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‘Clear, intelligent, accessible and interesting – Heywood and Whitham represent the gold standard in global
politics textbooks.’
–Jane Verbitsky, Associate Professor, Auckland University of Technology, New Zealand

‘Global Politics is a clinical treatment of diverse themes and issues in global studies, international relations, and
the vast array of cultural dynamics in a fast-changing world. The authors’ interdisciplinary skills and unrelenting
quest for excellence manifest in the demonstrated awareness of time and space. This book is an invaluable
companion in the noble quest to transform our students into high-flying graduates and practitioners with
proven intellectual acuities. I strongly recommend it to anyone passionate about training tomorrow’s scholars,
practitioners, and truly global citizens.’
–Dr Raphael Chijioke Njoku, Professor of History and Global Studies, Idaho State University, USA

‘Among the many university textbooks on international relations, Global Politics by Andrew Heywood stands
out for its clarity, readability and balance. This new edition with Ben Whitham has been considerably expanded
and updated, taking into account new developments in global politics and the academic study of International
Relations. Global Politics remains an ideal guide for students to navigate their way through the complexities and
uncertainties of world affairs.’
–André W.M. Gerrits, Professor of International Studies, Leiden University, Netherlands

‘This is an exciting and comprehensive introduction to the study and practice of global politics. Heywood and
Whitham have done a superb job updating the text so that the theories, concepts, topics, and recent events of
global politics are clearly relevant to students. Pedagogically, they have managed to present the material in a way
that facilitates understanding and critical thinking. In a crowded market, Global Politics clearly stands out as a
textbook that has distinct advantages over the others.’
–Brian C. Schmidt, Professor of Political Science, Carleton University, Canada

‘The third edition of Global Politics is an impressive achievement. Managing to be both comprehensive and
accessible, Heywood and Whitham thoroughly cover the key theoretical and empirical debates of the field,
illustrating complex ideas with relevant examples and case studies, and taking account of the true globality of
international politics. This is an essential textbook that will bring international relations to life, for students and
teachers alike.’
–Leonie Jackson, Assistant Professor, Northumbria University, UK

‘Global Politics provides an extensive and critical approach to the field. It marshals vignettes, comparative
theoretical perspectives, and illustrations to apply the student to the implications of each chapter. It takes
seriously postcolonial and critical theories that question the received wisdom of western scholars. As a result, it
lays strong claim to being a truly global textbook for students of global politics.’
–Paul S. Rowe, Professor of Political and International Studies, Trinity Western University, Canada

‘Heywood and Whitham do an excellent job in this third edition of Global Politics. The text has been revised
and updated to be far more thorough and truly global. It now has a much broader range of themes and debates,
and focuses on a wide range of theories and current developments. With its well-illustrated text enriched with
key concepts, thinkers, figures, introducing diverse approaches, global actors, case studies, and perspectives, it
is much more than an introductory textbook of international relations. This new edition will undoubtedly be an
important book, inspiring students all over the world to pursue further studies.’
–Tuba Kancı, Associate Professor of Political Science, Kocaeli University, Turkey
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GLOBAL
POLITICS
THIRD EDITION

ANDREW HEYWOOD &

BEN WHITHAM
 Andrew Heywood dedicates this book to Oliver, Freya,
Dominic, and Toby, his grandchildren and aspiring global
citizens in their own right.

Ben Whitham dedicates this book to all students of global politics,

everywhere. In turbulent global times, as the powerful attempt to
impose order, your study of this subject is an increasingly necessary and
rebellious act. Ben also dedicates the book to the living memory of bell
hooks (1952–2021), whose concepts, analysis, and pedagogical vision
will continue to inspire as we seek to understand, critique, and above all
change global politics.
BRIEF CONTENTS

1. INTRODUCING GLOBAL POLITICS 1

2. THE HISTORY OF GLOBAL POLITICS 29

3. TRADITIONAL THEORIES OF GLOBAL POLITICS 65

4. CRITICAL THEORIES OF GLOBAL POLITICS 97

5. THE ECONOMY IN A GLOBAL AGE 133

6. THE STATE, THE INDIVIDUAL AND FOREIGN POLICY IN A GLOBAL AGE 169

7. SOCIETY IN A GLOBAL AGE 201

8. NATIONS AND NATIONALISMS IN A GLOBAL AGE 229

9. THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF IDENTITY, DIFFERENCE AND CULTURE 257

10. POWER AND TWENTY-FIRST-CENTURY WORLD ORDER 287

11. WAR AND PEACE 323

12. THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION 351

13. TERRORISM 377

14. HUMAN RIGHTS AND HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION 399

15. INTERNATIONAL LAW 431

16. POVERTY, DEVELOPMENT AND INEQUALITY 457

17. GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES 491

18. WOMEN, GENDER AND SEXUALITY IN GLOBAL POLITICS 521

19. INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND THE UNITED NATIONS 545

20. GLOBAL GOVERNANCE 571

21. REGIONALISM AND GLOBAL POLITICS 601

22. WHOSE GLOBAL POLITICS? 629

v
CONTENTS

List of Illustrative Material xi The Second World War 42

End of Empires 46
About the Authors xv
Rise and Fall of the Cold War 49
Tour of the Book xvi
THE WORLD SINCE 1990 55
About the Website xviii
A ‘New World Order’? 55
Acknowledgements xix 9/11: The Return of History? 56
Preface to the Third Edition xxi The Return of Multipolarity 61

1 INTRODUCING GLOBAL POLITICS 1 3 TRADITIONAL THEORIES OF GLOBAL

POLITICS 65
FROM ‘THE INTERNATIONAL’ TO
‘THE GLOBAL’? 2 WHAT IS THEORY? 66
From State-Centrism to the Mixed-Actor Types of Theory 66
Model and Interdependence? 3 Components of Theory 67
From the Domestic/International Divide to
THE BIRTH OF IR THEORY AND THE
Transnationalism? 6
‘MYTH’ OF 1919 68
From International Anarchy to Global Governance? 7
The Traditional Narrative 68
GLOBALIZATION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS 9 A Foundational Myth? 71
Defining and Debating Globalization 9 Decolonial Reflections on IR’s ‘Origins Story’ 71
Anti-globalization Politics 11 REALISM 72
Globalism, Worlding and Worldism: Classical Realism 74
Imagining Global Politics 14 Statecraft and the National Interest 78
LENSES ON GLOBAL POLITICS 15 Anarchy and Its Implications 79
Traditional Perspectives 16 Polarity, Stability and the Balance of Power 81
Critical Perspectives 18 Assessing and Revising Realism 81
LIBERALISM 83
CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN GLOBAL
Interdependence Liberalism 84
POLITICS 22
Republican Liberalism 85
USING THIS BOOK 25 Closing the Realist/Liberal Divide? 86
Neoliberal Institutionalism 88
Assessing Liberalism 89
2 THE HISTORY OF GLOBAL POLITICS 29
THINKING GLOBALLY 90
THE MAKING OF THE GLOBAL WORLD 30 Challenge of Interconnectedness 90
From the First Humans to ‘Civilizations’ 30 Cosmopolitanism 94
The Dawn of the Age of Sail 31
Colonialism and Capitalism Remake the World 32
4 CRITICAL THEORIES OF GLOBAL
Industrialization and Imperialism 35
POLITICS 97
THE ‘SHORT’ TWENTIETH CENTURY:
1914–90 39 THEORY AS CRITIQUE 98
The Dawn of Mass Societies and Social Movements 39 The ‘Critical’ in Critical Theory 98
The First World War 40 Critical Theories and the International 99

vi
 Contents vii

ANTI-COLONIAL, POSTCOLONIAL, AND Resurgent Nationalisms and the Longer-Term

DECOLONIAL THEORIES 99 Effects of Global Financial Crisis 167
The Postcolonial Condition 99
Anti-colonial Praxis 101
Theorizing Postcolonial World Order 104 6 THE STATE, THE INDIVIDUAL AND
FOREIGN POLICY IN A GLOBAL AGE 169
FEMINIST THEORIES 107
The Microsocial Roots of Feminist
STATES AND STATEHOOD IN FLUX 170
International Thought 107
States and Sovereignty 170
Feminisms and the International 108
The State and Globalization 175
Theorizing International Relations with Feminist
State Transformation 178
Thought 109
Behavioural Economics and the ‘Nudge’ State 181
MARXIST, NEO-MARXIST, AND POST- The Postmodern State 181
MARXIST THEORIES 111 Return of the State 185
Marxism and the International 112
NATIONAL GOVERNMENT TO
Strands of Marxism 113
MULTILEVEL GOVERNANCE 189
POST-STRUCTURALIST THEORY 116 From Government to Governance 189
Post-structuralism and the International 117 Multilevel Governance 191

CONSTRUCTIVIST THEORIES 120 FOREIGN POLICY 193

Constructivism and the International 124 The End of Foreign Policy? 195
Constructivism, Conflict and Change in the How Decisions Are Made 196
International System 126
THE FUTURE OF CRITICAL THEORY IN 7 SOCIETY IN A GLOBAL AGE 201
GLOBAL POLITICS 128
Tensions and Synergies within Critical Theory 128 SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS: THICK
New Critical Theories for New Crises and New TO THIN? 202
Injustices? 129 From Industrialization to Post-industrialism 202
Colonization and Decolonization 204
New Technology and ‘Information Society’ 205
5 THE ECONOMY IN A GLOBAL AGE 133 Risk, Uncertainty and Insecurity 210

CAPITALISM AND NEOLIBERALISM 134 GLOBALIZATION, CONSUMERISM, AND

Visions and Models of Capitalism 134 THE INDIVIDUAL 214
Enterprise Capitalism 135 Understanding the Global through the Social 214
Social Capitalism 136 Social and Cultural Implications of Globalization 215
State Capitalism 137 Consumerism Goes Global 216
Racial Capitalism 141 Rise of Individualism 218
The ‘Triumph’ of Neoliberalism 143
GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY 221
Implications of Neoliberalism 144
Explaining Global Civil Society 221
ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION 147 Transnational Social Movements and NGOs 224
Causes of Economic Globalization 147 Globalization from Below? 227
How Globalized Is Economic Life? 151
GLOBAL CAPITALISM IN CRISIS 155 8 NATIONS AND NATIONALISMS IN A
Explaining Booms and Slumps 155 GLOBAL AGE 229
Lessons of the Great Crash 157
Modern Crises and ‘Contagions’ 159 NATIONALISM AND WORLD POLITICS 230
The Asian Financial Crisis 160 Making Sense of Nationalism 230
The 2007 Crash, the Global Financial Crisis A World of Nation States 233
and the Great Recession 161 Nationalism, War, and Conflict 239
 viii GLOBAL POLITICS

NATIONS IN AN AGE OF MIGRATION 241 UNIPOLARITY: US HEGEMONY AND

A World on the Move 241 WORLD ORDER 301
Transnational Communities and Diasporas 244 Rise to Hegemony 301
The ‘War on Terror’ and Beyond 303
NATIONALISM REVIVED 248
Benevolent or Malign Hegemony? 306
The Resurgence of Nationalism in the
Twenty-First Century 249 A MULTIPOLAR GLOBAL ORDER? 310
Resurgence of Cultural Nationalism 250 Rise of Emerging Powers 310
Resurgence of White Nationalism 252 Beyond State-centric Models of World Order 316
Multipolar Order or Disorder? 317

9 THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF IDENTITY,

DIFFERENCE AND CULTURE 257 11 WAR AND PEACE 323

IDENTITY AND ITS POLITICS 258 NATURE OF WAR 324

Identity and Culture 258 Types of War 324
Global Identities, Global Inequalities 261 Why Do Wars Occur? 326
Difference and Global Social The Human Level 326
Conflict 266 The Societal Level 327
The End of Multiculturalism? 272 The State Level 327
The Structural Level 328
RELIGIOUS REVIVALISM 273
War as a Continuation of Politics 328
Religion and Politics 273
The Fundamentalist Upsurge 276 CHANGING FACE OF WAR 332
From ‘Old’ Wars to ‘New’ Wars? 332
IDENTITY, CULTURE, AND CONTESTED
‘Hybrid’ Warfare and Cyberattacks 338
WORLD ORDERS 279
Cultural Hegemony: From an American JUSTIFYING WAR 342
to a Chinese World Order? 280 Realpolitik 342
‘The West’ vs ‘the Rest’? 282 Just War Theory 343
‘Asian Values’ 282 Pacifism 348

10 POWER AND TWENTY-FIRST- 12 THE GLOBAL POLITICS OF

CENTURY WORLD ORDER 287 WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION 351

THEORIES OF POWER AND GLOBAL DEFINING WEAPONS OF MASS

POLITICS 288 DESTRUCTION 352
Power As Capability 288 The Earliest Definition 352
Sources of State Power 288 The Contemporary Definition 353
Relational Power 291
NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION 355
Structural Power 291
Nature of Nuclear Weapons 355
Changing Nature of Power 293
Proliferation during the Cold War 356
From ‘Power Over’ to ‘Power With’ 295
Proliferation in the Post-Cold War Era 358
COLD WAR BIPOLARITY AND ITS
NUCLEAR ARMS CONTROL AND
AFTERMATH 296
DISARMAMENT 365
Cold War Bipolarity 296
Arms Control and Anti-proliferation
The End of the Cold War 297
Strategies 365
The ‘New World Order’ and Its Fate 300
A World Free of Nuclear Weapons? 372
 Contents ix

13 TERRORISM 377 INTERNATIONAL LAW IN FLUX 442

From International Law to World Law? 442
UNDERSTANDING TERRORISM 378 Developments in the Laws of War 446
Defining Terrorism 379 International Tribunals and the International
Rise of ‘New’ Terrorism? 381 Criminal Court 448

SIGNIFICANCE OF TERRORISM 386

Terrorism Goes Global 386 16 POVERTY, DEVELOPMENT AND
The Globalization of White Supremacist INEQUALITY 457
Terror 388
UNDERSTANDING POVERTY AND
COUNTERING TERRORISM 391
DEVELOPMENT 458
Strengthening State Security 391
Defining and Measuring Poverty 458
Military Repression 392
Development: Competing Visions 460
Political Deals 395
A MORE UNEQUAL WORLD? 467
Making Sense of Global Inequality 467
14 HUMAN RIGHTS AND Contours of Global Inequality 469
HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION 399 Globalization, Poverty and Inequality 473
Does Global Inequality Matter? 475
DEFINING HUMAN RIGHTS 400 DEVELOPMENT AND THE POLITICS
The Individual in Global Politics 400 OF AID 476
Types of Human Rights 401 Structural Adjustment Programmes and Beyond 476
Implications of Human Rights for Global International Aid and the Development Ethic 481
Politics 405 Debt Relief and Fair Trade 487
THE HUMAN RIGHTS REGIME 408
The UN 408
17 GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES 491
NGOs 409
States 412 THE RISE OF GREEN POLITICS 492
CHALLENGING HUMAN RIGHTS 414 The Environment As a Global Issue 492
Philosophical Backlash 414 Green Politics: Reformism or Radicalism? 496
Postcolonial Critiques 415 CLIMATE CHANGE 502
HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION 416 Causes of Climate Change 502
Rise and Decline of Humanitarian Intervention 416 Consequences of Climate Change 505
Humanitarian Intervention and the How Should Climate Change Be Tackled? 508
‘New World Order’ 417 Why Is International Cooperation So Difficult to
Humanitarian Intervention and the ‘War on Terror’ 419 Achieve? 513
Conditions for Humanitarian Intervention 423 RESOURCE SECURITY 516
A ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P)? 424 Resources, Power, and Prosperity 518
Does Humanitarian Intervention Work? 425

18 WOMEN, GENDER AND

15 INTERNATIONAL LAW 431 SEXUALITY IN GLOBAL POLITICS 521

NATURE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 432 FEMINISM, GENDER AND GLOBAL

What Is Law? 432 POLITICS 522
Sources of International Law 435 Feminist Thought and Movement 522
Why Is International Law Obeyed? 437 ‘Gender Lenses’ on Global Politics 525
 x GLOBAL POLITICS

GENDERING AND QUEERING GLOBAL REFORMING THE BRETTON WOODS

POLITICS 527 SYSTEM? 590
Gendered States and Gendered Nations 527 Global Economic Governance and the
Gendering Security, War and Armed Conflict 532 2007–9 Crisis 590
Gender, Globalization and Development 537 A ‘Beijing Consensus’? 596
Queering and Decolonizing Gendered
Global Politics 541
21 REGIONALISM AND GLOBAL
POLITICS 601
19 INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
AND THE UNITED NATIONS 545 REGIONS AND REGIONALISM 602
Nature of Regionalism 602
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION 546 Why Regionalism? 605
Rise of International Organization 546 Regionalism and Globalization 609
Why Are International Organizations Created? 547 Regionalism in Asia 611
Regionalism in Africa 614
THE UNITED NATIONS 551 Regionalism in the Americas 615
From the League of Nations to the UN 551 Regionalism in Europe 616
The Structure of the UN 552
Promoting Peace and Security 554
From Peacekeeping to Peace-Building 559 22 WHOSE GLOBAL POLITICS? 629
Does UN Peacekeeping and Peace-Building
Work? 561 WHITHER ‘THE GLOBAL’? 630
Promoting Economic and Social Development 562 Tensions in the Global Village 631
Future of the UN: Challenges and Reform 564 The End of the Global, or of Globalism? 633
A Reordering of Global Politics 635
CONTENDING VISIONS OF THE GLOBAL
20 GLOBAL GOVERNANCE 571
FUTURE 636
A Borderless World? 637
GLOBAL GOVERNANCE 572
A World of Democracies? 639
What Global Governance Is, and Is Not 572
A Chinese Century? 640
Global Governance: Myth or Reality? 577
The Growth of International Community? 641
GLOBAL ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE 578 The Rise of the Global South? 642
Beginnings of the Bretton Woods System 578 The Coming Environmental Catastrophe? 643
Fate of the Bretton Woods System 580 Global Politics Beyond the Globe? 644
EVALUATING GLOBAL ECONOMIC AN UNKNOWABLE FUTURE? 646
GOVERNANCE 584 Whose Global Future? 647
The International Monetary Fund 584
The World Bank 587
The World Trade Organization 588
Bibliography 649
Index 670
ILLUSTRATIVE MATERIAL

FIGURES
1.1 The domain of global politics 2 10.2 GDP of India, 2000–2020
2.1 The growth of the world population since (in trillions of USD) 312
1700 33 12.1 Accumulation of nuclear warheads by the
2.2 Growth of membership of the United States and the Soviet Union, 1945–90 357
United Nations, 1945 to present 48 12.2 Number of warheads held by nuclear
3.1 Realism’s core theme and two powers, 2020 (estimates of deployed and
main approaches 74 non-deployed weapons) 362
5.1 The Great Recession and the globalization 16.1 Maslow’s hierarchy of needs 459
of crisis 166 16.2 World Bank data showing the reduction in
6.1 Multilevel governance 191 the proportion of China’s population living in
8.1 Refugees worldwide, by region 244 absolute poverty 470
10.1 Hard, soft, and smart power 294 22.1 World military expenditure 635

TABLES
6.1 Examples of localization 192 18.1 Top ten and bottom ten countries in the
10.1 Extending spheres of influence 297 Gender Inequality Index (GII) league tables 540
14.1 Three generations of human rights 404 19.1 Liberal and realist perspectives on
16.1 Top ten and bottom ten countries in terms international organizations 547
of Human Development Indicators (HDI) 20.1 Competing models of global politics 576
rankings 471 21.1 Key regional organizations and groupings
of the world 607

MAPS
2.1 Colonial holdings, circa 1914 35 10.1 The BRICS emerging powers 311

CONCEPTS
Arms Race 356 Consumerism 216 Ethnicity 270
Balance of Power 343 Cultural Globalization 217 Failed State 185
Chaos Theory 94 Culture 258 Federalism 193
Collective Security 555 Ecology 493 Fordism/Post-Fordism 203
Confucianism 283 Economic Globalization 147 Foreign Policy 196

xi
 xii GLOBAL POLITICS

Gender 523 International Regime 89 ‘Race’, Racism, and Racialization 100

Genocide 424 Intersectionality 111 Reciprocity 437
Geopolitics 517 Laissez-Faire 158 Regionalism 603
Global Civil Society 222 Liberal Democracy 267 Religion 274
Global Governance 572 Liberal Internationalism 85 Religious Fundamentalism 276
Globalization 9 Multiculturalism 270 Sovereignty 4
Governance 189 Multilateralism 579 Subsidiarity 620
Governmentality 179 Multipolarity 310 Superpower 49
Hegemony 302 National Interest 197 Supranationalism 575
Humanitarian Intervention 417 Nation State 236 Terrorism 379
Human Rights 400 Neoconservatism 305 The Nation 230
Idealism 83 Neoliberalism 143 The State 172
Imperialism 35 Othering 268 The West 33
Individualism 220 Peace-Building 560 Third World 47
Interdependence 5 Peacekeeping 559 Transnational Community 245
Intergovernmentalism 577 Political Globalization 178 Underdevelopment 467
International Aid 484 Post-Materialism 224 Unipolarity 303
International Law 432 Power 288 World Government 574
International Organization 546 Queer Theory 525

FEATURED FIGURES
Carr, E. H. (1892–1982) 45 Ayatollah Khomeini Wallerstein, Immanuel
Confucius (551–479 BCE) 34 (1900–1989) 275 (1930–2019) 154
Foucault, Michel (1926–84) 19 Cabral, Amílcar (1924–73) 325 Queer Theorists of
Garvey, Marcus (1887–1940) 40 Carmichael, Stokely/ Global Politics 542
Hobbes, Thomas (1588–1679) 16 Kwame Ture (1941–98) 292 Held, David (1951–2019) 577
Kant, Immanuel (1724–1804) 17 Chomsky, Noam (1928–) 307 Keohane, Robert (1941–) 548
Ling, L. H. M. (1955–2018) 14 Fanon, Frantz (1925–61) 282 Stiglitz, Joseph (1943–) 585
Morgenthau, Hans Mearsheimer, John (1947–) 318 Wilson, Woodrow
(1904–80) 79 Nye, Joseph S. (1937–) 295 (1856–1924) 551
Rosenau, James (1924–2011) 93 Qutb, Sayyid (1906–66) 285 Regional Integration, Key
Waltz, Kenneth (1924–2013) 80 Said, Edward (1935–2003) 268 Theorists609
Contemporary Economics, Key von Clausewitz, Carl Baldwin, James (1924–87) 633
Theorists 163 (1780–1831) 329 Bull, Hedley (1932–85) 643
Cox, Robert (1926–2018) 180 Theorists of Race and Class 105 Fukuyama, Francis (1952–) 640
Christine Chinkin (1949–) 442 Hayek, Friedrich (1899–1992) 144 Monnet, Jean (1888–1979) 617
Development, Key Theorists 485 hooks, bell (1952–2021) 110 Sociology of Globalization,
Ecofeminist Theorists 514 Tickner, J. Ann (1937–) 110 Key Theorists 212
Enloe, Cynthia (1938–) 539 Maynard Keynes, John Klein, Naomi (1970–) 216
Green Politics, Key Theorists 496 (1883–1946) 160 War, Key Theorists 336
Nationalism, Key Theorists 238 Smith, Adam (1723–90) 135
 Illustrative Material xiii

Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand Jackson, Richard (1967–) 386 Walzer, Michael (1935–) 345
(1869–1948) 349 Tate, Merze (1905–96) 356
Grotius, Hugo (1583–1645) 433

GLOBAL ACTORS
Amnesty International 411 International Court of Justice 445 The United Nations 565
Black Lives Matter 103 International Monetary Fund 586 The United States of America 58
China 314 Non-Governmental The Women’s Movement 524
Google 211 Organizations 8 The World Bank 480
Group of Twenty 177 North Atlantic Treaty The World Trade Organization 638
India 251 Organization 340 The ‘Islamic State’ in Iraq
Intergovernmental Panel on The European Union 623 and Syria (Isis) 390
Climate Change 506 The Muslim Brotherhood 284 Transnational Corporations 149

APPROACHES TO
Development 462 International Law 440 The 2020 Global Coronavirus
Gender 528 International Organization 549 Pandemic 20
Global Economic International Political The Balance of Power 359
Governance 582 Economy 139 The End of the Cold War 298
History 37 Nationalism 234 The Natural Environment 500
Human Nature 76 Social Structure and Agency 122 The State 183
Human Rights 406 Society 206 War and Peace 330
Identity 263 Terrorism 384

DEBATING
Was the Cold War Inevitable? 51
Do Moral Obligations Extend
to the Whole of Humanity? 92
Does Economic Globalization
Promote Prosperity and
Opportunity for All? 152
Is State Sovereignty Now an
Outdated Concept? 187
Is Globalization Producing
a Global Monoculture? 222
Is Nationalism Inherently
Aggressive and Oppressive? 239
Does the United States
Remain a Global Hegemon? 309
Are Interstate Wars a Thing of Can Only Radical Action
the Past? 333 Tackle the Problem of Climate
Do Nuclear Weapons Promote Change? 515
Peace and Stability? 364 Would a Matriarchal Society
Does the Need to Counter Be More Peaceful? 535
Terrorism Justify Is the UN Obsolete and
Restricting Human Rights and Unnecessary? 566
Basic Freedoms? 396 Does Free Trade Ensure
Is Humanitarian Intervention Prosperity and Peace? 592
Justified? 427 Does the Advance of
Is the International Criminal Regionalism Threaten Global
Court an Effective Means of Order and Stability? 612
Upholding Order and Justice? 454
Does International Aid Work? 488
 xiv GLOBAL POLITICS

FOCUS ON
Defining Global Politics? 3 Pre-emptive Attack 307 Sustainable Development:
The Westphalian States System 6 Hegemonic Stability Theory 308 Reconciling Growth with
Hitler’s War? 46 Offensive or Defensive Ecology? 499
Invading Afghanistan: Learning Realism? 317 The Anthropocene 503
from History? 57 To Balance or to Bandwagon? 319 The Thunberg Effect? 505
Neorealist Stability Theory: The The Iraq War As a ‘New’ War? 337 The Paradox of Plenty:
Logic of Numbers? 73 The Rise and Fall of Counter- Resources As a Curse? 519
The Democratic Peace Thesis 87 Insurgency? 341 Human Security: Individuals at
The Global Colour Line 106 Principles of a Just War 344 Risk? 533
‘Fake News’: A Post-truth State Uses of Chemical WMD ‘Trans-exclusionary’, or
World Order? 119 in the Twenty-First Century 354 ‘Gender Critical’? 537
A Chinese Economic Model? 142 North Korea: A ‘Rogue’ Reforming the UN Security
The ‘Washington Consensus’ 145 Nuclear State? 371 Council? 554
From the ‘Knowledge Economy’ Suicide Terrorism: Religious The G7/8: An Abandoned
to a Global ‘Gig’ Economy? 146 Martyrdom or Political Project? 596
Russia Resurgent? 186 Strategy? 382 The BRICS and the New
Indigenous Rights 403 Development Bank: An
Society of the Spectacle? 218
The USA: A ‘Rogue State’? 453 Alternative to Bretton Woods? 597
International Migration: Are
The North–South Divide 464 Regionalism in Asia: Replicating
People Pulled or Pushed? 242
European Experience? 613
The Two Nationalisms: Good The Zapatistas in Mexico:
Alternative Development in Europe as a Racist Project? 617
and Bad? 248
Action? 465 How the European Union Works 618
Promoting Democracy: For or
Against? 279 The Tragedy of the Commons? 495 Crisis after Crisis: Can the EU
Survive? 625

GLOBAL POLITICS IN ACTION

9/11 and Global (In) The Arab Spring and Its From the Millennium Development
Security23 Legacy278 Goals to the Sustainable
Fall of the Berlin Wall 54 Sino-US Relations in the Development Goals 483
Paris Peace Conference Twenty-First Century 320 The Paris Agreement 512
1919–2070 The War in Afghanistan As a Gendered Violence in
The West in an Age of Debt ‘Just War’ 347 Anti-Muslim Riots in Gujarat 531
and Austerity 165 Iran and the Bomb 370 The Backlash Against
The Palestinian Quest for The Killing of Osama bin International Organizations 558
Statehood174 Laden394 Post-Crash Global Economic
NGOs and the International Humanitarian Intervention Governance594
Criminal Court 226 in Libya 422 The EU Expands to the East 624
A Migration ‘Crisis’ in Charles Taylor’s Conviction
Europe?247 for War Crimes 451
ABOUT THE AUTHORS

ANDREW HEYWOOD
Andrew Heywood is a freelance author who caters to the needs of students studying
political science and international relations. His bestselling textbooks, including Politics
(2019), Key Concepts in Politics and International Relations (2015), Political Ideologies
(2012), and Political Theory, have been used by hundreds of thousands of students
around the world, and translated into more than twenty languages. A teacher of politics
for over twenty-five years, Andrew also worked as Vice Principal of Croydon College and
was for many years a Chief Examiner in A-Level government and politics. He currently
lives in Cornwall.

DR BEN WHITHAM
Dr Ben Whitham researches, teaches, and writes about global politics. He has held
lectureships in International Relations at De Montfort University (2016–2021) and SOAS,
University of London (2021–present). Ben’s research approach is rooted in political
sociology and critical social theory, and explores issues relating to global intersecting
inequalities and cultural politics – from the theory and practice of neoliberalism, to
Islamophobia, austerity, and the dynamics of racial capitalism. His research has been
published in leading scholarly journals and edited volumes. Ben was awarded his PhD from the University of
Reading in 2015, is a Fellow of the Higher Education Academy (FHEA), and in 2019 won the Political Studies
Association’s Bernard Crick Prize for Outstanding Teaching. He lives in Brighton and is a keen student of
traditional Chinese martial arts.

xv
TOUR OF THE BOOK
The pedagogical features found in this book allow important events, concepts, and theoretical issues to be
examined in greater depth or detail, whilst also maintaining the flow of the main body of the text. They are,
moreover, designed to encourage readers to think critically and independently about the key issues in political
analysis.
Each chapter starts with a Preview that outlines the major themes and a series of questions that highlight the
central themes and issues addressed in the chapter. At the end of each chapter there is a Summary of its major
points, a list of Questions for discussion, and suggestions for Further reading. Additional material is provided
throughout the text in the form of glossary panels and boxed information. These boxes are comprehensively
cross-referenced throughout the text. The most significant features are the following:

CHAPTER PREVIEW
The preview outlines the major themes and issues
of each topic, and sets forth the broad ideas that
the chapter will articulate and explore.

KEY ISSUES
A series of questions that will provoke further
thought around this topic. The chapter will
provide you with the skills to answer and examine
these questions thoughtfully.

QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

These questions will help you to reflect on
the chapter, develop your arguments and
explore the key ideas more thoroughly
using the knowledge you’ve accumulated.

FURTHER READING
A useful lists of books providing more
information or ideas on the topic, with a
small summary of each recommended
book and how it relates to the chapter.

ONLINE RESOURCES
A wealth of online resources accompanies this book, including a password-protected instructor area and a
freely accessible student site. The student site offers additional debating prompts, case studies, chapter guides,
a searchable glossary, self-test questions, web links, and suggested further reading. It is available at:
bloomsbury.pub/heywood-global-politics-3e.

xvi
 Tour of the Book xvii

KEY CONCEPTS
These boxes describe in detail and analyse key concepts
GLOSSARY
relevant to each topic covered, offering examples of
Definitions for key words
how the concept may work or setting it in context.
highlighted in red within the text.

FOCUS ON
These boxes provide either further insight into
theoretical issues or additional material about
the topics under discussion.

KEY FIGURES
Focus on boxes provide brief biographical material for
key figures or major thinkers. Some of these boxes group
together a number of influential theorists in a related area.

GLOBAL POLITICS GLOBAL ACTORS APPROACHES TO...

IN ACTION
This feature examines major
events in global politics and
reflects on how they contribute
to our understanding of world
affairs.
Consider the nature of key
actors on the world stage and
reflect on their impact and
significance.
Outline important theoretical
approaches to a central theme under
discussion. In each case, we consider
realist, liberal, postcolonial, Marxist,
feminist, constructivist and post-
structuralist views of the theme or issue.

DEBATING
The Debating boxes examine major
controversies in global politics and
highlight arguments for and against
each particular proposition.
ABOUT THE WEBSITE

This book is accompanied by a companion website that can be found at http://bloomsbury.pub/heywood-global-

politics-3e. The website contains an array of resources for students that are freely accessible, as well as lecturer
resources that can be accessed on request.
For lecturers
Exam and Essay Questions
Critical questions for you to set in exams and assignments.
Figures and Tables
For you to add in to your own teaching materials.
For students
Case Studies
Downloadable versions of case studies from the book, and those from earlier editions, helping you to broaden
your knowledge of the global political environment.
Chapter Previews
Concise summaries of each chapter, helping you to consolidate your learning.
Glossary
Definitions of key terms in the book, allowing you to recap and revise.
Key Thinkers
A document with all of the book’s key thinkers in one place, arranged A-Z for easy reference.
Questions
Multiple choice questions for each chapter, plus a separate version with answers, for you to test your knowledge.
Web Links
Links to useful websites, arranged chapter-by-chapter, allowing you to explore key ideas and topics further.

xviii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Ben Whitham would first like to thank Andrew Heywood for the opportunity to write this new edition of
Global Politics with him, and the editors who commissioned and supported the writing of a revised edition –
particularly Milly Weaver at Bloomsbury, and Andrew Malvern and Niki Arulanandam who worked on the text
during their time at Macmillan. Their comments on drafts and suggestions on pedagogy were invaluable. The
input and support of Becky Mutton, Liz Holmes, Deborah Maloney and others at Bloomsbury was also much
appreciated. Ben is immensely grateful to the many people with whom he discussed the issues and ideas behind
the new material in this edition, including, but not limited to: Lizzie Barker, Adam Beach, Andreas Behnke, Linda
Bishai, Dan Bulley, Erika Cudworth, Dave Cudworth, Adam Fishwick, Bal Sokhi-Bulley, Jon Traynor, and many
undergraduate and postgraduate students at DMU and SOAS, along with Sam Solomon and Arabella Stanger
who generously read and commented on chapter drafts in a series of 2020 lockdown writing retreats. Ben is also
indebted to the teaching of Dave Courtney-Jones, who has profoundly influenced his own pedagogical approach
and therefore also the thinking that informs this book. Finally, Nadya Ali read, commented on, and discussed
many sections of the new material, and provided crucial support and encouragement throughout the preparation
of the manuscript for which Ben is eternally grateful.

xix
xx
PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION

The third edition of Global Politics provides a comprehensive and up-to-date introduction to the study
of politics at the global level, and is newly co-authored by Andrew Heywood and Ben Whitham. The book
has been significantly revised to account for major changes in both the theory and practice of international
relations. It features an entirely new chapter on critical theories of global politics, in recognition of the much
increased – and still growing – influence of such approaches within both the academic discipline of international
relations and the wider public sphere. Postcolonial, decolonial, anti-racist, and feminist approaches now feature
more prominently and in greater depth in the critical theories chapter and throughout the text. A wider
range of key global political thinkers, concepts, and analysis is now covered to better represent the state of
the art today. Discussion and analysis of global social movements, from Black Lives Matter to #MeToo, are
embedded throughout the book to reflect their increased significance in world politics. The book’s discussion
of nationalisms now includes both more material on emancipatory, anti-colonial nationalisms and analysis of
the twenty-first-century rise of global white nationalism. The chapter on weapons of mass destruction has been
broadened to include chemical weapons, which have been more frequently used in recent history. The chapter
on the global politics of the environment has been updated to incorporate recent events and new environmental
protest movements. And the third edition considers the seismic geopolitical, social, and economic shifts in
world order that have characterized the early decades of the twenty-first century, from 9/11 and the global
financial crisis to the anti-globalist turn, the rebalancing of relations between China, Russia, and the United
States, the global Covid-19 pandemic, and the conflict in Ukraine. These are but a few key features of the new
edition, and we hope that you find the book sheds light on how these, and a wide range of other issues, can be
explained, analysed, and even practically addressed, with the help of pivotal concepts, theories, and theorists of
global politics.

Andrew Heywood and

Ben Whitham 2023

xxi
xxii
INTRODUCING
GLOBAL POLITICS 1

Source: hh5800/Getty Images

PREVIEW
How should we study politics? Traditionally, there was a tendency to focus on political actors and institutions at
the local and national levels. Beyond this, students and scholars in the political subfield of international relations
(IR) tend to consider ‘the international’ as the political space in which these local and national political interests are
represented in the form of interaction between states, regions of states, and a worldwide ‘states system’. But since
the late twentieth century, the concept of globalization has challenged these narrow, state-centric ways of thinking
about politics. This book is about global politics, which is to say it is about how politics – struggles over power, how it
should be distributed, and how we might best organize ourselves and live together as societies – works at the global
level.

But what is ‘the global’ when it comes to politics, and why does it matter? How does it differ from ‘the international’
as a way of seeing or imagining our world? What kinds of actors, institutions, and processes contribute the most
to the globalization of politics, and which ones try to hold back its tide, and why? This chapter explores the rise of
a global imaginary in discussions of politics and international relations, considers its implications for the study and
practice of world politics – including issues ranging from state sovereignty to the Covid-19 coronavirus pandemic –
and reflects upon continuity and change in global politics.

KEY ISSUES
z What is ‘the global’ and how does it relate to ‘the international’?
z How have the contours of world politics changed in recent decades?
z What have been the implications of globalization for world politics?
z How do mainstream approaches to global politics differ from critical approaches?
z Which aspects of world politics are changed by globalization, and which remain the same?

1
 2 GLOBAL POLITICS

FROM ‘THE INTERNATIONAL’ TO ‘THE

GLOBAL’?
State: A political The aim of this book is to provide an up-to-date, integrated, and forward-looking
institution that introduction to global politics. It seeks to be genuinely global while not ignoring the
successfully claims
international dimension of world affairs, accepting that ‘the global’ and ‘the international’
sovereign jurisdiction
within defined territorial complement one another and are not rival or incompatible modes of understanding.
borders. In this view, global politics encompasses not just politics at the ‘global’ level – that
is, worldwide processes, systems, and institutional frameworks – but politics at, and,
crucially, across, all levels – the worldwide, the regional, the national, and the subnational
(see Figure 1.1). Such an approach reflects the fact that while, over an increasing range of
issues, states interact with one another in conditions of global interconnectedness and
interdependence, they nevertheless remain the key actors on the world stage.

The worldwide

The The
international regional

The subnational

Figure 1.1 The domain of global politics

However, if the international paradigm, in which world affairs boil down, essentially,
to relations between and among states, no longer constitutes an adequate basis for
understanding, what has changed, and how profound have these changes been? How
have the contours of world politics changed in recent years? The most significant
changes have been the following:
z the emergence of new global actors;
z the growth of interdependence and interconnectedness;
z the erosion of the domestic/international divide; and
z the rise of global governance.
 INTRODUCING GLOBAL POLITICS 3

1
FOCUS ON . . .
DEFINING GLOBAL POLITICS?
What does it mean to suggest that politics has ‘gone global’? How does ‘global’ politics differ from ‘international’
politics? The term ‘international’ means between nations, and is today commonly understood to mean between nation
states or simply ‘states’. The term ‘global’, on the other hand, has two meanings. In the first, global means worldwide,
having planetary (not merely regional or national) significance. The globe is, in effect, the world. Global politics, in
this sense, refers to politics that is conducted at a global rather than a local, national, or regional level. It therefore
focuses primarily on the work of organizations such as the United Nations (UN) and the World Trade Organization
(WTO), which have a near universal membership, and on issues (such as the environment and the economy) where
interconnectedness has gone so far that events and developments affect, actually or potentially, all parts of the world
and so all people on the planet.
In the second meaning (the one used in this book), global means comprehensive; it refers to all elements within a
system, not just to the system as a whole. While such an approach acknowledges that a significant (and, perhaps,
growing) range of political interactions now takes place at the global level, it rejects the idea that the global level has,
in any sense, transcended politics at the national, local, or, for that matter, any other level. In particular, the advent of
global politics does not imply that international politics should be consigned to the dustbin of history. This is important
because the notion that politics has been caught up in a swirl of interconnectedness that effectively absorbs all of its
parts, or ‘units’, into an indivisible, global whole is difficult to sustain.

FROM STATE-CENTRISM TO THE MIXED-ACTOR

MODEL AND INTERDEPENDENCE?
World politics has conventionally been understood in international terms. Although
the larger phenomenon of patterns of conflict and cooperation between and among
territorially based political units has existed throughout history, the term ‘international
relations’ was not coined until the UK philosopher and legal reformer Jeremy Bentham
(1748–1832) used it in his Principles of Morals and Legislation ([1789] 1968). Bentham’s
use of the term acknowledged a significant shift: that, by the late eighteenth century,
territorially based political units were coming to have a more clearly national character,
making relations between them appear genuinely ‘inter-national’. However, although
most modern states either are nation states (see p. 236) or aspire to be nation states, it is
their possession of statehood rather than nationhood that allows them to act effectively
on the world stage. ‘International’ politics should thus, more properly, be described
as ‘interstate’ politics. But what is a state? As defined in international law by the 1933
Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, a state must possess four
qualifying properties:
z a defined territory;
z a permanent population;
z an effective government; and
z the ‘capacity to enter into relations with other states’.
 4 GLOBAL POLITICS

State-centrism: An
approach to political
analysis that takes the
state to be the most
important actor in the
domestic realm and on
the world stage.
In this view, states or countries (the terms can be used interchangeably in this context)
are taken to be the key actors on the world stage, and perhaps the only ones that warrant
serious consideration. This is why the conventional approach to world politics is seen
as state-centric, and why the international system is often portrayed as a states system.
The origins of this view of international politics are usually traced back to the Peace of
Westphalia (1648), which established sovereignty as the distinguishing feature of the
state. State sovereignty thus became the primary organizing principle of international
politics.

C E PT
CON

SOVEREIGNTY
Sovereignty is the principle of supreme and unquestionable authority, reflected in the claim by the state to be
the sole author of laws within its territory. External sovereignty (sometimes called ‘state sovereignty’ or ‘national
sovereignty’) refers to the capacity of the state to act independently and autonomously on the world stage. This
implies that states are legally equal and that the territorial integrity and political independence of a state are
inviolable. Internal sovereignty refers to the location of supreme power or authority within the state. The institution
of sovereignty is nevertheless developing and changing, both as new concepts of sovereignty emerge (‘economic
sovereignty’, ‘food sovereignty’, and so on) and as sovereignty is adapted to new circumstances (‘pooled sovereignty’,
‘responsible sovereignty’, and so forth).

States system: A pattern
of relationships between
and amongst states that
establishes a measure of
order and predictability
(see p. 170).
Mixed-actor model: The
theory that, while not
ignoring the role of states
and national governments,
international politics is
shaped by a much broader
range of interests and
groups.
‘Billiard ball’ model:
A way of seeing global
politics, particularly
among ‘realist’ thinkers,
as a set of interactions
between territorially
bounded, discrete states;
it is a state-centric model
(see p. 171).
However, the state-centric approach to world politics has become increasingly difficult
to sustain. This has happened, in part, because it is no longer possible to treat states as
the only significant actors on the world stage. Transnational corporations (TNCs) (see
p. 149), non-governmental organizations (NGOs) (see p. 8), and a host of other non-
state bodies have come to exert influence. In different ways and to different degrees,
groups and organizations ranging from ISIS (see p. 390), the #MeToo movement (see
p. 107), and Black Lives Matter (see p. 103) to Google (see p. 211) contribute to shaping
world politics. Since the 1970s, indeed, pluralist theorists have advocated a mixed-actor
model of world politics. However, although it is widely accepted that states and national
governments are merely one category of actor amongst many on the world stage, they
may still remain the most important actors. No TNC or NGO, for instance, can rival the
state’s coercive power, either its capacity to enforce order within its borders or its ability
to deal militarily with other states. (The changing role and significance of the state are
examined in depth in Chapter 5.)
While the state unquestionably retains a significant degree of power in global politics as
compared to other actors, the so-called ‘billiard ball’ model – according to which states
are essentially discrete, bounded entities interacting with (or ‘bouncing off ’) one another
in international relations – is less sustainable. This model, traditionally advocated by
‘realist’ thinkers has lost ground to the ‘neoliberal institutionalist’ (see p. 88) claim that
global politics is in fact characterized by ‘complex interdependence’ (Keohane and Nye
1977), but also to ‘critical’ explanations (see Chapter 4) that suggest the international
 INTRODUCING GLOBAL POLITICS 5

relations are really social relations, and thus were never entirely contained by the state. Global imaginary: An 1
The mixture of actors and the range of issues over which they interact, the non-state and ‘imaginary’ is a way of
seeing or imagining things.
substate channels of interaction, and the increasing primacy of economic activity have
A global imaginary is a
all brought the global imaginary of a state-centric ‘Westphalian’ order (see p. 6) into holistic way of imagining
question. social, political, and
economic life, at the level
of the whole world rather
than the local, national, or
even international.
C E PT
CON

INTERDEPENDENCE
Interdependence refers to a relationship between two parties in which each is affected by decisions that are taken
by the other. Interdependence implies mutual influence, even a rough equality between the parties in question,
usually arising from a sense of mutual vulnerability. Interdependence, then, is usually associated with a trend
towards cooperation and integration in world affairs. Keohane and Nye (1977) advanced the idea of ‘complex
interdependence’ as an alternative to the realist model of international politics. This highlighted the extent to which
(1) states have ceased to be autonomous international actors; (2) economic and other issues have become more
prominent in world affairs; and (3) military force has become a less reliable and less important policy option.

Some argue that the state’s special status as a global actor is preserved because it
retains what the political sociologist Max Weber famously called the ‘monopoly of
the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory’ (Weber [1919] 1948).
The state’s role as the entity that wages war, and maintains domestic law and order,
is supposed to render it unique. But even this seems less certain in the early twenty-
first century, with the rise of private military and security companies (PMSCs) –
the modern form of what have been known as ‘mercenaries’ – on the one hand,
and the increasing privatization of policing and prisons, on the other. In their
international relations, states have increasingly relied on PMSCs in armed conflicts,
such as the United States in the Iraq War, while PMSCs have also been involved as
paramilitary and covert forces in attempted coups d’état. An example of the latter
is the unsuccessful attempt by former US Special Forces soldiers employed by a
PMSC called Silvercorp USA to overthrow Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro
in May 2020 (these mercenaries were ultimately captured and jailed by Venezuelan
forces). Within states, meanwhile, armed and state-sanctioned private security firms
have offered everything from the guarding of majority-white ‘gated communities’
in Johannesburg, South Africa, to the routine running of prisons and immigration
detention centres in the United States and the United Kingdom. While states may
retain the greatest quantity, and perhaps quality, of the means of ‘legitimate’ violence,
they no longer appear to have a monopoly. The expanded role of substate and private
actors in expressions of ‘war power’ and ‘police power’ (Neocleous 2014) lends further
weight to the claim that we live in a ‘post-Westphalian’, global order characterized by
complexity and interdependence.
 6 GLOBAL POLITICS

FOCUS ON . . .
THE WESTPHALIAN STATES SYSTEM
The Peace of Westphalia (1648) is commonly said to mark the beginning of modern international politics. The Peace
was a series of treaties that brought an end to the Thirty Years’ War (1618–48), which consisted of a series of declared
and undeclared wars throughout central Europe involving the Holy Roman Empire and various opponents, including
the Danes, the Dutch, and, above all, France and Sweden. Although the transition occurred over a much longer period
of time, these treaties helped to transform a medieval Europe of overlapping authorities, loyalties, and identities into a
modern states system. The so-called ‘Westphalian system’ was based on two key principles:
z States enjoy sovereign jurisdiction, in the sense that they have independent control over what happens within their
territory (all other institutions and groups, spiritual and temporal, are therefore subordinate to the state).
z Relations between and among states are structured by the acceptance of the sovereign independence of all states
(thus implying that states are legally equal).

FROM THE DOMESTIC/INTERNATIONAL DIVIDE TO

Globalization:
The emergence of
a complex web of
interconnectedness that
means that our lives are
increasingly shaped by
events that occur, and
decisions that are made, at
a great distance from us.
Transnationalism:
Political, social,
economic, or other forms
of action and interaction
that transcend or cut
across national borders.
TRANSNATIONALISM?
One of the key implications of approaching study from the perspective of ‘the international’
is that politics has a distinct spatial or territorial character. In short, borders and boundaries
matter. This applies especially in the case of the distinction between domestic politics, which
is concerned with the state’s role in maintaining order and carrying out regulation within its
borders, and international politics, which is concerned with relations between and among
states. In that sense, sovereignty is a ‘hard shell’ that divides the ‘inside’ of politics from the
‘outside’. This domestic/international, or ‘inside/outside’, divide also separates what have
conventionally been seen as two quite different spheres of political interaction. Whereas
politics ‘inside’ has an orderly and regulated character, stemming from the ability of the state
within the domestic sphere to impose rule from above, order of this kind is absent from
politics ‘outside’, in that there is no authority in the international sphere higher than the
sovereign state. According to John Agnew (1994), such thinking had created a ‘territorial
trap’ within the discipline of international relations, reflected in three assumptions. First, the
state is a clearly bounded territorial space. Second, domestic and foreign affairs are entirely
different realms. Third, states are ‘containers’ of society, implying that the boundaries of the
state coincide with the boundaries of society.
Such an emphasis on borders and clear territorial divisions have nevertheless come
under pressure as a result of recent trends and developments, not least those associated
with globalization. In particular, there has been a substantial growth in cross-border
flows and transactions – movements of people, goods, money, information, and ideas.
This has created the phenomenon of transnationalism. As state borders have become
increasingly ‘porous’, the conventional domestic/international or ‘inside/outside’ divide has
become more difficult to uphold. This can be illustrated by both the substantially greater
vulnerability of domestic economies to events that take place elsewhere in the world (as
demonstrated by the wide-ranging impact of the 2007–8 global financial crisis, and of the
2020 global coronavirus pandemic) and by the wider use of digital technologies that enable
people to communicate with one another through means (such as mobile phones and the
 INTRODUCING GLOBAL POLITICS 7

internet) that national governments find difficult to control. It is also notable that issues 1
that are prominent in world affairs, such as environmental politics and human rights, tend
to have an intrinsically transnational character. However, claims that the modern world
is effectively ‘borderless’ are manifestly absurd, and, in some ways, territorial divisions
are becoming more important, not less important. This is evident, for instance, in the
greater emphasis on national or ‘homeland’ security in many parts of the world since the
terrorist attacks of September 11, and in attempts to constrain international migration by
strengthening border and other immigration controls.

FROM INTERNATIONAL ANARCHY TO GLOBAL

GOVERNANCE?
A key assumption of the traditional approach to international politics, and especially
‘realist’ thinking (see p. 72), has been that the states system operates in a context of
anarchy. This reflects the notion that there is no higher authority than the state, meaning
that external politics operates as an international ‘state of nature’, a pre-political society. The
implications of international anarchy are profound. Most importantly, in the absence of any
other force attending to their interests, states are forced to rely on themselves in a system
of ‘self-help’ (see p. 80). If international politics operates as a ‘self-help system’, the power-
seeking inclinations of one state are only tempered by competing tendencies in other states,
suggesting that conflict and war are inevitable features of the international system. In this
view, conflict is only constrained by a balance of power, either developed as a diplomatic
strategy by peace-minded leaders or occurring through a happy coincidence. This image of
anarchy has been modified by the idea that the international system operates more like an
‘international society’ (see p. 641). Hedley Bull ([1977] 2012) thus advanced the notion of Anarchy: Literally,
an ‘anarchical society’, in place of the conventional theory of international anarchy. without rule; the absence
of a central government
However, the idea of international anarchy, and even the more modest notion of an or higher authority,
‘anarchical society’, has become more difficult to sustain because of the emergence, sometimes, but not
especially since 1945, of a framework of global governance (see Chapter 20) and sometimes necessarily, associated
with instability and chaos.
regional governance. This is reflected in the growing importance of organizations such
as the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) (see p. 584), the World Balance of power: A
Trade Organization (WTO) (see p. 588), the European Union (see p. 623), and so on. condition in which no one
state predominates over
The growing number and significance of international organizations has occurred for
others, tending to create
powerful and pressing reasons. Notably, they reflect the fact that states are increasingly general equilibrium and
confronted by collective action problems; issues that are particularly taxing because they curbing the hegemonic
confound even the most powerful of states when acting alone. This first became apparent ambitions of all states.
in relation to the development of technologized warfare and particularly the invention Collective action
of nuclear weapons, but has since been reinforced by challenges such as financial crises, problems: A problem
pandemics, climate change, terrorism, crime, migration, and development. Such trends, that stems from the
interdependence of
nevertheless, have yet to render the idea of international anarchy altogether redundant.
states, meaning that any
While international organizations have undoubtedly become significant actors on the solution must involve
world stage, competing, at times, with states and other non-state actors, their impact international cooperation
should not be exaggerated. Apart from anything else, they are, to a greater or lesser rather than action by a
extent, the creatures of their members: they can do no more than their member states, single state.
and especially powerful states, allow them to do.
 8
GLOBAL ACTORS . . . NON-
GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
A non-governmental organization (NGO) is a private,
non-commercial group or body that seeks to achieve
its ends through non-violent means. The World Bank
(see p. 480) defines NGOs as ‘private organizations
that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote
the interests of the poor, protect the environment,
provide basic social services, or undertake community
development’. Very early examples of such bodies were
the Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade (formed
by William Wilberforce in 1787) and the International
Committee of the Red Cross, founded in 1863. The
first official recognition of NGOs was by the United
Nations (UN) in 1948, when forty-one NGOs were
granted consultative status following the establishment
of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (indeed,
some NGO activists believe that only groups formally
acknowledged by the UN should be regarded as
‘true’ NGOs). A distinction is often drawn between
operational NGOs and advocacy NGOs:
z Operational NGOs are those whose primary
purpose is the design and implementation of
development-related projects; they may be either
relief-orientated or development-orientated,
and they may be community-based, national, or
international.
z Advocacy NGOs exist to promote or defend a
particular cause; they are sometimes termed
‘promotional pressure groups’ or ‘public interest
groups’.
Significance: Since the 1990s, the steady growth
in the number of NGOs has become a veritable
explosion. By 2021, 5,593 groups had been granted
consultative status by the UN, with estimates
suggesting a total of around 50 large (multi-country,
multi-mandate) international NGOs and as many
as 300,000 smaller internationally focused NGOs
globally. If national and local NGOs are taken into
account, the number grows enormously: as of
2021, the United States has an estimated 1.5 million
NGOs; in 2017, Russia reportedly had 224,500
NGOs; and Kenya, to take one developing country
alone, registered 11,262 new NGOs between 2001
and 2019. The major international NGOs have
developed into huge organizations. For example, Care
International, dedicated to the worldwide reduction
of poverty, controls a budget worth more than $970
million, Greenpeace has a membership of 2.8 million
and a staff of over 2,400, and Amnesty International
is better resourced than the human rights arm of
the UN.
There can be little doubt that major international
NGOs and the NGO sector as a whole now constitute
significant actors on the global stage. Although lacking
the economic leverage that TNCs can exert, advocacy
NGOs have proved highly adept at mobilizing ‘soft’
power and popular pressure. In this respect, they have a
number of advantages. These include that leading NGOs
have cultivated high public profiles, often linked to public
protests and demonstrations that attract eager media
attention; that their typically altruistic and humanitarian
objectives enable them to mobilize public support
and exert moral pressure in a way that conventional
politicians and political parties struggle to rival; and that,
over a wide range of issues, the views of NGOs are
taken to be both authoritative and disinterested, based
on the use of specialists and academics. Operational
NGOs, for their part, have come to deliver about 15 per
cent of international aid, often demonstrating a greater
speed of response and level of operational effectiveness
than governmental bodies, national or international, can
muster. Relief- and development-orientated NGOs
may also be able to operate in politically sensitive areas
where national governments, or even the UN, would be
unwelcome.
Nevertheless, the rise of the NGO has provoked
considerable political controversy. Supporters of NGOs
argue that they benefit and enrich global politics.
They counterbalance corporate power, challenging
the influence of TNCs; democratize global politics by
articulating the interests of people and groups who have
been disempowered by the globalization process; and
act as a moral force, widening people’s sense of civic
responsibility and even promoting global citizenship. In
 9

these respects, they are a vital component of emergent
global civil society (see p. 221). Critics, however, argue
that NGOs are really self-appointed ‘pressure’ or
‘interest’ groups that have limited democratic credentials.
NGOs have also faced criticism for cynical fund-raising
and campaigning tactics, and for blunting the radical
edge of social movements. Amid a series of recent
scandals, some major Western international NGOs have
been found to be involved in sexual exploitation and
violence in developing countries and institutionally racist,
bullying and abusive employment practices in their home
countries, spawning the social media hashtag campaign
#CharitySoWhite in 2019. (The impact and significance
of NGOs are examined further in Chapter 6.)

GLOBALIZATION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS

No development has challenged the conventional state-centric image of world politics more radically than the
emergence of globalization. By the 1990s, globalization had become a key ‘buzzword’ from the social sciences to
politics and pop culture, although its use has been in decline since the mid-2000s. The twenty-first century was
supposed to be the ‘global century’, but what is ‘globalization’? Is it actually happening, and, if so, what are its
implications?

DEFINING AND DEBATING GLOBALIZATION

Globalization is what W. B. Gallie (1955/6) would have called an ‘essentially contested
concept’. That is to say that it has many definitions, some of which overlap and some of
which conflict with one another. It has been variously defined as:
z ‘[T]he intensification of worldwide social relations that link distant localities in a way
that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa’
(Giddens 1990).
z ‘The integration of national economies into the international economy through trade,
direct foreign investment, short-term capital flows, international flows of workers and
humanity generally, and flows of technology’ (Bhagwati 2004).
z ‘The processes through which sovereign nation states are criss-crossed and
undermined by transnational actors with varying prospects of power, orientations,
identities and networks’ (Beck 2000).
z ‘A process (or set of processes) which embody the transformation of the spatial
organization of social relations and transactions’ (Held et al. 1999).

C E PT
CON

GLOBALIZATION
Globalization is the emergence of a complex web of interconnected­ness that means that our lives are increasingly
shaped by events that occur, and decisions that are made, at a great distance from us. The central feature of
globalization is therefore that geographical distance is of declining relevance and that territorial borders, such as
those between nation states, are becoming less significant. By no means, however, does globalization imply that ‘the
local’ and ‘the national’ are subordinated to ‘the global’. Rather, it highlights the deepening as well as the broadening
of the political process, in the sense that local, national, and global events (or perhaps local, regional, national,
international, and global events) constantly interact.
 10 GLOBAL POLITICS

Globality: A totally z ‘A reconfiguration of social geography marked by the growth of transplanetary and
interconnected whole, supraterritorial connections between people’ (Scholte 2005).
such as the global
economy; the social z ‘A process of time-space compression – literally a shrinking world – in which the
domain created by sources of even very local developments, from unemployment to ethnic conflict, may
globalization.
be traced to distant conditions or decisions’ (McGrew 2017).
z ‘[T]he fad of the 1990s, and […] made in America’ (Waltz 1999).

Globalization is a complex, elusive, and controversial term. Recent analysis of the

literature on globalization has suggested its sometimes confused and contradictory
definitions result from the tautology underpinning it: those who theorize globalization
often do so by reference to claims about the existence of ‘the global’ (Kamola 2013,
2019). ‘Globalization’ has been used to refer to a process, a policy, a marketing strategy, a
predicament, or even an ideology. Some have tried to bring greater clarity to the debate
about the nature of globalization by distinguishing between globalization as a process or
set of processes (highlighting the dynamics of transformation or change, in common
with other words that end in the suffix ‘-ization’, such as modernization) and globality as
a condition (indicating the set of circumstances that globalization has brought about, just
as modernization has created a condition of modernity) (Steger 2003). The problem with
defining globalization may be that it is not so much an ‘it’ as a ‘them’: it is not a single
process but a complex of processes, sometimes overlapping and interlocking as well as,
at times, contradictory and oppositional. Nevertheless, the various developments and
manifestations that are associated with globalization, or indeed globality, can be traced back
to the underlying phenomenon of interconnectedness between previously unconnected
people and institutions. Held et al. (1999) thus defined globalization as ‘the widening,
intensifying, speeding up, and growing impact of world-wide interconnectedness’.
Although globalization theorists have championed particular interpretations of
globalization, these are by no means all mutually exclusive. Instead, they capture
different aspects of a complex and multifaceted phenomenon. Globalization has been
interpreted in three main ways:
z Economic globalization (see p. 147) is the process through which national economies
have, to a greater or lesser extent, been absorbed into a single global economy
(examined in greater depth in Chapter 5).
z Cultural globalization (see p. 217) is the process whereby information, commodities,
and images that have been produced in one part of the world enter into a global flow
that tends to ‘flatten out’ cultural differences between nations, regions, and individuals
(discussed more fully in Chapter 7).
z Political globalization (see p. 178) is the process through which policy-making
responsibilities have been passed from national governments to international
organizations (considered in greater detail in Chapter 6).

But is globalization actually happening? Although globalization has been a buzzword

in the social sciences, and among politicians and journalists, for decades, its very
existence remains open to question. The most influential early attempt to outline the
various positions on this globalization debate was set out by Held et al. (1999). They
distinguished between three positions:
 INTRODUCING GLOBAL POLITICS 11

z the hyperglobalists; Hyperglobalism: The 1

view that new, globalized
z the sceptics; and economic and cultural
patterns became
z the transformationalists. inevitable as a result of
fast-paced information
Hyperglobalism is arguably something of an intellectual ‘straw man’, since its rather and communication
extreme position – that globalization makes the state obsolete – is found more often technological (ICT)
in arguments against globalization theory than it is as a coherent theoretical position innovations in the
of its own. In fact, the one text that is almost always mentioned in the same breath twentieth century,
as hyperglobalism is Keniche Ohmae’s (1990) The Borderless World. Ohmae’s book is and that globalization
makes states obsolete,
aimed at corporate managers, but nevertheless became treated as a serious work of producing a ‘borderless
globalization theory, if only because its central arguments are easily refutable. Ohmae world’.
argued that the globalization of trade, led by the ‘Triad’ of the United States, Europe,
and Japan, meant that ‘national borders have effectively disappeared’ between these
countries. Even in the 1990s this claim was hyperbolic, but in the twenty-first century,
with the reassertion of state power through the ‘war on terror’ (see p. 303), the rise of
anti-immigration politics, and increasingly tough and complex immigration regimes, it
is impossible to sustain.
Globalization sceptics for their part, including many Marxist (see p. 111) and realist
(see p. 72) thinkers, argue that globalization either does not exist at all or is not what
hyperglobalists and other globalists think it is. Hirst and Thompson (1999) argue that
claims about ‘economic globalization’, in particular, do not stand up to scrutiny, since
‘free’ transnational capital flows tend to be amongst major powers in general and the
USA-Europe-Japan ‘Triad’ in particular. Realist sceptics, on the other hand, emphasize
the fact that what liberal globalists and hyperglobalists call ‘globalization’ may actually
be simply expressions of America’s global ‘hegemonic’ power. On this view, it is US-
dominated capital and US interests that benefit from the outsourcing of manufacture
from West to East, and the influence of the international organizations that carry out
‘global governance’. For realists, an iron fist of military might lies within the velvet glove
of ‘globalization’ talk; as Kenneth Waltz (see p. 80) noted of the fevered globalization
theories and predictions that followed the end of the Cold War: ‘America continues to
garrison much of the world and to look for ways of keeping troops in foreign countries’
(Waltz 2002).
‘Transformationalists’, meanwhile, are supposed to represent a ‘third way’ between those
who embrace and those who reject claims about globalization. A transformationalist
position on globalization admits that there have been profound changes – transformations
– as a result of technological innovation and increased interconnectedness, but takes
care to specify these changes closely rather than bundling them up as ‘globalization’.

ANTI-GLOBALIZATION POLITICS
Globalization has been subject not only to intellectual critiques by those who would
suggest it does not exist, or is not what we think it is, but also to opposition in practice
by a range of global political movements and actors opposed to its perceived ill-effects.
There have been two broad trends in this politics of anti-globalization. The first is
12 GLOBAL POLITICS

associated loosely with the transnational political left: activists, politicians, and NGOs
arguing that globalization is really an intensification of the exploitation and violence
done to working-class and marginalized people, and to the environment, around the
world. The second is associated with a broadly right-wing tradition that can, ironically,
be characterized as a ‘transnational nationalist’ movement. This right-wing movement
opposes the immigration and racial mixing enabled by globalization, and laments how
particular social groups it identifies with ‘the nation’ have ‘lost out’ or been ‘left behind’
by economic globalization.

Left-Wing Anti-globalization
The first wave of left-wing anti-globalization politics coalesced around mass
demonstrations against the institutions of ‘global governance’ (see Chapter 20) at
the turn of the millennium. Precipitated by the Zapatista uprising in Mexico in the
mid-1990s (see p. 465), this transnational social movement was partly enabled by the
rise of the internet, which provided new channels for activist organization and the
planning and promotion of direct action and protest. Major demonstrations included
those against the World Trade Organization (WTO) at the ‘Battle of Seattle’ in 1999,
and at the ‘Group of Eight’ (G8) major economies meeting in Genoa in 2001. Each of
these demonstrations attracted many tens of thousands of protestors from around the
world, campaigning across a huge range of issues, from ecological protection to the
need to replace capitalism with a more humane economic system. This movement was
associated with the World Social Forum (WSF), an alternative to the World Economic
Forum (WEF), which was seen as a key global governance institution bringing the
global economic and political elite together in Davos, Switzerland each year to discuss
the future of the global economy. The WSF has instead met each year from 2001 in
the ‘Global South’ (see p. 464), initially in Porto Alegre, Brazil, and brings together
activists concerned with achieving ‘global social justice’ for workers, marginalized
and minoritized groups, indigenous peoples, and the natural environment. As the
movement developed in the 2000s and 2010s it became more closely associated with
‘alter-globalizations’ – recognizing that globalization may be both inevitable and a
force for good, but emphasizing that the US-led, corporate, culturally homogenizing,
and violently militaristic model of globalization, associated with undemocratic and
unaccountable elites and their global governance institutions, is the ‘wrong’ kind of
globalization. This broadly left-wing anti-globalization movement instead advocates a
more open global immigration regime, or even an end to national borders altogether,
more global cooperation to slow or reverse climate change and environmental
degradation, and global cross-racial and working-class solidarities. After the onset of
the 2008 global financial crisis, a series of related global movements and demonstrations
emerged to contest the targeting of the crisis’s costs at vulnerable populations in the
form of ‘austerity’ policies, often mirroring or overlapping the left-wing anti/alter-
globalization movement. These included the anti-austerity ‘Indignados’ movement
in Spain, the ‘Occupy’ movements, beginning with Occupy Wall Street, in 2011 and
spreading to cities around the world, and the rise of leftist anti-austerity parties such
as Syriza, which was elected to government in Greece in 2015. Between 2015 and
 INTRODUCING GLOBAL POLITICS 13

2020, left-wing veterans of the anti/alter-globalization and anti-austerity movements, 1

including the US Senator Bernie Sanders and the British MP Jeremy Corbyn, became
‘mainstream’ political leaders in their respective national legislatures, although both
ultimately failed in their ambitions to be elected to government.

Right-Wing Anti-globalization
The right-wing anti-globalization movement emerged as a relatively coherent, though
less united and coordinated, global network much more recently. While the idea of
transnational nationalist solidarity might appear contradictory or oxymoronic, given
the investment of nationalist groups in ‘their’ respective national identities, and their
hostility to foreigners, the situation is not so simple. In fact, historically speaking,
nationalists have been at least as oriented towards transnational organizing and
solidarity as liberal and left-wing global actors – think of the alliances and collaborations
between Germany, Italy, and Spain when those three countries were under fascist rule,
for example, and of the ‘Axis’ powers’ alliance in the Second World War (see p. 42).
In the 2010s, parallel to the anti/alter-globalization left’s anti-austerity movement,
there emerged an increasingly widespread and successful transnational right-wing
movement, which argued against globalization and especially against ‘globalism’ (see
p. 14). These consisted of local, national, and regional-level movements in Europe
and North America, including organizations and political parties such as the UK
Independence Party (UKIP) in Britain, Alternatif fur Deutshland (AfD) in Germany,
Generazione Identitaria (Generation Idenity) in Italy, and the movement around the
presidential candidacy of Donald Trump in the United States. Outside of the ‘West’
(see p. 33), similar movements emerged around the political leadership of Narendra
Modi in India and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil. While, like those involved in left-wing anti-
globalization movements, these global political actors differ over the details of precise
political goals and methods, they are united by the claims that ‘their’ people have lost out
in various ways through globalization and liberal, globalist policy, and by their advocacy
of racially or ‘ethnically’ defined concepts of national identity. Their politics at both the
national and the global level tends to centre on the demonization of the political left,
and of racialized, gendered, and sexual minorities, and especially on opposition to
‘mass’ immigration. If the first wave of left-wing anti-globalization politics was enabled
by the dawn of the internet – a technology so shrewdly exploited by the Zapatistas
and other parts of the anti-capitalist left – then the more right-wing turn against
globalization could not have happened without social media. The transformative effects
of social media, as internet content began to be created by individual users rather than
predominantly by big businesses, were so dramatic that the term ‘Web 2.0’ was coined
to describe the new social media model. Political organizing and political argument in
general became core features of social media, with platforms such as Twitter becoming
especially politicized. While both left and right organize and propagandize through
social media, the transnational anti-globalization right was really born through these
platforms, which allowed disparate and distant right-wing activists to communicate and
organize around the shared views discussed above, across their otherwise very different
national and local contexts.
 14 GLOBAL POLITICS

Globalism: The GLOBALISM, WORLDING AND WORLDISM:

belief – most closely
associated with liberal IMAGINING GLOBAL POLITICS
thought (see p. 83) – A popular slogan associated with the first wave of anti-globalization movements was ‘think
that globalization is an
global, act local’. This emphasized the need for people to be conscious of globalization (and
inevitable and benevolent
force in the world, what its critics view as the exploitation and inequality it perpetuates and extends), but to
modernizing, developing, direct their anti-globalization activism at their local contexts. Apart from the comparatively
and ultimately integrating straightforward case for studying the global as a ‘domain’ of politics, on the grounds that the
the world’s many national, regional, and international domains no longer capture everything that constitutes
societies.
‘the political’, there is a wider question around what it means to ‘think global’. It is now widely
argued that one of the key drivers of globalization and the emergence of ‘the global’ as a
political space is imagination. This does not mean that global politics are not ‘real’, but rather
that the increased focus on the global is the result of an imaginative shift in societies across
the world, from the level of our own local and national contexts – the things that matter to
us at a relatively ‘micro’ level – to more ‘macro’-level imaginaries.
Studying global politics is, in this sense, first of all about ‘thinking international relations
differently’ (Tickner and Blaney 2012), moving away from the traditional focus on interstate
relations. Isaac Kamola (2019) argues that the process of ‘making the world global’, which
consists first of all in the social construction (see p. 120) of a ‘global imaginary’, is closely
linked to the rise of neoliberalism (see p. 143) in the 1980s and 1990s. The rise of ‘the
global’, on this view, results from the increasing influence of multinational corporations,
university business schools, international financial institutions, and politicians advocating
market-driven politics, all of whom pushed a ‘globalist’ way of seeing the political that
was attached to their particular vision of the global economy.
RE
FIG U

L. H. M. LING (1955–2018)
L. H. M. (Lily) Ling became a highly influential scholar of
postcolonial international relations theory (see p. 99) in the
early twenty-first century. Ling’s work challenged many of the
dominant, ‘traditional’ understandings of global politics in the
West, including what she called ‘Westphalia world’ – the view that
the world consists of a lot of territorially bounded states of various
sizes and capabilities interacting with one another under conditions
of anarchy. Importantly, whereas this vision of global politics was
rooted in exclusively Western sources, from Thucydides and
Thomas Hobbes to Immanuel Kant, Ling’s ‘worldist’ alternative
drew also upon Chinese sources, including Daoist philosophical
texts and dialectical reasoning. Ling was also a feminist scholar,
contributing to ‘non-Western’ feminist thinking on international
An extract from the Hereford ‘Mappa Mundi’
relations. In a 2015 interview Ling said: ‘I am a product of both (1280 CE), one of the first renderings of a
East and West. Growing up in this hybrid space has allowed me European ‘global imaginary’. The map included
to see the possibilities and drawbacks of both traditions; […] to places roughly equivalent to Europe, Asia, and
syncretize the best of both worlds, thereby leaving behind the North Africa, but not the Americas, which
worst of each.’ Her key works include Postcolonial International Europeans were yet to have any contact with at
Relations: Conquest and Desire between Asia and the West this point
(2002), Transforming World Politics: From Empire to Multiple Source: Universal History Archive/Getty Images
Worlds (2009, with Anna M. Agathangelou), The Dao of World
Politics (2014), and Imagining World Politics (2014).
 INTRODUCING GLOBAL POLITICS 15

To think globally when we think about politics is to imagine the world as a world, rather Worlding: The process by 1
than simply as a set of states interacting in a system (see the ‘billiard ball’ model, p. 4). But which different societies
construct their imaginaries
this imaginative shift is not necessarily a ‘natural’, neutral, or inevitable process, simply
of the world, including
reflecting the emergence of the global as a ‘new’ space or domain of politics, and our how they envisage its
need to understand and explain it. Thinking globally is rather about adopting a particular structure and constituent
world view or ‘ontology’ (see p. 67) of social relations – including politics – and one that, parts, such as which are
as much as any other perspective on the social, is rooted in our own more local contexts. the key global actors and
processes.
One of the big questions that this chapter will return to is the extent to which it is possible
to truly ‘think globally’, given the profoundly different cultural and social contexts that Worldism: A theory of
exist in the world, into which we are all born and by which we are all conditioned and ‘multiple worlds’ – the
differing global visions that
constrained to think in particular, rather than universal, ways. For example, it has been have emerged from the
pointed out that in major Western studies of globalization, and ‘globalist’ theories, Africa different local, national,
either does not feature at all or, where it is discussed, is ‘almost always as a problem’ and regional processes of
(Kamola 2012: 183). The Western globalist imaginary therefore tends to deny African worlding.
people agency and significance in the making of the global world.
We must recognize that the ‘global imaginary’ might be very different for, say, Chinese
and American people, or Europeans and Africans, while there will also likely be
significant divergence over the meaning of the global within those national and regional
groupings. In recent years ‘postcolonial’ (see p. 99) thinkers have proposed alternate
paradigms to the ‘globalist’ vision, which is itself closely associated with a Western – and
especially North American – imaginary of the world. The concept of ‘worlding’ has
been used to describe the ways in which different societies imagine global politics, while
L. H. M. Ling (1955–2018) uses the term ‘worldism’, or ‘the theory of Multiple Worlds’,
to describe the existence of a plurality of visions of the world, among which Western
globalism is but one (Ling 2014a). Particular people and societies often seek to impose a
universal global imaginary on the world, based on their local, national, and/or regional
experiences, including their more ‘internal’ and spiritual life and imagination. Ling
offers an alternative to Western models, rooted in the Chinese philosophical traditions
of Daoism, along with the Chinese intellectual traditions bequeathed by the philosopher
Confucius (551–479 BCE) and the strategist Sun Tzu (544–496 BCE). She shows that
through these different lenses the nature and behaviour of people, societies, the earth,
and thus also ‘the global’, can be seen very differently than they are through the Western
paradigm. Among other things, this alternate vision of the global does not necessitate
viewing the ‘rise of China’ in world order as the intrinsic ‘threat’ it has been represented
as by Western, liberal, globalist rhetoric.

LENSES ON GLOBAL POLITICS

Making sense of global politics also requires that we understand the theories, values,
and assumptions through which world affairs have been interpreted. How do different
analysts and theorists see the world? What are the key ‘lenses’ on global politics? The
theoretical dimension of the study of global politics has become an increasingly rich and
diverse arena in recent decades. The substantive ideas of the growing range of theoretical
traditions are examined in Chapters 3 and 4. This introduction, nevertheless, attempts
to map out broad areas of debate among the traditions, in particular by distinguishing
between ‘traditional’ perspectives and ‘critical’ perspectives.
 16 GLOBAL POLITICS

Positivism: The theory TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES

that social and indeed all
forms of enquiry should The two ‘traditional’ perspectives on global politics are realism and liberalism. What do
conform to the methods they have in common, and in what sense are they ‘traditional’? Realism and liberalism
of the natural sciences can be viewed as mainstream perspectives in the sense that they, in their various
(see p. 68). incarnations, have dominated conventional academic approaches within the discipline
or field of ‘international relations’ (IR) theory. They are also ‘traditional’ in the sense
attributed to ‘traditional theory’ by Max Horkheimer (see p. 98), offering explanations
and predictions about global politics that tend to reproduce or ‘explain away’ the status
quo of existing world order. Realist and liberal theories have two broad things in common.
In the first place, they are both – in their contemporary forms – grounded in positivism.
This suggests that it is possible to develop objective knowledge, through the capacity to
distinguish ‘facts’ from ‘values’. In short, it is possible to compare theories with the ‘real
world’, the world ‘out there’. Robert Cox (1981) thus describes such theories as ‘problem-
solving theories’, in that they take the world ‘as it is’ and endeavour to think through
problems and offer prudent advice to policymakers trying to negotiate the challenges of
the ‘real world’. (These issues are discussed in greater detail in Chapter 4.) Second, realist
and liberal theorists share similar concerns and address similar issues, meaning that they,
in effect, talk to, rather than past, one another. In particular, the core concern of both
realism and liberalism is the balance between conflict and cooperation in state relations.
Although realists generally place greater emphasis on conflict, while liberals highlight
the scope for cooperation, neither is unmindful of the issues raised by the other, as is
evidenced in the tendency, over time, for differences between realism and liberalism
to have become blurred (see ‘Closing the Realist/Liberal Divide?’ p. 86). Nevertheless,
important differences can be identified between the realist and liberal perspectives.
RE
FIG U

THOMAS HOBBES (1588–1679)

English political philosopher. Hobbes was the son of a minor clergyman who subsequently
abandoned his family. Writing at a time of uncertainty and civil strife, precipitated by the
English Revolution, Hobbes theorized human nature, and explored its social and political
implications, chiefly in his great work, Leviathan (1651). Here Hobbes extrapolated from
his philosophical belief – influenced by his French contemporary and interlocutor, the
philosopher René Descartes (1596–1650) – that human beings are fundamentally wired
to avoid pain and to seek out pleasure. Hobbes argued that this motivates people to
accumulate power, which enables the avoidance of painful experiences and the proliferation
of pleasant ones. Human nature is thus the seeking of ‘power after power’, and life in what
Hobbes called the ‘state of nature’ would be violently selfish, ‘nasty, brutish and short’. For
this reason, the sovereign power of the state and government are required to protect us Source: Hulton Archive/
from ourselves and one another. Handout/Getty Images

Power politics: An
approach to politics How do realists see global politics? Deriving from ideas that can be traced back to
based on the assumption thinkers such as Thucydides, Sun Tzu (author of The Art of War), Machiavelli (see p. 74),
that the pursuit of
and Thomas Hobbes, the realist vision is pessimistic: international politics is marked by
power is the principal
human goal; the term constant power struggles and conflict, and a wide range of obstacles standing in the way
is sometimes used of peaceful cooperation. Realism is grounded in an emphasis on power politics, based
descriptively. on the following assumptions:
 INTRODUCING GLOBAL POLITICS 17

z Human nature is characterized by selfishness and greed. Internationalism: 1

The theory or practice
z Politics is a domain of human activity structured by power and coercion. of politics based on
cooperation or harmony
z States are the key global actors. among nations,
z States pursue self-interest and survival, prioritizing security above all else. as opposed to the
transcendence of national
z States operate in a context of anarchy, and thus rely on self-help. politics.

z Global order is structured by the distribution of power (capabilities) among states.

z The balance of power is the principal means of ensuring stability and avoiding war.
z Ethical considerations are (and should be) irrelevant to the conduct of foreign policy.
By contrast, how do liberals see global politics? Liberalism offers a more optimistic
vision of global politics, based, ultimately, on a belief in human rationality and moral
goodness (even though liberals also accept that people are essentially self-interested and
competitive). Liberals tend to believe that the principle of balance or harmony operates
in all forms of social interaction. As far as world politics is concerned, this is reflected
in a general commitment to internationalism, as reflected in Immanuel Kant’s belief in
the possibility of ‘universal and perpetual peace’. The liberal model of global politics is
based on the following key assumptions:
z Human beings are rational and moral creatures.
z History is a progressive process, characterized by a growing prospect of international
cooperation and peace.
z Mixed-actor models of global politics are more realistic than state-centric ones.
z Trade and economic interdependence make war less likely.
z International law helps to promote order and fosters rule-governed behaviour among
states.
z Democracy is inherently peaceful, particularly in reducing the likelihood of war
between democratic states.
RE
FIG U

IMMANUEL KANT (1724–1804)

German philosopher. Kant spent his entire life in Königsberg (which was then in East Prussia),
becoming professor of logic and metaphysics at the University of Königsberg in 1770. His
‘critical’ philosophy holds that knowledge is not merely an aggregate of sense impressions;
it depends on the ‘a priori’ conceptual apparatus of human understanding, which precedes
our experiences. Kant’s political thought was shaped by the central importance of morality
and is closely associated with ‘Enlightenment’ thinking and ‘universalist’ claims about our
rights and obligations. That said, despite his arguments for the ‘cosmopolitanism’ (global
citizenship) of political communities, Kant is now viewed also as a variety of ‘scientific
racist’ for writings in which he sought to intellectually establish the cultural superiority of
white Europeans over Asians and Africans. Kant’s most influential works include Critique
of Pure Reason (1781), Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Purpose (1784),
Groundwork for a Metaphysics of Morals (1785), and To Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Source: Culture Club/Getty
Sketch (1795). Images
18 GLOBAL POLITICS

CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES
Since the late 1980s, the range of critical approaches to world affairs has expanded
considerably. Until that point, Marxism had constituted the principal alternative to
mainstream realist and liberal theories. What made the Marxist approach distinctive
was that it placed its emphasis not on patterns of conflict and cooperation between states
but on structures of economic power and the role played in world affairs by international
capital. It thus brought international political economy, sometimes seen as a subfield
within IR (see p. 139), into focus. However, hastened by the end of the Cold War, a wide
range of ‘new voices’ started to influence the study of world politics, notable examples
including social constructivism, critical theory, post-structuralism, postcolonialism,
feminism, and green politics. What do these new critical voices have in common, and in
what sense are they ‘critical’? In view of their diverse philosophical underpinnings and
contrasting political viewpoints, it is tempting to argue that the only thing that unites
these ‘new voices’ is a shared antipathy towards traditional thinking. However, two broad
similarities can be identified. The first is that, albeit in different ways and to different
degrees, they have tried to go beyond the positivism of traditional theory, emphasizing
instead the role of consciousness in shaping social conduct and, therefore, world affairs.
These so-called post-positivist theories are therefore ‘critical’ in that they not only take
issue with the conclusions of traditional theory but also subject these theories themselves
to critical scrutiny, exposing biases that operate within them and examining their
implications. The second similarity is linked to the first: critical perspectives are ‘critical’
in that, in their different ways, they oppose the dominant forces and interests in modern
world affairs, and so contest the global status quo by (usually) aligning themselves with
marginalized or oppressed groups. Each of them, thus, seeks to uncover inequalities and
asymmetries that traditional theories tend to ignore.
However, the inequalities and asymmetries to which critical theorists have drawn
attention are many and various:
z Postcolonial thinkers have highlighted the historical centrality of colonialism to
producing our present world order, and the ways in which its intellectual legacies
– including racism, as a system of both structural inequality and belief or ideology –
continue to shape global politics today.
z Feminists have drawn attention to systematic and pervasive structures of gender
inequality that characterize global and, indeed, all other forms of politics. In particular,
they have highlighted the extent to which mainstream, and especially realist, theories
are based on ‘masculinist’ assumptions about rivalry, competition, and inevitable
conflict.
z Marxists (who encompass a range of traditions and tendencies that in fact straddle the
positivist/post-positivist divide) highlight inequalities in the global capitalist system,
through which developed countries or areas, sometimes operating through TNCs
or linked to ‘hegemonic’ powers such as the United States, dominate and exploit
working-class populations overseas just as they do at home.
z Post-structuralists emphasize that all ideas and concepts are expressed in language
that itself is enmeshed in complex relations of power. Influenced particularly by the
 INTRODUCING GLOBAL POLITICS 19

writings of Michel Foucault, post-structuralists have drawn attention to the link 1

between power and knowledge using the concept of ‘discourse’.
z Constructivists have thrown traditional theory’s claim to objectivity into question, in
arguing that people, in effect, ‘construct’ the world in which they live, suggesting that
the world operates through a kind of ‘inter-subjective’ awareness. Constructivism is
not so much a substantive theory as an analytical tool.
z A range of new critical theoretical approaches have emerged in the early twenty-
first century, drawing on insights from ‘green’ or ecological theory, and sociological
theories focused on the ‘materiality’ of social practices, the relationship between
‘actors’ and ‘networks’ in global politics, and the role of ‘necropolitics’ – the politics of
death – in the epoch known as the ‘Anthropocene’.

RE
FIG U

MICHEL FOUCAULT (1926–84)

French philosopher and radical intellectual. Foucault was initially a member of the French
Communist Party (PCF) and remained a lifelong political activist, though his academic work
turned away from Marxism and towards what came to be called ‘post-structuralism’. His
books and popular public lectures, which ranged over the histories of madness, of medicine,
of punishment, of sexuality, and of knowledge itself, proceeded on the basis that ‘universal’
truths about such subjects do not exist, and that instead we should understand these fields
as ‘discourses’: structured ways of representing the world and interacting in it. This suggests
that power relations can largely be disclosed by examining the structure of knowledge, since
‘“Truth” is […] produced and transmitted under the control, dominant if not exclusive, of a
few great political and economic apparatuses’ (Foucault [1972] 1984: 73). Foucault’s most
important works include The Order of Things (1966) and The Archaeology of Knowledge
(1969). Source: Bettmann/Getty Images
20

APPROACHES TO. . .

REALIST VIEW
Realists are state-centric thinkers. They are sceptical about globalization in general, and about the notion that it
reduces the power and significance of states as global political actors in particular. Following the outbreak of the
global Covid-19 coronavirus pandemic in early 2020, one of the most prominent American realists, Stephen
Walt, suggested that the virus showed that ‘the high water mark of contemporary globalization is now behind
us’ (Walt 2020). Drawing on the classical realist source, Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War, which
describes the effects of a lethal plague on the international relations of Athens with its neighbouring city states,
Walt argues that the more recent pandemic ‘reminds us that states are still the main actors in global politics’
(Thucydides 1963). Realists also suggest that the pandemic crisis will likely contribute, in the longer term, to
what they see as the decline of the trends others have labelled ‘globalization’, and that a consequence of the
pandemic will be, in Walt’s (2020) words: ‘borders between states will become a bit higher’.

LIBERAL VIEW
Liberals, who generally embrace globalization as a real and necessary process that they believe will lead
to greater security and stability in the world, were frustrated by state responses to the global coronavirus
pandemic but hopeful for a solution through global governance. For liberals, institutions such as the World
Health Organization are central to the ‘liberal world order’ and were designed precisely to provide the
necessary governance to guide societies through crises like this. Alleged state secrecy around the scale of
risk the pandemic posed, first in China and then elsewhere, was, on the liberal view, the enemy of effective
solutions. More open, democratic, global cooperation is the only means to solve collective action problems
(see p. 7) like a pandemic, from the liberal perspective. As the virus spread in 2020, the influential American
‘neoliberal institutionalist’ (see p. 88) Joseph Nye (2020) argued that:
On transnational threats like COVID-19 and climate change, it is not enough to think of American
power over other nations. The key to success is also learning the importance of power with others. Every
country puts its national interest first; the important question is how broadly or narrowly this interest is
defined. COVID-19 shows we are failing to adjust our strategy to this new world.

POSTCOLONIAL VIEW
From a postcolonial perspective, the global pandemic threw into even sharper relief the structural inequalities
that globalization has failed to resolve, or has even exacerbated. Like the global financial crisis that struck thirteen
years earlier, the societies that were positioned to be highly vulnerable were those with weaker economies and
infrastructure. These societies, largely located in the ‘Global South’ (see p. 464) are, for the most part, countries
that were once subjected to European colonialism (see p. 31), a major cause of their relative economic and
infrastructural problems. As it transpired, powerful ‘Global North’ countries with major economies also suffered
greatly, with Italy, the United States, and the UK seeing among the very highest proportions of deaths from
the virus in the world. But postcolonial analysis would point to the internal dynamics within these states, where
– especially in the United States and UK – official statistics showed that those racialized as minorities were far
more likely to die from the virus than the white majority. Postcolonial thinkers such as Gurminder Bhambra
 21

THE 2020 GLOBAL

CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC
noted that disproportionate deaths among people racialized as minorities in the West correlated to their over-
representation in frontline health and care work – among national working classes – itself a colonial legacy.

MARXIST VIEW
For Marxists, the pandemic is another crisis of capitalism, and one that starkly highlights the structural
violence done in the name of capitalist ‘globalization’. The American Marxist historian Mike Davis published
a book fifteen years prior to the global pandemic, warning that global pharmaceutical corporations neglect
vaccine research as ‘unprofitable’, while the rise of factory farming and ‘megaslums’ provide fertile conditions
for a new global plague. Capitalism is an economic system driven by the profit motive alone and, in the
Marxist view, has something of a track record in degrading, endangering, and extinguishing human life in the
pursuit of profit. In 2020, Davis suggested that: ‘This new age of plagues, like previous pandemic epochs,
is directly the result of economic globalization’ (Davis 2020), since it was the global interconnectedness
necessitated by capitalist markets, industry, and trade that spread the virus.

CONSTRUCTIVIST AND POST-STRUCTURALIST VIEWS

From both constructivist and post-structuralist perspectives, the global pandemic is of interest in the way
that it is interpreted and acted upon by states and non-state actors in global politics. The dominant ‘symbolic
order’ of global politics has tended to prioritize military forms of security as the ultimate concern of such
actors, depicting issues like terrorism as the most significant threats. For example, Dan Stevens and Nick
Vaughan-Williams (2020) noted that while the UK’s National Security Strategy had listed pandemics as a
key threat since at least 2010, this perception was not shared by the public, and in any case no equivalent
funding or infrastructure was forthcoming to deal with pandemics to that surrounding the ‘war on terror’
(see p. 303). ‘Discourses’ on the pandemic (see p. 116), meanwhile, have been ‘securitised’, with politicians
and media outlets depicting the virus as an ‘invisible enemy’, and the global response as a ‘war’ or ‘battle’,
underlining the post-structuralist emphasis on language as the medium of politics.

FEMINIST VIEW
For feminists, the pandemic highlighted, first of all, the fact that a ‘human security’ lens, rather than narrowly
state-centric approaches to security, is necessitated by globalization. Feminist theorists of global politics
have long pointed out that patriarchal violence, including domestic abuse, is quantifiably a much greater
security threat to women than, say, terrorism. The pandemic intensified such violence, with a global surge in
reports of domestic abuse as women and girls were ‘locked down’ at home with abusive partners and families.
Feminists concerned with gender and sexuality also expressed concern at the impact of the pandemic on
transgender people. Some places, such as Panama City, operated gendered lockdown policies, where men
and women were allowed outside at separate times, and transgender people were subject to harassment
 22

and abuse. In other countries, for instance Kenya and the United States, transgender people suffered as
hormone treatments and gender reassignment surgeries were deprioritized in favour of pandemic-related
health care. From a feminist perspective, this sort of reprioritization is a result of patriarchy (see p. 107)
and prevailing ‘heteronormative’ values, in which women’s, girls’, and LGBTQIA (lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, queer, intersex, and asexual) people’s needs are systematically accorded less significance than
‘cishet’ (cisgendered – i.e. of the gender assigned at birth – and heterosexual) men. Black feminist thinkers,
meanwhile, including Kimberlé Crenshaw (see p. 111), highlighted the intersectional nature of racialized and
gendered experiences of the global pandemic.

World order: The

perceived hierarchy of
CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN GLOBAL
states in the world, which
varies according to when, POLITICS
where, and whom the
‘orderer’ is, and tends While global politics is an ever-shifting field, it is also characterized by certain key
to relate to perceived continuities. Dramatic, globally significant events of recent decades, from the fall of the
economic, political, Berlin Wall (see p. 54) and 9/11 (see p. 23) to the 2020 global coronavirus pandemic, can
cultural, and military power.
change the course of national foreign policies, and the domestic political and economic
Security: In a global fortunes of states. These events may reshape international organizations and the
political system where institutions of global governance, and even the fabric of societies themselves. But certain
states remain among the
key themes remain relevant to any analysis of global politics. World order persists as a
most important actors,
security – the condition fundamental goal or principle informing much global political activity. Indeed, Cedric
states are supposed to J. Robinson (1980) identifies the ‘myth of order’ as the defining feature of the Western
be able to provide for notion of the political, and ideas about ‘world order’ continue to shape much of the
citizens – looms large theory and practice of global politics today. The related concept of security, and its
in politics and policy,
obverse – insecurity – looms large over debates on international relations in a global
while insecurity arguably
remains a pervasive political age, just as it did before the concept of globalization emerged. Similarly long-
feature. standing concerns about social justice, and concomitant concerns with rights, equality,
Justice: Any analysis and inequalities, remain equally pertinent in a global era. And above all power – arguably
of global politics the essence of politics itself – in all of its locations and distributions, is at stake in all
reveals differences and discussions of global politics, including those on order, security, and justice.
inequalities within and
between societies, and
this leads on to questions
of fairness and justice.
Alter-globalisation
movements (see p. 12),
for instance, fight for
‘global social justice’.
Power: Can be conceived
of in several ways,
including the ability to
make others do what we
want done, the ability to
set political agendas and
define what is seen to be
possible, or as productive
‘empowerment’ –
becoming able to speak
and act for oneself.
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