terms of responsiveness of the children, and the a) education
nature of their reported situations. Seven of these case studies are b) work
included in this monograph. They were selected by the author because 4) Family History, Opinions, Perceptions
of the amount of detail they provide on the lives of the CEDC. The names
of the children, as well as those of their families and friends, have been a) work history
changed in this report. b) opinions on working children
c) family problems
B. Research Instruments d) community relations and programs

Two interview schedules were prepared and pretested for use in the
SA. Questionnaire #1 was for interviews with child respondents. It
included questions on the following blocks of variables:
1) Personal Information
5) Dwelling and Environment
Both instruments were pre-tested in the surveyed cities prior to
their finalization and use. In addition, the schedules for Davao were
translated into Cebuano.

2) School Participation Interviews within Metro Manila and Davao were undertaken within
the months of November 1989 to January 1990. The Olongapo survey
3) Health and Nutrition transpired in July—August 1990.
4) Household Composition For the Case Studies, a Data Portfolio developed for a related study
5) Mobility Data of child labor (1987) became the basis for identifying important infor-
mation to obtain from the children, their housemates and other key
6) Family/Household Relationships informants in the communities. Essentially, the Cases were intended
7) Community Life to describe continuities in the children's lives which are untapped by
the cross-sectional method of the survey. Elaborations of reported life
8) Street Life circumstances in the survey were likewise elicited, as well as probes
9) Work History and Decision-Making into their attitudes and aspirations.

10) Awareness of CEDC Programs C. Data Collection

Questionnaire #2 was designed for interviews with household Member-institutions of the Research Consortia of the Philippine
respondents. This schedule tapped the following information: Social Science Council were utilized for data-gathering. In Metro Ma-

10 11
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Sir Philippine Cities

nila, research teams from the following universities participated in data

collection within specified cities:

University of the East Caloocan City

University of Santo Tomas Sampaloc & Blumentritt, Ma-
nila
Polytechnic Univ. of the Sta. Mesa & Tondo, Manila
Philippines
PART ONE
Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Pasay City
Maynila
College of Home Econo- Quezon City The Situation of Children in Especially
mics, Univ. of the Difficult Circumstances
Philippines

Ateneo de Davao supervised data-gathering in Davao City, while a

non-governmental organization, "Reach-up," assisted the PSSC in the
survey for Olongapo City.
Prior to field work, all the field supervisors and interviewers were
given a 2 1/2 day training (including a day for instrument pretest and
practice-interviews). Training included clarifying the project's objec-
tives, review of social research data collection methods, perspectives on
working with disadvantaged children, and tips for effective interviews.

12

I In absolute terms, the national capital increased fourfold in its
The Community of the Urban
Child in Especially Difficult
Circumstances
We begin mapping the urban topography of the situation of the urban
child by examining the features of the communities within which they
live and work. In this chapter, general features of the 3 cities are laid-out
insofar as they are directly experienced by the child and family. Physical
features of the areas are also described, and the children's perceptions
of the quality of relationships within the neighborhoods are drawn out.
In this way, the actuations, ideas, perceptions and aspirations of the
urban child may later be examined against the background variables
emanating from the community.
The information contained in this chapter represents data obtained
from literature on urban development, from ocular inspection and key
informants as well as from documentary evidences and the primary
survey.
Cities of Children in Especially Difficult
-Circumstances
A. The National Capital Region: Metro Manila
Metropolitan Manila was formally created in 1975 through Presi-
dential Decree. It occupies about 636 square kilometers of land area on
14
The Community of the Urban Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
the western coast of Luzon, facing Manila Bay. It is bounded by Bulacan
Province on the North, Rizal Province on the East, Laguna and Cavite
towards the south. Metro Manila consists of 4 cities and 13 municipali-
ties. Its cities include Manila, Pasay, Quezon City and Caloocan, while
the municipalities are Las Piñas, Makati, Malabon, Mandaluyong,
Marikina, Muntinlupa, Navotas, Paranaque, Pasig, Pateros, San Juan,
Taguig, and Valenzuela.
population from 1.5M in 1948 to 6M in 1980 and 7.7M in 1990 (in
Chiong-Javier & Jimenez 1990). This increase may largely be attributed
to the influx of individuals from different parts of the country, particu-
larly from those regions which are severely underdeveloped, who come
to the city in search of work and better life opportunities.
Within the metropolis, the city of Manila has the biggest urban
population (1.876M) followed by Quezon City (1.587M), Caloocan
(0.615M), and Pasay (0.373M; from NSO 1990). Quezon City has the
highest density, with 166.2 persons per square kilometer, followed by
Caloocan with 55.8 persons per sq.km . (NSO 1990). The principal
industries in the Capital are in Community, Social and Personal Serv-
ices. Major occupations are in Production and Related Work; as Trans-
port, Equipment Operators and Laborers.
At the time of the study, an inter-agency action committee with
programs for street children was active in Metro Manila. The work of
the committee was led by the National Council of Social Development
Foundation, Inc. (NCSD) in coordination with the respective Depart-
ments of Social Welfare of the cities, and operates through 4 clusters,
one for each of the cities of the metropolis. About 110 agencies were
represented in this group. Its programs focused on community mobili-
zation and advocacy, direct services, child protection, income-genera-
tion, and leadership development (NCSD 1988).
B. Davao City
Davao City is the capital of the province of Davao, located in the
western portion of Southern Mindanao. It is considered the largest city
in the country, with a land area of 244,055 hectares. Nonetheless, only
1.1% of the city is 'urban,' with 43.5% still utilized for agriculture and
15
 Profiles of Disadvantagcd Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
the rest as forests (55%). The population of Davao in 1990 was
843,607, representing an increase of 2.85% from the previous year.
Among all the cities represented in this study, Davao has the densest
population with 2,211.3 persons per sq.km .
The city has 3 congressional districts. District One comprises the
Poblacion and Talomo, with 40 and 14 barangays, respectively. The
Second District includes Buhangin, Bunawan, and Paquibato, with 13,
9, and 13 barangays, respectively, while the Third District covers Toril,
Baguio, and Marilog (with 25, 8 and 12 respective barangays). In all,
the city covers 171 barangays. Principal industries are agriculture and
fisheries, and common occupations include work in agriculture, animal
husbandry, forestry, fisheries and hunting.
Different sectors of the city of Davao are very much concerned with
the plight of the street children. To coordinate these efforts, a Davao
City Inter-agency Committee on Abandoned and Street Children was
created. About 48 agencies from both the government and the private
sector are represented on the Inter-agency Committee. The city's pro-
gram for street children was a noted project of the UNICEF-assisted
Davao City Integrated Development Program for Children in Depressed
Urban Communities. Its concerns included advocacy, health, sports and
physical development, livelihood and training, legal support and protec-
tion, alternative education, adoption, counselling and responsible par-
enthood (DCIAWCASC 1988).
C. Olongapo City
Olongapo nestles between the rolling hills of the Zambales Range,
to the east and picturesque Subic Bay, to the west. It can be approached
by land from Bataan and serves as the gateway to the province of
Zambales. In 1990, it had a recorded population of 202,288 persons,
representing an increase of 4,707 people from the previous year. Like
Davao and Quezon City, Olongapo is highly congested, with a density
of 103.3 persons per sq.km.
In 1990, the population of Olongapo consisted of several ethnic
groups, principally Ilocanos from southern municipalities of Zambales,
Tagalogs, from Bataan, and migrants from other parts of Central Luzon.
16
The Community of the Urban Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
A smattering of Bicolanos and Visayans could also be found in Olon-
gapo.
The UNICEF-assisted Urban Basic Services Program (UBSP) as-
sisted urban poor families in Olongapo, covering 16 communities in 6
barangays. UBSP was implemented through an Inter-Agency Council
(IAC) composed of 26 agencies: 13 from government and 13 repre-
senting private and community organizations. The staff of "Reaching
the Children of the Urban Poor," or the "Reach-up Project" was charged
with implementation of the IAC's programs (from Carlos, Marin, and
Santos 1990).
Living Conditions of Families in Especially
Difficult Circumstances
A total of 58 households were visited for the family-interviews: 24
of them in the National Capital, 17 in Olongapo and 17 in Davao.
Interviewers were asked to observe ocularly the quality of the dwellings
and their surroundings.
1. Location. Within Manila, 25% of the families of street children
live near dumpsites, 20% reside near markets and 17% are situated
along the railways. Five houses (20%) are built along either esteros
(sewer canals) or riverines, another 3 are near commercial estab-
lishments, and 1 is beside a factory. In Olongapo, a majority live along
the river or estero (64.7%). The remaining families reside either near a
dumpsite or market, in ajunkshop, or at the town's edge. Similarly in
Davao, many families (47%) dwell beside the river and estero. Five were
living close to either commercial establishments or the market, and one
beside ajunkshop.
Clearly, more than half of the families live near public spaces—such
as the dumpsite, along the railroad tracks, and beside city waterways.
These areas are among the slum communities of Metro Manila. Apart
from public places, the urban poor put up their households close to the
places of commerce. Two factors apparently determine the urban
dweller's choice of residence: availability of space for a house (in man
cases, vacant public land) and work opportunities. In slum communi-
17
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
ties, the neighborhood itself may be the source of income, as when it is
near a garbage dump or a junk yard.
2. Services and Facilities. The quality of public utilities in the
various cities is uneven. For instance, Metro Manila residents in urban
poor communities largely enjoy electrification, while only 60% of the
visited dwellings in Davao have this facility. In Olongapo, the most
common source of household lights is kerosene.
Despite its availability in some households, electricity is not the
preferred fuel for cooking. Kerosene is the more popular source of fuel,
followed by wood, charcoal ('uling'), or liquified petro-gas (LPG). In
addition, families have few electrical appliances, so that electric power
is generally used only for lighting facilities. When it comes to sources
of potable water, residents of Davao and Olongapo have the edge over
those in the National Capital because more than half of them reportedly
avail of piped-in water, while 2/3 of those from Metro Manila depend
on public faucets instead. Other sources of water for the families of the
CEDC include a natural spring (in Olongapo), riverines, wells, and
pumps.
Garbage collection is also a rare privilege in most of the cities, except
in Olongapo where more than half of the visited households enjoy this
service. In its absence, urban poor dwellers resort to throwing out their
garbage, burning or burying refuse.
3. Sanitation Profile. Slum communities of the various cities are
generally unkempt, and only about a fourth of the visited dwellings were
adjudged to be "generally clean" by the interviewers. In most other
households, there are garbage and animal waste in evidence within the
surroundings. This unwholesome picture is partly explained by the fact
that garbage collection services are largely unavailable.
Sanitation problems are also linked to the absence of toilets. In
Metro Manila, only half of the respondents have access to toilets, using
either the water-sealed type or the 'antipolo' system of waste disposal.
One household-uses an open pit. In Davao, the situation is worse-3/4
have no toilets. Again, the most sanitary communities in this respect
18
The Community of the Urban Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
are in Olongapo. About 2/3 of its slum dwellers have toilets, predomi-
nantly flush systems or the antipolo type.
4. Dwelling Units. Many of the dwelling units themselves are at
best temporary structures which may not last for long. Worst-off in
terms of the quality of physical dwellings are the residents of the
National Capital, where almost half of the visited houses are completely
made of light materials, including cartons, plastic sheets and styrofoam.
Less than 30% of the visited households are built of strong materials,
such as wood or hollow blocks. The rest are made up of a mixture of
light and strong materials (27%). Residences in Davao and Olongapo
are better-made, with 40% and 65%, respectively, of the houses con-
structed from mixed materials.
There is usually only one to two rooms in the poor families'
dwellings. Despite this, household density is high, since anaverage of
5-7 members may reside within a one-room unit. In a few cases, as many
as 20 reside under the same roof, which must make the living space hot
and uncomfortable.
Appliances in the dwelling units noted by the interviewers include:
radios, television, and electric fans. Apart from these, few other furnish-
ings are found in the households. A few families own a living room set,
and only 1 has a dining set. Five households own either a refrigerator,
an electric stove or an iron. No beds were noted by the interviewers in
the dwelling units.
Few households (at most a third) keep pets at home, probably
because of space constraints. Dogs and cats are the usual pets.
Communities of Work of Street Children
Several types of areas are identifiable as places where children
congregate on the streets. These include market places, commercial
centers, transportation routes and intersections, churchyards, parks,
slum areas of the inner city, resettlement sites and garbage dumps.
19
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
A. Market Places
Market places visited in this survey include Blumentritt northeast
of Manila, Divisoria in the Tondo district, Farmers' Market in Cubao,
Quezon City, Libertad in Pasay, and Sangandaan Market in Caloocan.
In Olongapo, children are visible around the Olongapo Public Market.
Of all These places, it is Divisoria which is recognized as the
principal drop-off point of market produce from various provinces in the
country. It is close to Tutuban Railway Station, which carries vegetables
and fruits from the northern, central and southern parts of Luzon. The
piers of Manila are also proximate, which facilitate the transfer of goods
from the Visayas and Mindanao, as well as products from abroad. To a
lesser extent, the other places are also drop-off points, principally for
fish, meat, vegetables and fruits from within the metropolis and other
parts of Luzon. Nonetheless, a large volume of such products sold in
these markets are bought from Divisoria.
The markets are not isolated structures, but are surrounded by a
variety of infrastructures which support and enhance commerce. This
includes restaurants, hardware stores, banks, groceries, dry-goods
stores and other establishments, as well as bus, jeepney, tricycle, and
even railway stations (including the light railway). In addition, com-
merce is evident in the streets themselves, where vendors and hawkers
sell wet market goods, food and refreshments, as well as dry good
products to individual customers.
Activities go on all day in the markets. For instance, as early as 1
a.m., trucks and jeeps come in bringing slaughtered meats, fresh fruits
and vegetables. A little later, fish dealers arrive from the Navotas Fish
Port with 'bañeras' of marine products harvested from all over the
country. Shortly after the truckers arrive, buyers come to transact
business with the 'viajeros' or suppliers. Much later, individual house-
wives and other customers come to purchase needed products. Activi-
ties die down a bit before noon until the early hours of the afternoon,
but pick up again from 3 p.m., until early evening to accommodate late
buyers. Then, the cycle of market activities is repeated.
The first transactions in the market are between the suppliers and
the dealers/wholesalers. Goods bought by these business-persons are
usually unloaded by older men from the large trucks and containers.
20
The Community of the Urban Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
However, as the day progresses, the goods change hands further, as the
dealers or wholesalers sell to other middlemen, retailers, vendors and
individual customers. It is at this stage when children take over the work
of adults. They serve as haulers or 'taga-buhat' of pails of meat and fish,
bags filled with assorted market goods, fruit baskets and vegetables-.
moving from the market stalls to the transport stations or terminals. At
the same time, the children may help re-pack goods from larger to
smaller containers, such as kilo bags ofvegetables, spices, etc. Children
are also visible hawking salt or calamansi, or attracting customers to
particular market stalls with their high-pitched calls. When buying
activities die down, the adults rest for a while and rely on the children
to guard the unsold products.
Children are likewise found in the streets peddling plastic bags to
prospective market buyers. They may also vend foodstuffs, cigarettes,
and other simple products, or help sell vegetables and other goods in
the stalls along the sidewalks or streets. Apart from selling, many
children are seen around the market areas scrounging for food scraps
among spoilage heaps left by the 'viajeros,' or scavenging garbages for
used plastics, discarded fruit baskets, etc. Others beg money from
customers.
Children who work around Divisoria and Blumentritt markets often
sleep nearby, in their push carts or on the sidewalks of the streets,
covered with cartons or old newspapers placed over borrowed benches
or chairs. Some young boys also sleep in the train stations, or simply
lie down on the steps of the LRT terminal. In many instances, however,
the children go home to urban poor communities in the districts of
Binondo, Tondo or Blumentritt.
In Olongapo, children are found vending plastic bags in the market,
or sell vegetables with their parents. Some of the boys act as 'kargadors'
or baggage boys for customers laden with market purchases. Booths are
provided by the Reach-Up Project in the Public Market, where the
children sell their plastic or garbage bags. These children also go home
to urban poor communities.
21
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
B. Transportation Routes and Terminals:
Commercial Centers
In this study, children were interviewed along three types of trans-
portation routes. The first consists of major vehicular intersections,
where passengers alight from one transport line to transfer to others.
The Monumento Circle, Libertad, and the Cubao-EDSA intersections
are representative of this in Metro Manila. The Monumento Circle, in
addition, is also the last stop of the light railway transit (LRT), and
passengers alight from the LRT to transfer to buses, jeepneys or
tn-cycles bound for other point in the metropolis, or to travel to the
provinces of Bulacan, Pampanga and other north-bound destinations
from Metro Manila.
The second type is along transportation terminals such asjeepney,
bus, train or light-railway stops. On one hand, major transport routes
are typified by E. Rodriguez Blvd. in Manila, E. de los Santos Ave.
(EDSA) which traverses Pasay, Quezon City and Caloocan up to the
Monumento Circle, as well as Libertad St. in Pasay. Along these streets
are jeepney and bus stops where people congregate all day, especially
at peak hours. The Simoun-Antipolo intersection, as well as Teresa-Al-
tura in Sin. Mesa, on the other hand, are close to train stations of the
metropolis.
In Caloocan, children were observed around the Monuinento Circle,
an elaborately-designed national monument encircled by major travel
routes—EDSA from the east, Rizal Avenue to the south, Samson Road
to the west, and the MacArthur Highway to the north. Around the
Monumento are found both large and small business establishments.
Principal landmarks of the area include the Grand Central Shopping
Center, the Gotesco-Ever Emporium, and the Monumento Market.
Aside from these shops, there are smaller dry-goods stores, beer houses
and food stalls on the streets around the Circle.
Moving among the commuters of Monumento are peddlers—both
young and old—who sell newspapers, cigarettes and other popular
goods. Disco houses around the Circle have also encouraged child
prostitution. (At the time of the study, one disco was raided for
employing adult and child prostitutes). In the evenings, the Circle
serves as sleeping area for some streetchildren and aging people, who
22
The Community of the Urban Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
also use the monument's fountains for their bath. Drug addicts frequent
the area, and are often guilty of sexual abuses against the street girls.
Some children, however, go home to slum communities, such as in
Sangandaan or Malabon, either daily or about 2-3 times a week.
Street children also work around the area of the Grand Central
Shopping Arcade in Caloocan, a mall along Rizal Avenue Ext. which
stands parallel to the Monumento Terminal of the LRT, close to a major
bus terminal which ferries passengers from Manila to Central Luzon. A
relatively new building, this shopping area is open from 9:00 a.m. to
10:00p.m. Children often throng around the steps of the Arcade before
closing time—to eat, play, sniff inhalants and, eventually to sleep.
Others wander at night through the alleys surrounding the Arcade, too
"high" to inteiact with the other children.
In Quezon City, the Araneta Commercial Center in the Cubao
District is a major landmark. It is located along, principal transport
routes and includes not one but several large establishments, starting
with Farmers' Plaza from EDSA, SM Department Store, the Araneta
Coliseum, and Fiesta Carnival within its perimeters side-by-side with
individual restaurants, fastfood shops, and other commercial estab-
lishments, and ending with the All Mall, the Marikina Shoe Expo, and
Rustan Superstore to the east. Passenger traffic starts around Farmers'
Plaza and spills over to Aurora Blvd. which transects EDSA, where
commuters alight to catch rides bound eastward to business or residen-
tial districts of Quezon City, or to Marikina and parts of Rizal. To the
west, transportation routes go through Aurora Blvd. or E. Rodriguez
Ave. to connect Quezon City to Manila. EDSA spans the north-south
route, and connects Quezon City with San Juan, Mandaluyong, Makati,
Pasay and Paranaque to the south, and with Caloocan City to the north
up to the Monumento Circle.
Children in Cubao often work in the company of other children or
with their parents. Vending is the most common work of the children,
including the sale of cigarettes, foodstuffs and newspapers. A number
of children are also mendicants. As in Caloocan, some children live and
work in the streets and corners of the commercial center with their
families, sleeping on the sidewalks or within the pedestrian overpass
which crosses EDSA from Farmers' Plaza. Others reside in areas close
23
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
to Cubao, or come from as far away as Antipolo or Commonwealth
Avenue to vend in the area.
Libertad St. in Pasay City is another major transportation route. It
is a long street which extends from Roxas Blvd. to the west, crossing
Taft Ave. (another principal thoroughfare which cuts across Manila,
,ending in Pasay) and ends along the Traino Line, in the heart of Pasay
City. Jeepneys from Quezon City, Makati and other points of Manila ply
this route daily. Two markets are found along Libertad; the first is a
public market selling both wet and dry goods for ordinary use, and the
second is a private 'market' called Cartimar which is principally noted
for selling imported items. Many other small commercial estab-
lishments are located along Libertad, including hardware and furniture
shops, entertainment houses (clubs, discos, cinemas; restaurants),
bakeries, and motels. Residents of the area often live on the upper
stories of the stores.
A major commercial center called the Holiday Plaza stands at the
corner of F. B. Harrison St. and Libertad. It houses a department store,
drugstores, movie houses, restaurants, discos, and a bank. Children
work along the whole length of Libertad, often concentrated on the areas
surrounding the public market and Holiday Plaza. In the daytime, the
children sell goods or offer various personal services to commuters and
buyers alike.
A third type of transportation route is the main road in the smaller
cities like Olongapo and Davao, which in earlier times would correspond
to the areas of the town plaza. On these thoroughfares, one may find the
principal public utilities-of the city: the market, the city hail, a church
and commercial establishments. It is also the street where buses and
other vehicles going to and from the city to other destinations would
have their terminals or switching points, similar to the function of the
Monumento Circle in Caloocan City.
Rizal Avenue in Olongapo City is the major highway into this city,
and the entry point into the province of Zambales as well, for travellers
from the south (i.e., Bataan, Pampanga, Bulacan or Manila). At the
center of the avenue stands a monument called "Ulo ng Apo" (Head of
the Elder), which is a large concrete bust of a village elder, probably an
Aeta. Public vehicles entering or leaving the province, or plying the city
24
The Community of the Urban Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
itself, pass around this rotonda all day. Large and small establishments
encircle the monument along the length of Rizal Avenue, as well as a
bus terminal, the City Hall, and a recreational area. Children work along
this area as vendors, usually in the daytime since the Mayor has imposed
an evening curfew for child workers.
Another well-known area in Olongapo is Magsaysay Avenue, which
is the city's red light district. Here, children are found in the daytime
vending—newspapers, roses, cigarettes and candy. In addition, young
girls from 14 to 18 years are observed to patronize its bars, discos, beer
houses and pubs in the evenings, brought along by their GI boyfriends.
In Davao, San Pedro is the busiest street of the city. Jeepneys and
public utility vehicles (PUs) coming from different provinces of Min-
danao, as well as from different districts of Davao, pass this road. The
City Hall is located along the street, along with commercial estab-
lishments, entertainment joints, restaurants and a Catholic Church.
The Davao Coliseum is also accessible from San Pedro, which is a
popular center for sports events in Davao, especially cockfighting. A
major landmark, the Apo View Hotel, is likewise located near this area.
Work among children along San Pedro is varied: vending, street services
and begging included. Scavenger families are also visible along the
length of the San Pedro area, looking for used plastic, cartons and metal
scrap to sell to junk shops.
Perpendicular to San Pedro Street is Claveria, which is also a
commercial area. Here, one finds banks, shopping arcades, fast food
centers, the Ateneo de Davao University, telephone and airline offices.
Children in this area do street services: washing or watching cars,
shining shoes, carrying shoppers bags to their jeepneys or PUs.
Whichever transport route is studied, several things are obvious. To
begin with, these are places where there is a continuous movement of
people hurrying from one point to another, usually running after buses
or jeepneys. Lately, people in Metro Manila are visible on the streets
waiting for public vehicles as early as 4 in the morning and as late as
midnight. Secondly, while there are usually many establishments found
along these routes, there are also many street trades in evidence—from
food and fruit stalls, to newspaper/magazine stands, to dry goods stalls
(e.g., wallets, keychains, clothing, etc.). These trades attract commut-
25
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
ers, who may purchase snack foods and other goods as they move from
one terminal to another, or while awaiting their rides. Thirdly, the
transport industries themselves spawn particular trades, such as jeep-
ney washers, criers calling for passengers, and food stalls for the drivers.
Children participate in all or most of these street trades. They weave
in and out of traffic, approaching vehicles when the lights change to
peddle candies, cigarettes, and sampagitas. They help sell food, dry-
goods and newspapers along the sidewalks and street corners, some-
times by themselves, other times with adult vendors. They sell plastic
bags for the use of buyers, and help tote filled bags to the vehicular
terminals. It is also the children who call out for passengers at jeep and
tricycle terminals. At night, it is they who wash the jeeps when the
drivers are finished for the day. Some children, however, use these
places to beg alms, to sniff inhalants with their street-companions, or
even to s- leep in the area.
C. Church Yards
Street children are also known to congregate within and around
church yards. Three such sites were monitored in this' study.
The Sto. Domingo Church is a well-known destination of religious
pilgrims. Located along Quezon Avenue in Quezon City, it is the
repository of an ancient image of the Virgin Mary which is venerated in
October, during the month of the Holy Rosary. In 1983, the Sto.
Domingo Church attained renewed prominence as the place where the
necrological rites for the assassinated Ninoy Aquino took place, culmi-
nating in a burial procession that drew more than a million citizens, in
symbolic protest of the Marcos government's atrocities.
Unknown to many devotees, the Church's sturdy walls also serve
as abode for Manila's homeless families. In the daytime, children of all
ages are visible within the yard of the Church. Many fmd work as
"watch-your-car" boys. A handful are also engaged in petty thefts,
pilfering car stereo sets, snatching jewelry from unwary churchgoers,
or picking the pockets of those crowding out of Church after Mass.
Otherwise, children simply play with one another while their elders vend
food and flowers. More masses are held on weekends, and provide ripe
Opportunities for vending. During these times, 'transient families' join
26
The Comnuniiy of the Urban Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
the 'church dwellers' to sell food or flowers to the throng of devotees.
At night, the children join their families along the fences of the church,
under cardboard boxes and other scrap material put together to serve
as cover from nature's elements. Of late, the Archdiocese of Manila put
up an Open House for these homeless families, a place where they can
stay for the night.
Several hundred meters from the Monumento Circle in Caloocan,
along 12th Avenue and Rizal Avenue Ext., stands the Our Lady of Grace
Academy and its church (OLGA). OLGA is one of the 3 biggest churches
in Caloocan. Like the Sto. Domingo Church, its yard serves as a place
to work and to live in, for many poor families. Aside from begging,
children in the perimeters of OLGA sell sampagita garlands to passers-
by, candles, fruits and sweepstake tickets to churchgers.
D. Parks
A popular place for children from all walks of life is the small park
fronting the Davao City Hall. People congregate in this area in the late
afternoon, to catch the breeze or to watch their children at play. At the
same time, street children come out to sell—vending chicharon, balut,
cigarettes, and other wares, offering to shine shoes, or begging. Some
children in the park are left there in the morning by their parents and
fetched in the evenings after work. They spend the day playing with
other children, or begging from promenaders. Children who have run
away from their families have also made the park their home, working
and sleeping in it.
Another park area in Davao City where children were interviewed is
Quezon Boulevard. It is close to the port area of Davao, where goods
from various parts of the country are unloaded. As such, the most
common work of the children in this area is scavenging. They come in
pairs or groups of five, pushing their carts to collect trash and other
material for recycling. Children also vend around the park and the port
area, selling corn, peanuts and cold drinks. A few work as haulers on
the pier.
27
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
E. Streets of the Inner Cities
As urban development goes on, there is a tendency for upscale
residents to move out of the older centers of the city, towards the
suburbs or newer residential sites. Those with scarce resources stay
behind in these older sections of the city, which eventually become
overcrowded and dilapidated centers for migrants and lower class
residents. High rent, housing shortage, and spiralling costs of living
force several families to stay in structures formerly belonging to only a
single household. Crowding spills people out into the streets, to obtain
relief from the restrictions of their small dwellings, to socialize with
neighbors, and to breathe some air (even if it is polluted by city traffic).
Even while these areas are densely populated, schools, markets,
offices and other facilities for the public abound. The Malibay Estate in
Pasay, for example, is a crowded residential area with very narrow
streets. However, it boasts of 4 public elementary schools and 1
secondary school. It also has its own fire station and a health center,
as well as a park for the children. The streets around Old Sta. Mesa, in
turn, are on the way to the campus of the Polytechnic University of the
Philippines (PUP), which has more than 10,000 enrollees. Within a
kilometer's radius are also found the Sacred Heart Church, the National
Development Corporation Chapel, and the Esperanza Hospital. Aside
from the PUP, other educational institutions in the area are the Old Sta.
Mesa Parochial School and the Gloria Dei Grade School. On Old Sta.
Mesa itself is a training institution, the Communication Foundation for
Asia, and two large supermarkets: Stop-and-Shop and Fernando's Su-
permarket.
The situation provides opportunities for a variety of trades to
flourish, including street work. In the Sampaloc area, for instance,
corner stands for banana-cue and other native food abound, which are
patronized by both local residents as well as by commuters. Residents
of the streets along Old Sta. Mesa, in tuin, find income from the sales
of cooked food to students, sari-sari stores, rentals for computers and
rentals of rooms. Children also find income in Sampaloc and Malibay
selling plastics and foodstuffs, or by carrying shopping bags for com-
muters. It is not uncommon, either, to find families tending their street
stalls together, or for the children to tend the sari-sari stores for their
parents after school. Some, nevertheless, find their way to Cubao or to
28
The Community of the Urban Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
Quiapo as street vendors. The working children in these areas ordinarily
live with their families in modest domiciles.
F. Squatter Communities and Dumpsites
Several of the communities-of-work of the children also serve as
their communities-of-residence, especially when they are found in
squatter or resettlement sites. In this Situation Analysis Survey, these
areas include Barangay Commonwealth in Quezon City, the Reclama-
tion Area in Pasay City, East/West Bajac-bajac and Old/New Cabalan in
Olongapo, and the barangays of Agdao, San Pedro, Bangkerohan, Mag-
saysay and Salmonan in Davao City.
Work in these communities revolve around scavenging or the pro-
vision of simple services to the residents (e.g., fetching/selling water,
food vending, etc.). Families also engage in occupations as laborers,
sales and service workers.
Children often do work found in the environs of the squatter areas
themselves. In Barangay Commonwealth, for instance, they are often
engaged in occupations labeled "nananambakan or namamlastic," cryp-
tic descriptions of the work that they do within the dumpsite area to
scavenge for plastics that are sold to re-cycling dealers. The same is true
of slum-barangays in Olongapo and in Davao. In Old Cabalan in
Olongapo City, living beside a river provides work opportunities: fami-
lies earn by gathering river stones needed for construction.
Family and Community:
Profile of Relationships and Opportunities
Quite apart from the physical features of the community, the social
environment may also be a source of risks or opportunities for the urban
child. Variables studied in this respect include the nature of interactions
between the child's families and their neighbors, peer relationships and
activities, brushes with the law and participation in social welfare
programs.
.29
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
A. Interactions with Peer Groups
Children in all the cities claim to have many friends and acquain-
tances. However, their peer groups include more males than females.
Considering that a majority of our respondents are boys, there is
evidently a tendency among the children to have more friends of the
same sex as themselves. For instance, in Pasay, Manila, Quezon City,
and Olongapo, the ratio of boys to girls in the peer groups is approxi-
mately 2:1. In Davao, children have an average of 4 more male than
female friends, while in Caloocan the average number of boys and girls
in the peer groups are almost equal (10.5 and 9). These friends may
either be of the same ages as themselves, or include both older and
younger kids.
What do kids do when they get together? In Manila, children play
all sorts of games—'sipa' and chess are included here. They may also
play basketball, sit around and tell stories ('kuwentuhan'), dance or go
around the city ('pasyalan'). A few report that they vend with their
friends; or wash clothes. In Quezon City, children play most of the time:
chess, 'sipa,' or basketball. Otherwise, they dance, joke around, read
the komiks, or go on 'pasyalan.' One admitted that he 'drank' with his
friends. In Pasay, the children are basketball aficionados. In addition,
they play other games, tease each other, dance around and tell stories.
Unlike in the other cities, the children of Caloocan prefer other games
to basketball. However, they share the other children's passion for
story-telling and dancing. In both Olongapo and Davao, the children get
together mostly to tell stories("kuwentuhan") or to play games.
When asked spontaneously, street children perceive the world they
share with other children to be dominated by games, sports (basketball,
specifically), dancing, storytelling and teasing. It is only among the
children of Manila where work is mentioned as a shared activity. The
apperceived world of these children, therefore is largely a playground,
very much like that of other children the world over.
B. Risk-Situations among Peers
Despite the conviviality which mark the interaction between chil-
dren in the slums, there are instances when conflicts erupt between and
among them. It is these experiences which differentiate them from rural
30
The Community of the Urban Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
children, or even urban middle class minors, for whom daily life is
relatively untroubled.
About 40% of the children in the different cities of Metro Manila
and 54% of those from Olongapo admit that they have been "in trouble"
sometime past. Children in Davao apparently have had less occasion for*
fights; only 30% reportedly have been "in trouble." "Trouble" for the
children connotes fights, and escalates when someone is physically
hurt. In other instances, quarrels arise due to misunderstandings, or
when feelings are hurt ('napikon').
Probed further, the children in most cities share the fact that they
have been in trouble quite recently, a month ago or even closer. It is
only in Davao where they claim the trouble occurred as far back as a
year ago. In fact, 4 children in Quezon City and 6 from Olongapo
admitted that they had been in trouble only the day/night before the
interview.
Conflicts among the children generally involve the 'barkada' (gang-
mates), other friends, and even mere acquaintances. Ina majority of
cases, no untoward outcome results from the fights. This was particu-
larly true of the children from Davao, Quezon City, Caloocan and
Olongapo. In Manila and Pasay, about a fourth of the children were
chided by the police while 14% and 11%, respectively, were actually
arrested.
Despite the fact that conflicts are more infrequent in Davao, it is in
this city where the biggest number of children claim to have experienced
arrests (13 of them). In the other cities, 6 children from Olongapo and
5 from Manila likewise admit that they have experienced arrests. Two
of the minors in Olongapo have even been arrested for 6 times.
Children in the other cities have had less frequent brushes with the
law: 3 children have been held by the police in Quezon City and
Caloocan, and only 2 from Pasay. The majority of these minors have
been arrested only once, and they were usually detained no longer than
a day. In many instances, the children were temporarily held in barangay
or police headquarters. A few were detained in youth reception centers.
Two offenders from Davao, however, were detained at Boys Town, in
Metro Manila. Data from family respondents confirm the information
provided by the children, attesting to their validity.
31
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
None of the children admitted having been in trouble because of
involvement in petty crimes, although case studies of detained minors
make this claim questionable. Street fights, petty thefts, va-
grancy—these are usual reasons for minors to be picked up by law
enforcers.
One case study is that of a 13-year old boy convicted in Manila of
theft. Eddie, as we shall call him, was arrested with 4 other children on
te complaint of a businessman from Divisoria. They were accused of
stealing P10,000 worth of RTW clothes. Actually, there were 8 children
involved in the theft but 3 successfully evaded arrest. When first
arraigned, Eddie was released to the custody of his mother to enable
! him to continue his studies. However, 3 months afterwards, Eddie was
apprehended anew in Divisoria for vagrancy. His parents then recom-
mended to the court that he be committed instead to a rehabilitation
center, inasmuch as they could no longer control his behavior at home.
At the time of the interviews, Eddie was a ward of the Manila Youth
Reception Center. His sentence is suspended until the age of 18, at
which time judgment maybe passed on him, depending on his progress
while under probation. Meantime, this young boy's chances for a normal
childhood is already curtailed, even though he has not in fact been
imprisoned.
Constant movement in the city streets expose children to untoward
elemnts. One of the risks is becoming embroiled in the conduct of
crimes. As the study reveals, such actions are often done in the company
of peer groups, including perhaps older youth and adults already inured
by the streets to crime. This circumstance is definitely a risk to the well
being of the urban child. It is a situation which requires unrelenting
attention from child-caring institutions.
C. Stature of the Family in the Community
The family is the most important reference group for children. Its
values and norms of action are mirrored in themselves, while its prestige
and reputation in the community become their badge of honor (or mark
of notoriety, as the case maybe). In Philippine communities, a family's
stature and prestige can be enhanced by any one of the following:
32
The Community of the Urban Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
1) Kinship ties: Having relatives in high places, especially those
who can help provide jobs or get people out of trouble with the law, is
an 'asset,' and families may be treated with greater respect than
. otherwise because of these "connections."
2) Education: Completion of higher education is one of the treas-
ured aspirations of Filipinos. Individuals with these qualities as as-
cribed with leadership qualities, and may become either the informal or
formal leaders of the communities.
3) Business success: Since jobs are essential to individual and
family survival, persons who can offer jobs are treated with deference.
Patterns of community life may definitely change in relation to work
opportunities offered by neighbors or kin.
In the studied communities, what are the patterns of influence and
leadership? What is the urban family's position and how may we
compare its influence to that of other reference groups in relation to the
children's lives?
As an indirect measure of the children's perception of their family's
community standing, the children were asked to react to an opinion
statement which read "My family has no friends in this community."
Particularly in Pasay and Davao, more than 3/4 of the children disagreed
with the statement, while more than half did so from Manila and Quezon
City. Within these areas, families apparently maintain good relations
with others in the community. In contrast, 70% of the children from
Olongapo and 80% from Caloocan agreed with the statement, indicative
of the fact that few families in these communities are on friendly terms
with their neighbors.
Since the maintenance of good interpersonal relations is one of the
core values in Philippine society, as mirrored in behaviors associated
with "kapwa" (Enriquez 1979), the emerging profile of CEDC families
is two-pronged. In most communities, "pakikipagkapwa" is upheld,
while in others, families are less concerned with it. The source of this
difference deserves further investigation.
Despite the pattern of family friendships earlier described, however,
majority of the children from Olongapo and Caloocan aver that they work
with their neighbors. Over half also do so from the other cities, except
33
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Stx Philippine Cities
in Pasay where only 44% agree to the opinion statement that "We work
with others in this community." This set of findings is related to the
fact that more than half of the children in 5 cities (excepting Caloocan)
perceive that employment is provided by someone in the neighborhood,
and that many of them in reality have found work because of these
persons.
Possibly, it is work rather than the family's interpersonal relations
which determines the minor's own pattern of relationships within their
communities, especially since their own families fail to be economically
self-sufficient. In a later chapter, we shall see that neighbors and peers
exert a lot of influence in their decision to work or to roam the streets.
These two other groups, therefore, definitely function as the children's
"significant others," and exert influence over the children's behavior in
relation to work and otherwise.
The ability of the CEDC's family to attain stature due to kinship is
rather limited. No more than a fourth in Metro Manila and fewer in the
smaller cities claim to have relatives either in government positions or
in the business world. Regardless, these scarce 'assets' are often
well-known in the communities, and requests for assistance or
referrrals have in times past been coursed through these families.
Educational attainment also fails to be a source of family pride in
the typical urban poor household. While it is true that a few members
of the household have been able to reach (or are in) tertiary levels, the
modal educational attainment is limited to primary or elementary
schooling, with "no schooling" being a common occurence also in the
households of Davao, Manila and Quezon City.
A final observation on these urban households pertains to their
leadership positions. Perhaps because of their limited comunity stature,
families of the street children are not leaders in their communities.
Neither are they apparently interested in community action. This is
evidenced by the fact that, despite a general awareness that there are
community-based organizations in their respective localities, less than
a fourth in most areas actually join these groups. The exception is
among the families in Olongapo, where more than half of the family
respondents are members of the community associations.
34
The Community of the Urban Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
D. Child Assistance Prograns
What are the perceptions of the children and their families concern-
ing the presence and activities of existing child assistance programs?
The children and household respondents alike were asked about
their awareness and opinions on programs for children. In assessing
the obtained responses, it is well to remember that, except for Olongapo,
the children were largely sampled without the cooperation of child-car-
ing agencies for street children, even if—as in Davao—the research team
deliberately selected streets or areas falling within the areas of concern
of the networks or agencies cooperating for Urban Basic Services.
It is the children of Olongapo (83% of them) who are most aware
of programs which "help needy families and children." In Metro Manila,
29% of the children of Caloocan aver that they know of some of these
programs, but for the rest, only 6%-14% replied in the affirmative.
Similarly, only 14% of the children in Davao expressed awareness of
child programs. In the smaller cities of Davao and Olongapo, and within
Quezon City, the children who are aware of child-focused interventions
are also among the beneficiaries of the programs. Meanwhile, of 14
children in Caloocan familiar with these programs, 60% were benefici-
aries in the previous year, but not at the time of the study.
Among the interventions known to the children, programs intro-
duced by private agencies are mentioned more than those from govern-
ment. Of the government programs, it is Bahay Lingap which is most
often mentioned. In many cases, the programs familiar to children are
those which provide scholarships for the CEDC. In a few cases, they
are known to provide food and other assistance to the families, as well.
The proportion of other family or household members aware of
child-focused interventions is not much better. Again, it is in Olongapo
where there is greatest awareness of these programs (61.5%) and the
highest participation rate (88% of 17 respondents familiar with pro-
grams). In the other cities, only about a fourth of the interviewed adults
are familiar with the interventions.
The organizations identified to have child welfare programs and/or
their thrusts are the following:
35
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
The Community of the Urban Child In Especially Difficult Circumstances

(a) In Metro Manila - neighborhood associations, ERDA, DZRH (a

radio station), CARITAS, IPC, BBC; free clinics, scholarship and
tutoring programs, sports programs, livelihood programs, food assis-
tance programs, rescue centers, Bahay Lingap, foster parenting
(b) In Olongapo - neighborhood associations, scholarship pro-
grams, livelihood programs, Bahay Lingap
(c) In Davao - free clinics, SANA-MADA.
work for its own members or for others. In consequence, its members,
and especially its children, look to others in the community for eco-
nomic opportunities and leadership. Unfortunately, while they badly
need to avail of public services which may alleviate their plight, a very
small proportion of these families at-risk are familiar with or have
participated in programs focused on the welfare of urban poor families.

Community-based child-focused interventions familiar to the chil-

dren and their households usually deal with 3 problems of the urban
poor: livelihood, education and health. In a few instances, sports and
recreation programs—vital to the total development of children—are
likewise introduced.
Two types of interventions equally important to these families are
significantly absent:

first, programs which aim to improve the physical features and

public services of the communities, and upgrade the quality of the
dwelling units of the urban families;
second, programs which aim to offset the risks on the streets—such
as massive educational programs against dangerous drugs, sexual
abuse, and value-formation for the prevention of participation by minors
in petty (as well as more serious) crimes.
.it is, however, noteworthy that neighborhood associations are
already engaged in child-focused interventions. Strategies should be
more widely undertaken which strengthen and broaden their involve-
ment in the planning and, delivery of basic urban services. After all, when
the communities themselves are empowered to look after their own
welfare, the probability increases that interventions will succeed in the
long-term. "Community organizing" in urban poor communities, there-
fore, cannot be neglected in overall plans for the CEDC.
In summary, the Situation Analysis describes the family of the
CEDC to be one which generally maintains friendly relations with their
neighbors. However, it enjoys limited prestige, because it is lowly-edu-
cated, has few links to 'influentials,' and is ordinarily unable to provide

36
37

II
The Urban Family and Child:
Emerging Definitions
Definitions of Family and Child
The Filipino Family
The family is perceived to be the "basic building block of Philippine
society" (Jocano 1995). It is a social unit composed of interdependent
members, usually related to one another by blood or consanguinity, and
often occupying the same residential abode (Torres 1995a). Current
research points out that there is a great correspondence between the
Filipino family and household, and the latter is seen to be made up
principally of nuclear families (Cabegin 1993). At the same time, other
features of family-households have changed. For instance, we see an
increasing number of single-parent households, as a result of overseas
or city-ward migration, with more females assuming headship of the
family. Also, as a result of studies on working children, the notion of
the dependency of children on adults in the family has to be modified
(Torres 1995b).
The Filipino Child
International covenant, particularly the 1990 Convention on the
Rights of the Child, reiterates the view that there exists a protective
relationship between the child and the family. The Preamble of the
Covenant states, to wit:
38
The Urban Family and Child: Emerging Definitions
Convinced that the family, (is) the fundamental group of
society and the natural environment for the growth and
well-being of ... children, (and) should be afforded the
necessary protection and assistance
And,
Recognizing that the child, for the full and harmonious
development of his or her personality, should grow up in a
family environment, in an atmosphere of happiness, love
and understanding ... (UNICEF 1990)
The child is legally defined to be any person below twenty-one years
of age who is not otherwise emancipated in accordance with the law
(Art. 3, Child and Youth Welfare Code). Moreover, it is not only the
family which is expected to care for children. The state, likewise, shall
defend the right of children to assistance, proper care and nutrition, and
special protection from all forms of abuse, cruelty, exploitation and
other conditions prejudicial to their development (Constitution of the
Philippines, Art. XV, Sec. 3, 1986).
Within the framework of the present study, the urban child in
difficult circumstances is operationalized to be any person below 18
years of age, living and/or working within the cities. The child's house-
hold would consist of any set of individuals living together for their
mutual benefit and protection, which in many cases may be the family,
either in its nuclear or extended form.
Given these broad perspectives on the child, the family and the
household, the question to be addressed in this section is: How can the
urban Filipino family be characterized within the context of changing
conditions of urban life?
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Defining the Sample of Urban Children
and Families
The Situation Analysis reported herein covers 308 children and 58
families located in the following cities: Manila, Quezon City, Caloocan,
Pasay, Olongapo and Davao. Their distribution according to cities and
specific localities maybe seen in Table 1, Chapter I.
A. Sex, Age and Civil Status of the Children
Consistent with the findings of earlier studies, there were more boys
than girls found on the streets. Sixty to sixty-seven percent of the
children interviewed from Metro Manila are males, with the greatest
number coming from Quezon City and the least from Manila. In Davao
and Olongapo, 78% and 67.5%, respectively, of the observed CEDC
were also males.
The ages of the street children range from 8 to 18, with an average
of 12 years in 3 cities of the metropolis. For the city of Manila as well
as the smaller cities of Davao and Olongapo, their average age is slightly
higher: 13.5 years.
One child from each of the cities of Manila and Caloocan, and 2
from both Quezon City and Pasay are married. At the time of the
interviews, they were 17 to 18 years of age. All the interviewed children
from Olongapo and Davao, however, were still single.
The urban child whose situation is described in this report, there-
fore, is typically a young adolescent, usually male, and unmarried at the
time of the survey.
B. Demographic Characteristics of Household Respondents
Only 5 of 58 respondents in the household interviews were males,
and all from the Metro Manila areas. Almost all the respondents were
mothers of street children, the rest being fathers, uncles, aunts, siblings
or cousins of some of the interviewed children. A majority of these
respondents are married, but are relatively young—averaging 36 to 38
years across the various cities. Most of them are Roman Catholic, with
a small group belonging to the Iglesia ni Kristo in Olongapo. The
best-educated respondents are from Olongapo, averaging 14 years of
40
The Urban Family and Child: Emerging Definitions
schooling, followed by those from Metro Manila (9.5 years of educa-
tion), and lastly by those from Davao (8.6 years).
By-and-large, therefore, representatives of low-income families in
the urban areas under study are young, female, and at least high-school
graduates.
C. Urban Poor Households
Households can be described in 2 ways: first, according to whether
or not the household ieplicates the family; and second, in terms of the
patterns of dependency and protection among and between its members.
In this study, it is seen that, in about four of five cases in Metro
Manila, and three of four instances in Olongapo or Davao, the house-
holds of the CEDC are in fact their families. The majority of children
found on the streets, therefore, do indeed enjoy their basic right—to
grow up within the environment of the family.
Across the cities, a household is often described by the children to
be made up of as few as 5 or as many as 20 members, with a modal size
of 4-6 members, usually including 2 adults and 4 children. There can
be as many as 5-8 minors in every household, with 7-12 married and
unmarried adults. Except in the city of Olongapo, slightly more than
half of the households are made up of females (from 50.5% to 53.5%).
The ages of these individuals range from less than a year to 85 years.
In the cities of Manila, Caloocan and Pasay, a majority of children in
these households are between the ages of 12-14, followed by children
below 9 years. In Quezon City, Davao, and Olongapo, however, the
reverse is true and there are many more younger than older children
present.
In the household interviews, respondents were usually the mothers
of street children. From their accounts, the households often include
both married and unmarried children, spouses, aunts, uncles,
nieces/nephews, as well as their own parents and grandparents. This
tends to confirm the children's own perception of who are in their
families. According to family respondents, the average age of household
members is between 21-26 years, but ranging from less than one year
to 65 years. There are approximately equal numbers of males and
41
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities The Urban Family and Child: Emerging Definitions

females in these households, and more of them are single rather than Table 2 Number & Sizes of Households with no Adults Present
married individuals, with a ratio of about 2:1. Given the age profile, it (n= 50/city)
is not surprising to note that the modal educational attainment of the
families is only between grades 4 to 6. Nevertheless, even the rest of CITY HOUSEHOLD % Hh w/o adults
the family have usually finished only high school, with a few having SIZE
stepped into tertiary education. 1-3 4-6
Both interviews with children as well as with older members of their Manila - 0
households describe the urban poor household to be an extended family
with the following members: the child respondent, the mother, the Quezon City 13 - 22.4
father, unmarried siblings, and married siblings. There are more in- Pasay 8 2 20
stances of father-absent than mother-absent households, and fewer
married than single siblings live with the family of origin. Other relatives Caloocan 4 1 10
in the household include the following (in descending order): cousins, Davao 3 1 8
nieces/nephews, grandparents, aunts/uncles, and other relatives. In
Olongapo and Davao, as well as in a few households of Metro Manila, Olongapo 1 2
friends are also part of the households. Hence, the households of street
children can include as many as 4 generations in one dwelling unit:
Except among the child respondents in the city of Manila, a few
grandparents, parents, unmarried and married siblings, uncles, aunts,
belong to households with no adults present (Table 2). This was most
spouses, cousins, nieces and nephews.
frequent in Quezon City and Caloocan, and least so in Olongapo. These
Even while many urban poor children face few risks, living as they child-headed households are generally small, usually made up of only
do with parents and other relatives, there are small pockets of children- 3 members, and a few with as many as 6 children in the unit. How do
in every city who are disadvantaged in this respect. How might one these units survive? According to the data, children within these
characterize the composition of the households of this minority group? households are principally beggars or vendors. They are probably
children of the streets in the worst sense of the word, meaning that they
literally live and survive off the streets.
One of the case studies is that of a young boy who lived on the streets
of Cubao for five months until he was placed in a temporary shelter by
a social worker. According to Anthony (not his real name), he and ten
other street children survived by collecting used plastic cups and selling
these to a dealer. The children would then divide their money among
themselves to buy their meals, augmented by leftover food which they
managed to scrounge from the restaurants of Cubao. Since earnings
from scavenging was never enough, Anthony also became a 'call-boy' in
Cubao and prostituted himself to homosexuals. This pattern of survival
was common among the children with whom he 'lived' in Cubao.

42 43
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities The Urban Family and Child: Emerqinq Definitions

Undeniably, child-headed households—or those without adult (e) the child him/herself has run away from home.
members—represent a condition of greatest risk to children, inasmuch
as minors are forced to play out the roles of older persons among. These reasons indicate that the child has usually been a victim of
themselves. Conditions of dependency and protection expected by circumstances, largely brought about either by economic factors or
children from their elders do not exist at all for these waifs. Information marital problems. In several instances, nonetheless, the child initiates
on this group-at-risk will be presented separately in the course of our the separation, and both case studies as well as probe questions in the
discussions. interview reveal that children often run away from their families because
of abuses inflicted on their persons.
A second category of households-at-risk would be those where
parents are completely absent, but where the child may still reside with The situation analysis thus describes 4 general types of households:
other adults. The proportion of children who have neither parent with
them varies across the cities. The biggest group is from Pasay (17%) 1. the typical nuclear or extended family-unit, with both parents
followed by Davao (16%). Cities moderately-at-risk in this case include present;
Quezon City and Olongapo, where about 12% of the children in house-
2. a family with one parent absent;
holds have no parents. Least-at-risk are the children from Manila and
Caloocan, with less than 10% of children in the households separated 3. a household with both parents absent, but with other older
from their parents. Despite the absence of parents, however, prior data relatives present; and
tells us that many of these children still live with adults, presumably
4. child-headed households, with no adult members.
older siblings, aunts/uncles, and other relatives.
A third category of urban poor households pertains to those with D. Categories of Urban Poor Children
one parent absent—either the mother or the father. In general, there are
As stated in the first chapter, this study of the CEDC focuses on
significantly more father-absent than mother-absent households, rang-
the situation of urban children as they are found in the streets of the
ing from 3 in Quezon City to 24, in Caloocan (representing 2%-14% of
cities. As such, from among a total of 308 respondents, 89.3% (275
the groups). Mother-absent units range from 0 (Caloocan) to 14 (9% of
children) are classifiable as 'street children.' The rest may be considered
households in Davao).
as 'working children,' or those engaged in trades and other types of work
What circumstances bring about the formation of these unusual done either in establishments or private residences.
family or household units? Children state that they may be separated
In addition to the respondents themselves, the status of other
from one or both parents for the following reasons:
children in the households was likewise verified from household inter-
views. As evident in Table 3, the majority of minors in the sampled
(a) the parent is employed elsewhere, either in another part of the households are not at work.
city, in the provinces, or even abroad;
(b) the absent parent is separated from his/her spouse and may be
living with another family;
(c) the absent parent has passed away;
(d) the child is employed as domestic helper, thus lives with the
employer family, or

44 45
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities The Urban Family and Child: Emerging Definitions

Table 3. Status of Children in Urban Poor Households The types of work reportedly undertaken by street children include
the following activities:
CITY Total Percent Percent Percent
Number of NON-WOR- WORKING- STREET
Children KING CHILDREN CHILDREN
a) begging for money or food
MANILA 235 59.1 11.9 b) vending food, cigarettes, candies, plastics

QUEZON 158 40.5 8.9 40.5 c) scavenging for plastics, old bottles and newspapers, etc.
CITY d) deliveries (bread, newspapers, etc.)
PASAY 165 442 7.3 48.5 e) 'wash/watch-your-car'
CALOOCAN 159 44.65 16.3 47.1 f) fetching/selling water
DAVAO 176 53.4 8.5 38.1
Working children, in turn, engage in the following activities:
OLONGAPO 165 52.7 6.1 41.2
a) plowing fields
Recalling the earlier section, it is seen that more than halfof children b) tennis-ball boy ('pulot boy')
in Davao and Olongapo are not at work and these cities have more
younger than older children. However, in Quezon City, in which house- c) thread winding
holds also have many children below 12 years, only 40% of the minors d) stall/sari-sari store vending
do not engage in gainful activities. In addition, within Manila which has
the most numerous children between 12-14 years, almost 3/4 of the e) household helper/babysitter/laundrywoman
minors are not at work. Age of the minors, therefore is only partially 1) grocery/bakeshop helper
associated with their dependency status. Perhaps, other factors deter-
mine as well the probability that children will engage in paid activities, g) gasoline boy/girl
at whatever age. This hypothesis will be examined further in the next h) meat processing
chapter.
i) renting skateboards/bicycles
Meanwhile, the proportion of minors observed on the streets ranges
from 1/3 to 2/5 of the total number of children. Street children are most The data reveals that a majority of children in the urban poor
numerous in the households of Pasay, Caloocan, Olongapo and Quezon households remain dependent on others for their sustenance, and are
City, with fewer such children in the households of Davao and Manila. not at work. However, they are not necessarily sustained by adult labor
Children categorized as 'working' make up from 6% to 16% of all alone, because there are other minors who do work. The relationship
children, being most plentiful in Caloocan and Manila, and least in between household size, occupation and children at work will be
Olongapo. They differ from street children in the sense that their labor discussed in the succeeding chapter.
is not necessarily done in public places, albeit these establishments or
areas may be situated beside the streets.

46 47
 Profiles oJDi.sadvantaqed Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Family Mobility
Previous studies describe the family in slum communities to be
migrants from depressed regions of the country, such as the Bicol
peninsula and Samar. However, once they come to Manila, these
migrants tend to remain in the same neighborhoods for a number of
years. It may also be noted that migration to the urban centers transpires
when the individuals are still single and relatively young (Tones 1988).
Hence family life often starts within the cities.
A. Miqration
Low-income households of Metro Manila and Olongapo are like the
slum dwellers described by the literature, since a majority of those in
the household sample reportedly migrated from other provinces (62.5%
of those in the metropolis and 70% from Olongapo). Pangasinan
emerges as the most common area of out-migration, followed by Bicol,
other parts of Central Luzon, Western Eastern Visayas. In contrast,
unlike slum dwellers in the Luzon-based cities, more than 80% of the
households interviewed within Davao are natives of the city.
B. Intra-City Movements
In Metro Manila, only about a third of the interviewed households
have resided in other neighborhoods prior to their present addresses.
The sampled families in Olongapo and Davao are less fortunates: 4/5 of
those in the former and practically all in the latter have lived in one or
two other places prior to their present city addresses.
Children confirm the fact that their families have moved residences
within the city. In their recollection, their families have lived in their
present addresses for about 4-6 years. The broader profile of within-city
migration obtained from the children, therefore, describes greater mo-
bility than that presented by the smaller sample of families. Neverthe-
less, these families are not recent migrants to the city from other parts
of the Philippines.
48
The Urban Family and Child: Emerging Definitions
C. Factors Influencing Mobility
As a rule, families move residences with their children in tow. But
why have they moved, in the first place? The most common reason is
that the family was driven away—either because they were squatting,
they could no longer afford the rent, or that the ancestral home had
become overcrowded. Economic difficulties may thus be assuaged by
moving to places with lower rents or where there are more livelihood
opportunities.
The work of the parents or of the children is another factor which
precedes movement. A family may move to addresses which are closer
to places of work of the family members. Finally, "incidents" affecting
the child or family lead to residential moves. These untoward events
include fights in the community involving family members, false accu-
sations for crimes levelled against fathers or brothers, or even the
untimely death of a family member. In some instances, a family may
move because paternal support had stopped and the family has to eke
out a living elsewhere.
Poverty and community strife are threats to urban poor families.
Because of these circumstances, families have been forced to move.
Unfortunately, unlike the pattern observed in upper class families,
residential movement is apparently from better-off to more impover-
ished areas. In addition, judging from the size and composition of the
households in our sample, the movement is to places where other
relatives already reside. Hence, the movement of urban poor families is
probably towards areas which are characterized by congestion, lack of
utilities, and greater community instability. It is in such places where
marginal services and trades, such as those undertaken by street
children and street families, would abound and provide sources of
income for the poverty-stricken household.
Patterns of Household Relationships
Apart from demographic characteristics, it is equally important to
note the quality of relationships within the households of the CEDC, in
order to be able to understand the processes which induce children to
work in the streets. The question addressed by the succeeding discus-
sion is: "What does the family in a low-income community do together?"
49
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
A. Interaction Patterns
With other children. The street children interact with their siblings
most frequently, particularly for play activities. They may also go to the
movies, or listen to the radio. The children likewise play with other
children in their communities. Apart from this, they work together with
either siblings or peers, in their households or elsewhere.
Interestingly, sibling relationships differ in intensity across the
cities. For instance, almost all of the children from Caloocan and Pasay
state that they play with their siblings. About 2/3 of the siblings of
Olongapo, less than half in Manila and Davao, and only a fourth in
Quezon City enjoy the same camaraderie. Siblings may instead vend or
beg together, or help each other with school work. The opportunity
children have to play, therefore, appears to be inversely associated with
time needed for work.
While sibling relations are excellent in Pasay and Quezon City, the
children from these cities hardly play with other children. More than
half of the children in these cities also claim they do 'nothing' with other
children, not even to work with them. In contrast, more than half of the
children from the other cities play with their peer groups, shine shoes
with them (in Davao), vend or engage in street services. Peer influence,
therefore, appears to be least felt by the children of Pasay and Quezon
City.
In households where the children are separated from one or both of
their parents, interactions with either siblings or other children still
revolve around play, leisure (watching TV), domestic labor (usually as
baby-sitters), or work in the streets.
With Parents. Children share leisure time with their fathers more
frequently than with their mothers. This includes play activities, watch-
ing movies, listening to the radio, or going out on the town, especially
to Luneta Park. In Quezon City, Davao and Olongapo, approximately a
third of the children state they do nothing with their fathers. Apart from
leisure, many of the children engage in work with their fathers, often in
sales, services, and production, as well as in agriculture (in Olongapo).
Children interact more frequently with their mothers while at work.
In Olongapo, Manila, Quezon City and Caloocan, this usually means
50
The Urban Family and Child: Emerging Definitions
housework—both in their own homes and as paid effort. In Pasay, more
of the children vend or fetch water with their mothers rather than do
housework. Again, it is the children from Davao, Pasay and Quezon City
who most often aver that they do nothing with their parents (35%, 20%
and 33% respectively).
In all the cities, only one or two children state that their parents
help them with their school work. Finally, in incomplete families, work
predominates as the form of interaction between the remaining parent
and child.
B. household Leisure Activities
Children perceive going to the movies, watching television, listening
to the radio, reading comic books, and talking together ('kuwentuhan')
as the major pastime of their families, followed by playing or going out.
This profile is true even of the child-headed households.
Drinking and gambling are specifically mentioned as family leisure
activities by the children in Davao and Caloocan. In Quezon City,
however, about 40% of families have no pastime. On direct questioning,
2/3 of the children in Pasay and Caloocan report that drinking is
common in their households. Three-fifths of those in Manila admit the
same thing, along with about half of those from Quezon City, Davao and
Olongapo. When asked about the frequency of drinking, a majority of
children report that it happens infrequently. The heaviest drinkers are
in Quezon City and Caloocan, where more than a third reportedly go on
the wagon everyday. Drinking bouts include the children's fathers,
uncles, and brothers, as well as friends in the neighborhood.
Gambling is a favorite pastime in Caloocan and Davao, and to a
lesser extent in Manila and Olongapo. In the first 2 abovementioned
cities, gambling may go on daily or weekly. Most households in the last
2 cities, however, play only weekly or irregularly. Fewer families in
Quezon City and Pasay purportedly gamble. Parents, siblings and family
friends make up the gambling parties.
Drug use is least reported by the children from Pasay (only 2
children admit to it) and most frequently by those from Caloocan (14
respondents). Less than 10 children from each of the other cities admit
51
 I'roflies of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
to its use in their households Users include siblings and friends, who
often 'require' drugs daily.
In general, these perceptions of the children point to Caloocan as
an area where many are exposed to 'vices' in the family circle, including
alcoholism, gambling and drug dependency. The pattern is less obvious
in the other cities, especially in Pasay, where gambling and drinking
within the households are not frequently perceived by the children.
1. Pastimes in Child-headed households. Risks to children's de-
velopment within the child-headed households emerge from the set of
data on leisure activities. To begin with, almost half of the children from
child-headed households drink liquor, a fourth say they gamble, and a
fifth admit to drug abuse. Companions in these 'leisure activities'
include friends, neighbors, and siblings.
Anthony, the young boy whose case was described earlier recounts
that he learned to use rugby as an inhalant due to the influence of his
friends. The inhaled solvent offered the child a temporary refuge from
the harsh realities of street life, including hunger. In their reports, the
interviewers also note that they were unable to talk with some children
of the streets because the latter were 'high' on drugs. The risks to
children offered by homelessness are definitely real and dangerous.
C. Confidantes of-Children
Apart from work and leisure, families may also depend on one
another for solace and advise. As in most other Filipino families,
children primarily go to their parents for counsel. Siblings or friends
are the other parties that the children seek for advice. Quite unexpect-
edly, a majority of those who seek advise from siblings are the younger
children. Almost equal numbers of children, though, seek their parents'
counsel.
D. Emotional Experiences
For 2/3 of the children in Caloocan and Pasay, a party ('handaan')
spells a' happy occasion. Among the other children, however, both
parties and simple family gatherings are cause for joy. These events are
shared with parents, siblings and other relatives, as well as with friends.
52
The Urban Family and Child: Emerging Definitions
Only a fourth of all the children have no recollection of truly sad
events, which means that it is only this small group which has been
spared from emotional trauma. For , the rest, death in the family and
quarrels are recounted as sad events. Dire circumstances affecting
siblings are also remembered as occasions for sadness, as well as the
times when he/she had been disciplined. The process of marital separa-
tion, particularly when fathers leave home, was also mentioned by some
of the children as a sad occasion in the family.
Parentless children of the streets (child-headed households) re-
count the same types of occasions as having been happy or sad ones for
them. The difference between their memories and that of the other
children is that these occasions may have happened a year ago or even
longer. Events in their present fail to affect them, therefore, as much as
have occasions long ago shared with their families.
D. Household Responsibilities
The households of the children have been characterized as large and
extended in terms of membership. Given this composition, are the
children still expected to do their share of housework?
A list of usual household activities were read to the respondents,
and they were to select which of these they helped to do at home. The
street children's responses were ranked and are presented in Table 4.
53
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities The Urban Family and Child: Emerging Definitions

Table 4. Ranking of Household Chores of Children in Six Cities any other Filipino family. Its members continue to enjoy healthy rela-
tionships with one another, with verbal interaction ('kuwentuhan')
Rank MANILA I QUEZONI CALOOC I PASAY DAVAO I OLONGA remaining as a dominant form of reaching-out to each other. Siblings
CITY AN I I P0
play and study together, while parents may still find time to engage in
1 clean clean wash clean clean fetch passive pastimes with their children. Still, there are many cases when
laundry water the relationship between brothers, or between parent and child, is
wash clean carried on within the bounds of work. In still other cases, the memories
2 wash fetch clean run
of family life are tinged with sorrow, as in the passing away of a parent,
plates water errands laundry
incarceration of an older brother, or marital conflict leading to family
3 fetch cook fetch fetch fetch cook separation.
water water water water
The typical nuclear or extended family unit still persists in urban
4 run wash run wash run wash poor settings. In fact, it is significant to note that, while the average
errands plates errands plates errands laundry household size is relatively small (consistent with previous descriptions
cook baby-sit of the urban family), their number can double or triple.
5 cook wash baby-sit cook
laundry The physical and psychological impacts on individuals of large
animal households are enormous, when viewed against the fact that their
6 market baby-sit animal baby-sit wash dwelling units are small and constricted, and situated within neighbor-
care plates care
hoods with scarce or insufficient services and facilities for daily living.
7 animal animal cook animal animal run As mentioned in the earlier chapter, household density is one circum-
care care care care errands stance which draws people out to the streets, including the children.
Psychologically, crowded living quarters have been known to pro-
Tasks most frequently assigned to children are usually simple: duce individual stress reactions (Lundberg, 1976; Fisher, 1974), in-
Cleaning, washing plates, and running errands. More complex tasks cluding heightened blood pressure and epinephrine secretions. Moving
such as cooking, marketing and even babysitting are seldom assigned out to the streets, therefore could be a coping reaction to perceived social
to the children. Both boys and girls are asked to help clean, to wash density, especially when children literally find no room for individual
used plates, and to cook. However, it is the boys who are usually asked expressions in the home. In fact, in one case study, a young boy noted
that he refused to remain indoors since there was "nothing to do
to run errands, to fetch water and to feed the pets. Girls, on the other
hand, are more often expected to do the laundry and to look after younger there"—no television or radio to view or listen to, and no toys to play
children. Socialization of the children into gender-roles is apparent in with.
these profiles. At young ages, children also need physical exercise and mental
stimulation to help develop their muscles and faculties. In the slum
community, with its small alleyways and unkempt surroundings, mov-
Urban Poor Families:
ing out to the market places and city plazas provides the alternative and
Emerging Dimensions
the venue for these children to play, interact, be stimulated and learn.
The emerging profile of the child and family in this study reveals Yet, these places provide hazards to the health and morals of the minors.
that the family of the urban poor is, in many respects, quite like that of

54 55
 i'roJIles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities

Large households also mean increased demands for income to

sustain the family and to pay for urban services (such as rents,
electricity, and water). Yet, as we have noted, cities are unable to provide
sufficient employment for the less-skilled. Hence, its members are
forced to engage in whatever work will bring in cash, and children may
often find marginalized jobs that bring in money for themselves and their
families. Movement from better places to the slums also results from
unemployment and underemployment.
III
Economic difficulties produce stress, perhaps even more than does
overcrowding. The many instances of child abuse, beatings and family
quarrels are likely rooted in economic problems. When family harmony
is destroyed, the unit may break up, producing yet another difficult
Processes of Becoming
circumstance for the child. Disadvantaged in Urban Settings
The urban family, therefore, may be like other Filipino families in
its composition and interpersonal relationships but different from them Earlier chapters describe features of communities and families
in its functions. Conditions of dependency between parents and chil- which may influence the household's decision for the child to work. In
dren may be absent, and in some cases, reversed. Risk-situations which further developing the case study of the urban child, interrelationships
increase the likelihood that children will work exist, even in complete between these factors will be laid out, as they are seen to 'push' the
families. child into the streets and workplaces.
There are also instances when children co-exist in households sans
adults to supervise them. Among the various groups, these households Decision-Model for Child Labor
are potentially at greatest risk, because young, untrained minds are
forced to make day-to-day decisions and insure their survival without It was pointed out in an earlier chapter that the phenomenon of
the assistance of older persons. Certainly, these children will mature children at work is not the result of economic conditions alone. While
faster than those living with their families, if they are able to overcome poverty conditions may push children into the street-, of the city, other
the difficulties of individual survival in the city. factors help explain its occurrence, as well. A household decision-mak-
Poverty remains the single biggest factor which produces difficult ing model provided by Rodgers and Standing (1981) depicts child labor
situations for children. Regardless of whether children continue to be force participation as a function of the following:
with their families or not, daily requirements for child survival, which
(a) the cost of economic activity,
adults are unable to provide, affect their activities as children, often
forcing some of them to work for their own and their household's (b) perceived and realized gains from that activity
sustenance. Interventions for the urban family, therefore, must con-
(c) the perceived need for income, and
tinue to pay attention to the different effects of poverty in the family and
community. Deeper insights into the culture of disadvantage will be (d) socio-economic, legal and cultural constraints to child labor
provided in the following chapters. recognized by the family.

56 57
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
In urban poor families, the 'cost' of having a child at work may be
associated with its impact on the child's schooling, health, food and
energy requirements for work, and the trade-off between a child doing
work at home or in the streets. The perceived gains from street work
could be associated with expected and realized incomes from these jobs,
and satisfaction with the work, if it is perceived as a means of entry into
future adult activities. Demand-for-income may take into account the
following factors: current household income, family/household size,
assets or savings, and the socio-economic status of the family (including
their educational and occupational profile, community standing, and,
possibly, kinship relations).
Culture and its expectations also influence child labor decisions.
To begin with, children in agricultural communities of the Philippines
are expected to take part in production. In 1975, Bulatao reported that
Filipino parents value children to the extent that they are able to give
financial contributions to the household. In addition, older siblings are
usually given chores at home: caring for animals; and younger siblings:
gardening, fetching water, chopping wood, and housework.
Parents, when queried, reply that teaching children to work is an
important value, and that it prepares them for adult responsibility
(Boquiren, 1989; Ballescas, 1987; Del Rosario & Veneracion 1987).
Among children, work taught in the course of family socialization is
viewed as 'play' activity, and they in fact derive pleasure from these
efforts. It is only when prodded that children may admit that they are
fatigued from work, and that they would rather study (Torres et al.
1986).
Gender role expectations in Philippine society also serve to typolo-
gize the nature of children's work. At puberty, for instance, Filipino girls
are expected more than boys to help out at home. In fact, while male
out-of-school youth in rural areas spend considerable time looking for
work, their female counterparts remain at home—either idling or doing
domestic chores (Tones 1982-1983). In a research program on child
labor in the Philippines, it was determined that more girls are found in
homework involving embroidery and sewing, while more boys are
employed as agricultural workers (Tones et al. 1986). Children in the
streets are usually boys (NCSD 1988), but the presence of either gender
is again related to the nature of available jobs for minors (Torres 1989).
58
Processes of Becoming Disadvantaged in Urban Settings
Political events and state decisions also gravely influence the
probability of children assuming adult roles, particularly to the extent
that these interact with economic conditions in the family. On the one
hand, the counter-insurgency drive of the Philippine government has
led to the dislocation of families, as well as children's separation from
and even the loss of parents suspected as insurgents.
The assassination ot Ninoy Aquino in 1983 aggravated the reces-,
sion in the Philippine economy and led to the closure of many estab-
lishments, resulting in unemployment, thus drawing more children into
the streets. The tourism drive in the early 80s led to the entry of foreign
pedophiles, and child prostitution flourished. On the other hand, the
institution of free education from primary to secondary levels may serve
to offset the number of out-of-school youths in urban and rural centers.
Massive drives to generate adult employment and increase family
incomes may also reverse the trend in child employment.
Social legislation against exploitative work for children ç erves to
deter the massive inclusion of children in the formal labor sector. The
Labor Code, for one stipulates that children below 15 years of age are
not to be employed except under the responsibility of their parents or
guardians (Art. 139, Labor Code). In addition, the Child and Youth
Welfare Code stipulates that children below 16 may only do light work
which is not harmful to their safety, health or normal development, and
not prejudicial to their studies (Art. 197, P.D. 603).
Despite these provisions, however, the reality is that poor, unedu-
cated families have very limited access to formal jobs. Hence, the
participation of children in the informal labor sector goes on largely
unregulated, except in cases when abusive circumstances of work are
dramatized as in the case of child participation in muro-ami fishing or
in child prostitution (c.f., van Oosterhout 1988; BWYW-DOLE 1987).
Constraints to work among children may also be found in the
opinions and actions of society. For instance, disdain for and sanctions
from the community against street work may deter families from sending
children out into the streets. Contrariwise, accessibility to programs
which aim to provide assistance to poor families may offset the effects
of risk-factors to work.
59
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Despite these elaborations, however, it is well to remember that,
while certain extant factors lead to decisions for the child to work,
families hardly ever consider these alternative options with full con-
sciousness. Bekombo (1981) reminds us:
The early introduction of children into the productive
section is not the result of a deliberate decision on the part
of adults; it is the outcome a socialization strategy adapted
to a way of life and to the functioning of other social
institutions (p. 119).
The Decision to Work
How do the children start to work, in the first place? Who introduce
them to work?
In almost half of the cases in Quezon City, Caloocan, Pasay,
Olongapd and Davao, the children's friends had introduced them to
work. Aside from their peers, about a fourth of the children from Manila,
Quezon City, and Pasay were brought along to work by their parents. In
fewer cases, a sibling or a neighbor had introduced the child to work.
Some of the children claim, nonetheless, that they had chosen to work
on their own initiative.
Why did the children go to work?
As may easily be guessed, economic difficulties provided the impe-
tus for the children to start working. Spontaneous answers of the
children include statements such as: "Kulang ang kita ng aming
pamilya," "Para magkaroon ng pera," "Nawalan/walang trabaho ang
Tatay ko." Related to these, a few children aver that they needed the
money for their studies. Several also admit that they had to work because
they had left home ('naglayas').
Using the household decision-making model as framework, it is
clear that the prime factor which initiates children to work is the
perceived need for income in the urban poor family. The need,
moreover, is perceived and felt not only by adults, but by minors, as
well, since it is themselves (the children) who have often taken the
decision to go to work. The perception that more income is needed,
60
Processes of Becoming Disadvantaged in Urban Settings
therefore, is a quasi-indicator of poverty which predisposes children to
work, thereby placing them at risk.
The Need for Income in the
Urban Poor Households
A. Occupations of Household Members
The perception that incomes are inadequate may be traced to the
household's capacity to cover its material needs. The typical economic
profiles of urban poor communities have been described in Chapter I.
To determine how much risk is present in the households of the sample
of street and working children, it is important to determine the extent
to which household and family members are gainfully occupied.
Both the children and household respondents were asked about the
occupations of their household members. Occupational classification
follows that employed by the National Statistical Office (NSO), with two
additional categories derived from actual data—that of "housewife' and
'student.' It is assumed in this analysis that these two types of house-
hold members are not employed in the public domain. The'percentage
of women reported as 'housewives' varies across the cities, but is no
more than 10%. Non-working studentsare more plentiful, ranging from
1O%-26%.
Using the , 2 data sets, the profile of household occupations in the
various cities will now be drawn.
1) Among the cities, the incidence of unemployment in the
households may be ranked as follows:
61
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Table 5. Ranking of Cities in Terms of Incidence of Unemploy-
ment (in %)
Rank from Child Interviews Rank from HH Interviews
n= 308 n =58
1 Olongapo (44.5) 1 Caloocan
2 Quezon City (35) 2 Pasay
3 Caloocan (30) 3 Davao
4 Pasay (25) 4 Olongapo
5 Manila (19) 5 Manila
6 Davao (18.4) 6 Quezon City
Except for the ranks of Olongapo and Quezon City, which become
lower in the household data set, the arrangement of the other cities in
terms of unemployment incidence is consistent from the viewpoint of
both children and adults. Hence, families in Caloocan experience more
unemployment, followed by those from Pasay, Davao and/or Manila.
Data on combined family income (Table 6) leads us to infer that the
incidence of unemployment derived from the child interviews (which is
also a larger data pool) is accurate with respect to Olongapo and Quezon
City. There is basis to believe that households in these places indeed
have the highest levels of unemployment.
2) Most commonly reported occupations are in sales, services and
production work. Rarely, if at all, do the children or households report
that a member of their family is engaged in clerical, technical or
administrative work. Occupations in the sales and services categories
can be very fluid, from working in restaurants to working in corner
stores, including work in the formal and the informal labor sectors.
Meantime, production work may include employment in manufac-
turing. The biggest group of urban poor dwellers engaged in production
labor comes from Caloocan (24%), followed by Quezon City (15%),
Pasay and Manila (about 10% in each city). Very few of those from
62
Processes of Becoming Disadvantaged in Urban Settings
Davao or Olongapo reportedly work in this sector. This finding implies
that potential opportunities for the urban poor to be employed in
production work is very low, probably owing to both their limited skills,
as well as because there are fewer job openings in this sector in the
different cities. The present findings confirm NSO reports that domi-
nant occupation in the studied cities are in sales and services.
(49)
(34) 3) Most of the employed household members apparently earn on
a daily basis, as indicated by the number of their working days, which
(31) can range from 1 to 30 days in a month, and averaging 20 to 26 days
(17.6) per city. In addition, a sizable group are evidently underemployed,
because they may be at work for no more than 5 to 7 hours in a day.
(15)
In summary, the households of the street children are obviously
(11) hard-pressed for incomes with which to spend for their daily needs.
Many are unemployed, and those who are earning may do so irregularly,
or for only part of the day or month. Given their skills level, it is not
surprising to note that common employments are in the lowly-paying
categories of sales, services and production occupations. Obviously, the
risk that children may decide to work is linked to these facts of
unemployment and underemployment in the households.
An added insight is that the extended family helps alleviate the need
for children to work. When other adults are present who can contribute
to the family's earnings, the likelihood that children will themselves
work diminishes. This hypothesis, however, needs to be evaluated in
further studies.
B. Work, Family Size and Composition
How do family size and composition create disadvantageous situ-
ations for children? Finer analysis of the data describes the following
trends:
1) Across all cities, when the adults are unemployed, it is very
likely that there will be children at work. Often, even when there is only
one child in the household, this minor goes to work when the older
members have no jobs. This is most evident in Quezon City, where 18
minors are found at work in 20 households where adults are reportedly
unemployed.
63
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
2) In some cities, the likelihood that at least one child works,
increases with the number of children. In Manila, Caloocan, and
Olongapo, for instance, there is at least one working/street child in
families with four to five children, regardless of the number of working
adults. In Quezon City, Pasay and Davao, however, the largest numbers
of working children belong to families where they are the only minors,
or are one of two children in the households Plurality of children in a
family, therefore, is not a risk-factor, to work per se, but may interact
with conditions of adult employment to produce risk-situations for
minors.
3) In most cities, the proportion of working and street children
increases with household size, from small families (1-3 members) to
moderately-sized ones (4-6). However, the number of working children
in larger families (greater than 6 members) declines. In the city of
Manila, the opposite trend is evident: the proportion of children at work
decreases with family size.
These trends 'may be traced to the composition of the households.
In small to modeiate-sized units, there would likely be 2 adults and 1-4
minors. But, further increases in size means the inclusion of more
adults, and additional contributions from them to the household in-
come. Hence, the need for children's labor declines.
4) One would imagine that children would be less pressured to
work when they have both parents with them. The opposite in fact is
true ,of the urban poor children in this study. The biggest groups of
children at work and on the streets come from complete families'. This
finding implies that 'conditions of risk are not mitigated by parental
presence. Instead, there are other 'family dynamics obviously at play
which encourage the children to go to the streets for employment, along
with their parents or in place of them.
5) Among the incomplete families, there are slightly more children
who go to work when both parents are absent, than when either the
mother or the father only is absent. In fact, most of the children at work
who are also separated from their families have no present links with
both their parents. Thes cases are more expeèted—children have to
fend for themselves when neither parent can look after their needs.
Processes of Becoming Disadvantaged in Urban Settings
Children's Contribution
to Family Income
The children's perception that their income contribution is needed
by their families has been shown to be linked to the fact that there is a
high incidence of unemployment in the households of the CEDC.
Children also have to work for their own survival in child-headed
households. Given this reality, what is the actual contribution of the
children to the family's coffers?
A. Children's Attitudes Towards Work
Regardless of the amount earned, practically all the children say
they contribute to their family coffers, giving all or a part of their
earnings to their parents. Interviewed family members confirm this fact.
Children usually contribute once a week to the family's income, except
in Olongapo where 2/3 of the children remit earnings to their families
twice a week. In the National Capital, children give as little as P25 (on
the average) in Manila, approximately P50 in both Quezon City and
Caloocan, to as much as P105 in Pasay. In Olongapo, average contri-
bution of children to household income is P80 weekly, while in Davao
it is P125. Nevertheless, there are a few big earners among the chil-
dren—about 2 or 3 who are able to contribute close to a thousand pesos
to the family every week.
,Two-thirds of the children in Metro Manila and almost all in
Olongapo and Davao realize that they are expected to contribute to their
family's earnings, but almost everyone deems this right and just. After
all, they say, their contribution helps to defray family expenses. Besides,
children are members of the family and should help out ("tulong sa
pamilya"). Close family ties in Philippine society, therefore, is trans-
lated to include economic assistance from all earners, regardless of
whether the family member is a minor or an adult.
B. Children's Share of Family Income
Let us now examine the contribution of the children's earnings from
the point of view of the households. From the family interviews, the
number of child workers in every household was ascertained. In Manila
and Pasay, there can be as many as 2 children at work. In Pasay,
65
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Processes of Becoming Disadvantaged in Urban Settings

Olongapo and Davao, this number increases to 3, while in Caloocan Several insights into the economic life of urban poor families are
there could be as many as 4 child workers per family. The following provided by the table.
table displays the range and average contributions of both minors and
adults to the family's monthly income. To begin with, it is heart-rending to note that in Quezon City and
Caloocan, the minimum earning of an adult practically equals that of a
Table 6. Range and Mean Incomes of Urban Poor Households child. The average earnings of both minors and adults in these same
cities are also closely parallel. In Quezon City, for instance, the differ-
City Combined HH Child's Adult's ence between their earnings is less than P100, while in Caloocan it is
Income/mo. Contribution Contrbution a difference of P50. It should also be remembered that there are many
unemployed in the households within these cities—almost half of those
Manila
in Quezon City and a third from Caloocan. In these places, the children's
range: P10-1680 P50-4500 contributions to the family would thus be significant for meeting
survival needs.
mean: 1386 P421 P965.67
Secondly, in Manila, Pasay City, Davao City and Olongapo, chil-
Quezon City
dren's work contribute less than half to the family's monthly budget.
range: P20-1950 P20-3000 In addition, the value of adult work is far higher than that of the
children's activities in these areas. The highest pay of a child in Manila,
mean: P1526 P690
P836.82 for example, is only 37% of the highest income of an adult in this city.
Caloocan In Pasay, the difference is even bigger: a child earns only as much as
20% of an adult's highest pay. In Olongapo and Davao, the difference
range: P10-940 P20-2000 is less: the highest in the range of children's earnings in these cities is
mean: P254 P102 P152 approximately half of the highest reported income of an adult. It would
seem that the benefits from children's work in these cities are consid-
Pasay erably less than in the other cities.
range: P40-900 P100-4500 Third, the combined average earnings of all the families interviewed
mean: P2260 P610 P1650 in this study fall short of the poverty thresholds. In 1988, the poverty
threshold for the National Capital Region (which includes the 4 cities
Olongapo of Metro Manila) was placed at P4,037 for a family of 6 (DOLE 1990).
range: P5-100 P17.86-200 Sad to say, the observed households earn less, on the average, than what
would be necessary to meet the health, educational and other basic
mean: P115 P35.94 P79.84 requirements of their families. The families in Caloocan are worst off
Davao in this respect, since both the mean and range of incomes in this city
fall far short of the poverty threshold. Meanwhile, the most fortunate
range: P140-1400 P120-3000 households are in Pasay, where a few families report incomes close to
mean: P2173 P552.45 P1621.34 the threshold (but still below it).
CEDC families in Olongapo are also in dire situations. Given the
Regional Poverty Threshold at P2,552, the average earnings of the

66
67
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
sampled families is only P115 monthly, or less than 10% of the
minimum required earnings of a family in Central Luzon. The families
in Davao are better off, since their average income is P2,173, or close
to the poverty threshold of P2,389 for Southern Mindanao. Moreover,
the highest reported income among the families in this city is P3,000
which is above threshold.
How is the money contributed by children utilized in the household?
From the family interviews, it was ascertained that children's income
help pay for food, particularly for rice. The amount also helps pay for
matches, cooking fuel, salt vegetables, spices, etc. In some instances,
the money is used as the child's allowance in school.
In summary, the households' perception that children need to
contribute to their income is well-explained by the foregoing informa-
tion. To begin with, traditional values that each one in the family must
help out (a kapwa-value) has already been internalized by the children.
They consider it part of their obligation, therefore, to help the family
meet its needs. With their earnings, children in reality make a significant
contribution to the family's material resources. Without it, the house-
holds' ability to meet daily needs becomes strained, because earnings
from various marginal occupations fall far below the threshold for family
survival.
Culture of Work
Is work among minors part of the culture of the urban poor families?
What do parents think about children at work? At what age does the
family think it is okay for children to go to work?
A. The Right Age to Work
On the average, adult respondents in Metro Manila think 14 is a
good age for children to work, although answers range from 6 to 18. In
the cities of Davao and Olongapo, most adults opine that children
should not work until they are 16, or even before they are 20 years old.
However, in reality, many of the children in the present study started
work earlier—from 4 or 5 years old, but usually when they were between
8 to 10 years of age (Table 7). There is an inconsistency, therefore,
between reality and attitude, indicating that families do not really want
68
Processes of Becoming Disadvantaged in Urban Settings
their children to go to work at such tender ages as 4, 5, 8 or even 10
years.
Table 7. Average (and Range) of Ages When the Children Started
to Work
MANILA QUEZOT PASAY CALOO- OLON- D
CITY CAN GAPO
Mean 10.4 8.8 10 9.4 9.68 10.14
Age
Range (6-16) (4-18) (7-17) (5-15) (4-15) (4-17)
of Ages
Nonetheless, older members of urban poor families have faced
similar risks in their own childhood, because working as minors in the
urban poor families has an inter-generational character. According to
the interviewed household repondents, about three-fourths of them had
to work as children (respondents, usually included parents and older
siblings). Other members of the families who were—or are pres-
ently—working children include the mothers, fathers, and married/un-
married siblings of the street children, nieces, nephews, uncles and
aunts.
When they were asked to state what their occupations had been, it
is seen that they did work similar to that of the street children—vending,
scavenging, and even begging. In fact, the current occupations of some
of these individuals are in the same trades as the street children—as
plastics vendors, sweepstakes vendors, garbage scavengers, or pedicab
drivers. Only a few are now jeep or bus drivers, factory workers or
laborers. The work opportunities available to members of low-income
families are often in the marginal informal industries, which explains
the low income profiles earlier described. This is true among both adults
and children.
B. Work Preferences
The children were asked to specify which types of work they
preferred. In Manila, Caloocan, Pasay, Davao, and Olongapo, vending
69
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
is the job best-liked by the children. In Quezon City, however, the
children would rather sort garbage, and consider vending as only a
second priority. Moreover, in Olongapo, in reply to this question a third
of the children stated that they would rather study, an' indication of their
first priority in life.
In Davao, Manila and Pasay, the second most preferred activity is
in services, followed by scavenging. In Olongapo, formal employment
('namamasukan') is the children's second preferred job. However, some
children prefer to beg—as in Caloocan, Pasay and Quezon City.
When the children's job preferences are examined further, it is seen
that they are highly associated with work opportunities in the various
cities (see Chapter 1V). Hence, since many of the interviewed children
in Quezon City work as scavengers around the Payatas and Common-
wealth Avenue areas, they mention this type ofjob most often. Similarly,
vending is the most common job of the children in the other cities; it is
also their first preference.
Looking at their attitudes from the other end, few of the children
could name activities that they clearly disliked and would rather stop
doing. It seems, therefore, that many children have yet to form ideas of
'good' or 'bad' jobs, respectable or distasteful types of work. Among the
types of work disliked by some are scavenging, begging, gambling and
theft. Queried further, the children say they dislike these kinds of work
because they are difficult, not enjoyable, or are 'bad.'
Parents and other familyrespondents were asked the same ques-
tion. In general, they have the same preferences as the children.
Nonetheless, when asked if there were jobs which they wanted the
children to stop doing, they could not name any, principally because the
children were only working at one task.
The families were also asked which kinds of work they believed it
was important for children to learn. It is interesting to find out that
housework is most often cited as an activity that they thought children
should learn, followed by agricultural work such as planting or plowing.
The reason behind their choices is that these types of work are relatively
light but that they will teach 'children how to work.
70
Processes of Becoming Disadvantaged in Urban Settings
Hence, while families apparently place little value on vending or
scavenging as appropriate work for children, the parents see no options
for stopping these jobs. The children are allowed to continue jobs that
have little importance for developing work values because the incomes
derived from them help out the families.
C. Perceived Attitudes towards Street Children.
Both the children and the families were asked how they thought
others looked at street children. The children were asked whether they
thought their families, friends, and neighbors had favorable or unfavor-
able attitudes towards their present jobs. In all cases, the children
believed these three sets of individuals looked favorably at them and
their work situation. At the very least, the children said these parties
had no fixed opinions on their circumstances.
Family respondents also tend to believe that society looks favorably
at street children. However, when they were asked what society thought
about boys or girls working in the streets, a difference becomes appar-
ent. While about 2/3 of the respondents aver that male street children
are evaluated positively by others, less than half believed that society
looked favorably at girls working in the streets. This may explain why
there are in fact more boys than girls working on the streets.
Another question posed to the family was whether they perceived
any differences in the work of boys and girls. Two-thirds answered in
the affirmative. The, differences, they said, lay in the fact that boys were
capable of heavy work and girls were not. Nonetheless, girls were morc
dependable workers because boys tend to loaf. The worst difference,
though, is that girls are fragile creatures and may face more hazards
while at work ("malapit sa disgrasya").
These answers are reflective of 2 processes. First, the families and
their children believe that society does not generally look with disfavor
on working children. Second, while working is not wrong, it is preferable
that boys rather than girls work on the streets, because girls are
vulnerable to abuse. Hence, society deems it better for them to stay
home.
71
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
D. Children's Aspirations
The dreams that children have for their future is also indicative of
what they consider important and valuable in their lives. To determine
this, the children were asked what they aspired for—five and ten years
from their present ages.
Five years from the time of interviews, the children—whose average
age is 13—would already be 18 years old. By that time, a mjority dream
of having completed their studies. When the responses are examined
more closely, it becomes apparent that the aspiration is more pro-
nounced in the cities where school participation is currently low: i.e.,
in Quezon City, Pasay and Davao. The second most common aspiration
of the children is to have a decent, stable job, preferably different from
what they presently do. Again, there is an inverse relationship emerging
between aspirations for future work and current school status. Apart
from these goals, a few children would like to go abroad when they are
18, or simply have more money.
When they reach the age of 23, or about 10 years into the future,
the most dominant goal of the children becomes that of "working" at a
decentjob. This is expressed by 2/3 of the children in Olongapo, almost
half of the respondents from Quezon City and Caloocan, along with a
third of those from Manila and Pasay. Children from Davao, however,
hope to finish their schooling first and consider work as only a second
priority in the next 10 years.
The second most common aspiration of the children from Manila
and Caloocan is that of getting married (about 15% of the children). In
Pasay and Olongapo, however, 30% would still like to see their educa-
tion completed. Other expressed secondary goals include getting rich
or going into business.
The children see three acts instrumental to their goals. The first is
education, the second is perseverance, and the third is work. To be able
to complete their studies and have a decentjob in the future, the children
thus perceive that they have to continue their studies, and persevere at
this task. Work, such as it is at present, is not as instrumental to their
goals as education, but is still necessary to achieve their long-term goal.
72
Processes of Becoming Disadvantaged in Urban Settings
Key Elements in Decision-Making
The amassed data point to the following dynamics in household
decision-making related to children's work:
First, the decision that a child goes to work is primarily related to
the perception by both the child and his/her family that the family badly
needs more money. This assessment, in turn, stems from the realization
that present earnings of the household are barely sufficient to meet its
daily needs.
Second, the households are largely unable to meet their economic
requirements because (a) a large proportion Of their members are
minors, students, and unemployed adults; and (b) employed members
tend to be underemployed. Yet, the families and households are /fairly
large in size and young in their composition, increasing the strain on
financial resources.
Third, the presence of several minors in' a household increases the
risk that one or several of them will become income-earners. This is
especially true .when only 1 or 2 adults are at work. However, when
there are more older family members occupied, the risk that children
will have to work diminishes somewhat.
Fourth, children's work can make a substantial difference in fain-
ily/household income because they are able to do much of the work
engaged in by adults: as vending, scavenging or work in services. Even
marginal jobs such as begging add money to the family's total income.
Fifth, both children and adults in the low-income households adhere
to normative rules on family obligations. A family in need has to be
assisted even by children, and even if it is translated into children at
work.
Sixth, parents and children face no social stigma when minors go
to work. Society, at best, has no pronounced sanctions against it, and
may even view it positively as preparation for adult roles. Besides, many
other children in the urban poor communities are themselves at work.
Seventh, children are highly influenced by their peers in their
decision to work. In fact, there is a thin line separating play and work
73
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities Processes of Becoming Disadvantaged in Urban Settings

among these little ones, and the world of work easily becomes trans-
formed into a world of games.
Eighth, part of the attraction of work for the children could be that
it enables them to express their self-efficacy in a world where they may DIAGRAM A. Element in decision- making
otherwise feel relatively helpless. Work means money for school pro- Concerning children's work
jects, for food, and other basic needs. It is also an enabling act for
children to complete their studies—a vital step toward future goals.
Ninth, while the decision for children to work may be offset by
legislation and social policy, these are not translated into adequate
action programs in the communities. Educational drives and welfare
programs for the urban poor families have failed to reach a majority of
the disadvantaged groups. Hence, no alternative solutions are provided
for the economic plight of the low-income families besides that they
have already made: to allow their children to work.
A circular diagram illustrates the interaction between these risk-fac-
tors, as they influence the decision of the household for the child to
work (see Diagram A).

74 75
 Focus: The Child in Especially Dfficult Circumstances

The average reported heights and weights of the children in the situation
analysis are as follows:

Table 8. Average Height and Weight of Street Children:

mean (mode)
City j Height I Weight

Iv (cm.) I (kilos)
MANILA 135 (122) 37.3 (50)
* QUEZON CITY 137 (129;152) 30.5 (34)
Focus: The Child in Especially * CALOOCAN 127.7 (122) 28.3 (25)
Difficult Circumstances * PASAY 134.6 (127) 42.5 (41)
OLONGAPO 139 (131;149;157) 37.8 (45)
• Factors and circumstances which place children at risk have been
identified and described in the previous chapter. In the present discus- DAVAO 131 (160) 33.4 (-)
sion, two things will be described at length:flrst, the personal'circum- [Ht. standard for 12 yr. old males= 136.4 cms.
stances of the CEDC; second, the world of work of the child. While this
discussion revolves around the situation of the children per Se, itshould Ht. standard for 13 yr. old males= 142.7 cms.]
be interpreted in the context of what have previously been written, as [Wt. standard for 12 yr. old males=34.05 kilos
well—that is, factors from the community and family which impinge on
minors. Lt. standard for 13 yr. old males=38.85 kilos]
[* Average age of children in these cities is 12 years.
In the 3 other cities, average age is 13 years.]
Health and Nutrition
Among the children whose average age is 12 years (in Quezon City,
Objective measures of the health and nutrition status of children Caloocan and Pasay), it is apparent that the children from Caloocan are
were not obtained from clinic records. The present profile,, therefore, stunted. The average height of those from Pasay is close to the norm,
must be evaluated within this limitation Self-reports of the children, while those from Quezon City are slightly above the norm.
coupled with the interviewers' observations, make up this set of infor-
mation. In the 3 other cities where the average age of the children is 13 years,
the most stunted group is that from Davao, although 9.6% of the
A. Height and Weight children are way above normal height (160 cm.). Children from Olon-
gapo and Manila likewise fail below the normal height for their age
Since a majority of the street children are boys, male norms for group.
height and weight will be used as the standard in assessing anthro-
pometric data from the sample of street children (norms for boys are Examining the distribution of heights across ages, it is seen that
lower in value than the corresponding norms for girls, at both ages). among the children aged 13 and above, 54% of the children in Manila

76 77
 ProjIles of Disadvantaqed Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
along with 43% of those from Caloocan have heights below the norma-
tive standard. Children from Pasay and Olongapo are better off, where
only 23% are below normal height, while even less children from Davao
and Quezon City are stunted within the same age group.
Evaluating their health according to weight, it again becomes appar-
ent that the children from Caloocan are severely underweight, whether
in terms of mean or modal values The children from Quezon City and
Davao are mildly underweight. In Manila, Pasay, and Olongapo, many
of the children have normal weights.
When the distribution of weights is studied in relation to ages, more
than half of the street children who are 13 years and older from Davao,
Manila and Caloocan are observed to be underweight. About a third of
the children from Quezon City and Olongapo are moderately under-
weight, along with 3.5% of those from Pasay.
Anthropometric data, therefore, indicates a correlation between
height and weight. The children from Caloocan are worst off, since
averages and distribution profiles show many of the children to be both
stunted and wasting. Milder malnutritional problems are apparent in
the other cities, except in Pasay, where the average measures from
children are normal by both standards.
When the proportions of children who are underweight and stunted
are compared with general data, (G1P-UNICEF 1990, p. 47), it becomes
apparent that a significantly larger proportion of the CEDC are at risk.
No more than 11.7% of Filipino children, aged 7-14, were underweight
in 1987. The present data describes as many as half of the sample of
children to be underweight. Similarly, there are more stunted children
in the present sample than should be expected from the norm: 13.9%.
Clearly, patterns of living among the urban poor have had severe effects
on the nutritional status of the children.
B. Sleep Patterns
Good sound sleep is supposed to help children grow, both physically
and emotionally. Do the street children get enough sleep?
The average reported number of sleeping hours of the children
varies across the cities. In Caloocan and Pasay, the children sleep an
78
Focus: The Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
average of 7 to 8 hours daily. Those from Manila and Olongapo have
disparate sleeping habits ranging from 5 to 14 hours, and an average of
9 hours. In Quezon City, the children report sleeping for as short as an
hour to as long as 15 hours, averaging 10 hours of sleep. In Davao,
children may sleep from as short as 3, but for as long as 14 hours,
averaging 9 hours of sleep.
Despite differences in hours of sleep, children in Metro Manila
generally claim to have sound undisturbed sleep. A fourth of those from
Pasay, however, along with the children within Olongapo and Davao,
claim that their sleep may often be interrupted. Short, disturbed sleep
definitely would have dire effects on mental faculties, as well as on the
growth potential of minors. It may partially explain their nutritional
levels, and affect school performance as well.
C. Eating Patterns
For most of the children, meals are eaten at home, ranging from 2
to 4 times in a day. In Caloocan, however, 16% of the children say they
do not eat at home, along with 40% who don't eat outside the home
either. Apparently, these children skip their meals altogether, probably
explaining why many of them in this city are stunted and underweight.
What do children eat? When at home, breakfast in Metro Manila and
Olongapo typically consists of either bread-coffee-and-spread, rice por-
ridge (lugaw), or chocolate porridge (tsamporado). Some children in
Quezon City also say they eat eggs for breakfast. In Davao, breakfast is
heartier: rice and fish are eaten. In the streets, bread-coffee-spread is
also a common meal of the children in Manila, Quezon City and Pasay.
In Caloocan and Davao, breakfast outside the home often consists of
rice, soup or fish, and vegetables.
Both lunch and supper, whether taken at home or elsewhere,
typically includes rice and viands (usually fish and/or vegetables).
Sometimes, the meal includes soup. It is only in Pasay and Olongapo,
however, where many of the children mention meat as part of their
noonday or evening meals. In Manila, some children say their lunch or
dinner consists of only bread and spread.
Limitations of time and resources prevented the research staff from
observing or weighing the quantities of meals ingested by the children.
79
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Future studies should seriously consider this type of investigation, to
refine further observations, on the nutritional status of children.
D. Common Health Complaints
Children often do not know what their ailments are, so all that can
be reported are the symptoms they remember. The child-respondents
were asked to recall their health complaints within a 3-month period.
Ranked in terms of frequency of mentions, these are: colds/coughs,
headaches, diarrhea, influenza, nausea and toothaches. Many also say
they have had fevers, which can be related to different illnesses. In
Davao, Manila and Quezon City, over 10% say they have had no ailments
within the past 3 months.
The children recall symptoms largely related to respiratory ill -
nesses. In addition, dental problems beset them, as is also usual with
many children. How do they fare in relation to age cohorts?
The first ten leading causes of morbidity among children aged 0-14
are the following (CWC 1994):
Table 9. Top Ten Causes of Child Morbidity aged 0-14, 1990
Source: Health Intelligence Service, Department of Health
80
Focus: The Child in Especially D/JIcult Circumstances
The complaints of the sampled CEDC are very similar to the general
picture of morbidity among Filipino children. However, health monitor-
ing undertaken among these children should probably examine further
the causes of their headaches and nausea. Are these symptoms of
exhaustion, or of hunger? Are they the side-effects of drug abuse?
Many of the children have been absent from school because of
ailments, averaging a week of absences in the 3 months prior to the
interviews. A little more than half have also been prevented by illness
from doing their work, having been laid-up for about one-and-a-half
weeks because of ailments in the past three months.
From the foregoing information, it appears that it is easier for the
children to resume schooling after an illness than it is for them to go
back to work. Vending, street services and other jobs they do must be
more strenuous than sitting down in classrooms to study. Also, the
children probably give higher priority to attending classes than they do
to their jobs, in view of their strong aspiration to complete their
education. Hence, they return to school more quickly than they return
to work.
E. Access to School Health Services
Delivery of health services in schools is a major government policy.
To determine the extent to which the children have access to health
care, those currently enrolled were queried about the services available
in their respective schools.
Not all the enrolled children could say whether or not their schools
had clinics. Most aware of this service were the children of Pasay and
Caloocan, followed by those from the cities of Manila, Quezon City and
Olongapo. Least aware of clinic services in their schools were the
children from Davao. Less than a fifth of the children say that the school
clinic is open daily. In most cases, it is open only 2-3 times a week,
sometimes only on Mondays, or other particular days.
Health service providers ordinarily include nurses, dentists, and
doctors. According to the children of Davao and Olongapo, even teach-
ers provide health services. Hence, school clinics provide medical
consultation and dental services. In Pasay, about a fifth of the children
also pointed out that their clinics undertake weight monitoring. Ap-
81
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities Focus: The Child in Especially DqJIcult Circumstances

proximately 2/3 of the children in any of the cities have availed of school Table 10. Percentages of Out-of-School Youth from Different
clinic services. These services typically involve medical consultations Household Types in 6 Cities
and tooth extractions.
City No Parents One Parent W/ Both
Present Present Parents
Opportunities for Education
Among the CEDC Manila 55% 0% 37.1%
Quezon City 63.6 50 24.13
Modern society expects that children should spend at least 10 years
in school to prepare them for productive life when they are adults. The Pasay 100 33.3 40.6
education of children is an important phase of their development, and
Caloocan 100 25 23.6
one of their irrevocable rights. How do the children of urban poor
families fare in this respect? Olongapo 28.6 28.6 23
Davao 50 75 50
A. School Participation of the GEDC
School participation of the children differ across the cities. For
example, in Manila, Caloocan, and Olongapo, as many as 3/4 of the In Olongapo, the proportion of OSYs in any household category is
respondents were reportedly in-school during the interviews. Only 2/3 low (usually only about a fourth of the children in any category). This
of those from Quezon City, however, were studying at the time, and less could be related to the fact that many of the services directed to the
than half from either Pasay or Davao were enrolled. Generally, a greater sampled children in this city are educational in nature, hence more
proportion of school leavers are 13 years and older, indicating that the children are enrolled in school.
risk to education is greater at these ages. Moreover, except in Pasay, When data from the sample is compared with over-all school
more of the children who were enrolled are girls. participation figures, again it becomes obvious that the CEDC are
School participation was also examined in relation to household severely disadvantaged with respect to other Filipino children in terms
typology (cf. Chapter II). As Table 10 shows, except in Olongapo, more of school participation. In schoolyear 1989-90, school participation in
than half of children from parentless households are Out-of-School the elementary school was placed at 99.04% of the eligible population
Youth (OSY). In addition, 79% of children living completely away from (UNICEF 1990, p.50). The highest school participation level described
adults (in child-headed households) are out-of-school. by the present data is only 75%, while the lowest is 44%. Moreover, we
have noted that almost all of the CEDC in parent-less and child-headed
There are fewer OSY from households where there is still one parent households are out-of-school. There is definitely a need, therefore, to
to look after the children. This figure increases among households address more intensely the educational rights of children from urban
where both parents are present, but the bigger percentages could be an poor families.
artifact, resulting from the bigger sample size within this category. In
any case, usually less than half of children from parent-present house- B. Profile of In-School Children
holds were out-of-school at the time of data gathering.
The profile of educational attainment in relation to the children's
ages is as follows:

82 83
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Table 11. Percentage Distribution of Enrolled Children by Age
Intervals
As the table indicates, a majority of all enrolled children are in the
intermediate levels. In fact, their modal grade level is grade five. When
examined closer, it becomes apparent that a sizable number of the street
children are lagging behind in school. Since the age of admission to the
84
Focus: The Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances
first grade in the Philippines is 7 years, a child of 13 should be in the
7th level (or, first year high school). Yet, about 30% of the children in
Davao, a fourth from Olongapo, about a fifth of those in Manila, Quezon
City and Caloocan, and 9% in Pasay are still in intermediate school. A
few, in fact, are still in the primary grades.
Of 7 children from child-headed households who are in school, 5
are still in the primary grades while 2 are in the sixth grade. This despite
the fact that the average age of this sub-group of children is 13 years.
The highest percentage of children who are at least 13 years old and
in high school come from Olongapo. The lowest is found in Pasay City,
where a greater proportion of adolescents are still in elementary school.
On the other hand, no child currently in-school is in college as yet, when
the normative age for entry into tertiary school is between 17-18 years
of age.
Children from various household types lag behind school. Thus, the
presence or absence of parents is unrelated to the children's current
grade level in school.
1. Accessibility of Schools. The school children from Manila are
the most fortunate when it comes to accessibility of their schools. In
many instances (62.5%), they are able to walk to school and get there
after about a quarter of an hour. Schools in the other cities are farther
away from the children's places of residence, and require that the
children take at least one ride. Ordinarily, the ride to school may take
10 minutes in both Olongapo and Davao. In Metro Manila, riding to
school may take from a quarter of an hour (in Pasay) to almost 20
minutes (Quezon City and Caloocan). In almost all cases (at least 80%),
the children attend government-run-schools..
2. Amount of Time Spent in School. The children apparently spend
a lot of time at school: from 5 to 6 hours daily in Caloocan, Quezon City
and Pasay, and as long as 7 hours in Manila, Olongapo and Davao.
However, there are recess periods lasting about half an hour. It is
probably during these times that the children engage in play, including
sports. Except for the children in Caloocan and Davao, the favorite sport
of the urban children is basketball, followed by 'sipa.' In Caloocan,
85
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
however, it is volleyball and 'sipa,' while in Davao, the children enjoy
'habulan, ''holen' and the Chinese Garter.
3. School Performance. How are the children doing in school? On
the average, the sampled children have an average grade of 79%-80%
in school, which is somewhat low considering that the passing mark is
'75'. Their performance is probably explained by the fact that they often
spend only anhour on assignments. The children's health and its effects
on their absences also serves to deter them from getting good grades.
4. Absences. A majority of the children have been absent' from
school because of ailments. The greatest incidence is in Pasay (78%),
followed by Caloocan (70%). Approximately half of those studying in
either Olongapo or Davao have also been ill and absent, while in Manila
and Quezon City, about 3/5 of the children have similarly mised school.
Many of the CEDC, therefore, have been vulnerable to health
complaints, as was discussed in the previous section.
Aside from illness, children from Davao (42%) and Manila (18%)
mention "work" to be the reason for some of their school absences.
Those studying in the other cities (especially in Olongapo and Pasay)
likewise mention "kahirapan" as one reason for missing school. This
may be translated to mean that they did not have the money for
transportation or food to be able to .go to school, and probably had to
work instead.
C. Proportion of Children who "Ever-Stopped Schooling"
While the foregoing data shows the number of children who were
enrolled at the time of the study, it fails to indicate the number who had
'ever-stopped schooling.' Such information is important, especially
because it has been noted that many children are in grade levels
inappropriate to their ages. A separate question addresses this concern.
It is interesting to note that the cities wherein many of the children
have interrupted their studies at one time or another are also the ones
with the lowest school participation levels. In addition, it is in these
cities where children have to avail of transportation to get to their
schools. Davao, Pasay and Quezon City had the lowest proportion of
children enrolled in 1989; similarly, 79% of children from the first city,
86
Focus: The Child in Especially DJJIcult Circumstances
68% of those from the second city, and 55% from the latter city, had
stopped their studies sometime in the past. In Olongapo and Caloocan,
while many child-respondents were enrolled at the time, 2/3 and half,
respectively, had reportedly interrupted their education a least once in
the past.
In Pasay and Manila, the children usually stopped schooling when
they had reached the 6th grade, or stepped into secondary school. A
small number also stopped their education when they were already in
college. In Olongapo, Davao, Caloocan and Quezon City, however, many
children quit school when , they were only in the first grade. Because of
interruptions in their education, the children in these cities have missed
1-2 years of schooling, on the average. This data helps to explain why
the children currently in-school tend to be over-age for their present
grade levels.
Poverty in the family is most often mentioned by the children as the
reason for their having stopped school ("kahirapan," in their own
words). Related to this, the children also mention illness and death in
the family as other factors which lead to their leaving school. In
Olongapo, Caloocan and Pasay, however, another common reason for
being out-of-school is that the child had run away from home.
In summary, available data reveals that the most disadvantaged
street children in terms of lost opportunities for education are boys
rather than girls. This is especially true of the children from Pasay and
Davao. Enrolled children are usually in intermediate school, lagging
behind their chronological age cohorts because of interrupted schooling,
and with school marks at the lower percentiles. Illnesses, work and
other difficulties spawned by poveiy affect their school participation and
performance.
Out-of-school youth are often adolescents rather than younger
children, with ages of 13 years and older. Children who come from
parent-less households (especially those in child-headed households),
face the greatest risk of leaving school, more than do children from other
types of households. A majority have been forced to quit school, and
those enrolled are way behind their age cohorts.
Finally, the effect of educational programs on the school participa-
tion of the CEDC is felt significantly, as illustrated by the low percent-
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 Profiles oJl)isadvantaged Children: Street Children in Sir Philippine Cities Focus: The Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances

ages of OSY in communities of Olongapo receiving assistance from As described by themselves, the children both work and play on the
child-directed programs. streets. Vending is work typical of what the children do. In Metro
Manila, most children sell plastic bags around the market places, except
Life on the Streets in Quezon City where more children sell sweepstakes tickets rather than
bags. In Davao, children sell vegetables more than anything else, while
The picture of children milling around the streets of the metropolis in Olongapo they hawk newspapers. Other items commonly sold by the
has become commonplace in recent years. What are the children doing children include cooked and uncooked foodstuffs, cigarettes, clothes,
on the streets? How do they perceive their own activities here? and flowers (sampaguita leis). In Quezon City and Pasay, more than 2/3
of child vendors are boys. In Manila and Caloocan, however, there are
A. Street Activities more girls than boys plying this trade. In Davao and Olongapo, there is
an almost equal number of boys and girls working as vendors. Vending
The children were asked directly "Anu-ano ang iyong mga ginagawa is also an activity of the children from child-headed households, with
sa kalye? (What do you do on the streets?)" The answerspf the children about a fourth of them engaged in this occupation.
in each of the cities maybe. illustrated as follows (Table 12):
Work as scavengers is common (but less often mentioned as
Table 12. Usual Activities of Children on the City Streets vending) in 3 cities: Manila, Quezon City and Caloocan. It is also work
usually done only by boys (except in Pasay, where 44% ofthe scavenging
CITY ACTIVITIES children are female). Many children from child-headed households
engage in scavenging as well (18%). The children usually scavenge
MANILA vending, playing scavenging garbage cans and dumps for recycle-able matter, or collect used plastic
sales work, 'istambay' wrappers, cups and other similar trash in smaller trash heaps and on
repacking
the streets themselves.
QUEZON CITY scavenging vending playing In Caloocan, street services of the children predominantly include
sales work,
washing or watching cars. In Davao, many young boys are bootblacks
'kargador'
('shoeshine boys') or haulers. There are also children engaged in these
CALOOCAN vending begging playing street trades in the other cities, while a small group works as pedicab
scavenging, 'istambay' wash/watch drivers. Other activities of the children which are not done on the streets
driving u'r car themselves include work as sales boys or sales girls in street stalls, as
domestic helpers, store helpers, or repackers (sugar, flour, clothes,
PASAY vending playing begging etc.). Sales work is done by both genders, but street services and hauling
'istambay' are principally undertaken by boys. One girl inDavao admitted to being
OLONGAPO vending 'kargador' sca*nging an entertainer. Also, a girl living completely away from adults said she
'namamasyal' went out on the streets to work as 'entertainer.'
DAVAO vending shoe shine 'kargador' In addition to these categories of work which are socially more
scavenging acceptable, some dhildren also beg on the streets. About 14% of the
children in Caloocan and 10% in Pasay include begging among their
'usual' activities. In Manila, Quezon City and Pasay, the number of male
and female beggars is about equal; in Caloocan, though, 85% of thosc

88 89
 ProjIles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children In Six Philippine Cities
who beg are boys. Within the child-headed households, begging is the
most usual activity of children (26.5%), surpassing their involvement
in more acceptable types of work.
Apart from work or mendicancy, the children also say that they play
a lot on the streets. Actual observations, however, tell us that work and
play may be interspersed, as when they run after one another in play
while vending, or they joke-around and tease while doing something
else. In Manila and Quezon City, there are twice as many boys than girls
who reportedly 'hang-out' on the streets to play; in Pasay and Caloocan,
however, there are slightly more girls than boys who use the streets for
their playground.
A few also say they simply stand around ('istambay'), a common
leisure habit of Filipino city dwellers, which refers to standing/sitting
around in small groups to talk, joke, smoke or drink. This group is
usually made up of boys. Finally, a small number of boys in Pasay also
admit to drug-use on the streets, principally in terms of using inhalants.
B. Patterns of Movement on the Streets.
A majority of the children "hang-out" within only one area. In
Manila, these would include Blumentritt, Sampaloc, Sta. Mesa, Sta.
Cruz or Tondo. In Quezon City, the surveyed children are concentrated
in Cubao, Payatas, or Commonwealth Avenue. In Caloocan, they fre-
quent the Monumento Circle, Sangandaan, the Church (Our Lady Of
Grace), and the Grand Central Shopping Center, although 6 go as far as
Malabon to work. In Pasay, more than half operate around the Libertad
area. In Davao, many of the children congregate around Bangkerohan
and Agdao, while in Olongapo, about half of the children frequent the
Public Market.
Nevertheless, it is also the case that a few of the children move
around the city as they work and play. Some children, in fact, are able
to trace their activities across 3 to 5 different streets. A few illustrative
examples are as follows:
1) In Quezon City, a child works daily in Cubao as 'kargador,' but
goes to Padilla Street in Antipolo, Rizal every Saturday to fetch water,
and on Sundays to work as construction laborer;
90
Focus: The Child in Especially Dicult Circumstances
2) Another child works in Cubao on some days as sweepstakes
vendor, but goes to Sampaloc to sell sampaguitas on other days;
3) A child in Caloocan hangs-out in Sangandaan to play but goes
to the Monumento Circle to beg for money or food;
4) A child in Pasay plies the Holiday Plaza daily as newspaper
vendor but moves on to the Baclaran Church on Fridays to wash cars
orjeepneys;
5) One child sells plastic bags on Libertad Street every Saturday;
on Sundays, he may work as tricycle or pedicab driver in Malibay, but
goes to Divisoria to play.
These findings point to the following patterns of work:
a) Children use the streets not only as a workplace, but also as
their playground.
b) Children who work on the streets usually have simple jobs:
vending, selling, picking trash, washing jeeps, watching parked
cars, or begging.
c) Some of the work may be done off-the-street, as domestic
workers or sales workers, or may be in formal industries such
as transportation or construction.
d) Some activities are associated with gender,, like scavenging,
begging and watching/washing cars; in other instances, gender
and city interact to describe the usual activities of the children.
Popular Work among Children
Earlier, it was reported that children both work and play on the
streets. When asked directly, practically everyone said that he/she
earned money while "hanging-out" on the streets. The types of gainful
activities frequently reported by the street children are listed in Table
13.
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities Focus: The Child in Especially Difficult Circumstances

Table 13. Most Frequent Work Activities in Six Cities In contrast, scavenging for plastics is done by the children in the
following places: Sampaloc, Divisoria, Tondo, and Sta. Mesa in Manila;
CITY ACTIVITIES Payatas and Commonwealth Avenue in Quezon City; at the Grand
MANILA vending, scavenging Central Shopping Center in Caloocan; at Malibay and Libertad in Pasay;
driving
-plastic bag -plastics at Agdao in Davao; in Sta. Rita, New and Old Cabalan in Olongapo.
repacking
-bottles In Pasay, where jeep terminals abound, washing jeeps or barking
for passengers can be done in any of the mentioned streets. Shoe-shining
QUEZON CITY scavenging vending 'kargador
in Davao is also popular along the various streets—from Bangkerohañ,
-plastics -sweepstakes
to Agdao, Clavena, and San Pedro.
-garbage
CALOOCAN vending scavenging street
-plastic bag -plastics services Terms and Conditions
-sampaguita sales services -wash jeep of Street Occupations
-store helper -barker A. Employment Pattern
PASAY vending scavenging wash jeep To begin with, many more of the children at work in the National
-plastic bag -cartons sales/services Capital rather than in the smaller cities have employers: from 48% to
-store helper 64% of the children in Metro Manila report that they have employers,
OLONGAPO vending 'kargador' scavenging as opposed to only 33% of those from Olongapo and 40% from Davao.
-plastic bag -garbage Employers often include persons known to them ('kakilala'), their
-newspaper parents, uncles or aunts. 1 Friends and neighbors are also mentioned by
a number of children as employers.
DAVAO vending 'kargador' street
-food services There is no systematic relationship observed between the work
-cigarette -shiningshoes activities of the children and their employer patterns. Children in sales
-wash jeep or vending activities, in street services and in scavenging may or may
not have employers. However, those working as drivers or haulers
always have employers.
The kinds of gainful work reported by the children are the same
ones which they previously mentioned they undertook when hanging- B. Mode of Payment and Earnings
out on the streets. These occupations also transpire in the places which
they earlier mentioned as their "hang-outs." As a rule, the children are paid for their efforts in either of 2 ways:
on piece-rate or on a daily basis. Different patterns emerge across the
Are these areas close to the children's home addresses? In many cities. In Pasay, for one, almost half of the working street children get
cases, they are; nevertheless, a few work quite a distance from their paid on piece-rate basis. Only 8% get paid daily, while 39% say they are
residences. The nature of the child's trade may partially determine self-employed. In Caloocan City, however, 70% are paid 'por dia,' or as
where he/she goes to work. Vending is one activity which apparently
transpires in all the different places.
In Philippine culture, family friends may be called uncles or aunts by children
as a sign of respect, so that not all these 'tios'I'tias' are relatives.

92 93
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities Focus: The Child in Especially Dffi cult Circumstances

daily wage earners, while about a fourth get piece-rate pay. In Olongapo, Further analysis reveals that many of the children in child-headed
about half of the children are given piece-rate pay, while about a fourth households are either self-employed (32.4%) or on piece-rate pay
each are either self-employed or paid 'por dia.' In Manila and Quezon (32.4%). Less than 20% work on a daily basis, while about 15% have
City, 33%-35% of the children earn on piece-rate terms, while 24% and no work arrangements at all (probably includes the beggars among
19%, respectively, earn 'por dia.' In addition, 20%-30% of the children them). Earnings range from P5 to P300 daily, averaging P20-P30. Their
in these cities claim to be self-employed. The largest group of children work life, as it is, appears to be no different from that of the other
who are self-employed come from Davao (43%), while the rest may be children still living with adults.
on piece-work (19%) or are paid daily wages (11%).
Whether or not the children are self-employed, earn on piece-rate
C. Intensity of Street Work
or as daily workers, the modal pay they get in Metro Manila is less than The children may remain jn the streets for only an hour or for as
P50. In Manila, Quezon City and Caloocan, only 4 children in each city long as the whole day. On the average, however, they may hang-out from
received as much as P100, while another 4 from both Manila and 6 to 9 hours, working and playing in the city streets (Table 15).
Quezon City earned as much as P200. In Caloocan, one child earned
Seventy to 80% of the children from Davao, Quezon City and Pasay,
P300 on 'por dia' (Table 14).
respectively, work daily. About 56% do so in Caloocan, along with 49%
Prospects for self-employed children in Olongapo and Davao are a of the children in Manila, and 38% of those from Davao. Weekends are
bit better. In both these cities, such children earn more than P50 per also common working days for the children.
day, while the rest may earn no more than P30-P40.
Table 15. Range and Mean Number of Hours Children "Hang-out"
Table 14. Average Earnings of Children Under Different Work Ar- on the Streets
rangements
City HOURS OF HANG-OUT
City WORK ARRANGEMENT
Range Mean
Piece- 'Por dia' Seasonal Self- Others
employed Manila 1-24 7.17
rate
Quezon City 1-24 8.11
MANILA P23.00 96.36 20.00 32.00
Caloocan 1-44 8.13
QUEZON 35.17 24.50 26.67 40.00
CITY Pasay 1-17 9.76
GALOOAN 20.38 31.59 10.00 Olongapo 1-20 8.32
PASAY 41.50 22.50 27.39 55.00 Davao 1-24 10.79
OLONGAPO 19.18 31.23 58.75
DAVAO 49.00 40.00 50.00 51.47 37.88 Given these patterns, it is easier to see a relationship between school
status and work. Many of the children in Davao, Pasay and Quezon City
are currently out-of-school. The frequency of their working days, the
range and average number of working hours are also high, probably

94 95
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities Focus: The Child in Especially DJIcult Circumstances

making school attendance difficult or impossible. In contrast, fewer A Summary View of the Situation
children from Manila, Caloocan and Olongapo work daily, and those of Street Children
who are currently enrolled are probably among the children who work
only on week-ends. Given the various adverse circumstances spawned by society, and
experienced by the community and family, urban poor children find
D. Street Companions themselves faced with the following difficult circumstances:
Work in the streets is not necessarily prohibited. The Child and First, the CEDC suffer from poor health and malnutritliinas a result
Youth Welfare Code allows the work of children under the direct of poor diets and long waking hours spent at work. As a result, many
supervision of their parents, as in family farms and family-owned are stunted and underweight, with frequencies higher than should be
enterprises. Are the urban poor children supervised properly iniheir expected from national estimates. They are also highly susceptible to
work situations? infectious diseases, and experience poor dental health. Health com-
The biggest number of children who reportedly work with their plaints which may be related to their work circumstance include fre-
quent headaches and nausea.
parents are in Manila and Quezon City (7 children). In the other cities,
no more than 3 reportedly work alongside their parents. The rest usually Second, interrupted education is one of the harsh consequences of
work and play with their friends, and in fewer instances with their the life circumstances of the CEDC.. While many may be currently
siblings (Table 16). A few children also aver that they work alone, enrolled, these children may have stopped schooling at one time or other
without friends or siblings as companions. Whether or not the children in the past, usually at the intermediate grade levels. As a result, they
workfor their parents, therefore, they are left to their own devices most are usually older than their classmates in school. Children who live
of the time, along with their peers. completely away from their families face the greatest risk of being
out-of-school.
Table 16. Usual Work-Mates of the CEDC Across Cities (in per-
Third, urban poor children spend many hours on the streets, often
cent)
longer than would other children and maybe even longer than adults in
City Work-Mates the formal labor sector. They both work and play on the streets. Those
from child-headed households also use the streets as their homes.
friends siblings parents
Fourth, working children on the city streets engage in simple jobs,
Manila 19.6% 21.7% 32.6% such as vending and other simple services for commuters, the retail and
Quezon City 58.9 19.6 12.5 transport industry, or in scavenging and begging. A few admit to be
'entertainers.' For these types of work, they are paid on piece work or
Caloocan 69.4 14.3 14.3 daily basis, usually earning no more than P20-1`50 per day.
Pasay 68 10 10 Fifth, more often than not, the street children are employed by other
Olongapo 63.2 18.4 79 rather than work on their own. They are often employed by acquain-
tances, who may be neighbors in their communities of residence. Work
Davao 83.3 10.4 - companions usually include friends/peers and siblings. Supervision
from parents over children's work activities, therefore, is not a usual
phenomenon.

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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities

Sixth, even while the earnings of the street children are considerably
low, their contribution to household income, nevertheless, remains
significant, sometimes comprising half or almost all of the household's
cash outlay. Hence, even while parents may prefer that their children
do only house work, circumstances force every able-bodied member of
the family—including minors—to engage in gainful occupation.
Events and circumstances beyond the control of the children,
occurring in the larger society and community, evidently impact on their V
personal situation. This highlights the fact that, social programs ad-
dressing the needs of poor children, cannot afford to ignore circum-
stances observable in the larger community, and in the totality of
Philippine society, as well. The Situation of Children in
A wholistic response to uphold the rights and developmental needs Especially Difficult Circumstances
of children must be employed, if their difficult circumstances are to be
assuaged and, hopefully, eventually eliminated.
Key Features in the Situation of
Street Children
As earlier described, the circumstances of the urban child are
predicted to be significantly enmeshed within the following features of
the urban topography:

1) the physical infrastructure of the extra household environment

(the community),
2) the community's level of social organization,
3) peer relationships within the community,
4) the family,
5) the school and its related institutions,
6) the street and life-on-the-streets,
7) work and employment setting, and
8) institutions for social control and welfare.

In the foregoing discussion, the finer contours of these different

urban features have been described and related to the situation of the

98 99
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
child. In this concluding chapter, we shall summarize the nature of these
factors, as we find them affecting the circumstances of the urban child.
1. Physical Infrastructure of the Community of Residence
In the residential neighborhoods of the CEDC, the density of living
space, as well as the absence of public utilities and services (electricity,
water, and sanitation), characterize the environment. These neighbor-
hoods are also often located in squatter areas—on the banks of rivers
and esteros, within dumpsites, in resettlement sites, near junkshops
and markets, or within the older, more squalid areas of the inner city.
In a few instances, the walls of churches, the concrete steps of national
monuments, and the benches of parks serve as residences of the
children and their families.
The location of the residential communities of the urban poor child
largely explains why services and utilities are unsatisfactory: govern-
ment and private companies have been unable to properly service
squatter areas, because they are not considered 'permanent' communi-
ties. In the inner cities, density is so high that available services are
stretched to the hilt.
Apart from their physical limitations, schools are often located
outside these residential areas, making it more costly for the, children
to attend school than if the schools were accessible by foot.
2. Physical Features of the Communities of Work
Children work wherever they can earn some money. In many cases,
these opportunities are available within their residential areas, or in
commercial centers close by. There are some enterprising minors,
however, who may commute to various streets of the city to earn a
livelihood.
Places where children work are those where the efforts of their puny
bodies will suffice to render simple services, to sell various products,
to scrounge for recycleable material, or simply to beg. These areas
include market places, major transportation routes, terminals and
crossroads, commercial centers, parks, church yards, dumpsites and
the streets of the inner city. Such areas are characterized by a constant
hum of activities accompanying retail, commuter traffic, going to church
100
The Situation of Children in Especially Difficult Circumstances
or to market, groups of residents relaxing outside their small dwellings,
or from whole families scavenging mounds of garbage.
3. Social Organization of the Communities
Neighborhood organizations are not uncommon in the urban poor
communities. However, the families of the CEDC are often indifferent
to these efforts and few are active members or leaders of such groups.
Social programs for disadvantaged children are relatively rare in the
studied communities. The few which are available usually provide
scholarships for children, or food assistance to the families.
There are few other opportunities for the families of the CEDC to
assume leadership or stature in their communities. This is because they
are lowly-educated, with no employment resources to offer, and have
few ties with community influentials.
Social sanctions against child's work are absent in the urban poor
communities. Why? Because children in most families are in fact at
work. Moreover, cultural expectations arising from the value of kapwa
lead both children and their elders to assume that children's contribu-
tion to the daily requirements of the family may include cash contribu-
tions, if not participation in simple household chores.
One cultural value observed in the situation of the CEDC is gender
differentiation. While society generally allows boys to work on the
streets, girls are perceived to be more fragile creatures requiring protec-
tion. Thus, there are less girls than boys visible on the streets at work.
Instead, one may find them in the households of private individuals as
domestic helpers, in small retail stores and restaurants as helpers, or
in sewing enterprises.
4. The Family
Fortunately for the CEDC, a great majority are still living in the
"bosom of their families." This circumstance, however, does not mini-
mize the probability that they are still constrained to work.
There are at least 4 types of households discernible among the urban
poor. The first is the usual intact family as we know it, with parents and
unmarried children making up the nuclear unit. In many cases, these
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
families are extended in nature, including a few married children,
grand-parents, and other relatives in the same dwelling unit. The second
type is the family with only one parent present, in most cases the mother.
The third family/household classification is one where both parents are
absent, but the children live with other relatives and adults. Finally,
there are a few households where only children are its members, or what
we have called the child-headed households.
Family relations in the CEDC households are similar to those of
other Filipino families. Children play with their siblings, engage in
leisure activities with their parents (usually the fathers), have family
gatherings, and enjoy verbal interactions ('kuwentuhan'). However, the
children in these families have had many occasions to be sad, as when
they experience quarrels involving themselves or their elders, when a
crisis ensues because a family member is accused of crime, or when
marital quarrels lead to family separation.
Gambling, drunken behavior and drug abuse are not unknown to
some children either. Together with this, the street child or someone in
the family may have been in trouble with the law, although the majority
have not reportedly been arrested because of these "troubles."
Because of their low education and skills base, unemployment and
underemployment are common among the adults in the urban poor
families. Their jobs are usually in the service sector, or in marginalized
occupations which the national statistical reports fail to classify. Many
times, there are few differences between the work of the adults and the
minors. Both are vendors, street hawkers, scavengers, pedicab drivers,
laborers, haulers or store helpers.
Urban poor families are able to earn very little, and many , of them
live several degrees below the poverty threshold. Hence, there is a strong
perception that more income is needed by the family. Since few con-
straints to this decision emanate from social norms and from child
intervention programs, the decision for the children to go to work
themselves is easily bridged.
5. The School
We did not attempt in this study to determine whether values
imbued by the school also reinforce the household's decision for
102
The Situation of Children in Especially Difficult Circumstances
children to work. However, children perceive work as a means to be able
to continue their studies, and the completion of their education is
highest on the priority list of the children.
While most of the children desire to study, poverty-related events
prevent them from comfortably sinking into the life of a scholar. Instead,
their schooling has often been interrupted, to the extent that hardly any
of the adolescents have reached secondary school. In some cities,
almost half of the children are not enrolled. This is one of the serious
risks faced also by those from child-headed households.
6. The Street and the Child's Work Setting
Most of the urban children find work opportunities on the city
streets. They are often in the employ of someone they know, probably
from their residential communities, and oftentimes engage in work
activities with peers, rather than with parents or other adults. Payments
are pegged on piece-rates or as daily wages, usually way below the
legislated minimum wages.
Work, as it is, is not very fulfilling, because none of the children
aspire to continue in the same line of work in their adult lives. However,
even if they prefer to do something else, they have few options and
continue to be street vendors, scavengers or beggars to be able to earn
a few pesos.
7. Institutions for Social Control and Welfare
The police is well-known among the street children as an institution
for social control. They recount how law enforcers have accosted them
when gang troubles erupt, and how a few have in fact been brought in
for detention or arrest.
Welfare institutions are not familiar to many of the CEDC, especially
in those cities of the metropolis where programs for these children are
sparsely available. Private initiatives are also better-known than govern-
ment efforts, among the small group of children who are familiar with
child welfare programs. Existing welfare programs also fail to address
3 important concerns: education for values-formation, legal assistance
to detained minors, and interventions for upgrading community infra-
structures and services.
10
 ProJIles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Risk-Factors in the Urban Landscape
Children do not congregate on the streets by chance. Street children
are visible on the streets of Philippine cities because of a variety of
interlocking reasons. These factors reside in the society, the commu-
nity, family and in the children themselves. The succeeding discussion
will look at the situation of urban poor children from this perspective.
Societal Factors
One important factor in the country today which 'is related to the
phenomenon of children on the streets is urbanization and its attendant
consequences on the urban poor.
The Philippines is a rapidly-urbanizing nation. In 1990, more than
48% of its population resided in urban centers. The densest population
is found in the National Capital Region, with over twelve thousand
people residing per square kilometer (NSCB 1994). Outside of Metro
Manila, the most urbanized regions are Southern Tagalog and Central
Luzon, followed by Southern Mindanao, Central and Western Visayas
(Chiong-Javier & Jimenez 1990). Among the cities themselves, Metro
Cebu ranks second to Metro Manila in terms of urbanization, followed
by Metro Davao (Current Labor Statistics 1990). With the recent
development of the Subic Bay Freeport Zone and the economic oppor-
tunities it spawns, Olongapo may soon catch up in terms of urban
population.
Two factors contribute to the growth of Philippine cities: natural
population increase and urbanward migration. Between the years
1970-1980, for example, it was shown that natural population increase
contributed 61% to urban growth, while net migration contributed 31%
during the same period (Cabegin 1992). The most rapidly growing city
is Metro Manila, followed by Davao and Cebu (Cabegin & Kabamalan
1993). Within the period 1980-1990, the highest population growth
rate in the National Capital Region was exhibited by Caloocan City,
followed by Quezon City andPasay. Manila City itself posted a negative
growth (Cabegin and Kabamalan 1993).
The high concentration of the population in urban settlements has
been influenced by both historic and economic factors (Chiong-Javier
104
The Situation of Children in Especially DWIcult Circumstances
& Jimenez 1992). For instance, industrialization policies for a long time
favored Metro Manila in conformity to the view that the development of
manufacturing requires spatial concentration, especially in a place
endowed with both extensive infrastructure and human resources with
specialized skills. As a result, we observe a pattern of spatial dualism,
with increased population growth in cities and declining levels in
less-developed agricultural areas (Cabegin 1992).
Although policies on industrialization led to the concentration of
the population in urban centers, the dominant feature of urbanization
in this country has in fact been an increase in the service sector. In
1994, close to 8 million persons were in community, social and personal
services or in wholesale and retail trades, as compared to only 21/2
million in manufacturing (NCSB 1994). This is the type of work in
which we find many of the lowly-educated sectors. Unfortunately, jobs
related to services tend to be more lowly-paid than work in the manu-
facturing. As seen from our earlier discussions, many members of urban
poor families are employed in these types of work.
Because of the high population growth rate in cities, there is a keen
need for adequate housing, Unfortunately, housing and human settle-
ments development have failed to keep apace with urbanization. As a
result, we find a proliferation of slum and squatter communities in the
various cities. In 1988, for instance, it was estimated that of 35,000
houses needed by the population annually, less than 50% of the annual
demand could be met (PCUP 1990). A majority of those labeled as the
"urban poor" reside in slum communities. This group is estimated to
be 2.5 million in Metro Manila, or almost half of its urban poor
population (Chiong-Javier & Jimenez 1990).
The insufficiency of family incomes during the period of the study
is mirrored by statistics on poverty incidence. In 1988, poverty inci-
dence was 31.8 for the National Capital Region, 39.6 for Region III
(where Olongapo City is located), and 52.2 in Region IX (where Davao
City is found). This means that at least a third of all families in the areas
under study have insufficient means to meet their basic needs.
Other researches show that food takes priority in the expenditures
of urban families, followed by shelter. Beyond these, if money is still
available, they are spent for education, medical care, and clothing
105
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
(Jimenez, P., et. al. 1986). Hence, with insufficient incomes, it is most
likely that the urban poor families are increasingly unable to pay for
their lesser priorities. This is an unfortunate situation in families where
education and the health care of children are important concerns.
Community-Level Factors
The children we studied come from among the urban poor, living
either in slum areas or in the congested portions of the inner cities.
They come from households located near public places: beside
dumpsites, markets, commercial establishments, railways, and along
rivers and esteros. Their residences are small, cramped quarters usually
built of light materials.
There are usually only one or two rooms in these dwellings, and
available space become multi-functional: for sleeping, eating and some
forms of family interaction. Play areas are minimal, if not totally absent.
Hence, young bodies overflowing with energies seek space for active
play, and young boys eventually find themselves on the streets of the
cities with children of their neighboring households.
As described in Chapter I, children perceive the world as a large
playground. The boys, who make up the majority of the children we
observed, have lots of friends with whom they play games and sports.
Peer interaction, therefore, is one factor which leads the CEDC to go
out to the streets.
Since their neighborhoods are in places where commuters and
pedestrians abound, the incentive to combine work with play activities
becomes more probable. The street children report that they combine
vending with playing, weaving in and out of traffic. Combing the dump
heap for reusable materials become transformed into a game. In between
these chores, the children play basketball, sipa and other interactive
games, roam the streets or sit around telling stories.
More importantly, however, the areas proximate to the residences
of the street children provide ample opportunities for paid labor. The
slum areas provide avenues for pettyjobs: selling or fetching water pails,
selling cooked food, going on simple errands. Children residing near
dumpsites become scavengers. Those living near commercial centers
and marketplaces become vendors, peddlers, haulers or 'kargadors.'
106
The Situation of Children in Especially Difficult Circumstances
Poor families living on river edges obtain incomes by collecting rivers
stones for construction purposes. These families are often in the employ
of the more entrepreneural relatives or neighbors in their respective
communities, who provide the goods or capital for petty trades, scav-
enging and other services.
We have said that the families in difficult circumstances fail to have
enough money to spare for education and health services. While both
governmental and non-governmental institutions abound in the service
the needs of street children (Childhope 1994), their outreach into the
urban poor families is apparently still inadequate. To begin with, many
of these organizations and programs focus on providing shelter to
children of the streets, those who have made public places their domi-
ciles. Among programs reaching out to children on the streets, or those
who work on the streets but return to their families' residences, project
funds are meager. Their limits their ability to provide school support,
livelihood, and other community services for the children and their
families. As a result, many of the urban poor families included in the
study have failed to be reached by these services and programs.
Family Factors
Circumstances present in the society and community combine with
economic hardships in the households to motivate children to work.
To begin with, there is a high percentage of unemployment in the
families of the urban poor. As many as 45% of families of some cities
were found to be unemployed. Among the employed adults, a majority
are on daily of piece-work wages, often on sales or services. There are
also broad fluctuations in the number of days per month that they are
able to work. In many instances, it was observed that average monthly
earnings of the families in the sample (inclusive of the children's puny
earnings) still fell short of the poverty threshold. Hence, the earnings
of children on the streets help towards getting the next meal, or the
money for fuel, or the funds for transportation and school projects.
Under these circumstances, it is not surprising to hear the children say
that they need to work to contribute to their families' incomes.
There is also an association observed between family composition
and, propensity to work. The results indicate that as the number of
107
 Profiles of i)isadvantaged Children: Street Children in SLr Philippine Cities
minors increases in a family with only 2-3 adults, there is a greater
likelihood that these children will go to work. However, a greater
number of adults in a household reduces the number of working
children. This could be explained by the fact that the presence of more
adult earners reduces the perceived need for children to participate in
income generation.
A sense of obligation to the family also contributes to the phenome-
non of working children. Most of the children willingly give their
earnings to their parents, and think this is but right and just. Parents,
in turn, consider it to be the child's responsibility to contribute to the
family's coffers. In fact, they value the child's early socialization into
work, even if only within the household. This is perceived to be part of
the family's pagtulung-tulungan, or a sense of mutual obligations.
The study also points to the inter-generational phenomenon of
woking children. Many of the adults in the sample households were
working children themselves in their youth. Their children and grand-
children have merely replicated their former situations. An unfortunate
note in this respect is that the present occupations of many of these
adults are still in the same trades and services that they work at in their
youth. This means that these families have been unable to escape the
bounds of poverty all their lives.
The increasing immiseration of the urban families is evident from
our data. In most of the cities included in the study, many of the families
have moved to residences for two or three times in the past. Demolitions
and relocations of squatter communites, as well as work opportunities
in other parts of the cities, mark the intra-city movements of the urban
poor. In many cases, these movements have been to other slum com-
munities, or to areas of the inner city. Thus, while movement of the
urban population is generally towards the outer rings of the cities
(Cabegin & Kabamalan 1993), the disadvantaged families move in the
opposite direction—towards the inner rings. These are the congested
areas, characterized by old dilapidated houses, heavy commuter traffic,
dense populations, and public utilities stretched to the limits, if avail-
able at all.
A small group of children were found to be living among themselves,
in what we have called the child-headed households. This group faces
108
The Situation of Children in Especially Difficult Circumstances
the greatest risks and disadvantages in their lives. They have to secure
themselves and fulfill their basic needs without adult supervision.
Often, these are the children of the streets who bed down in parks, on
sidewalks and under fly-overs. They are also the ones most prone to
drug dependency and child prostitution.
Factors in the Children Themselves
The foremost reason given by the children for their involvement in
economic activities is economic: they need to contribute to their fami-
lies' earnings. Apart from this, a majority of the street children, specially
those who are out-of-school, aspire to complete their studies. Almost
all desire to have decent, stable jobs in the future. Thus, work on the
streets becomes an instrumental activity towards attaining these aspi -
rations. These future goals are shared by their parents.
The ages of the children also determine their working status. As a
whole, parents would rather that their children to go to work in their
late teens. In fact, even while there are younger children in the sample,
a majority are about 13 years of age. This is still younger than desirable,
but is probably the age when the children are already able to responsibly
attend to economic activities.
School status is also associated with work status. Children out-of-
school spend longer hours on the streets. Fewer children who are
enrolled work daily, and often only on week-ends. In many instances,
the drop-outs eventually return to school, perhaps as a result of savings
earned from work.
Finally, gender is another factor which influences the decision to
work. Adult respondents believe that is improper for girls to go around
in the streets. Hence, we find more boys than girls engaged in street
vending and other services. Girls at work are found instead in shops
and in domestic hire. Social values about gender roles thus affect the
probability that a male or female minor will be found on the streets.
109

Profiles of DLsadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Conclusions
The world of the disadvantaged child is a complex one. Societal,
community, family and personal factors impinge on the child's entry
into the world of work. Given this situation, it is obvious that the
solution to the problem of street children requires a holistic integrative
approach. Risk factors at every level of analysis have to be identified,
understood and addressed.
It is also important to understand that the urban poor family is a
victim of circumstances bigger than they can cope with. Thus, more
community and family-level interventions have to be put into place.
Finally, if the, future of our nation is in the hands of our youth, then
all necessary steps will have to.be taken to guarantee that our children
will be able to face up to this future. The physical welfare of children
needs to be secured, along with their educational and moral develop-
ment. Urbanization, industrialization and development must be de-
signed towards attaining a sustainable future for the children and youth
of this land.
Recommendations
It is evident that the conditions within which we find children in
especially difficult circumstances are varied and complex. They range
from problems spawned by larger societal decisions and processes, to
those engendered by the maturational needs, values and aspirations of
the children themselves.
Given the specific features of the urban topography which affect
children, we offer the following recommendations for future actions:
First, the creation of more regular jobs for adult members of society
is essential. More of these jobs should be in production rather than in
services, because only the latter will eventually result in a self-sufficient
family.
Second, self-employment programs for the urban poor shotilid be
encouraged, to be able to offer meaningful alternatives to employment
in the formal labor sector. Community cooperative enterprises may be
a viable alternative.
110
The Situation of Children in Especially DqJicult Circumstances
Third, the physical features of urban communities should be up-
graded to improve dwelling, utilities and services. Areas for recreation
of younger and older community members should also be developed.
Fourth, provision of integrated urban basic services should be encour-
aged further, in order to minimize the risks and disadvantages faced by
low-income families.
Fifth, steps should be taken to upgrade the school performance of
the CEDC. Self-learning modules may be helpful in this respect.
Sixth, more schools should be built in the slum areas. Otherwise,
government should be prepared to offer support programs to the urban
poor children, such as free school bus services and alternative school
venues.
Seventh, intensive educational campaigns on the rights of children
should be designed and implemented, especially in order to develop
deeper consciousness among the citizenry on the legal and moral
conditions under which children may work.
Eighth, more effective social mobilization strategies should be
launched, to encourage more and varied sectors of society tojoin hands
for the empowerment of the urban poor. These strategies, however,
should be developmental rather than palliative, long-range rather than
short-term, multi-responsive rather than unidimensional.
Finally, we recommend that the ultimate goals of family-focused
strategies should beemployment, equity and quality education for all.
111
 PART TWO

Case Studies Of Disadvantaged Children


Overview of the Case Studies
The cross-sectional description and analysis of the situation of
urban poor children provide the broad strokes of the lives of children
living under difficult circumstances. In this section, case reports on
seven children are presented to depict in greater detail the individual
circumstances under which some of them live. (Please see Introduction
for the methodology.) The seven children whose lives are described in
this section live and work in Metro Manila.
The seven case studies were undertaken either in the latter part of
1990 or in the first few months of 1991. Hence, references to Christmas
maybe found in the reports. The original texts of the reports submitted
to the author are reproduced with minimal editing. For this reason, the
structure and styles of the reports vary. This was done to maintain the
case writer's own interpretations and perceptions of the cases they were
dealing with.
The Children
Described in the case reports are the lives of four children living
with their parents at the time of the study. Two are girls and two are
boys. These children have been given the names Rosalyn, Mimi, Lenny,
and Cris. Also included are the stories of three other boys living apart
from their families at the time of the study. Jaime and Anthony are
runaways, and were interviewed in shelters for street children. The last
child, Eddie, was voluntarily committed by his parents to a youth
detention center.
114
Overview of the Case Studies
Except for Mimi's family, the others are migrants to Metro Manila.
The parents of these six children originally came from Bicol, Central
Luzon, Northern Luzon, and the Visayas. Lenny, Rosalyn and Cris live
within squatter communities. Mimi and Eddie come from families who
own the homes in which they reside. Their houses are located in the
older parts of Manila—Tondo and Sta. Ana. Jaime has found no home
in the city since running away from Bicol. Anthony originally lived with
his foster parents within a settlement site in Antipolo, but has since left
home.
The case studies vividly recreate the daily lives of the children. They
describe how Rosalyn, Lenny, Mimi, and Cris divide their days between
school work and street work. They depict the impoverished circum-
stances of the neighborhoods and the shelters which the children call
'home.' The children also recount how they prefer to roam the streets
for the space and attractions that these provide.
Only Mang Sergio, Eddie's father, and Mang Poldo, Mimi's father,
reportedly have steady sources of income. The first is a pedicab driver
and the second a 'taho' vendor. The other fathers are daily wage earners,
able to find work irregularly, often in construction labor. The mothers
of Lenny, Rosalyn, Cris, Mimi, Eddie, and Anthony all work: as laun-
drywomen, vendors, or sari-sari store owners. In many cases, these
women have two jobs at the same time.
Lenny's and Mimi's mothers aver that they have not asked their
children to work. This was strictly their own decision. Yet, in both cases,
as well as in the case of Rosalyn, the children began their street work
in the company of their mothers. Eddie was being trained by his father
to drive a pedicab like himself. Unfortunately, this did not appeal to the
boy.
The stones of Eddie and Anthony highlight the influence of peers
and the city environment on a child. Originally a vegetable hauler in
Divisoria, Eddie was apprehended for robbery after having been egged
on by other youth to participate in a crime. His mis-adventure led to
punishments from his father, against which he rebelled by leaving the
house at all hours. Soon after, he was re-arrested for vagrancy. Eddie
learned to sniff solvents whileroaming the streets of Divisoria. Anthony,
formerly leaving a protected life with his foster family, took on the drug
115
 I'roJiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
habit after he ran away from them and made the streets of Cubao his
home. Worse, he earned money for his food and clothing by becoming
a child prostitute.
All the children aspire to complete their studies so that they can go
into more useful lives. Cris, a newspaper vendor, endlessly dreams of
becoming a soldier. Lenny, a scavenger, and Rosalyn, a sampaguita
vendor, hope to become doctors someday. Mimi, who sells balut at
night, would like to become a cigarette vendor instead because it
provides better income. She also wants to become a midwife later on.
The boys in the shelters—.Jaime and Anthony—are more concerned
with their immediate futures. In particular, they are filled with hopes of
being reunited with their families. For Eddie, as well, the thought being
released from the detention center and going home to his parents is a
welcome one.
Finally, we see how these street children have become economic
providers at tender ages. A the time of the study, Lenny, Jaime and
Rosalyn were only eleven years old. Mimi, Anthony and Eddie were 13
years of age, while Cris was 15. In international convention, they should
properly be at school, and protected from hazardous situations that may
violate their rights as children.
These profiles of street children illustrate how they have left the
relative protection of their homes to work in the risky streets of the city
in order to provide their families with better advantages: All this time,
the children remain at a disadvantage.
116
A Scavenger who Dreams
to be a Doctor
Child Profile
Lenny is an eleven year old boy. He has been working in the streets
for almost five years now, first as a market vendor and now as a
scavenger.
He is very shy and hesitant to talk about himself. Sometimes, he
just keeps quiet and does not answer questions asked of him. We learned
later from talking to his mother and his cousins that this is typical of
Lenny. He exhibits similar behavior even among his close friends and
relatives.
School Participation
Lenny is presently a Grade III student at the Concepcion Elemen-
tary School in Marikina. The school is only a five-minute walk from
their house. He has studied in this school since Grade I.
Lenny belongs to Section 6 of the Third Grade. He states with some
pride that this is an improvement from last year, when he was assigned
to Section 7 of Grade II. His grade has improved from 77 in Grade I to
79 in Grade II, which explains his being in a higher section this year.
Not quite satisfied with this improvement, Lenny relates that he is trying
very hard to improve his school performance. His idea of studying hard
is to attend classes regularly and to study his lessons for about an hour
every night. He has so far kept this promise, and has not absented
117
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
himself from his classes since the opening of school in June. Even in
the past, he claims that he seldom missed his classes, doing so only
when he was sick.
Pilipino is his favorite school subject since this is the easiest to
understand. Math is his Waterloo. His other subjects this year are Sibika
(civics), Sining (Art), and Agham (Science).
Lenny's classes are scheduled in the afternoon, from 11:00 a.m. to
5:00 p.m. This gives him half a day to go about his work in the streets.
Health Condition
Lenny stands 124 cm, and weighs only 30 kgs. However, he claims
to be healthy and does not get sick too often. If he does, the common
ailments he suffers from are stomach aches, diarrhea or headaches
which occur when he is tired or stays under the sun for a long time. He
also suffers occasionally from colds although, according to him, this
does not usually affect him very much. The only illness that he recalls
as having weakened him was the flu which lie caught last year.
Family Life
Lenny comes from a family of six. He has four brothers and one
sister. He presently lives with both of his parents and three brothers.
His elder and only sister Lina works as a househelper. She is presently
living with her employers. Another one of his brothers, Alex, is presently
living with his grandparents in Albay.
Interaction between flimily members
Among the family members, Lenny feels closest to his mother. He
approaches her for advice and support. He goes to her when he gets sick
and asks her help with his lessons and school assignments. He also
helps her do some household chores, such as cleaning the house and
fetching water from the public faucet. He also ocassionally accompanies
her to sell tinapa (smoked fish) in the market. It is also to his mother
that Lenny gives his earnings.
Household chores are the only activity which Lenny commonly
shares with others in the family. With his father, he cleans the house
118
A Scavenger Who Dreams to he a Doctor
and fetches water. Among his siblings, he spends more time with his
youngest brother than with his two other brothers. They perform
household duties together. They also watch television and listen to the
radio. He claims that he seldom spends time with his two elder brothers.
Interaction between the family members seems very limited, from
the descriptions of their family life by Lenny and his mother. Housework
provides the only regular venue for interaction. Leisure activities are
seldom spent together. Instead, these are spent with neighbors, friends,
and other relatives. In fact, Lenny can only list watching television,
listening to the radio and celebrating Christmases as the leisure activi-
ties that they do together. Even the celebration of Christmas is not an
exclusive family affair, but also involves neighbors and friends.
Aling Mameng, Lenny's mother, explains this lack of interaction by
saying that all of them are busy with their own work. When they get
home at night, they are already tired and want only to rest. She added
that "hindi kami mahilig magkuwentuhang magpamilya," saying that
they really do not have much to talk about, as their lives are almost
routinary and there is often nothing new to talk about with the family.
Friction occurs ocassionally, according to both the child and the
mother. It usually results from quarrels among, and the disobedience
or stubbornness of, the children. These do not usually lead to serious
trouble, though, and are resolved immediately.
There are also arguments between Lenny's parents, most often
about his father's lack of work. But, there have been very few of such
arguments lately. Aling Mameng, meanwhile, just shrugs off those
arguments as common among couples and are never really serious. She
also claims that she has stopped nagging her husband about work. She
has resigned herself to the fact. that jobs for which her husband is
qualified are scarce. She also attributes her husband's difficulty in
finding a regularjob to his natural aptitude and skills, and his timidity.
Discipline in the Jhmily
The children are scolded and spanked as punishments for their
misbehavior. Lenny, himself, admits that he is ocassionally spanked by
his parents, usually by his mother. This happens when he goes out of
the house without asking permission or stays in the streets too long.
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 Profiles oJDisczdvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
His younger brother, likewise, reports the same. Both of them realize
that, on the ocassions they were punished, they were in the wrong and
believe that their parents have reason to scold and hit them. Lenny thus
reacts to punishments passively, by keeping quiet and staying at home.
Signfi cant events
It took Lenny quite some time to recall happy and sad events in his
young life. The happiest memories he can look back to are the last three
Christmases he spent in Marikina. During these times, his family got
together whith their neighbors and other relatives. They were, according
to him, festive occasions with laughter, happy stories and plenty of food.
Meanwhile, he felt saddest when he arrived in Metro Manila from
the province in 1986 and was not allowed to enroll immediately in
school. Lenny recalls that when he left Albay, attending and completing
school was one dream which he really hoped would come true when he
finallyjoined his parents in Marikina. He had to wait for two years before
finally realizing his dream. Expectedly, financial difficulties prevented
him from enrolling immediately. At that time, as is also the case now,
his father did not have a regular job. Their only steady source of income
was tinapa vending. While all his elder siblings were working as vendors
at that time, they were themselves studying. So, there was not enough
money left to pay for his own school expenses. - were the few occasions when they could not get any tinapa to sell. This
Lenny's Friends
Lenny has three friends, all boys of his age. He spends a lot of time
with them as they see each other everyday in school. Sometimes, also,
they see each other during weekends when they spend most of their
time playing and roaming around the subdivisions near Lenny's house.
They are particularly fond of catching birds with home-made slingshots.
They often do this during school recess.
Among his friends, Lenny is the only one working, although all of
them come from poor families. He thinks that his friends do not work
because they are usually tasked with household chores and keep watch
over their respective houses.
120
A Scavenger who Dreams to be a Doctor
Street Life
Lenny was initiated to paid work in 1986 by his mother. He was
eight years old at that and had just arrived from Albay. His mother asked
him to sell tinapa with her at the Marikina Market. It was her way of.
comforting him and diverting his attention from the fact that he was
unable to enroll in school. He needed something to occupy him, his
mother says, as he was really very unhappy about his parents' decision
for him not to go to school. She motivated him further by suggesting
that part of his earnings be saved for his future school expenses. The
most important reason, though, is that she needed his help in vending,
as his other siblings were in school and worked only part-time.
For two years, Lenny worked full time as a market vendor. During
those two years, he remembers getting up as early as four o'clock in the
morning, and having a hurried breakfast in order to be at the market on
time for the arrival of the early morning shoppers. Most of the time, he
was with his mother and siblings, who would stay and sell until it was
time for them to go to school. It usually took them the whole day to sell
their goods. They, went home at four or five o'clock in the afternoon.
Upon arrival at home, Lenny would now attend to his household duties,
such as fetching water and washing the dishes. Their only rest days
usually happened during the rainy season, when their supplier could
not get any fish from the market.
Even after he enrolled in school, Lenny chose to continue vending
during weekends and school breaks. Working while studying, he claims,
was his choice entirely. He was not asked to do so by his parents. He
chose to vend because he wanted to help his mother. Also, he believed
that this would assure that his studies would not be interrupted. Part
of his earnings are reserved for his school expenses and daily baon
(allowance). The rest are spent for the family's daily needs.
His mother, meanwhile, wanted him to stop vending. She wanted
him to spend his free time in the house and perfonn whatever household
chores needed to be done. Because Lenny was the only one among her
children who expressed enthusiasm for studying, Aling Mameng wanted
to make things easier for him by sparing him from work. Vending can
be a tiring job, she says, as one has to be on one's feet for hours. It also
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
means getting up very early in the morning. Since the opening of classes
in June 1990, she asked Lenny to stop vending.
But Lenny had other ideas. Though he disagreed with his mother,
he did not waste time arguing. Rather, he found himself a new source
of income: scavenging for pieces of plastic materials such as disposable
plastic cups and broken plastic pails. He sells these to a junk shop
located at the Concepcion Market. From this new job, he earns between
P15-25.00 per day. He enjoys doing this much more than selling fish
in the market because it allows him to roam around even as he earns
money. He scavenges from the garbage dumps at the Concepcion Market
and in the subdivisions of Concepcion. The Burger Machine stand and
other fastfood stores around the market also assure him of a steady
supply of disposable plastic cups.
Realizing the value of his contributions to the family income, Lenny
gives all his earnings to his mother. He saves only a peso or two for his
baon, school contributions, and other small expenses. His contribution
to the family income is usually spent for food for the family. Some
amount is also saved to pay for his yearly school entrance fee, which
this year amounted to P85.00. He does not mind giving up all his
earnings because he knows that his family's earnings are barely enough
to support their needs. In fact, his decision to find another sources of
income after he was asked by his mother to stop working was mainly
motivated by the desire to help augment the family's earnings. Anyway,
he said, since he started scavenging, he always has baon for school and
has had no problems in paying his school expenses.
At first, Lenny was scolded by his mother when she learnt about
his scavenging. But he was insistent, and went out without informing
his mother. He usually timed his work after she had left for the market.
Eventually, his mother allowed him to go on with his scavenging. The
money that he brings in had a lot to do with this. As Aling Mameng
herself admits, with Lenny's earnings from scavenging she seldom
worries about having money for his baon and paying his school contri-
butions.
Lenny works from six o'clock to ten o'clock in the morning. Then,
he goes home to have his lunch, and is on time for his classes at eleven
o'clock. After classes in the afternoon, he then goes to the junk shop to
122
A Scavenger who Dreams to be a Doctor
sell whatever he has scavenged in the morning. He has been keeping
this routine since the opening of classes in June. Even the steady rains
have not stopped him from going on with his work. On weekends, he
attends to his household duties before going out to scavenge garbage
dumps. Because he has one whole day to do so, he usually goes to the
other subdivisions around Concepcion, Marikina. Sometimes, he even
goes as far as the Marikina Public Market which is located in a different,
district.
Lenny goes about his tasks alone. He asked his brother and his
friends to go with him but not one of them ever did so. He does not
mind, though, because that means he won't have any competitors. In
fact, he expressed satisfaction over the fact that not too many scavengers
go to the garbage dumps he frequents. He always tries to go out very
early so that he can beat the other scavengers.
Processes Contributing To Risk
Family Background and Work History
Lenny's father, Ricardo Sr. is 40 years old. He completed a voca-
tional course on auto mechanics. He has never put his skills to use,
though. In the province, he earned a living doing odd farm jobs for
others. When he came to Marikina, he worked as construction laborer,
particularly as a painter. Since he came to Marilcina six years ago, he
has not held any regular job but has had ocassional short term contrac-
tual jobs. On the average, Mang Ricardo works only about three to four
months each year. In the last two years, however, he has worked longer,
thanks to the construction boom in Metro Manila. In 1989, for example,
he worked for six months. His limited skills in construction work (he
can only paint, according to him) has prevented him from getting
longer-term jobs. In addition, his wife, Aling Mameng complains that
he does not actively hunt for jobs. He just relies on invitations or
recommendations from friends and neighbors. Aling Mameng also
wishes that he makes use of his auto mechanic skills, but she confides
that her husband is not really good at it.
Lenny's mother, Aling Mameng, is 39 years old and is an elementary
graduate. She is the breadwinner of the family. She provides a steady
income from selling tinapa at the Marikina Market and washing clothes
123
 ProjIles of Disadvantoged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
for several families at SSS Village, Marikina. She earns about P300.00
a month from washing clothes. From vending, her earnings range from
P65-100.00 (net) per day.
Lenny's two elder brothers, Nardo, 19, and Antonio, 15, are both
elementary graduates. They stopped going to school since graduation
from the elementary grades. Nardo works as a helper for their neighbor,
who supplies tinapa, while Antonio sells tinapa with their mother at the
Marikina market. Nardo works for only three days a week and is paid
P50.00 per day. Antonio also nets the , same amount, P50.00, from his
vending. According to their mother, the two contribute half of their
income for the family's expenses. They keep the other half for their
personal needs.
Lina, Lenny's only sister, is 15. She works as a live-in househelper
for a family in St. Francis, Marikina. She has been with them for more
than a year now. Just like her two brothers, she only completed her
elementary grades. Unlike the two, however, she hopes to be able to
continue her studies. She does not contribute her earnings to the family.
Instead she saves them for the future when she is finally able to go to
school.
The youngest in the family is Ricardo Jr., seven years old. He
.neither works nor studies. He is the "housekeeper" of the family.
Lenny's other brother, Alex, is thirteen years old. His grandparents
requested him to stay with them as other members of the family have
already migrated to Metro Manila and other places. Only their grand-
parents have remained in Albay. Alex is presently in second year high
school. He is being supported by his grandparents. Even though his
parents are sorry that he lives apart from them, they are happy that they
are spared the worry of having to support him.
Working at a young age is common in Lenny's family. As previously
mentioned, Lenny and his siblings started their street work as market
vendors at the Marikina Market. Even their parents started working
while in their early teens; Ricardo Sr. did odd farm jobs in the province
while Aling Mameng sold vegetables in the market. Lenny's cousins are
also working. All of them are vendors at the Marikina Market, selling
tinapa, salt, or vegetables. Lenny is the only scavenger in the family.
124
A Scavenger who Dreams to be a Doctor
Family Mobility
As previously mentioned, Lenny's family orignally came from Tiwi,
Albay. All the children were born there.
The move to Metro Manila started in 1983 when Aling Mameng was
persuaded by her sister to try their luck here. Bringing along her
youngest son, Ricardo, who was only a one-year old baby at that time,
Aling Mameng and her sister came to Marikina and tried to find jobs in
the various small factories of the municipality. They first stayed with
her sister's mother-in-law in a squatter's area in Sta. Elena, Marikina.
Her experiences here were very different from the rosy picture her sister
painted while they were still in the province. Having only finished Grade
VT and with no skills to boast of, Aling Mameng had a very difficult time
finding ajob. She almost gave up and was planning to go back to Albay
when a neighbor offered to giver her tinapa to sell on a commission
basis. The venture succeeded, as market vending is one thing that Aling
Mameng knew well, having worked also as avendor back in the province.
In the meantime, Aling Mameng found another place to stay. She
joined her other relatives in Concepcion, where the family is now living.
After a few months, she was able to build her own shanty with the help
of relatives and neighbors. It is made up of very light materials, scrap
plywood and plastics.
One year after she arrived in Marikina, (1984) she was joined by
her husband and three eldest children. Ricardo Sr. then tried his luck
in finding a job. He found one in a construction firm, thus starting his
"career" in construction work. The three children, meanwhile, vended
tinapa with their mother, even as all of them enrolled immediately in
school.
The other two children, Lenny and Alex, followed in 1986. Alex,
however, went back to the province after a year, having been fetched by
his grandparents.
Life has not been easy for Lenny's family in Marikina. It is only
when all of them work and contribute to the family income that they can
be assured of having enough money for their daily needs. Despite this,
they feel that they made the right decision in coming to Metro Manila.
Jobs are scarce in the province, they claim. Ricardo Sr. made a living
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 i'm/ties of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
in Albay by doing odd farm jobs while Aling Mameng sold vegetables in
the market. Yet, between the two of them, there was never enough money
to assure their family three meals everyday. In Marikina, although they
have to work hard, they have not so far missed meals due to lack of
money for food.
Attitudes and Aspirations
Impact of street lijè
Both Lenny and his mother insist that working in the streets has
only brought good for Lenny and his family. His contribution to the
family income is certainly very valuable. Lenny finds satisfaction in the
knowledge that his contribution is helpful and appreciated by his
parents. He also likes to please his mother. Having something to
contribute to the family income is one of his ways of pleasing her.
Moreover, he is always assured of having money for school expenses.
For Aling Mameng, working young will help Lenny grow to become
a responsible and self-reliant individual. She considers Lenny's insis-
tence on working, even after she had given him the chance to concentrate
on his studies, as a sign of his growing sense of responsibility and
self-reliance. She recalls that, when he first arrived from Albay, Lenny
was not happy about vending in the market. Now, he volunteers and
even insists on going to work.
Even his studies, they insist, are not affected by Lenny's work. They
point to his movement from Section 7 (in Grade I and II) to Section 6
(in Grade III). His general average in Grade III was two marks better
than his grade average in Grade II, 77 and 79 respectively. He also
expects to do better this year despite continuing with his street trade.
Yet, both of them admit that, while his performance may have
improved, it is still not good enough. Aling Mameng attributes this,
however, to his son's natural aptitude. Also, there is no one in their
family who can give him adequate help with his schoolwork. She herself
finished only Grade VI. Her other children have not done very well in
school, and are not much help to Lenny.
126
A Scavenger who Dreams to be a Doctor
Aspirations
Lenny wants to become a doctor someday. He wants to be of service
to others, especially the poor. He does not know any doctor nor has he
gone to one for medical care, but he is sure that a doctor can help a lot
of people. He laments that fact that finding medical help has not been
easy for them. He wishes to be able to do something about this in the
future. He recalled one time when his mother was very sick with flu and
they could only rely on their neighbors for help. It was then that he first
thought of becoming a doctor.
Lenny himself has never gone to a doctor or to the health center
those few times he was sick. His motherjust buys the medicine he needs
from the store. Sometimes, she gets them from a neighbor. Lenny is
usually aked to stay in bed until he feels better. The nearest he got to
being treated professionally was when he went to the school clinic to
have a wound treated. Even then, he was not attended to by a medical
professional but by the teacher in charge of the clinic.
Assistance Needed
Medical help is the first thing that Lenny listed among his family's
needs. As previously mentioned, they have never gotten professional
help when ill. Second on his list is a regular job for his father and elder
brothers.
He also hopes that the owner of the lot where their house is built
will reconsider his plans of having their house demolished. According
to Aling Mameng, they were notified by a barangay official that the lot
owner wants them to vacate the lot. Lenny is not worried about the
impending demolition because his mother has found an alternative place
in St. Francis, also in Marikina. His only worry is that the new place is
quite far from his school. This could lessen the time he can spend for
his work.
Lastly, Lenny's most fervent hope at present is that they will
continue to stay in Marikina or in Metro Manila. He refuses to consider
the possibility of their going back to Albay. He remembers the times
when he would go hungry, eating only once or twice a day because his
parents did not earn enough for their needs. Also, he describes life in
the province as lonely. "Wala akong kaibigan at kalaro," he says since
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 ProJulcs of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities

their house is located on the outskirts of the barrio, far from other
houses.

"Sampaguita, Sampaguita"

Background Data
The child, Rosalyn, is an eleven year old girl who sells sampaguita
leis at the vicinity of Our Lady of Grace Parish Church located at 11th
Street, Caloocan City. She was born in Bayarnbang, Pangasinan, in her
maternal uncle's house on June 22, 1979. Both her parents are Roman
Catholics.
Rosalyn is presently in her fifth grade at Panghulo Elementary
School, a public school which is just a five-minute walk away from Bo.
Sapa, Panghulo, Navotas where the Monteses are presently living.

Migration History
After birth, Rosalyn was raised in Bo. Sapa, Panghulo, Malabon, a
marginal community near the national highway where her parents
decided to settle in 1978. The child's father, Mang Jose, now 37, hails
from.the town of Pulilan, Bulacan. Her mother, Aling Antonia, 35,
comes from Bayambang, Pangasinan. After their marriage, they first
settled in a rented apartment in Sampaloc, Manila which they shared
with Antonia's mother and two elder sisters. After giving birth to Jose
Jr., Rosalyn's older brother, the family moved to a separate place in the
then already crowded Barrio Sapa in Panghulo, Malabon, Metro Manila.

Education
Jose and Antonia have three children. The eldest is Junior, who is
presently in his first year at Panghulo High School. The second is

128 129
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Rosalyn, and the youngest is Juanita, seven years old, and presently a
pre-schooler at Santolan Day Care Center in Panghulo.
Mang Jose finished only second year high school and received no
vocational/technical training. Aling Antonia, who finished second year
college (BS Commerce), also posseses no special technical skills,
except sewing which she learned by herself.
Family
Mang Jose's economic activity has been limited to being a daily
wage laborer for different construction projects. In 1982, he was able
to land a job as a construction worker in Saudi Arabia for which he
received a monthly salary of $200.00 (around P1,600 at the pre-August,
1983 exchange rate). After a year, however, he returned home after
failing to renew his contract. Since then, his economic activity has been
on a on and off basis. The last time Mang Jose was able to get ajob was
almost three months ago when a public works project was implemented
near their place. For being a mason, Mang Jose receives P70-80 a day.
To sustain the family, Aling Antonia sells sampaguita leis every
Wednesday (4-9 p.m.) and Sunday (7-12 a.m. and 4-9 p.m.) at the Our
Lady of Grade Parish Church in Caloocan City. Aside from selling
sanipaguita leis, she also put up a snack stand orpondahan in Bo. Sapa
during summer with he help of Junior and Rosalyn.
Last summer, the pondahan earned an average of P70/day, which
is an amount big enough to augment Aling Antonia's earnings from
selling sampaguita. As for the net earnings from sampaguita, Aling
Antoniaearns an average of P120.00/for every 500 single-strand sam-
paguita leis which she and her commissioned sellers (including.Rosa-
lyn) manage to sell. The flowers are sold in leis of 4 and 25 strands at
P2.50 and P15, respectively. During peak days, Aling Antonia can sell
1,000 strands of sampaguita which has a gross value of P600.00. Her
weekly earnings range from P300 to P500 a week.
The sampaguita flowers, which come from Pampanga and Bulacan,
are bought by Aling Antonia from distributors in Monumento. The
flowers are bought at P50 per one-liter oil can. The content of the
container, out of which 500 strands of sampaguita can be made, are
bought for an additional amount of P35 for the abaca strand, ilang-ilang
130
Sampaguita. Sampaguita"
flowers and ice (to preserve the freshness of the flowers before they
reach the streets). Added to this is the payment for her four itinerant
child vendors (among them is Rosalyn) which averages P96.00, or
P24.00 for each child who sells 100 strands of sampaguita. All in all, a
total of P181.00 is spent in the preparation and selling of 500 single-
strand sampaguita leis which have a selling price of P300.00.
With the earnings of Aling Antonia and, sometimes, Mang Jose, the
family meets its basic needs and is able to send the children to school.
However, their situation becomes more difficult everytime Rosalyn or
any member of the family becomes seriously ill.
Inspite of the family's economic situation, there is warmth in their
relationship. Both parents are sensitive to the needs of the children,
who try to meet them as much as they can. When there is extra money,
Aling Antonia accompanies her children to buy new clothes. Rosalyn is
delighted everytime her mother buys her a new dress or anything useful
to her. She also remembers fondly the few ocassions when the whole
family goes out to Luneta. Park and to the Manila Zoo to stroll and eat
their lunch.
Rosalyn confesses to be much closer to her mother than to her
father. Aside from the fact that she and her mother spend more time
together, Mang Jose's drinking sprees with fellow residents of Bo. Sapa
causes Rosalyn to regard her father with fear. This fear was given enough
basis years back when Mang Jose, together with other residents of Bo.
Sapd, was jailed for two weeks after being involved in a brawl. Though
Mang Jose is not an irresponsible drinker, Rosalyn becomes fearful of
her father everytime she smells alcohol on him. Aside from drinking,
Mang Jose sometimes spends his time in leisurely card games for which
bets, as Rosalyn pointed out, are "fit only for kids."
When in the house and not pre-occupied with the preparation of
sampaguita leis, almost all members of the family spend their time
watching tv, listening to the radio or playing card games.
In disciplining the children, both Mang Jose and Aling Antonia
sometimes resort to whipping. When Rosalyn was asked her attitude
towards whipping as a form of imposing discipline, she replied that a
child deserves to be whipped for his/her wrongdoing.
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Health Conditions
Except for Rosalyn, others in the family have no serious health
problem. Inspite of their difficult economic situation, they eat three
meals a day. The availability of fresh fish at a cheaper cost at the neirby
fish ports is a big help. Aside from fish, they also consume vegetables
and, sometimes, meat during their meals.
The health problem in the family centers on Rosalyn who has had
weak lungs since she was an infant. Recurring cough, a fragile physique,
chronic headaches and below normal weight (Rosalyn stands 4 feet and
2 inches and weighs 30 pounds) are some manifestations of this
ailment. The situation is further compounded by her poor appetite, and
the unsanitary surroundings in which they live, which are conducive to
respiratory diseases. Rosalyn's ailment is so serious, that much of her
parent's earnings have been spent on her treatment. Not too long ago!,
Rosalyn underwent a one month therapy of 3 injections a week for her
weak lungs. After the injections, Rosalyn showed signs of improvement.
Lately, however, symptoms such as coughing and headaches have
started to recur. Since the family does not have the money, patch-up
medication such as ordinary cough syrup and paracetamol are admin-
istered to Rosalyn.
When asked if Rosaly-n's sampaguita-selling adversely affects her
already weak physical condition, Aling Antonia replied affirmatively.
She pointed out, however,- that Rosalyn insists on selling sampaguita
with her. Besides, if not working, Rosalyn may instead play with other
children in the neighborhood to the point of exhaustion.
Rosalyn usually sleeps at 9 p.m. and rises in the morning at around
6:00 o'clock. Except when she has a severe cough, Rosalyn sleeps well
at night.
Community Profile
The community where the Rosalyn's family resides is a squatters'
area which stands in a 4-hectare land in Panghulo near-the highway and
the Tenejeros River. The land, which is said to be owned by a certain
"San Diego," floods every time it rains. This is due to the area's elevated
borders: the highway to its west and the Dagat-Dagatan reclamation
132
"Sampaguita, Sampaguita"
project to its east. The trapped rainwater under the houses and shacks
in Bo. Sapa, which usually rises up to 3 feet from the ground, stagnates
for a long period until finally absorbed by the soil. Because of the
floodwaters, access to many of the houses in the community is possible
through makeshift narrow footbridges.
All of the residents in Bo. Sapa share a common problem, that of
being landless. Fearing the demolition of their homes and eviction from
the land where many of them have resided for many years, they have
organized themselves to protect what they consider is their right to
shelter. The fruit of their organizing efforts is the Bo. Sapa Homeowners
Association. It represents the residents in talks with public authorities
for the resolution of their housing problem. Recently, the residents were
informed of the government's plan to buy the land where Bo. Sapa
stands and to distribute it among legitimate residents, that is, those
residents who have no records of being 'professional squatters." In cae
the plan materializes, each household in Bo. Sapa will be given 60
square meters each.
Gambling, such as lucky nine, pusoy and small time cockfight or
tupada, is rampant in the community. It is so widespread even a child
like Rosalyn feels all forms of gambling should be prohibited. She
observes that even children who are younger than herself have been
addicted to gambling and is one of the major cause *s for dropping out of
school.
A child at work
Rosalyn started to sell sampaguita leis when she was nine years old.
Poverty and peer influence were the factors that made Rosalyn a
sampaguita vendor.
Aling Antonia was emphatic in pointing out that nobody obliged
Rosalyn to work. She mentioned that there were even times when Mang
Jose used to whip Rosalyn to prevent her from joining her mother in
selling sampaguita. Aling Antonia, however, believes that children like
* Persons who were given lands under the government's housing program but sold
the land later on to squat in another area.
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Rosalyn should be encouraged to work so that they will be conscious
of their place in society and, also, know the value of money.
Aside from poverty, what precipitated Rosalyn's entry to the job of
selling sampaguita was peer influence. In Bo. Sapa, almost all her
playmates and some among her schoolmates sell sampaguita; Moreover,
Rosalyn's attachment to her mother may also be one of the reasons for
her sampaguita-selling. Instead of staying at home, she prefers to sell
sampaguita so that she can be with her mother.
Rosalyn works for her mother. She earns P24.00 for every 100
strands of sampaguita she sells. During peak days; when multitudes of
people hear mass at the Our Lady of Grace Parish Church, Rosalyn earns
as much as P50.00. She is not obliged to share her earnings with her
family. But aware of her family's financial difficulties, she gives her
mother an average of P30.00 aweekto help augment her family's meager
income. The portion of her earnings which she is able to save is spent
on her daily school allowance of P5.00 a day and in buying new dresses
or minor requirements in school. There are times when Rosalyn's
one-week savings is enough for her daily allowance. There are also times
when Rosalyn's earnings will not be enough, in which case she asks for
money from her mother. Lately, Rosalyn joined a 'paluwagan' savings
scheme in the community to which she contributes P2.00 daily.
Aling Antonia and Rosalyn engage in selling sampaguita leis only
on Wednesdays and Sundays, as these are the days when many worship-
pers go to the Our Lady of Grade Parish Church. Aside from being a
major church near to Navotas (2 short jeepney rides from Panghulo),
the church is also proximate to a major thorougfare in Caloocan where
shopping centers and recreational places are situated. The presence of
many churchgoers, motorists, passing shoppers and. promenaders are
major factors why there are many sainpaguita vendors within the
Church's compound and its immediate surroundings.
Most of the children selling sampaguita at the Our Lady of Grace
Parish Church are from Bo. Sapa, with the boys comprising the minority.
The oldest of the child vendors is a fourteen 14 year old girl, while the
youngest, a boy, is seven years old, Rosalyn has no siblings among her
fellow child vendors.
134
"Sampaguita Sampaguita"
Except for strong rains which adversely affect the sale of sampaguita
leis, Rosalyn has no complaint regarding her work. She enjoys selling
sampaguita because of the earnings, the companionship and the near-
ness of her mother.
Daily Routine
As Rosalyn works only on Wednesday and Sunday, she spends her
day to day life like other nonworking children do. She goes out of the
house after classes and plays with her friends in the community. At
home, she watches tv and does menial household chores like sweeping,
running errands and fetching water in small containers when asked to.
Aling Antonia mentioned that Rosalyn is not an active child when it
comes to helping in household chores. She does household chores only
when she is asked. At night, before Rosalyn retires, she regularly
devotes one hour to study her lessons and to prepare her he
in school.
One of the factors which may account for Rosalyn's poor health
condition is her poor appetite. She delights eating different kind ofjunk
foods 'in between meals 'so that she seldom eats heartily during meal-
time. She said that she only eats heartily when there is fried meat,
especially chicken meat, on the table and this seldom happens due to
the price of meat which the family can seldom afford.
In school, Rosalyn is enthusiastic about learning from her different
subjects, especially Math and Science. However, Rosalyn's performance
in school in the past has been disrupted by her frequent absences (at
least once a week) due to her illness. This may account for her low
school average.
She also participates in non-academic activities in school such as
field exercises and dance programs. However, even in these activities,
her participation is limited owing to her weak physique.
Ambitions/Goals/Aspirations in Life
Rosalyn dreams of finishing her studies until the time she becomes
a doctor. She wants to be a doctor because she wants to be of help to
many people. When asked what else does she dreams of, she answered
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 Profiles of Disadvantoqed Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
she can settle on to being just a saleslady in case she could nOt pursue
medicine.
Child's Reflections
Family
When asked what a family is, Rosalyn replied that there should be
sharing among all family members. Also, every member should listen
to each other's problems.
She describes her family as being accomodating to her likes and
dislikes. Whenever possible, her parents give her what she likes.
Community
For Rosalyn, people build a community to be near to each other.
Inspite of the depressed situation in Bo. Sapa and her expressed
misgivings against the indulgence of many people, particularly the
children, in gambling, Rosalyn enjoys her life in the community. She
will choose to stay in it with her family even if they will be given the
option to transfer to a more decent community.
Employment
As mentioned earlier, Rosalyn enjoys selling sampaguita leis be-
cause of her earnings, the companionship and the presence of her
mother.
School &Studies
For Rosalyn, people go to school to have a bright future. She is happy
that she is learning a lot in school, especially from the experiments they,
are doing in their science subject. Her favorite subjects are Math &
Science.
Self-
The significant role that work plays in the development of Rosalyn's
personality is reflected in the way she looks at herself.
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"Sampaguita, Sampaquita"
Inspite of her family's poverty, she has a positive self-appraisal and
shows not even a hint of self-pity. She points out that compared to other
children, she is better off because she works, while others just play and
gallivant.
Friends/Peers
Rosalyn has many friends in school and in the community. She is
closer to children who are her classmates and companions in selling
sampaguita leis.
She counts among her circle of friends 10 other children in Bo. Sapa
who also sell sampaguita. When they are not selling sampaguita, they
play volleyball in the court of Panghulo High School.
Rosalyn shares the joys and sentiments of her friends. She feels
sorry for three of her friends in the neighborhood who dropped out from
school, one due to lack of interest in studying, and the other two due
to lack of money to sustain their studies. Her attachment to her friends
is so strong, so that she said she will only leave Bo. Sapa if her friends
and their families will go along.
Change
Rosalyn's statements do not reflect a perceived need for substantial
changes in her life and surroundings. Except for intermittent physi-
cal/health problems arising from her weak lungs, she has a high
self-esteem and shows satisfaction with her family, her community and
her studies.
Experiences
Rosalyn feels that her work experiences are good for the develop-
ment of her person in that she learns to be responsible at an early age.
137

A Future Soldier?
Child Profile
Born in the year 1975, Cris celebrates his birthday every 8th of
August. He is the seventh in a brood of ten and the fourth son in the
family. Cris was born in Calbayog, Mandaluyong where he and his family
have been staying for almost twenty years now. Like most of his siblings,
he was delivered by a "manghihilot" living in a nearby area.
Cris has just graduated from elementary school and is presently in
his first year at Mandaluyong High School. He is in the fourteenth
section of the twenty-four freshman sections in the school..
Compared to other teenagers of his age, Cris is quite reserved. He
is quiet and does not talk unless asked. According to his sister Marissa,
Cris seldom talks to them. He usually speaks only when he is being
asked to do something. He does not participate in family discussions
or joke with his brothers and sisters as frequently as the other family
members do.
Marissa further described her brother, as kind and industrious. "Sa
lahat ng mga kapatid ko na walang asawa, siya ang maaasahan dahil
alam niya ang galaw sa bahay at saka puwede siyang mautusan lagi
puwera lang kung tinutopak," she further commented. (Among my
unmarried siblings, he is the most reliable in the house because he
knows how to do household chores and he can always be asked to do
errands, except when he is not in a good mood.)
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A Future Soldier?
Like Marissa, Cris' mother has nothing but praises for him. She
considers him the most goodlooking among her sons and the most
responsible also. It is Cris whom she counts on to give her and their
family abetter life. She recounts that even as a child, Cris 'already did
household chores like washing the plates, sweeping the floor, and
looking after his younger brothers and sisters. At times, he did errands
for their neighbors in exchange for some loose change.
Furthermore, Aling Pepang commented, "Sa mga anak ko, si Cris
ang may ambisyon. Masipag yan mag-aral, bihira yan lumiban sa kiase."
(Among my children, Cris is the most ambitious. He is very diligent and
rarely misses his classes.)
Family Profile
Cris' parents, Temyong and Pepang, are both natives of Samar. The
couple married when they were both very young, he, barely twenty years
old, and she, just sixteen years old.
Belonging to an impoverished family, Mang Temyong had very little
education. He finished his third grade at a nearby school in their barrio.
At an early age, Mang Temyong already did farm jobs for other people.
He used to help in the farm during planting and harvest seasons doing
various jobs. However as he got older, he engaged in other work, like
carpentry and driving.
Aling Pepang's childhood life is no better than her husband's. She
was also forced by circumstances to stop schooling, completed elemen-
tary education, and worked at a very young age. But, unlike Mang
Temyong, she seldom did farm work and was usually at home doing
traditional female activities.
They got married in 1960 through ajudge. Aling Pepang gave birth
to Taylor (who died an infant), their first baby, in 1962. According to
Aling Pepang, the baby did not show any signs of illness and was in fact
very lively. No efforts to determine the cause of the death was under-
taken. According to barrio folks, the baby was na-aswang (bewitched).
After three years of living together in their barrio, they decided to
migrate to Manila. Aling Pepang related that life in their town was
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difficult and money not easy to find. So when they got the chance to
leave their barrio, she and Mang Temyong never had second thoughts.
In 1963, they left for Manila with the help of Aling Pepang's cousin.
She first came to Manila, followed by Mang Temyong several months
after. The two decided to get married again in Manila, and had a church
wedding. In 1965, Aling Pepang gave birth to Fred, followed by Willy in
1966. In 1970, she gave birth to her first baby girl, Fe. Because of their
difficult life, they "promised" that Fe would be their last child. However,
they broke that promise and Aling Pepang gave birth to seven more kids,
Marissa, Marilyn, Junior, Cris, Mary Anne, Anthony, and Ernesto.
Among the ten siblings, three are already married. Fred, 25 years
old, is presently living in Samar where he met his wife. When asked if
the couple is interested in living in Manila, Aling Pepang replied that
her son prefers provincial life. She immediately added that she herself
did not want to stay in the barrio because she wants a fast-paced life,
and because money is something very difficult to earn in their place.
She added, "perhaps I was already bored with the kind of life I had there
because I've been living there since childhood."
Willy, now 24 years old, is married to Yolly and has one child. Willy
and his family occupy a portion of the house. Though they live in the
same house, they prepare their meal separately. Yolly stays at home and
takes care of their baby while Willy is employed as a construction
worker.
Fe has some mental illness, according to her sister Marissa, but is
already married and presently living in Cabanatuan.
Marissa, 20, the fourth sibling, assumes the responsibility of being
the eldest child. She is a high school graduate and has been a worker
in two garment factories. Soon, she will be working in another garment
factory.
The rest of Aling Pepang's children are studying. Marilyn, 19, is a
scholar of the Rotary Club presently taking up a secretarial course at
Jose Rizal College. Junior, 17, who earns his money by fetching water,
is also a freshman at Mandaluyong High School. He and Cris ae
classmates. Mary Ann, 10, Anthony, 8, and Ernesto, 7, are all in their
elementary grade at Highway Hills Elementary School.
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A Future Soldier?
Family Leisure
Owning no television set nor radio, the family sometimes watches
television at their neighbor's house from 1:00 to 4:00 p.m. If they are
not watching television, they are either reading the komiks, newspapers,
and fan magazines, or just sleeping.
Only Mang Temyong drinks excessively in the family. He and his
friends drink on weekends, starting in the morning till late in the
everning. His alcoholism is a common cause of conflict in the family.
Marissa narrated that her father would sometimes go home drunk and
shout at them. This would sometimes escalate into a serious fights
between hire and his children.
Parents'Employment History
Mang Temyong first worked in Manila as a truck driver for a
manufacturing company. Though he never encountered serious acci-
dents, he usually got into trouble with law enforcers because of traffic
violations. It was only several years ago (around five years) that he
changed occupation due to his failing eyesight. He then engaged in
building construction labor which is rather irregular. Mang Temyong,
now fifty years old, is presently unemployed and stays at home.
Aling Pepang has been doing laundry for other people for a long
time, even when they were still in the province. This job enabled her to
earn money and support her family's financial needs during their early
years of stay in Manila. Fortunately, unlike her husband, she is never
unemployed. She has always managed to find people to work for. Aling
Pepang, who is now forty-six years old, still does laundry three times a
week.
Sources of Income
Aling Pepang is given a hundred pesos a day everytime she does
laundry. Since she works three times a week (Tuesday, Thursday, and
Friday), she is therefore earning P1,200.00 a month. Though Aling
Pepang does not say it directly, her laundering is their main source of
income. Her daughter, Marissa, even attested that it was through her
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
mother's occupation that she and her brothers and sisters were able to
go to school.
It was also through laundering that Aling Pepang was able to put
up a small "sari-sari" store in 1987 with P2,000.00 as starting capital.
Though she admits that she loses track of the store's daily sales, she
approximated it at about a hundred pesos (gross) a day. The store has
been bankrupt once, but she decided to put it up again. Aside from not
having to worry about their daily meal, Aling Pepang mentioned that the
store somehow augments the family's income.
Aside from these two sources of income, the family still gets an
additional P200.00 monthly income from the rental of a portion of their
house to a distant relative.
Finally, though it cannot actually be considered as earnings, Aling
Pepang claims that their other source of money is from paluwagan
(community savings association). She joined four separate paluwagan
in their community—two P50.00 each, one P75.00, and one P100.00
weekly dues. So in a week, she has to come up with the amount of
P275.00. She said she does not know just how she manages to raise
the money. But somehow money would come every week and she would
be able to give her dues. For the two P50.00 and the P75.00 weekly
dues, she gets P1,000.00 from each every sahod (payday). However, for
the P100.00 weekly due, she is not yet sure of the amount she will get
because she just joined this paluwagan. She excitedly added that she
is still planning to join another pal uwagan. When asked if she is not
afraid that she would be swindled, she is positive that it will not happen.
Aling Pepang admits that what Cris earns helps shoulder some of
the family's expenses. However, she does not depend on it so much
because she does not want Cris to have the idea that he is forced to
work. She does not compel Cris to give her his earnings.
Daily Expenses
The Ibañez family, that is, Mang Temyong and Aling Pepang plus
the seven unmarried kids, spends an average of P120.00 everyday. They
spend around P25.00 per meal, P25.00 for school allowance, and the
remaining P20.00 for commodities like sugar, gasoline, coffee, oil,
toothpaste, etc.
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A Future Soldier?
Marissa, who does the marketing in the family, is given P50.00 to
buy basic commodities like sugar, milk, cooking oil, tomato, onions,
etc. to be consumed for the whole week. Their food (rice and viand—
canned goods, vegetables) are bought every time they prepare their meal.
Mobility Profile
The Ibañez couple first lived in Camp Crame, with Aling Pepang's
cousin. They stayed there for almost a year. In 1964, they decided to
move out and transferred to Pandacan where they squatted for five years.
Because of Mang Temyong's work, they were forced to move again to
Mandaluyong where they are now presently living.
Community
The Ibañez family lives in a typical squatters' community in Cal-
bayog, Mandaluyong. The place, a densely populated area, is crammed
with houses made up of plywood and galvanized iron and built very close
to each other (with only a thin wall separating one housing unit from
another). There are several business and office establishments scat-
tered around the vicinity. Clothes hanging on lines, men drinking,
women laundering, and children playing, are the common sights in the
area.
Cris' house is situated in the inner portion of the area known to the
residents as looban baha. It is called as such because every time women
gather there to wash clothes, the place gets flooded with both water and
gossip. It can be located by entering a narrow alley between the wails
of houses facing each other. The floor area of the Ibañez residence where
fourteen people dwell is approximately 3.5 sq. meters. From the main
entrance is a narrow path leading to an open kitchen where the family
take their baths, do their laundry and other activities. Opposite the
kitchen is a very small toilet. As you walk through the path, ydu will
also pass by a door to their store, which also serves as a dining and
sleeping area. Next to the door is a waist-high platform where some of
the family members sleep. The second level of the house is divided into
three small rooms, one occupied by a distant relative, the other one by
Willy and his family, and the third by Aling Pepang, Mang Temyong and
the kids.
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Unlike other squatters' areas, the community is fortunate to be
extended help by the government. The residents are benefitting from
projects of the Department of Social Work and Development (DSWD),
such as the daily feeding program (every 4:00 p.m.) for malnourished
residents and free medical consultation. The DSWD also leads in the
regular cleaning of the surroundings, and community participants get
specially packed food products from DSWD.
Some of the residents of Caibayog also receive educational assis-
tance from the Rotary Club. The organization shoulders the vocational
education of members of a number of deserving families. Also, a group
of born-again Christians is regularly conducting reach-out ministry in
the area.
Still, major problems persist in the community which the residents
feel should be given priority by the government. One major problem the
community faces is water shortage. Residents line up every afternoon
to fetch water from a community faucet. Water coming from this faucet
only lasts for about four to five hours everyday.
A more serious problem they are currently facing is the possibility
of them being evicted from the area. The land, according to the residents
is privately owned, but is presently being managed by the government.
Now the local government is planning to put up a condominium in the
area. The condominium, according to the mayor, is to be built for them
to give them more decent living conditions. However, the residents
doubt if it is really for them. Besides, they do not think they can afford
to pay the rent for the condominium.
Cris' Daily Routine
Cris' day starts at 4:00 in the morning. He makes his bed, feeds
their pet rooster, and then prepares himself for work. However, when
he still has time, he sweeps the floor or washes some plates or glasses
left unwashed during the previous night. He usually leaves at around
4:45 to get his newspapers from his supplier's place and then walks
straight to EDSA highway to sell them. He then goes home at around
10:30, sometimes bringing home one or two kilos of rice or canned
goods to be cooked for lunch. He rests a little and at 11:00 he prepares
himself for school.
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A Future Soldier?
From school, Cris returns home at about 6:30 p.m. He helps mind
the store or prepares their meal. The family has its supper at 7:30. Cris
rests, starts studying at 8:30 and ends at 9:30. He calls it a day at 10:00
and retires to bed.
Health Condition
For a fifteen-year old guy, Cris weighs only 49 kilograms and is
several inches below the standard Filipino height; standing at four feet
and nine inches only. However, lie has a normal body built.
Cris does not have a big appetite. His breakfast usually consists of
only banana cue and palamig. Even at home, he eats very little. His
brothers and sisters notice that he would finish eating after several
minutes only. Sometimes, his food, which usually consists of rice and
sardines or noodles, is often left untouched.
At school, he seldom takes his snack. If he does, it is always banana
cue and sago, because it is cheap and he does not want to spend much.
Though he retires at 10:00 and wakes up at 4:00, Cris only get four
hours of sleep. He confessed that every night his mind is preoccupied
with things like his family, his work, his friends, etc. But he refused to
further elaborate on the matter.
Work History
Cris' first job was in a market near their place. He was just eight
years old when he worked as a dish washer at a banana cue stand. He
was given PlO washing plates and unsold banana cues to take home at
the end of the day. It was when he turned 13 that he decided to sell
newspapers because he considered himself too old to wash plates as
most of those who wash plates in the market are younger than him.
Aside from selling newspapers, he also works as kargador at the EDSA
Central market everytime he runs out of newspapers to sell. He is paid
P5.00 carrying bags of consumer goods from the market to the highway
or to the jeepney terminal for commuters.
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 Profiles of Disadvantuqed Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Description of Present Employment
At work, Cris comes in contact with dozens of other streetchildren
vending newspapers and other commodities. Some of them like Leo,
Eliot, Elmer and Arid, whose ages range from 14 to 18, are his constant
companions. Some of them are his neighbors, while he met the other in
the course of his day-to-day work. They would ride buses together going
to Monumento and from there take another bus back going to Makati,
then to Monumento again until their newspapers are all sold.
Cris got into newspaper vending through his own initiative. Wanting
to earn his own money and help the family, he approached Mang Yoyo,
a family relative (second cousin of his father) whom he learned supplies
newspapers to other vendors. He gets newspapers from his uncle on
consignment.
He usually sells newspapers in the morning, from 6:00 to 10:00 on
weekdays and up to 11:00 on weekends. Though nobody forces him to
work, he sells newspapers as often as he can so as to be able to give
some money to his mother and to have some to spend for himself.
He gets two pieces of tabloids—People's Journal and Abante. He
sells them at P2.25 and P1.75 respectively and gets an average profit of
65 centavos per copy. His average daily sale is 85 copies, earning him
from P140 to P170 depending on which newspaper sold more. With
this, he pays MangYoyo back and he is left with a profit of about P55.00.
From what he earns. Cris usually gives P50.00 to his mother.
Sometimes he gives less because he buys other things needed in the
house. He keeps some of his earnings for himself.
Child's Reflections
Self and Family
Cris considers himself a quiet type of person. He prefers to work
alone and hates to be bothered when preoccupied with something. For
him, the family, especially his mother, comes first before anything else.
He confessed that he is working not so much for himself but for his
mother. He wants to help his mother earn money because as he said
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A Future Soldier?
"pagod na si nanay, puro kurikong na nga ang pan sa kalalaba." (Mother
is very tired, she has already acquired callouses from washing clothes.)
Among his siblings, Ernesto, the youngest in the family is his
favorite. According to Cris, Ernesto is obedient and always helps their
mother in the house.
Cris' greatest fear in life is to get lame. It will be difficult for him to
sell newspapers if he is crippled. He will not be able to achieve his
ambition either of becoming a soldier.
Like other teenagers, Cris is getting conscious about his looks. His
sisters notice that he would sometimes look at the mirror several times
before going out of the house, something he never did before. When
asked why, he was honest enough to say that he does not want his
"crush" to see his anan (tinea flava) on the side of this face.
Friends/Peers
Cris' circle of friends both in school and in their neighborhood is
an all-male group. There is one particular friend he considers closest to
him—Muros.
Muros is about Cris' height with almost the same body built but a
year younger than him. Unlike Cris, Muros is an out-of-school youth.
He does not vend but is always in the street.
The two became close friends because Muros usually keeps Cris
company at night outside their house where he sleeps. Cris candidly
related that Muros would sometimes go to the market and steal fruits
from the stalls there. He admitted that Muros once tried to persuade
him to steal. But he did not give in because he was afraid he might be
caught. He swore he has not tried stealing yet. Inspite of his knowledge
of Muros' activities, he still considers him a friend.
He related that his most unforgetable moment was when he and
Muros went to the house of the latter's cousin's last Christmas. They
roamed around the place to ask for Christmas gifts. Each of them got
about P50 each and several old clothes.
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 Profiles ojDisadvantuged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
School and Studies
In school, Cris leads a different life. He is a loner at work, even if
he is with other streetchildren. That is, he does not think so much about
the situation of his co-workers, whether they have already eaten, where
they will go to sell newspapers, or whether they have sold all their
newspapers. But in school, much of his activities depend on his all-male
set of friends. They work together, play together, eat their snacks
together, and do their assignments together.
Cris is far from being a campus figure. Not only because he is in the
lower section where opportunities are less, but also because he is not
a member of any organization and rarely participates in school activities.
Nevertheless, he is quite popular among teachers because he is always
ready to do errands for them.
Among his subjects, he likes Filipino best. He mentioned that he
also likes Social Studies because their present teacher is nice. She is
different from their former teacher, who always scolds and sometimes
spanks them when in a very bad mood.
Society and Culture
Being able to read only those news stories which deals mostly about
murders, thefts, coup attempts, and police brutality, Cris has acquired
the notion that society is nothing but all chaos, misunderstanding and
hatred. He thinks of Filipinos as proud, treacherous, and violent.
Cris' Greatest Dream
Cris' greatest dream in life is to be a soldier someday. He has been
so vocal about this that everybody in the family and a number of their
neighbors know about his wanting to be a military man. Hence, his
brothers and sisters sometimes kid him, calling him the next Gringo
Honasan.
Marissa commented that she cannot imagine Cris as somebody
wearing a uniform. Moreover, she feels that Cris is not the kind of person
who is capable of pointing a gun at somebody. However, when asked if
he can pull a trigger, Cris answered "yes" without hesitation. Though
he has not held a gun yet, he thinks that he can shoot like "Fernando
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A Future Soldier?
Poe Jr." If he becomes a soldier, he wants to be assigned to Samar
'because he wants to see his brother and other relatives there.
He also mentioned that if he becomes a soldier, he would arrest and
send all of the "Zest-0 Gang" to jail. According to Cris, these people
are Zest-O juice vendors whose modus operandi is to put straws in juice
packs and give it to passengers even if the latter does not intend to buy.
Then the vendor, saying the he thought the passenger will buy, starts
to harrass the passenger with the help of the other vendors until he or
she'is forced to pay the juice at a higher price.
Cris is already very excited about his plan of joining the Cadet
Officer Candidate Course (C.O.C.C.) in his sophomore year. In prepa-
ration, he is trying to keep some of his earnings to buy himself a uniform.
If his plans of being a soldier does not push through, Cris dreams
of putting up a business, most preferably a drugstore or a movie house.
Experiences
At a very young age, Cris can be said to have already tasted a bit of
life's painful and happy moments. He had his own share of fights,
sometimes feeling proud and sometimes ashamed of himself.
The first fist fight that he lost was when he was twelve years old.
He got into a fight with another streëtchild who is older and taller than
him. He cannot recall what the reason of his anger was. He just said he
got terribly irked by the streetchild. What made the experience painfully
memorable was that the streetchild's grandmother helped in beating
him up.
Another incident which Cris vividly recalls was his experience with
two women whom he described to be in their early thirties and good-
looking. The two kept on following him so that he got scared. Finally,
they were able to corner him and told him that, because he is goodlook-
ing, they were interested in adopting him. Not knowing how he should
react, he just walked away. When he arrived home, he excitedly told his
mother about the two women, thinking that she would be delighted. To
his surprise, Aling Pepang, suspecting that the two women might be in
the white slavery business, scolded Cris and told him to just stay home
and rest for several days. When asked why he was happy by the thought
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 Profiles oJDsadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities

of adoption, he replied that if he gets adopted by a rich family, then he

could ask them to send his mother some money every month.
The most traumatic experience Cris encountered so far was when
he was picked up by a man, who introduced himself as a police officer.
He was brought to a precinct in Mandaluyong where he was severely
beaten. The man accused Cris of stealing his bag. Fortunately, another
streetchild, Toper, was able to inform his family about what happened.
After several minutes of dialogue with the police, Cris was released.
A Sense of Responsibility

Mimi is thirteen years old, born in Manila on 14 November 1977.

She is a sidewalk vendor. She sells balut in Paco, Manila at night and
religious articles at the Philtrade area, Pasay City on Sundays, and daily
during the school summer break.

Streetlife
Mimi's career in the street started when she was nine years old.
Together with her elder sister Sara, she would sell balut around Paco
daily in the evenings from 7:00 p.m. to 1:00 a.m. They would get the
balut from a neighbor and sell them on consignment basis. When they
started four years ago, they were usually able to obtain a net earning of
around P20.00 each. Now they have managed to increase it to
P30.00-P40.00 each. That is not very much for a six-hour work, Mimi
complains, comparing her earnings to those of the cigarette vendors who
net over P100.00 a night.
In January 1991, Mimi took on a second job. With the rest of her
family, she also sells religious articles—handkerchiefs printed with
some prayers and prayer booklets—to the members of the El Shaddai
'born again Christian' congregation.
The El Shaddai conducts its services daily in several places. On
Sundays, Tuesdays, and Thursdays, services are held in Pasay, at the
reclamation site near the Philtrade and P1CC buildings. On ' Mondays
and Wednesdays, they would go to Bacoor, Cavite and on Saturdays, to

150 151
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Plaza Dilao, Paco. Occasionally, services are also held at the Amoranto
Stadium in Quezon City.
During the school year, Mimi sells to the congregation only during
the Sunday services at Philtrade. Her parents would sometimes go to
the other places, particularly to Plaza Dilao, Paco. During the summer
school break, they sell more frequently, following the group wherever it
has its services. Although services start only at 3:00 p.m. they go there
as early as 10:00 a.m. as people start coming in at that time. They would
stay until 9:00 p.m. when the services are over.
The articles they sell are required of members who attend the
group's services. These are produced by some of the group's members
themselves and are given to them to sell on a commission basis. There
are about twenty other vendors, all of whom are members of the
congregation. Not all of them sell on a regular basis. According to Mimi,
one of the reasons for her family's membership is the requirement that
only members are allowed to sell such items. The other attraction,
particularly for Mimi's sickly mother, are the healing rituals regularly
held during the service.
To maximize their earnings, Mimi and her parents set up separate
stalls. For every item sold, they earn a commission of P2.00. From this,
Mimi grosses from P20.00 to P30.00 each time while her parents gets
from P40.00 to P60.00 for a total family earning of P60.00 to P90.00.
Decision to work. Her decision to work was voluntary, Mimi claims.
Because she only has classes in the mornings, she found herself with
plenty of spare time. When she was younger, this time was spent playing,
helping in the house and taking care of younger siblings. Four years ago,
when she was nine, she and her sister Sara decided they were too old
to play and made more productive use of their time by vending. At first,
they thought of selling cigarettes after classes in the afternoons. But
because they did not have the necessary capital, this plan did not
materialize. A neighbor who is in the balut business introduced them
to balut vending and allowed them to sell on a consignment basis, thus
solving the girl's problem of not having any capital. At first they were
rather hesitant because selling balut requires that they go out in the
evenings. Their parents also had misgivings about the idea and did not
want their young daughters out in the streets late at night. But Mimi
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A Sense of Responsibility
and Sara decided to try anyway, persuading their parents to allow them.
Now Mimi claims that they have gotten used to the routine. She thinks
their original fears for their safety are actually unfounded.
She spends an average of six hours in the streets during schooldays,
and fourteen hours during weekends and school vacations. Sometimes,
she takes a break from work and spends time chatting with friends or
going out with them to watch movies or to roam around the big shopping
centers. At other times, she is asked to stay home and be with her sickly
grandmother.
When asked about the risks that she faces while in the streets, Mimi
answered in the negative. She says that she has never been involved in
any trouble or come to any harm since she started working four years
ago. The late nights selling balut are no trouble at all, as there are still
many people in the area where they sell balut even in the evenings. Risks
of involvement in prostitution, drugs and other vices do not bother'
Mimi. She asserts that she knows that these are bad and she will not
knowingly do anything that is wrong or criminal in nature. She insists,
that she is strong enough to resist whatever temptations may be thrown
her way.
Family history of work. It is interesting to note that of the seven
children, only two, Mimi and Sara, are streetworkers. The eldest worked
only after she graduated from high school and her first and present job
is not in a street but in a bookstore. The rest Of the children, ages
between 10 and 3, are not working. They accompany their parents in
their vending activities at Philtrade, but unlike Mimi, they do not really
help in vending. The parents explain this by saying that it is only Mimi
who volunteered to set up her own stall.
The parents also say that they did not experience working in the
streets when they were children. The father, Poldo, started working in
his father's balut business at age 16 or 17. Although he did help his
father a little when he was younger, he was not really paid for his work.
It was just considered part of his household duties. Meanwhile, Eva,
the mother, never did any paid job at all when she was young. She only
helped around the house but was never expected to go out and earn for
a living.
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Perceptions. Mimi and her parents see her vending as an extension
of her household chores. Just as other children are expected to help in
the home to ease their parents workload, so is Mimi. The only differ-
ence, perhaps, is that for Mimi and her elder sister, the duty is performed
outside of the home.
Her parents say that while they are happy about their daughter's
decision to work, they would not have minded if Mimi had not decided
to do so. After all, she is only thirteen. They admit that the money Mimi
brings in helps in meeting their family's expenses, particularly the
children's daily school needs. But they are happier about Mimi's
working, because they see it as an indication of the latter's sense of
responsibility and self-reliance. Somehow, they feel assured that their
daughter would be able to take care of herself as she gets older and
would not depend on them for so long.
As for Mimi, she is happy as she knows that the money she brings
in helps the family. She gets additional satisfaction fromJcnowing that
she has not wasted her time on some less productive pursuits such as
playing.
From among her close friends and classmates, Mimi is the only one
working. Though she has friends who are street vendors themselves,
these are people she befriended while in the streets.
Mimi does not consider herself and her streetworking friends as
people to be pitied nor their plight as streetchildren as something very
pathetic. She reserves her sympathy for the homeless children, those
who are in the streets because they have nowhere else to go, or to those
who may have homes but have to beg or scavenge garbage dumps for a
living. She does not put herself in that category.
School life
Mimi just graduated from the Sta. Ana Elementary School. She plans
to enroll at the Villamor High School in Makati in June.
Her classes at the Sta. Ana Elementary School starts at 6:00 in the
morning up to 12:00 noon with a thirty minute recess at 10:00 a.m. She
graduated with a general average of 81. She says that even in the earlier
grades she usually got an average of 80 or 81. She does not know if she
154
A Sense of Responsibility
can do better in high school, not that she cares much as she seems
satisfied with her present performance. Her favorite subject is Science,
particularly the laboratory part where they conduct experiments. She
considers Civics as the most difficult, primarily because of the lack of
reading materials.
Does her work affect her studies? She does not think so. She has
plenty of time to study her lessons. After classes at 12:00 noon she goes
home right away, eats lunch, does her assigned household chores
(cleaning and dishwashing usually) and then studies her lessons. With
all those, she claims that that she still has the time to take a nap before
starting her balut vending rounds at 7:00 p.m. Neither does she suffer
from lack of sleep, though she stays up until 1:00 a.m. She is used to
it, she says. Anyway, her afternoon nap makes up for her lack of sleep
during the night. Also, her work is not very tiring as she stays put in
one place.
Family life
Mimi is the third of the seven children of Poldo and Eva Malvar.
Mimi's father, Poldo, is a vendor. He usually sells taho in Sin. Ana,
Manila and in nearby streets in Makati. On Sundays, he goes with Mimi
and the rest of the family to Philtrade to sell religious articles. Poldo,
38, is a native of Tabon, Palawan but his family moved to Manila
sometime in the early 1960s. He finished two years of high school but
stopped schooling due to lack of interest. He chose to help his father
run his balut buiness. When his father died, he inherited the business.
Unfortunately, he was forced to close it down after a few years due to
financial difficulties.
Meanwhile, Eva, Mimi's mother is 31 years old. She was born in
Tacloban, Leyte. Like his husband, her family moved to Manila early in
the 1960s. Again, like her husband, she was not very much interested
in finishing her studies and decided to quit schooling after finishing
Grade VI.
Eva and Poldo married early. She was then 16 years old and he, 20.
They now have seven children. The eldest is Vilma, 17 years old and a
high school graduate. She quit school after finishing high school and is
155

Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
presently working as a salesgirl at the San Sebastian College Bookstore
in Manila.
Sara is the second child, She is fifteen years old and a third year
high school student of Villamor High School in Makali. Like her sister
Mimi, she is a balut vendor. At the time of the interviews, she was living
with her mother's relatives in Tacloban City, though she is expected to
come home in time for the opening of classes in June.
Mimi is the third child.
The rest of the family are Miguel, 10; Celia, 7; Vencio, 6; and Jun,
3. Miguel and Celia are in Grades Wand II, respectively. The other two
are not yet studying. None of them work, although they all go with the
rest of the family to Philtrade to sell religious articles on Sundays.
The last member of Mimi's household is her grandmother, his
father's stepmother. She is believed to be over 70 years old (they do not
know her exact age) and lived with Mimi's family after her husband died.
Mimi lives with her family in Sin. Ana, Manila. Home is a two-storey
building which was inherited from her grandfather on her father's side.
The place, at least the part where Mimi lives, is primarily a residential
area. It is quite crowded, with the children using the streets as their
playground, as none of the houses have wide enough backyards where
children can play. For Mimi it is an ideal place to live, being a few
minutes walk from school and only a ride away from Paco, where she
sells balut in the evenings.
Mimi describes her family life as happy and content, and their family
relationship as close. She does not think they are poor. In fact, she
describes their economic condition as "comfortable." Why? They have
their own house; they eat regularly; and they can afford to let the
children go to school. She does'
oe admit that there are times when her
parents have to loan money from friends or neighbors to buy food for
the family or school supplies for the children. But she is quick to add
that they are always able to repay. On other occassions, these same
neighbor or friends borrow money from them.
The family's primary source of income is from their vending activi-
ties. From vending taho, Poldo usually brings home about P100.00 per
day while Mimi and sister Sara earn between P30.00 to P40.00 each
156
A Sense of Responsibility
from selling balut. From selling religious articles to the El Shaddat
congregation, they earn a collective commission of between P60.00 to
P90.00 per day. They also rent out five rooms in their house. At the
moment, however, the rentals are reserved for buying the medicines
which their grandmother needs. Mimi's eldest sister, Vilma, also con-
tributes part of her earnings as a salesgirl to the family income.
The biggest problem of the Malvar household is the poor health of
some of its members.
Mimi's mother, Eva, is very sickly. She claims to be suffering from
weak lungs and weak heart (she did not give a more specific description
of her illness). A few months before the interview, she had an appen-
dectomy. She says that she still occasionally feels weak from her
operation. Her family also suspects her of having a breast cancer, due
to a mass growing on the underside of her left breast. Because of her
illnesses, Eva does not work although she goes with the rest of the family
to Philtrade to sell. Her poor health has taken its toll on the family's
finances. In fact, the reason they were forced to close down the balut
business they inherited from her father-in-law was so they could use
the capital to meet her medical expenses.
Her mother-in-law, Mimi's grandmother, is also very weak and
sickly, probably because of her old age. To buy the medicine that she
needs, the earnings from their rented-out rooms are reserved for her
expenses. This is certainly a burden on the family's finances, because
they used to rely on the rentals for paying their utility bills and the
children's daily school expenses.
Lately, her eldest sister Vilma, has added to the burden. She has
been diagnosed by doctors from the Philippine General Hospital as also
suffering from the same heart ailment affecting her mother. She also
had appendicitis. Luckily this was detected early, so she did not need
an operation. Instead, she just took some medicine to ease the swelling.
Mimi and her family remain hopeful that the health conditions of
these three members will improve. They have faith that the healing
rituals conducted by the El Shaddai, of which they are members, will
help them. Her mother is also planning to seek some faith healers,
whom she believes can help her.
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities

Ambitions and aspirations

In the short term, Mimi hopes to save enough capital to sell
cigarettes in the evenings instead of balut. Cigarettes are more saleable
than balut, and she thinks she èould earn from selling cigarettes as
much as three times what she earns from selling balut.
For her family, Mimi also hopes they will be able to save enough to
revive their balut business. According to her, this is a family project
with all working members contributing. Unfortunately, the money they
saved almost always went to paying for her mother's and grandmother's Home Away from Home
medication.
In the long term, Mimi wishes to finish her studies and be a midwife. Jaime is eleven years old, born 25 December 1979 in Camannes
She is quite positive that she can fulfill this ambition. A midwifery Stir.
course that does not cost that much, she believes, it being only a
two-year course. Also, she expects to receive financial assistance from Jaime is presently a ward of the Senden Home Reception and
the Kaunlaran Foundation which also helped finance her elder sister's Temporary Shelter located in Slit. Ana, Manila. At the time of the study
schooling. Alternatively, she hopes to be able to put up her own sari-sari he had been with the Home for seven months. He lives there with
store in their neighborhood or a stall in the nearby market. fourteen other young boys (with ages ranging from ten to fifteen years).
Like him, these boys have left their respective homes for various
reasons. Some of them were picked-up by the social workers of the
Home directly from the streets. Some, like Jaime, were referred by other
people. Others were apprehended for vagrancy and were later referred
to the Home. All of them have at one time lived or worked in the streets.

Jaime's story
Jaime was born in Sooc Norte, Camarines Sur. He lived there with
his maternal grandmother before coming to Manila in 1990.

How did he come to Manila?

According to the Home social worker who first interviewed Jaime,
he has two versions of how he came to Manila.
At first, he claimed that he ran away from the province after his
grandmother died sometime in February, 1990. Because he did not have
any family left in the province he decided to travel to Manila to look for
his parents, particularly his mother. He then took a train that brought
him to Manila. Upon arrival in Manila, he reported that he was taken
158 159
 Profiles of Disadvantwjed Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
in right away by some people whom he met while walking in the streets
near the train terminal. He then gave names (all first names) of the
people with whom he has lived.
When prodded, Jaime gives another story, the same which he gave
the interviewer. He did not leave the province voluntarily. Sometime in
February 1990, he was kidnapped by three men while he was on his way
home from school. He was able to escape from his captors while they
were in Naga. He was left in the car while his captors went to buy
cigarettes and newspapers. From there he took a bus going to Gumaca,
Quezon. When asked why he went to Gumaca instead of going back to
Camarines Sur, he merely said that he did not want to go home anymore.
Going on with his story, Jaime said that upon arrival in Gumaca, he
immmediately found work as a pinboy* in a bowling lane. He stayed for
four months after which he decided to travel to Manila to look for his
mother. From his earnings as a pinboy he was able to save enough to
buy a train ticket to Manila. He arrived in Manila sometime in June,
1990. Here, he tried to look for a job as a pinboy. Unfortunately, the
bowling houses he approached did not want to take him in, either
because he was too young, or the bowling lanes were machine operated
and did not need a pinboy. He finally found himself in a bowling lane
in Pasay where one of the employees, whom he calls Kuya Jun, took
pity on him and brought him to his (Jun's) relative's house in Antipolo.
A few days later, he was invited by Kuya Jun's other relatives (whom
he identifies only by their first names) to stay with them in Sta. Ana,
Manila. He stayed there for about a month. During his stay he would
help them do some household chores, and sometimes he would accom-
pany them to make deliveries of meat and other goods to Cubao. Most
of the time, though, he was left to play by himself. Though he was treated
well, he was not very comfortable with the family. All the members of
the family are adults and are busy with their ownjobs so that they could
not spend much time with him. There were no children in the household
with whom he can talk and play with. He also felt that he was imposing
himself on the family. He had been staying with the family for a month
when a neighbor saw him and asked him if he wanted to stay in a home
for children.. He said yes, and the neighbor, Aling Gloria, then brought
him to one of the nuns in Concordia College, who in turn, brought him
* A pinboy arranges the bowling pins in a lane after each game.
160
ifome Away from Home
to Senden Home.
His fttmily
Jaime did not give much information about his family, either to the
interviewer or to the social workers in the Home. The only family he
claims to know is his maternal grandmother. He lived with her in their
hometown in Camarines Sur, where she works in the neighbors' farm.
Jaime describes her as "mababa aug pinag-aralan" though he does not
know exactly what she has finished in school. She is a widow, her
husband having died before Jaime's birth. Jaime does not know whether
she has children other than his mother.
About his parents, Jaime claims no knowledge of them except that
they each have their own families and are living somewhere in Metro
Manila. He claims that he was born out of wedlock and has not seen
either parent. They left him with his grandmother while he was still very
young. Jaime admitted to some curiousity about them and that is the
reason he decided to come to Manila. However, he also claims that he
doesn't really want to meet them nor live with them. He just wants to
know how and where they are.
His parents' story
Jaime is a product of a broken home. He is the only son of Frnto
and Anna, both from Camarines Sur. They separated after a few years
of marriage, when Jaime was only about a year old. When they separated,
they left Jaime with his maternal grandmother in Camarines Sur.
Meanwhile, Anna remarried and now has four children. She pres-
ently lives in Manila with her new family and helps run their family's
business.
Fruto, on the other hand, now works as a shipyard supervisor for
the Philippine Shipping and Engineering Company (Philseco) in Subic,
Zambales. Unlike his estranged wife, Fruto did not remarry and lives
alone in Subic.
Sometime in January, 1990, Fruto went home to Camarines Sur for
one of his rare visits to his son and other relatives. When he left, Jaime
wanted to go with him but neither his father nor his grandmother wanted
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
him to leave. Several weeks after his father left, on February 22, 1990,
Jaime escaped from home. Apart from what Jaime himself said, his
parents did not know exactly how he came to Manila. They thought that
he probably stowed away in a train bound for Manila. Either parent could
not say whether or not the boy did stay in Gumaca, as he claimed, before
coming to Manila. They did not believe, though, that the boy was really
kidnapped.
According to them, they had been looking for Jaime for several
months but did not have any leads at all. Nobody could give them
information as to where he could have possibly gone and how. They
traced Jaime to Senden Home through a notice published by the Home
in a newspaper. They finally went to see him on 16 February 1991,
almost a year after he left Camarines Sur. Another-relative, Jaime's aunt,
also went to see him at Senden Home, a few days after his parents came
to see him.
Life in Senden Home
Life in Senden Home is pretty routinary. During weekdays, the
children attend the remedial classes conducted by the Center. Weekends
are spent for recreation, usually within the premises, though sometimes
they are brought on tours or field trips to various areas in Metro Manila.
Each child helps in the upkeep of the Home. They clean the
premises, fix their rooms and help in the kitchen, usually by washing
and cleaning up after meals. They also wash their own clothes.
Home life is comfortable. They have proper beds to sleep on in
quarters which are not crowded. They are also able to eat adequately.
Most importantly for Jaime, they can keep themselves clean while living
in the Home.
Jaime has made friends with all the other children living in the
Home, though he occasionally gets into some petty quarrels with others.
These quarrels have become less frequent as he has learned to adjust
to the other children's teasing and to relate better with them.
One part of Home life that Jaime does not feel very happy about are
the remedial classes conducted by the Home. Though he likes to study,
he said he has already learned many of the things they are teaching while
162
Home Away from Home
still in the primary grades. He wishes that his teachers would have
grouped the children according to their aptitude or completed school
grade.
Jaime said that he would have been in Grade V had he not left home.
He was an average student, obtaining grade averages of 80 or better
("line of 8"). He likes to study. He sees studying as the formula for a
better future and the only means to achieve his aspirations for the future.
He wants to be a doctor someday because doctors help a lot of people.
Not surprisingly, his role model is Fr. Francis Senden, in whose memory
the Home was established. Fr. Senden's life is often used as an example
to the children Of how one could be of service to others.
Street life
From what he told the interviewer about his life after he left the
province, it seems that Jaime's career in the streets was rather brief.
Apart from his brief stint as a pinboy in Gumaca, Quezon, Jaime
did not report doing any streetwork.
When he came to Manila, he did spent a few days roaming around
the metropolis (not being familiar with the area, he could not say exactly
where he had been). During those times, he experienced sleeping and
eating in the streets with other children he met there. His streetlife did
not last very long though, as after about a week he was taken in by the
bowling lane employee mentioned earlier.
In Gumaca, where he claims he lived for about four months, he was
allowed to sleep inside the bowling lanes where he was employed, with
the other pinboys and employees.
He frowns at the prospect of living in the streets again; it is dirty,
no proper beds to sleep on, and no place to take a bath and wash clothes.
Jaime apparently keep himself and his clothes clean
There were times during his stay in Senden Home when he wanted
to leave because he could not take the teasings of the other children.
But the mere possibility of living in the streets again was enough to
discourage him from his planned escapes. He did attempt to do this for
three times, but changed his mind at the last minute.
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
The future
Jaime is still living in Senden Home. Both his father and mother
informed the social workers in the Home that they wanted to take Jaime
with them. They also agreed to let him decide with whom he wanted to
go. However, Jaime has other ideas. He'd rather live with his aunt, Naty.
Though he does not know her very well, having seen her only during
her brief visits to the province, he seems to feel more comfortable with
her. He does not express his feelings very well, but it would seem that
part of the reason he does not want to go with either of his parents is
that he harbors some resentment against them, perhaps for leaving him
to stay with his grandmother. No such resentment is felt towards the
Vaunt, who has even expressed willingness to take in the child.
At the time of the interviews, his parents had not yet come into an
agreement as to where Jaime would actually live. Initially they agreed
to let the child decide but Jaime's decision to stay with his aunt
disconcerted them somehow, and they are presently working an arrange-
ment about the child's support. They are also trying to convince him to
live with either of them.
When Jaime was interviewed prior to his meeting with his parents,
he did not express any desire to go back home to Camarines Sur. He
was happy at Senden Home and was looking forward to being transferred
to the Home's center in Binangonan, Rizal. He was particularly looking
forward to going back to school to resume his studies. Going back to
school and finishing his studies is Jaime's most fervent dream at the
moment. He said that at the Binangonan Center, the residents are
enrolled in a nearby public school.
With his parents' arrival, he knows now that he will not be moving
to Binangonan, He is convinced, however, that he will be sent to school.
In fact, he feels more assured of being able to finish his studies now
that his parents and other relatives have shown willingness to take him
in and support him.
But Jaime's most immediate problem is deciding with whom he will
actually live.
164
The Story of a Runaway- Child
Background Data
Family
Thirteen year old Anthony Romero is a lovechild who was aban-
doned by his real parents. His real mother, Julieta Romero, is a migrant
from Masbate who was working as a housemaid in a house in Concep-
cion, Marikina when she met Anthony's father, a man who comes from
a middle class family in Mafikina. When Anthony was conceived, his
father was not yet prepared to shoulder family responsibilities. The
child's mother, growing pessimistic about her situation, which was
aggravated when the man explicitly refused to marry her, thought of
aborting her pregnancy during its early stages. However, she was
prevailed upon not to do so by her older brother, who promised to take
care of the child for Julieta.
After giving birth to Anthony, Julieta stayed with the child for four
months in her brother's house, also in Concepcion, Marikina. After-
wards, Julieta left the child to her brother and his family in order to
resume her work as a housemaid. With the consent of the mother, the
child's birth certificate was amended to change the child's last name to
that of his adoptive parents. From then on, the child was raised by his
mother's elder brother, Mr. Francisco Romero and his wife, Mrs.
Asuncion Romero. Anthony also grew up in the company of his cousins,
Aida and Allan, who he considers as his own sister and brother,
respectively.
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Anthony grew up aware of the fact that he is an adopted child. He
first learned about his real mother when he was about 3 years old and
remembers having seen her only on rare occasions, until he was about
ten years old. However, he grew up not knowing until now who his father
is. He was made to believe by his foster parents and by his mother that
his father died when he was still an infant, which is not the real case.
The child's father is still alive and the only information about him is
that he now has his own family in Concepcion, Marikina. On the other
hand, the child's mother has married and is now residing in Montalban,
Rizal with her five children.
The child's foster family is a low income family. Both parents
finished only elementary school and received no vocational or technical
training. In 1968, the family migrated from Masbate to Marikina, Rizal.
By doing different kinds ofjobs, from being ajanitor/messenger to being
a driver and, later on, a welder in Saudi Arabia, Mr. Romero was able
to sustain his family and send his children, including Anthony, to
school.
In 1985, Mr. Francisco Romero went home after working as a welder
in Saudi Arabia for five years. In early 1987, the family availed of the
government's re-settlement program and transferred from their small
rented house in Marikina to a re-settlement area in Barangay Bagong
Nayon in COGEO, Antipolo, Rizal where they are living.
The house of the Romeros, which stands in a small lot (70-90
square meters), is made up of nipa and wood and has no flooring.
Except for a refrigerator which seems to be in disrepair, there are no
other electrical appliances inside the house.
The re-settlement area is located in a valley in which the surround-
ing hills are planted to corn, cassava, camote and other root crops. As
a lower class community, the area is relatively clean. Concrete and
natural fences made of plants, bamboo and woods divided the lots, and
the pavements are made up of concrete slabs under which lie the canal
or drainage. Most of the houses in the community are single-storey
houses made up of wood and nipa or hollow blocks: Organizations such
as the Kabataang Barangay and the 'Save your Heart' group (an organi-
zation concerned with Health and cleanliness) help foster a sense of
community among the residents, especially the youth. There are also
166
The Story of a Runaway Child
Barangay Tanods who are in charge of peace and order in the commu-
nity. Presently, a cooperative is being formed for the benefit of residents
who are engaged in agriculture. Mr. Romero, who is a Barangay Tanod,
is also engaged actively in the formation of the cooperative, while Allan
is a secretary of the Kabataang Barangay chapter in the area.
Presently, there are six members in the Romero's household,
exluding Anthony. Mr. Francisco Romero, 47; Mrs, Asuncion Romero,
47; Allan, 23; Aida, 25; Aida's husband, Augusto, 35 and their four-
months old child. Aida, a bachelor of Science in Commerce graduate
(major in accounting), is presently unemployed. The same is true about
her husband, Augusto, who is a marine engineering graduate. Allan,
who is also a marine engineering graduate, works as a plaster caster in
COGEO on an irregular basis, depending on quantity of orders. During
week-long (6 days) jobs, Allan earns an average of P600.00. Mrs.
Asuncion Romero, with the help of Aida, tends a small 'sari-sari' store
which is part of the house. The sari-sari store, according to Aida, earns
an average of P2,000 monthly.
• Since he arrived home from Saudi Arabia in 1985, Mr. Romero has
had difficulties in trying to land a regular job. There were times when
he used to work as an alternate driver ('extra') for passenger jeepneys
plying the Cubao-COGEO route, but he stopped due to its irregularity.
Lately, he was hired as a sales agent by a real estate firm based in Cubao,
Quezon City. From his own acounts, however, it seems that his present
job needs not only patience but also, and more importantly, connections
which he doesn't have. To help augment the family's income, Mr.
Romero, Allan and Augusto plant cassava and corn in a one hectare lot
near the re-settlement area. This yields an average earning of P3,500
per harvest or a total of P10, 500 per year (at three harvests per year).
Mr. Romero is also hopeful that the cooperative, once established, will
help improve his family's financial situation.
The daily household expenditure for food and basic necessities
(excluding for Anthony and Aida's child which she breastfeeds) aver-
ages P100.00, or a total of P3,000.00 monthly.
Inspite of this difficult economic situation, Anthony grew up in the
loving company of his foster family. Between his foster parents, Anthony
is closer to his mother than to his father whom, he describes as strict.
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
This impression may have been re-inforced by an occasion when Mr.
Romero resorted to whipping Anthony with a belt in punishing the latter
for a wrongdoing. Anthony's being reserved with his father may also be
a result of the limited time Mr. Romero spends at home, due to his
search forjobs and his duty as a Barangay Tanod. Anthony is also close
to Aida and Allan, and takes the former as his role\ model.
Mr. Romero, Allan and Augusto have no vices. They don't drink,
smoke cigarettes or gamble. All the members of the family are physically
strong and healthy and have no serious health problems. The family is
a cohesive and peaceful one whose peacefulness is broken only rarely,
when Mr. Romero loses his temper because of misdeeds which affect
him or people close to him. Mr. Romero's anger is usually expressed
verbally, except on one occasion when he whipped Anthony with a belt.
Mrs. Romero described Anthony as a good son who is helpful and
energetic. He is also sensitive to other people's feelings.
Education and Socialization
Mrs. Romero describes Anthony as a smart and friendly boy.
Anthony studied from Grade I to III at the Concepcion Elementary
School, a public school in Marikina which is within walking distance to
where the Romeros formerly lived. When the Romeros moved to CO-
GEO, Antipolo, Anthony continued with his elementary education at a
public school which is also within walking distance from the new
residence of the family.
Anthony's performance in school can be described as average. His
favorite subjects were English, Math and Science. According to him, he
received only satisfactory marks in these subjects. He blames this on
his poor concentration, which he believes is the result of peer group
pressure or influence, and because of occasional minor arguments
between other members of the family on matters of finances which
somehow affected him.
Anthony used to socialize a lot, both in school and in their barangay.
In the re-settlement area, he used to spend his weekends in the company
of other children in the community (some are also his classmates)
swimming in nearby resorts or playing basketball and sipa. In school,
Anthony belonged to a modem dance group composed of fellow Grade
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The Story of a Runaway Child
VI students who called themselves the 'Jetro Mechanics.' The group
performed during programs in the school and in parties within the
barangay and nearby places, for fun and love for modem dancing.
However, because of this dance group, Anthony eventually began to
absent himself from school, in the company of other members.
Reason for running away from home
Anthony's last schoolyear in elementary school (which he was not
able to finish anyway) was interrupted for a number of times, and was
cut short due to this own misdoings and the punitive measures which
his foster parents imposed.
In August 1989, Mr. and Mrs. Romero learned that Anthony had
not been attending his classes for almost a week and was just loitering
in Cubao's Araneta Center with his fellow members in the dance group.
As a punitive measure, they brought Anthony to his mother and
stepfather's house in Montalban, Marikina. However, Anthony stayed
there for only one eek since he could not bear his stepfather's dislike
for him, usually expressed in displaced anger directed towards him. He
went back to his foster parents who accepted him and arranged for his
return to school. More than a month later, Mr. and Mrs. Romero again
learned that Anthony had not been attending his classes and was just
gallivanting with his school friends. For the second time, Mr. and Mrs.
Romero brought Anthony back to his mother in Marikina. This time,
Anthony stayed for eleven days. He was fetched by his foster parents
when they learned of the stepfathers's behavior towards him. After Mr.
Romero wrote an excuse letter explaining Anthony's long absence, he
was again re-admitted to school. Last December, Anthony commited
another mis-doing, this time by not going home for one night. This really
infuriated Mr. Romero. Aside from whipping Anthony with a belt, he
decided that Anthony should stop going to school. Three days after
Anthony officially dropped out of school, he was again turned over to
his mother in Marikina. Early January 1990, Anthony ran away from
his mother. At first, he thought of going back to his Uncle Francisco
and Auntie Asuncion, but fearing that he might be returned to his
mother in Marikina, he went instead to the streets of Cubao's Araneta
Center, where he learned his first lessons on the difficulties of streetlife.
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 Profiles of Disadvantaqed Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
Street life
After running away from his mother in Marikina, Anthony wandered
from one place to another for five months until he was found early last
June by a social worker from the Institute for the Protection of Children
(IPC), a non-governmental and non-sectarian organization concerned
with the Filipino children's welfare.
First, Anthony roamed and slept on the pavements of Cubao's
Araneta Center for more than two months and two weeks, during which
time he sustained himself by collecting and selling used plastic cups
and, later on, by also being a child prostitute. He was introduced to
these kind of activities by fellow street children. Together with four male
street children in their group (with ages ranging from 10-18), Anthony
picked up used plastic cups within the Araneta Center almost everday
within the period of two and a half months. The usual and ideal time
for this activity is from 7:00 a.m. to 12:00 noon and from 7:00 p.m. to
6:00 a.m. the following day. There were times, however, when Anthony
and his companions refrained from picking up plastic cups from twelve
midnight to three in the morning to avoid the police's anti-vagrancy
drives.
The used plastic cups were sold to a certain Aling Glo in Cubao, at
the price at P7.50 per one hundred pieces if undamaged and at P5.00
per kilo if the cups are damaged. There were about ten homeless
streetchildren (two girls and eight boys) including Anthony who regu-
larly brought the used plastic cups they gathered to Aling Gb. The
youngest was seven years old while the oldest was eighteen. Anthony
describes Aling Glo as 'not rich and yet kind.' From picking up plastic
cups, Anthony was earning an average of P15.00 a day or an average
total of P105.00 a week, or P420.00 a month. For their meals, Anthony
and his four companions would share an equal amount of money to buy
food, which they ate with leftover foods they managed to scrouge from
restaurants.
To augment his earnings from collecting used plastic cups which
was not really enough to meet his needs, Anthony became a 'call-boy'
or a male prostitute. He was paid P350.00 for every homosexual contact.
He did this for only four times (once every two weeks) starting from his
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The Story of a Runaway Child
third week in Cubao until he was taken by Pedro, a homosexual, to
Pasig, Metro Manila.
According to Anthony, he stayed with Pedro and his brother for two
months as a household helper in exchange for board and lodging. From
time to time, he was given small amounts of money by Pedro which he
spent on food and recreation. He pointed out that no sexual relationship
transpired between him and Pedro. However, he also says that the fear
of sexual abuse made him flee from Pedro. He has not seen Pedro since
then.
Anthony went back to Cubao and resumed collecting used plastic-
cups. This time, he stayed in the house of Aling Gb, the used plastic
cup buyer and seller, in a 'small house' on 20th Avenue near the Araneta
Center. He began working like he used to before and was paid the same
amount he previously earned for the same quantity of used plastic cups.
Aside from his pay, there were times when he was given free meals,
pieces of clothing and, more importantly for Anthony, was also allowed
to dwell in Aling Gb's place. Barely two weeks after Anthony resumed
picking plastic cups, he encountered an IPC social worker in Cubao
who convinced him to stay at the Drop-in Center in nearby Project 4,
Quezon City.
Anthony's attitude to his having been a child prostitute is bereft of
moral considerations. He said he did not involve himself fully in
prostitution, due to the physical pains he suffered during homosexual
encounters. He also feared that he may get sexual diseases. With respect
to collecting plastic .cups, it didn't matter whether or not what he was
receiving from Aling Glo was a fairpayment. What is important to him
is that the money he earned from plastics helped him survive. His only
misgiving is that there were times when he and the other street children
ate very little or none at all due to the insufficient quantity of plastic
cups they gathered. According to Anthony, there were no third parties
involved in eitherjob. He and his companions engaged in these activities
on their own and collected for themselves the payments from Aling Gb
(i.fter delivering the cups) and from the homosexual 'customers' (before
the homosexual contact).
As a streetchild, Anthony learned to sniff solvent due to the
influence of fellow street children. The solvent also offered momentary
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
refuge from the harsh realities of streetlife, including hunger. During
this period, Anthony and his companions were arrested for vagrancy.
After cleaning the comfort room of the police detachment to where they
were brought for questioning, he and his companions were allowed to
leave.
Present Situation
The IPC Drop-in Center is a multidisciplinary center which aims to
eventually pull the street children out of their hazardous way of life. It
aims to rehabilitate children from their constant exposure to violence,
drug addiction, vagrancy and petty crimes by offering programs on
alternative education, health, temporary shelter, feeding, trainings,
group activities, counselling and setting up of income-generating pro-
jects.
The Drop-in Center where Anthony presently lives is a two-storey
rented apartment located along J.P. Rizal Street in Project 4, Quezon
City. He is presently living in the company of 10 children whose ages
range from four to twenty years old, and two houseparents namely:
Arnie, 28 and Mang Leopoldo, 48. The houseparents take care of the
children and the day-to-day operations of the center.
Since Anthony is one of the older children in the Drop-in Center,
he is encouraged to help in household chores which include houseclean-
ing, diswashing, basic cooking, baby-sitting and going to the market.
When there is no work to do, he plays chess, cards and sipa with other
children in the center. He learns how to draw pictures or to improve his
arithmetic. From time to time, he engages in conversations with older
teenage friends at work in a restaurant adjacent to the Drop-in Center,
Or, he goes to Cubao with Ramon (a 20 year old boy who is the oldest
in the Center) to stroll or watch movies, with the permission of the
house parents. On Saturdays, Anthony participates in group activities
and parlor games in the Center which are facilitated by students from
Ateneo de Manila University. He usually sleeps at night at around 9:30
p.m. and wakes up at around 6:00 a.m.
Anthony is a healthy boy with a muscular body. This can be
attributed to his good appetite and love for sports such as swimming
and basketball which he used to enjoy when he was still in Antipolo.
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The Story oJ'a Runaway Child
He eats almost any kind of food served to him and prefers meals with
vegetables. He stands four feet and one inch and weighs one hundred
and ten pounds. Anthony, however, has difficulty in sleeping, which
was not the case when he was still with his adoptive parents. He is easily
disturbed from sleep—a difficulty which may be a carry-over from his
street days when he used to sleep on pavements and sidewalks.
The IPC is aware that rehabilitation of former street children can
be a long process. In the case of Anthony and Ramon, both continue to
collect plastic cups for the money they earn from it. They are permitted
to engage in said activity in Cubao's Araneta Center for a maximum of
three days a week, depending on the schedule of activities in the Center
which the children are encouraged to attend. It is still to Aling Glo to
whom they sell the plastic cups they gather. This time, however,
Anthony engages in the activity only in the company of Ramon.
From Anthony's average earning of fifteen pesos a day (P15.00/day),
he saves five pesos a day, or a total of fifteen pesos a week
(P15.00/week), which he spends on clothes. The rest of his earnings
goes to food and recreation whenever he and Ramon go to Cubao to
stroll or watch movies.
Anthony has no complaints about his work in the Center, or about
his work as a used plastic cup picker. He is very thankful to IPC for
saving him from the hardships of streetlife and homelessness. He also
feels thankful to Aling Glo for helping him earn some money and for the
assistance she extended to him in the past.
Though Anthony maintains friendship with some older teenage boys
and girls who are living or working near the Drop-in-Center, he finds it
hard to relate with some of the children in the Center, especially the
younger ones. He considers them hard to get along with and hard-
headed. The ones in the Center who he considers as his friends are
Arnie, the house mother, J.R., a thirteen year old boy and Ramon, his
constant companion.
According to Arnie, Anthony has lately been exhibiting mood swings
and attention-seeking behavior. There are times when he would play
and laugh with other children in the Center, then suddenly, he would
retire to a corner and be alone with himself. Arnie observed that Anthony
is quite attached to her that he competes for her attention. When Arnie's
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 Pro/lies of Disadvantwjed Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
attention is focused on another child, Anthony will show his jealousy
by withdrawing, and by playing deaf and dumb to Arnie and to other
companions in the Center.
Anthony looks at his present situation as far better than all that he
has gone through after he ran away from his real mother and foster
family. He considers the Drop-in Center as a second home and his
companions in the Center as his second family. There are times,
however, when he experiences self-pity and longs for his foster family,
especially Mrs. Asuncion Romero. He doesn't want to go back to
Antipolo for fear that his foster father is angry with him and might hurt
him physically. So, he tries to forget them by mingling with his older
teenage friends or by playing and strolling around in the streets.
Anthony is afraid of becoming homeleès again with no one to rely
on. This fear also prevents him from going back to his foster parents.
He is afraid that if he goes back to them, they will again turn him over
to his real mother and things may take a turn for the worst.
Anthony aspires to become a soldier one day He wants to finish
his elementary and high school studies and dreams of entering the
Philippine Military Academy. He wants to be a soldier because, accord-
ing to him, soldiers are respectable and help ordinary people. He is
hoping that the IPC will support his studies in case he cannot really, go
back to his adoptive parents.
Child's Reflections
Family
The child becomes confused every time he thinks of his family. He
feels ambivalent towards his real mother. Though he feels he also wants
to be with his real mother, he places no hope on her in remedying his
situation. He is in fact blaming her for marrying another man (believing
that his mother was married to his real father who, in his belief, is dead).
He thinks that married couples who have parted ways should not many
or live with another man or woman for the benefit of the children.
Anthony continues to hope that he will be reunited again with his
foster family, to whom he is still emotionally attached. He has nagging
174
The Story of a Runaway Child
doubts, however, on whether they can or will support him in his studies
up to high school, at the least.
For Anthony, an ideal family is one in which there is love, under-
standing and peace. He thinks that there should be constant communi-
cation among members of the family so that misunderstandings can be
avoided. When he is at the right age, he wants to have his own wife and
children (four at the most). He would do everything to make them happy.
Community
Anthony's perceptions and reflections on his community has been
one of the sources of strength which enables him to cope with his
present situation. He considers the community in which the Center is
located as having many kindhearted people to whom he and his fellow
children can turn to in times of need or emergency. He remembers the
few occasions when neighbors in the community gave them food and
pieces of clothing. He also describes the community as a peaceful one,
compared to others he reads from the newspapers where killings,
robberies and other kinds of crimes are committed. He believes that
without his friends in the Center and his older teenage friends who work
and live near the Center, things would have been quite different. The
presence of friends in and out of the Center and the advice they give
him have been major sources of strength for Anthony in continuing with
his day to day life in the Center.
As fOr his community in Antipolo, Anthony also has positive
reflections on the place and the people. The only misgiving he expressed
about the community is its lack of recreational places for a child like
him, such as moviehouses and carnivals.
Employment and Employer
Anthony looks at his work, which is collecting used plastic cups,
as a difficult job for children. For one, he knows from experience that
there will be times when the quantity of used plastic cups they gather
will not be enough to buy food. Another reason is that the activity is
tedious and can be hazardous to children. Rain or shine, day and night,
a child has to gather all the used plastic cups he or she can, to earn
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 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
money needed to survive. In the process, a child may get sick or even
die if medical attention is not given.
Anthony thinks of Aling Glo as an honest and fair person. Though
he never had the chance to know how much Aling Glo is earning from
buying and selling the used plastic cups, he believes that the amount
Aling Glo is paying them is their fair share. As mentioned earlier, he is
thankful to Aling Glo for the help she extended to him in the past and
for the money he earned and is presently earning from picking-up used
plastic cups.
School and Studies
Anthony defines school as a place where people are taught ways on
how theycan manage their day to day life. Specifically, a person studies
so that he can run a business, go abroad or teach. For Anthony, a person
studies in order to have a good life. A good life for him means accessi-
bility to what one needs, e.g., decent shelter, food, education for the
children, recreation and other necessities.
He believes that children in school have different talents and
intelligence. Some are talented in Science or Math, while others are good
in English, Social Studies and other subjects. Some can also be good in
both English and Math.
Anthony is glad that he learned many things from school, including
reading, writing and basic computation. He was quick to point out that
he applied what he learned from his arithmetic subject during the times
when he assisted his foster mother in tending their store. He could
count the exact change needed by their sari-sari store customers.
As for his teachers, he complains that most of them have favorite
students, which he thinks is unfair.
Organization and Politics
Anthony is aware that the government has responsibilities to chil-
dren like him. Except for the free high school program, he knows no
other government programs which are intended to improve the condition
of children like him. He says it is for this reason the Institute for the
Protection of Children exists.
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The Story of a Runaway Child
He is aware of the difficult situation facing the different sectors of
the society. Though he does not blame this entirely on the government,
he feels that there are government officials (which he interchangeably
used with the term 'politikos' or politicians) who contribute to the
worsening situation due to their corruption and constant squabblings.
He observes that instead of upholding the law, there are government
officials who break the laws which they themselves make. He pointed
out that politicians should fulfill what they promise to people during
elections.
Society and Culture
Anthony looks at society as filled with chaos and misunderstand-
ings. He mentioned that there are many armed groups in the country,
such as the NPAs, the 'Sparrows,' Gringo and his men, and vigilantes.
He opined that coups happen every now and then because Gringo and
his men want to grab power. Misunderstandings also occur because of
the many different religions in the country.
He observed that there are also strikes and rallies which he attrib-
utes to the poor economic condition of many people. According to him,
workers go on strikes and people conduct rallies because of low wages
and high prices of basic commodities. He explained that this situation
exists because there are rich people who want to further enrich them-
selves and their families. He also blames the poor living conditions of
the many to the existence of foreigners in the country. However, he did
not elaborate on this.
Anthony also attributes to poverty most of the crimes committed in
the streets everyday. People rob and kill other people because they need
money to meet their necessities.
He feels that the future of children like him becomes more and more
unpredictable because of all these problems.
Self
Anthony looks at his present situation as something that is natural
and destined to happen. He explained that, as a child, he cannot control
the situations which come his way. However, he regrets the time that
he wasted and the misdeeds- he committed when he was still in school.
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 Profiles of DLsadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities

He feels that he is a lucky child for having friends in and out of the
Center who are concerned about him. However, he experiences self-pity
every time he thinks of his foster family. If he will ever be reunited with
them, he will do all he can to make up for his past mistakes and will
concentrate on his studies so that he can help his family later on.

Change
Anthony is not completely happy with the way things are at present.
He feels that he can only be really happy in the company of his parents.
He believes that sooner or later, he would have to choose between
forgetting his parents or returning to them. Of the two, he says it is most
likely that he would choose the latter.
With respect to his milieu, he feels that changes should be imple-
mented to improve the situation of the poor. He said jobless persons
should be given jobs, wages should be increased and prices of basic
commodities should be prevented from increasing. He added that
criminals and drug addicts should be punished and gambling should be
prohibited.
Experiences
Anthony described his experiences as difficult and regretful. He
feels sorry for his street life: his plastic cup picking activity (which he
should not be doing if he is with his family) and his being a 'call boy'
once. He is likewise regretful that he committed misdeeds which
eventually led to his dropping out of school and to his separation from
his parents. He described the totality of his experience as something
which is not good for him.
A Young Offender
Eddie, nicknamed "Toyo" is a good-looking boy who sports what
he calls a "Francis Magalona" haircut. He is slightly built and a bit short
for his age but otherwise healthy. He is 13 years old, born on 11 October
1977 in Baler, Quezon.
Eddie was convicted by the Regional Trial Court of Manila for the
crime of theft. Being only 13, and classified under Philippine criminal
law as a youthful offender, his sentence is suspended until he reaches
the age of 18. He is presently a ward of the Manila Youth Reception
Center where he is undergoing rehabilitation as required by law for
youthful offenders. Depending on the result of his rehabilitation, he may
or may not serve his sentence upon turning 18 years old.
Case history
Eddie, along with four others, were arrested on the complaint of
David de la Cruz, a businessman. They allegedly broke into Mr. De la
Cruz' store on Ilaya St., Divisoria, carting away four plastic sacks of
RTW clothes worth P10,000.00. The robbery occured at 2:00 a.m. of 9
January 1990. There were eight participants in the crime but only five
(including Eddie) were arrested. They were arrested by officers of the
Manila Western Police District later on the same day and brought to
Precinct #2 in Tondo, Manila. Eddie was the last of the five to be
arrested. He was arrested at around 4:00 p.m. of Jarivaiy 9, 1990 in
his home in Tondo, while he was sleeping. The other three wcre able
to escape and evade arrest up the present.

178 179
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
The case against them was filed on 18 January 1990 with the
Regional Trial Court of Manila. The original charge was for robbery but
was reduced to theft after plea bargaining. He, with his four companions,
pleaded guilty and was meted,a suspended sentence on 23 January 1990
after only one hearing. The suspension of the sentence was to allow
them the opportunity to undergo rehabilitation. One of his companions
was released to the custody of his parents. Eddie and the three others
were brought to the Manila Youth Reception Center.
Eddie stayed in the Center for two months before his mother
requested his release to her custody so that he could continue his
studies. At that time, he was a grade VI pupil of the Magat Salamat
Elementary School and was supposed to graduate by the end of the
school year. On 23 March 1990, the Center, acting on the mother's
request, recommended to the Regional Trial Court that Eddie be
released to his parent's custody. In their letter of recommendation, they
mentioned Eddie's satisfactory conduct and favorable response to
rehabilitation. A testament to this was the "Most Helpful and Respon-
sible" award which was given to him during the Center's Recognition
Day in March 1990. His mother also underwent several counseling
sessions with the Center's social worker, and promised to closely
supervise her son. On 5 April 1990, about two months after his
admission, Eddie was released on recognizance to his mother on order
of the Regional Trial Court.
But Eddie's days of freedom did not last long. On 6 July 1990, he
was again admitted to the Center. This time, he was apprehended in
Divisoria for vagrancy by officers of the Western Police District. Because
of this second arrest, another hearing was held by the court. During the
hearing, Eddie's mother requested that he be recommitted to the Center.
She admitted that she and her husband could hardly control their son's
behavior. She reported that Eddie has been sniffing solvents and
spending most of his time outside their home and in Divisoria. He also
did not enroll in high school after graduating from elementary school.
An order for his recommitment to the Center was issued by the trial
court which recommended that he undergo further rehabilitation. The
court also recommended that Eddie be allowed to enroll in the Center's
special education program so that he could continue his studies. This
180
A Young OJJnder
was upon the request of Eddie's parents who wanted their son to
continue studying.
Eddie's story
Life in the streets
Divisoria is Eddie's and his friends' favorite hang-out. Eddie con-
siders Divisoria as one of the more exciting places to go to—with plenty
of space to run around. He also enjoys being around people and
watching the many activities in the busy market. Divisoria also provides
him the opportunity to earn a little money for his personal needs and
to contribute to his family's income.
To earn money, Eddie and his friends would go to Divisoria after
midnight and wait for the trucks delivering vegetables. They would help
unload these trucks and then pick up vegetables that fall during
unloading. They would then sell these goods. From the sale, they would
earn from P15-25.00/day each. Eddie was introduced to this work by
his neighbor and best friend, Antonio. He started work when he was
nine years.
On that fateful day of January 1990, Eddie and four of his friends
(including Antonio) were waiting for the trucks to come when they were
approached by three teen-agers. They did not know the boys by names,
but they often saw them doing odd jobs in the Divisoria Market. These
teen-agers invited them to help them rob one of the stores in Ilaya Street.
This was the first venture into crime for all the five friends. They were
rather hesitant at first about joining. But the promise of monetary
reward made the deal attractive. Also, Eddie recalls, their new acquian-
tances made things seem so easy. They were only supposed to act as
look-outs and then to carry the sacks of clothing to one of the teen-agers
house in Tondo. The actual breaking-in into the store was to be done
by the three teen-agers. Ironically, although perhaps not surprisingly,
of the eight participants in the crime, these three teen-agers were the
ones who were able to escape and evade arrest to the present. They also
got away with the loot and Eddie and his friends did not get anything
much from the deal. Only 71 pieces of clothing were recovered by the
owner and these were the five children's share in the robbery. Eddie
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 Profiles of Disadvantuge4 Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
himself, got only seven pieces which were readily turned over by his
father to the police.
Eddie deeply regretted his participation in the robbery and he vowed
not to get involved in any crime again. But it would seem that it was the
only thing that he regretted. He admits that his behavior did not change
much after the experience. He continued his old habits of staying out
of the house most of the time.
He knows that his parents prefer that he just stay at home, help
with household chores, and help his father operate a pedicab. But
staying at home is not for Eddie who loves being free to roam around.
He feels happiest when he is out in the streets and among a lot of people.
Even if he wanted to stay in their house, he complains that there is
simply nothing to do there. They don't own a television set which he
can watch, a radio to listen to, or toys to play with. He can play with his
younger brothers and sisters but the house is also too small for him and
his siblings to play. Even the space outside is too limited. Besides, their
father does not allow his younger siblings to stay outdoors for too long.
Even driving pedicabs and transporting passengers around the neigh-
borhood does not appeal very much to him. Their neighborhood does
not offer him as much excitement as Divisoria. Also, he would be under
the close supervision of his father, a prospect which he does not find
appealing knowing how strict a disciplinarian his father is. /
He says that when he was arrested for vagrancy, it was a time when
he was roaming the streets of Divisoria, picking and selling vegetables,
or just loitering. He also learned to sniff solvents. He admits that even
his parents' continuous pleas, harsh scoldings and beatings were not
enough to cause him to change this behavior. He recalls that there was
even one time when his father chained him to a post in their house, in
an attempt to prevent him from leaving the house and joining his friends
in Divisoria. This happened after a few weeks after his release from the
Center. But even this was not enough to stop him from running away
to Divisoria as soon as he was unchained by his mother.
Eddie realizes that his parents are right to punish him for his
behavior. But while he admits that sniffing glue, hanging out in the
streets and stealing, are enough justifications for his parents to punish
him, he feels that some of the punishments are just too harsh. He
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A Young Offender
rebelled against these by doing exactly what they wanted to prevent him
from doing. Also, he admits that he just cannot help himself from
seeking out his friends. The streets are the only place where they can
spend their time. There is not enough space in their neighborhood to
play. Besides, according to him, "mas masaya sa Divisoria (it is livelier
in Divisoria)" than their neighborhood. There are more people and more
things that happen there. Also, he reiterates, Divisoria provides him
with opportunities to earn a little money. How about sniffing solvents?
Eddie justifies this by simply saying, "marami namang gumagawa
(others do it too)."
His parents' story
"Nadamay lang si Eddie sa nakawan" was how his parents describe
Eddie's participation in the robbery. They claim that he and his friends
were afraid to refuse the three teen-agers who invited them to participate
in the crime.
In fact, they insist that Eddie was a well-behaved boy. They never
had any problems with him until the robbery. In the past, though he
spent a lot of his time in Divisoria, he was not idling but picking and
selling vegetables. He never failed to give them part of his earnings. He
went home everyday and left only after getting permission from his
parents. When he was in the house, he helped in the household chores
and obeyed his parents. He was never unruly, and in fact, preferred to
play with his siblings rather than mingle with the teen-agers in their
neighborhood.
The first time Eddie was released from custody, Mang Sergio, his
father, asked him not to go back to his old job in Divisoria. He also
warned him against going back there and seeking out his friends.
Instead, Mang Sergio asked him to learn to operate a pedicab and
familiarize himself with the streets in their neighborhood so he could
help drive their pedicab. Mang Sergio thought they might even find a
pedicab owner who would be willing to employ Eddie as a driver. This
way he would stay within their neighborhood under the supervision of
his parents, as part of the conditions for his release to their custody.
The parents were also afraid that Eddie would get involved in some
wrongdoing again if allowed to join his friends in Divisoria. The idea,
183

Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
however, of staying at home did not appeal to Eddie. He preferred the
hassles and noise ofDivisoria to the relative quiet of their neighborhood.
This started the struggle between father and son.
Mang Sergio is a very strict disciplinarian and harsh scoldings and
beatings are his ways of disciplining and exacting obedience from his
children. He also, believes that the less time his children spend out-
doors, the less chances there are that they get into trouble or learn to
misbehave. What made him harsher with Eddie was the fear that the
boy might find himself involved in some criminal act (masamang
gawain) if he went back to Divisoria and his friends. Because he is still
young, Mang Sergio believes that Eddie isn't strong enough to refuse
goadings or temptations from his friends.
But Eddie was adamant. He started running away from home, going
back only when fetched by his mother. This behavior earned Eddie
harsher punishments from his father, who at one time went to the extent
of chaining him to a post inside their house.
Eddie's involvement in the robbery, it would seem to his parents,
changed their child overnight. For example, it was only after the robbery,
and after he was released the first time from the Center, that they learned
Eddie had been sniffing solvents. He has become more unruly, started
disobeying his parents and began to run away from home. He also shared
less and less of his income with his family.
This behavior comes from a boy who was awarded as "Most Helpful
and Responsible" by the Center. What accounts for the inconsistencies
in behavior?
The social worker at the Center attributed his misbehavior to the
lack of supervision and improper handling (referring to harsh punish-
ments) by Eddie's parents. Even his mother admitted that they have
little time to watch over their son. They have eight children among whom
they divide their attention. Since Eddie is one of the older ones, they do
not give him as much attention as they do his much younger siblings.
(Eddie has three siblings below school age).
His father attributes Eddie's misbehavior to the negative influences
that he picked up from Divisoria and his friends there. Mang Sergio
insists that their little boy is really well-behaved and was only influenced
184
A Young Offender
into bad behavior by his peers. He thought that by keeping him indoors
and within their sight, there would be less chances that he will misbe-
have. He could not understand Eddie's insistence to join his friends in
Divisoria.
Both mother and father also admit to being helpless in the face of
Eddie's stubbornness and tantrums. Beating and scolding him are the
only ways they know of to deal with the situation. They were also deeply
affected by Eddie's arrest and conviction. He is the first in the family
to have been so convicted, and at a very young age. They reacted to this
by resorting to harsher discipline—by further punishing him. The
harder, the more effective, or so they thought.
Family life
Eddie's home. Eddie's family lives in Tondo, Manila. Their house
is located in a very crowded neighborhood where the only things that
separate the house are firewalls, and sometimes, a foot of open space.
The streets are very narrow, even made more so by neighborhood
children playing, and vehicles parked along the sides.
Eddie's family owns the house and lot where they are now living.
Ti ough the help of his brother, Mang Sergio was able to build the family
house. The house occupies almost the whole of the 30 square meter lot
though the family occupies only half. The other half, divided into two
rooms, is being rented out. The family's half of the house is divided into
two rooms. The smaller outer room is where the parents sleep; it also
serves as the kitchen. The main room, which is bigger, is where they
keep their things and where the children (all eight of them) sleep. The
two rooms are divided by a plastic curtain.
Family. Eddie is the second of a family of eight children. His siblings
are Liia, 15; Gina, 10; Rene, 8; Nestor, 7; Gary, 5; Nena, 4; and Bert,
2. Of the eight, only Lilia, Gina, Eddie, and Rene are studying. Lila is
a third year high school student at Tondo High School while Gina is in
Grade III at the Manuel L. Quezon Elementary School in Tondo. Rene
is in Grade I in the same school while Eddie now studies at the Center.
Eddie's father, Sergio, is 52 years old, born in Tabaco, Albay. He
moved to Manila when he was 16 with two of his elder brothers and
185
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
worked as a 'mason' in various construction projects. When he was in
his twenties, he got married to his first wife and had five children with
her. Sometime in the 1970s, shortly after the declaration of Martial Law,
they separated. His first wife went back to her hometown in Pangasinan
bringing their five children with her. Mang Sergio, meanwhile, went to
Baler, Quezon upon the invitation of his employer in the construction.
There he also made a living by working as a 'mason.' At that time, he
recalls, there were quite a number of rice and copra mills being
constructed in the province. In Baler, he met his present wife, Nida.
Nida is 35 years old born in 1955 at Baler, Quezon.
Before leaving for Quezon, Mang Sergio was able to acquire a 30
square meter piece of land in Tondo by occupation. In 1980, they were
informed by his brother that the National Housing Authority was
reblocking the area and threatened to recall the land if it was left
unoccupied. At that time also, Mang Sergio was having difficulty getting
employment in Quezon. He then decided to move back to Manila.
Upon arrival in Manila in 1980, Mang Sergio' worked again as a
'mason.' However, he was not able to get a regularjob but had to content
himself with short term contractual ones. Last year, 1989, he changed
jobs and is now driving a pedicab in their neighborhood. He was able
to borrow P1,400.00 from a friend which he used to buy himself a
pedicab. He' claims that this provides him a more steady income.
From this, Mang Sergio earns P100.00 per day. Nida augments this
by washing clothes for one family in the neighborhood, from which she
earns P80.00 a week. Except for Eddie, none of the children are
working. To supplement their income, they are renting out two of the
rooms in their house. But with ten mouths to feed, their earnings put
together are barely enough to support their needs. Even the family's
daily meals are not often assured. Aling Nida reports that their family
often (nine, now that Eddie is in the Center) is limited to only a kilo of
rice for each meal. They would not be able to afford more than that.
Life in the Center
Eddie is in the dormitory for children with pending cases. He shares
a cell with 29 others. He has three close friends among his roommates.
Antonio, 13, is his best friend and his co-participant in the Divisoria
186
A Young Offender
theft. Antonio was also released previously, but was voluntarily recom-
mitted by his mother. Kuya Roy, 21 was convicted of two counts of
murder but has successfully passed his rehabilitation. He is now serving
in the Center's kitchen. Biboy, 16, is also convicted of murder.
Eddie attends the special education program of the Center. He is in
Level III. He explains that the grade levels in the Center do not
correspond to the levels in ordinary schools. A student in the Center is
enrolled in a level which corresponds to his present aptitude as deter-
mined through an aptitude test which they give upon admission. The
Center disregards the grade level attained by the student prior to being
admitted. Eddie himself finished Grade VI but is presently enrolled in
Level III. At the Magat Salamat Elementary School in Tondo where he
finished his elementary grades, he graduated with an average of 76%.
At the Center, his teachers report that he diligently does his schoolwork
though he does need close supervision and tutoring. His favorite ,,subject
is Music, because he loves to sing. Unlike his previous music teachers,
his present teacher teaches a lot of new songs.
His classes are scheduled from 8:00 a.m. to 12:00 noon and from
2:00 p.m. to 5:00 p.m. from Mondays to Fridays. Weekends are free
days which they spend cleaning the cells and washing clothes. Sports
and leisure activities are also organized by the Center during weekends.
Eddie plays checkers and chess which he learned from his roommates.
Occasionally, he joins the other wards in volleyball and ping pong
games.
Eddie's future:
looking forward to his release
Though Mang Sergio and his wife were saddened by Eddie's second
arrest and return to the Center, they were just too relieved to hand over
the responsibility of disciplining their child to the Center. They are
hoping, however, that eventually they would be allowed to have Eddie
again in their custody. They fear thatif the boy stays at the Center for
a long time, by the time he gets released, he might not want to go back
to his family. They are giving themselves two years before they would
request for Eddie's release. They hope that by that time, Eddie would
have matured enough and would not revert to his old bad habits.
' 187
 Profiles of Disadvantaged Children: Street Children in Six Philippine Cities
For Eddie, meanwhile, living in the Center means being able to go
to school, eating at the proper time, being free from harsh punishments
and, what he likes best, being visited by different people. This interview
was, in fact, a welcome activity. He also remembers the visits of students
from different universities who give them toys, food and clothes. Then
there was also a time when a priest visited them, held Mass in the
Center, and listened to their confession. He proudly showed the scapu-
lar which the priest gave him after his confession.
But Eddie still looks forward to the day that he can be released from
the Center to go back to his home and parents. For a child who loves to
spend his time out of the house and in the streets of Divisoria, being
confined within the Center's compound is a situation which he finds
very difficult. He can only go as far as the quadrangle, he complains.
He misses being able to go out and roam around anytime he wants to.
188
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Professor Amaryllis Tiglao Tones is Professor of Community

Development at the College of Social Work and Community Develop-
ment, University of the Philippines Dilirnan. She is also on the Faculty,
of Women's Studies at the same college. She has served as Chairperson
of the Department of Community Development, Director of the Office
of Research Coordination, and Vice-Chancellor for Academic Affairs.
Her Ph.D. Degree is in psychology.
Professor Tones was named Outstanding Young Scientist of the
Philippines in 1985 by the National Academy of Sèience and Technol-
ogy. In 1995, she received a citation as the Most Outstanding Psy-
chologist in the Philippines, an award given by the Psychological
Association of the Philippines. Among her published books are The
Urban Filipino Worker in an Industrializing Society (1988),A Study of
People's Power:Bangus Fry Catchers in Control ofProduction (1988),
The Filipino Woman in Focus: a book of readings (1989, 1995), and
Gender and Development: Making the Bureaucracy Gender-Positive
(1994).
Amar, as she is known to her friends, is married to Ruben D.
Tones. Thy have three daughters and a son, all products of the
University of the Philippines.