Full Ebook of Foundations Us Foreign Policy and Anti Racism in Brazil 1St Edition Elizabeth Cancelli Online PDF All Chapter

Foundations US Foreign Policy and
Anti Racism in Brazil 1st Edition

Elizabeth Cancelli
Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmeta.com/product/foundations-us-foreign-policy-and-anti-racism-in-brazil
-1st-edition-elizabeth-cancelli/
More products digital (pdf, epub, mobi) instant
download maybe you interests ...
US Foreign Policy Domestic Roots and International

Impact 1st Edition Richard Johnson
https://ebookmeta.com/product/us-foreign-policy-domestic-roots-
and-international-impact-1st-edition-richard-johnson/
Human Rights and US Foreign Policy Prevarications and

Evasions 1st Edition Clair Apodaca
https://ebookmeta.com/product/human-rights-and-us-foreign-policy-
prevarications-and-evasions-1st-edition-clair-apodaca/
US Foreign Policy and China Security Challenges During

the Bush Obama and Trump Administrations 1st Edition
Aiden Warren
https://ebookmeta.com/product/us-foreign-policy-and-china-
security-challenges-during-the-bush-obama-and-trump-
administrations-1st-edition-aiden-warren/
Anti Literature The Politics and Limits of

Representation in Modern Brazil and Argentina Adam
Joseph Shellhorse
https://ebookmeta.com/product/anti-literature-the-politics-and-
limits-of-representation-in-modern-brazil-and-argentina-adam-
joseph-shellhorse/
Islamist Foreign Policy in Sudan 1st Edition Mohammed H
Sharfi
https://ebookmeta.com/product/islamist-foreign-policy-in-
sudan-1st-edition-mohammed-h-sharfi/
Political Psychology And Foreign Policy 1st Edition

Eric Singer
https://ebookmeta.com/product/political-psychology-and-foreign-
policy-1st-edition-eric-singer/
Feminist Foreign Policy in Theory and in Practice: An

Introduction 1st Edition Stephenie Foster
https://ebookmeta.com/product/feminist-foreign-policy-in-theory-
and-in-practice-an-introduction-1st-edition-stephenie-foster/
Foreign Policy Breakthroughs Cases in Successful

Diplomacy 1st Edition Robert L. Hutchings
https://ebookmeta.com/product/foreign-policy-breakthroughs-cases-
in-successful-diplomacy-1st-edition-robert-l-hutchings/
Improbable Diplomats How Ping Pong Players Musicians

and Scientists Remade US China Relations Cambridge
Studies in US Foreign Relations Millwood
https://ebookmeta.com/product/improbable-diplomats-how-ping-pong-
players-musicians-and-scientists-remade-us-china-relations-
cambridge-studies-in-us-foreign-relations-millwood/
Routledge Studies in US Foreign Policy
FOUNDATIONS, US FOREIGN
POLICY AND ANTI-RACISM
IN BRAZIL
PUSHING RACIAL DEMOCRACY
Elizabeth Cancelli, Gustavo Mesquita,

and Wanderson Chaves
Foundations, US Foreign Policy and
Anti-Racism in Brazil
This book connects the work of US private foundations, the US government,

and Brazilian intellectuals to explore how they worked collaboratively to
address racial disparities in Brazil during the Cold War. It reveals not only
how anti-racism was promoted during this period, shaping the political and
academic agenda, but also the importance of American foundations, espe-
cially the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, in the process.
Drawing on a vast array of archival and published sources from Brazil,
the United States, and around the world, the book investigates the making
of transnational connections and networks that sought to respond to the
“race problem”, seen as an increasingly dangerous threat to the liberal inter-
national order.
This book is especially relevant to the areas of Race Studies, Social
Sciences, Latin-American Studies, Political Science and History, particu-
larly the History of Sociology and Anthropology, as well as to studies about
the role of American foundations in the Cold War period. It will also be
of interest to activists, social scientists, economists, historians, journalists,
NGOs, and INGOs.
Elizabeth Cancelli is a History professor at the University of São Paulo (USP)

and a researcher of the National Council for Scientific and Technological
Development (CNPq) for more than 20 years.
Gustavo Mesquita obtained his PhD in History at the University of São Paulo
in 2017. Currently, Gustavo works as a post-doctoral fellow at the Brazil-
ian Center for Analysis and Planning and visiting fellow at the University of
Birmingham, UK.
Wanderson Chaves obtained his PhD in History at the University of São Paulo
in 2012, the Master’s degree in Social Sciences, and the Bachelor’s degree in
Anthropology, both at the University of Brasília. Currently, Wanderson is
a post-doctoral fellow at the Department of History of the University of
São Paulo.
Routledge Studies in US Foreign Policy
Series Editors:
Inderjeet Parmar, City University, and John Dumbrell,
Durham University
This new series sets out to publish high-quality works by leading and emerg-
ing scholars critically engaging with United States Foreign Policy. The series
welcomes a variety of approaches to the subject and draws on scholarship
from international relations, security studies, international political econ-
omy, foreign policy analysis, and contemporary international history.
Subjects covered include the role of administrations and institutions, the
media, think tanks, ideologues and intellectuals, elites, transnational cor-
porations, public opinion, and pressure groups in shaping foreign policy,
US relations with individual nations, with global regions and global institu-
tions and America’s evolving strategic and military policies.
The series aims to provide a range of books – from individual research
monographs and edited collections to textbooks and supplemental reading
for scholars, researchers, policy analysts, and students.
The United States and Greek-Turkish Relations

The Guardian’s Dilemma
Spyros Katsoulas
Rhetoric, Media, and the Narratives of US Foreign Policy

Making Enemies
Adam Lusk
Philanthropic Foundations at the League of Nations

An Americanized League?
Ludovic Tournès
American Presidents and Israeli Settlements since 1967

Michael F. Cairo
Foundations, US Foreign Policy and Anti-Racism in Brazil

Pushing Racial Democracy
Elizabeth Cancelli, Gustavo Mesquita, and Wanderson Chaves
For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/

series/RSUSFP
Foundations, US Foreign Policy
and Anti-Racism in Brazil
Pushing Racial Democracy
Elizabeth Cancelli, Gustavo Mesquita,

and Wanderson Chaves
First published 2023
by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa
business
© 2023 Elizabeth Cancelli, Gustavo Mesquita, and Wanderson Chaves
The right of Elizabeth Cancelli, Gustavo Mesquita, and Wanderson
Chaves to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted in
accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval
system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Cancelli, Elizabeth, author. | Mesquita, Gustavo, author. |
Chaves, Wanderson, author.
Title: Foundations, US foreign policy and anti-racism in Brazil :
pushing racial democracy / Elizabeth Cancelli, Gustavo Mesquita and
Wanderson Chaves.
Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge,
2023. | Series: Routledge studies in US foreign policy | Includes
bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2022039399 | ISBN 9781032014111 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781032014128 (paperback) | ISBN 9781003178507 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Brazil--Race relations--History--20th century. | Black
people--Brazil--Social conditions--20th century. | Race--Political
aspects--History--20th century. | Anti-racism--History--20th century. |
Democratization--Government policy--United States. | Social
sciences--Political aspects--United States--History--20th century. |
Brazil--Intellectual life--20th century, | United States--Relations--Brazil. |
Brazil--Relations--United States. | Cold War.
Classification: LCC F2659.B53 C363 2023 | DDC 305.800981--dc23/
eng/20221104
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022039399
ISBN: 978-1-032-01411-1 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-032-01412-8 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-17850-7 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003178507
Typeset in Times New Roman

by KnowledgeWorks Global Ltd.
This study was financed in part by the
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de
Nível Superior – (CAPES) – Finance Code 001,
by the Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento
Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq), and by the
Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de
São Paulo (FAPESP).
Contents
Acknowledgementsviii
About the Authorsx
Forewordxi
Introduction: Communism, Racism, and the American Dilemma 1

ELIZABETH CANCELLI
1 The Cold War, the Social Sciences, and the Race Question:
Brazil as a Lab 14
ELIZABETH CANCELLI
2 From Chicago to São Paulo: The Shaping of Florestan Fernandes’

Sociology of Race and Ethnic Relations 43
GUSTAVO MESQUITA
3 US-Brazilian Networks in UNESCO’s Anti-Racism Agenda 76

GUSTAVO MESQUITA
4 US-Latin American Exchange and Florestan Fernandes’

The Negro in Brazilian Society 104
WANDERSON CHAVES
5 The Ford Foundation, the Marginality Project, and Beyond:

The Emergence of Nixon’s Style of Racial Policy 113
WANDERSON CHAVES
Conclusion 139
ELIZABETH CANCELLI, GUSTAVO MESQUITA, AND WANDERSON CHAVES
Index 143
Acknowledgements
The English version of this book is based on a previous Brazilian publi-

cation, from 2020, titled Cold War and Brazil: For the Integration of Black
People into Class Society. To Brazilian readers, this title had a direct refer-
ence to Florestan Fernandes’ classic work – The Integration of Black People
into Class Society, published in Brazil in 1965, and translated into English
in 1969 as The Negro in Brazilian Society. The reference to this work and its
author, considered a major sociologist by most academics in the country,
inspired us to look for the international connections followed by Fernandes.
This search led us to establish/identify not only certain intellectual net-
works as well as the construction of agendas adopted both by foundations
and by US foreign policy as regards an anti-racism agenda. In this respect,
we pay tribute to Florestan Fernandes, an academic and politician who died
in 1995, at the age of 75, for his serious and diligent work which opened up
new research paths to an entire generation of Brazilian academics in the
so-called modern social sciences.
We had the support of many colleagues and students, institutions, and
financial agencies to carry out this work. In particular, The Cold War
Research Group of the University of São Paulo (USP) was a vital source
of encouragement for us to transform the Brazilian book to an English-
speaking audience. Our special thanks to Professors Karinna Janello
(CeDInCI, Argentina); Jorge A. Nállin (University of Mannitoba, Canada);
Rafael R. Ioris (University of Denver); Ana Paula Palamartchuk and Aruã
S. de Lima (Federal University of Alagoas, Brazil); Natália Nóbrega de
Mello (Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo); Julio Cattai (Institute
of Higher Education of Campinas, São Paulo); and to Renata Meirelles,
Pâmela Resende, and Ozias P. Neves (all of them from the University of
São Paulo). We would also thank the following students of the Postgraduate
Programme in Social History of the University of São Paulo: Matheus de P.
e Silva, Diego Penholato, Felipe Amorim, and Thiago da C. Amado.
Many Brazilian institutions deserve our special thanks. The Documen
tation Centre of the Foundation School of Sociology and Politics in São
Paulo, the Sérgio Buarque de Holanda Support Centre for Historical
Research of USP, the Florestan Fernandes Fund of the Federal University
Acknowledgements ix
of São Carlos, and the Edgar Leurenroth Archive of the State University
of Campinas. The following international centres and institutions have
provided important aid to our research, among them the Rockefeller
Archive Centre, the Harry Ransom Centre of Texas University at Austin,
the National Anthropological Archive of the Smithsonian Institution, the
Moorland-Spingarn Research Centre of Howard University, the UNESCO
Archives, the Det Kongelige Bibliotek (Royal Library of Denmark), and the
Riksarkivet (Swedish National Archive). Our sincere thanks to the staff and
for their attentive and efficient support and kindness in allowing us to have
access to documents and photographs.
Professors Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida e Vera Schattan P.
Coelho, from the Brazilian Centre of Analysis and Planning (CEBRAP),
brought valuable critical contributions to Chapters 2 and 3 of this book.
Ambassador José Augusto Lindgren Alves (1946–2022) was a rich interloc-
utor in the preparation of these chapters, and we hereby pay homage to
his memory.
Eoin O’Neill dedicated himself to the revision of the English version of
our texts. This work would not have been possible without the financial assis-
tance of the Postgraduate Programme in Social History of the University of
São Paulo and of CAPES (the Brazilian committee for the evaluation and
development of postgraduate courses). We are immensely grateful to the
colleagues of the Postgraduate Programme in Social History of USP, who
supported the initiative with great enthusiasm, in particular its coordinator,
Professor Márcia Regina B. da Silva.
This entire project would not have been possible without the research
grants from CNPq (Brazilian National Council for Research), from
FAPESP (The São Paulo Research Foundation), as well as from CAPES.
All of which provided us with financial assistance and allowed us to visit
archives in Brazil and in the United States.
The publishing house Alameda deserves our thanks for kindly giving
Routledge the copyrights of the book.
Professor Inderjeet Parmar, from the City University of London, gave us
a vital encouragement, during his academic stay in São Paulo in 2019, to
submit the book proposal to the Routledge Studies in US Foreign Policy
book series, which is directed by himself and by Professor John Dumbrell
from the University of Durham. To both of them, our wholehearted grati-
tude for the opportunity to make our work available to a larger audience.
Elizabeth Cancelli
Gustavo Mesquita
Wanderson Chaves
About the Authors
Elizabeth Cancelli is an Associate Professor of History at the University of

São Paulo (USP) and a National Council for Scientific and Technological
Development Researcher for more than 20 years. At USP, she directs an
international research group on the Cold War. Since 1991 Prof. Cancelli
has been doing research in American, British, Italian, and Brazilian
historical archives and has published more than 30 articles and 10 books,
including 3 about the Cold War and Brazilian history.
Gustavo Mesquita is a Postdoctoral fellow at the Brazilian Centre for
Analysis and Planning (CEBRAP). He obtained his PhD in Social
History at the University of São Paulo in 2017. Conducted extensive
research at several archives during his doctoral sandwich in the United
States, including the Library of Congress, the Smithsonian Institution,
and the Howard University Archive. His research focuses on political
theory, democracy, and human rights. He is also a visiting fellow at the
University of Birmingham, UK.
Wanderson Chaves is a Postdoctoral fellow at the University of São Paulo.
He obtained his PhD in History at the University of São Paulo, and a
Master’s in Social Science and a Bachelor’s degree in Anthropology
from the University of Brasília. A major part of his research has been
conducted in US National Archives and the Rockefeller Archive Center,
New York. His research focuses on contemporary history, twentieth-
century anti-racism on a global scale, and American foundations’
initiatives addressing racism.
Foreword
Elizabeth Cancelli, Gustavo Mesquita, and Wanderson Chaves started

researching Cold War questions and policies for the social inclusion of blacks
in a class society at different times. For a number of years, we exchanged
ideas, documents, shared doubts, and at the end of 2017 we decided to pub-
lish a book together. We had been collecting a large number of documents
and a select bibliography, each one in their own way, but all engaged with
the University of São Paulo’s Cold War Research Study Group. Based on
our research material, we started to reread the documentation and intel-
lectual production on the racial question after World War II. We could not
avoid relating, in a profound and somewhat surprising way, the role the
social sciences, US foundations, and US foreign policy played in shaping an
international anti-racism agenda.
We then decided to follow the path carved out by the social sciences in
the postwar period, especially taking into account the significant changes in
the field. It was essential to detect how liberal modernisation theories trans-
formed contemporary intellectual culture and intertwined it with interna-
tional engagement with public development policies. With its epicentre first
in Chicago, later accompanied, in particular, by Columbia and Harvard,
the new way social science was produced and the professionalisation of
“scientists” spread rapidly across Europe and the Americas. It not only
rejected what they defined as the “essayism” that was said to characterise
the field previously, but turned social scientists into empirical researchers,
constructers of theories, methods, and research techniques. The choice of
fundamental themes of studies in order to spread democracy and moderni-
sation values were fundamental to them. After all, they were engaged in the
postwar front of fighting totalitarian dangers: either from the threat of the
Soviet Bloc or from the risk of a Nazi renaissance. Modernisation, urbani-
sation, economic development, social stratification, immigration, mobility,
authoritarianism, and racism became the core of relevant themes for the
social sciences and for the intense transformation agenda undertaken in the
period. The US foundations Ford, Carnegie, and Rockefeller made enor-
mous efforts in training new generations of intellectual workers, empha-
sising empirical work. Associated with their efforts was a fundamental
xii Foreword
international agency: UNESCO’s Department of Social Sciences, created
in 1948 and ended in 1974.
This department was established to replace the Social Sciences Section,
founded in 1947. From its beginning, it was intensively engaged in the creation
of international social science associations, research centres, and the devel-
opment of studies and projects on themes that were considered fundamen-
tal to postwar modernisation. There were three main research areas in the
Department: the Tension Project,1 the Technical Assistance Program, and
the Race Relations Program (Rangil, 2011, p. 3). It was a small Department,
with a lower budget than others in UNESCO, however its operational meth-
odology allowed the importance of its work to spread worldwide very effi-
ciently. Hundreds of professionals were associated with it.
In the early years when Robert Cooley Angell was the director of its
headquarters in Paris (1949–1950), it only had 12 staff. When Alva Reimer
Myrdal, a Swedish sociologist,2 until then a UNESCO consultant in the
Mass Communication Section, succeeded Angell and became director of
the Department of Social Sciences, until 1955, this number rose to 24 in
1952. In 1955, the Statistics Division was incorporated into the Department
and it expanded to 48 people, rising again to 53 in 1960.
Nevertheless, the number remained small for the scale of its projects and
for the responsibilities of the department’s various divisions.3 But, as stated
previously, the secret of its success was in the number of people who became
associated with it and the organisation of the Paris board: they outlined
the work, engaged in the process of detailing it, and delegated it to external
teams of academics, through freelancer contracts. To publicise the research
results, they would choose either UNESCOs publications or commercial
ones, preferably publishing the results in English and in French, as well as
occasionally in the language of the researchers themselves (Rangil, 2011,
pp. 5–6).
The permanent staff was, in fact, of exceptional quality. As the historian
Teresa Tomás Rangil notes, in 1950, these included the Americans Robert
C. Angell and Walter R. Sharp, P.W. Martin from Britain, J.E. Godchot
from France, the Swiss-born American Alfred Métraux, the Belgian Pierre
de Bie, and Kazimierz Szczerba-Likiernik from Poland. Among the con-
sultants linked to the Department were the French anthropologists, Claude
Lévi-Strauss and Lucien Bernot, the Annales historian Lucien Febvre, the
demographer Alfred Sauvy, and the French sociologist Raymond Aron,
one of the main intellectuals of the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF).
Many of the scholars involved in the Department of Social Sciences after
1950 actually met in the late 1930s at the University of São Paulo, Brazil
(Rangil, 2011, p. 32). The American sociologist Franklin Frazier, author of
the famous The Negro Family in the United States (1939), was responsible for
the newly created Division of Applied Social Sciences (1952).
As far as the postwar intellectual discussions were concerned, the racial
issue was no longer restricted to the fields of anthropology, genetics, or
Foreword xiii
sociology. There was now a widespread consensus about the problems
caused by prejudice and discrimination and their widespread moral, reli-
gious, and philosophical consequences. Alfred Métraux, a member of the
Board of Directors of the Department of Social Sciences, was made respon-
sible for establishing the outlines of the Division of Studies on Racial Issues,
created in 1950.
In its first year, the Division’s work focused on the production and dis-
semination of a series of publications and the preparation by a range of
specialists of the UNESCO Declaration on Race. In addition, the Division
organised an investigation into race in Brazil. At the end of 1950, in response
to various demands, the Division tried to disseminate its political position
on the question of race, including through participating in radio programs
and organising special issues of the UNESCO Courier and the International
Social Sciences Bulletin. In 1951, studies on race were combined with other
studies and the Division on Racial Issues was incorporated into the Division
of Social Tension Studies, which would soon become the Division of Applied
Social Sciences, headed by Franklin Frazier, as already mentioned.
After UNESCO’s onslaught in that specific research program, Brazil
started its direct participation in the discussion of the racial question. Of
course, concern with racism in Brazil did not start then, but a different
kind of attitude towards the theme had emerged since the striking impact
of the research on the racial question in the United States, funded by the
Carnegie Foundation and directed by the Swedish sociologist, Gunnar
Myrdal. Published as The American Dilemma, Myrdal’s work treated the
race problem as a moral dilemma and highlighted the need to make efforts
to integrate blacks in modern society.
In 1949, the United Nations Economic and Social Council asked UNESCO
to organise a series of surveys on race, which were initially coordinated by
the Tension Division, but gradually they gained such a dimension that a spe-
cific division named Racial Issues was created. The new division maintained
close relations with the Social Sciences and Development of Social Sciences
divisions. In the same year, the Brazilian anthropologist Artur Ramos, who
proceeded Robert Cooley Angell as director of the Department of Social
Sciences, took the first steps to improve new race relations research, but
he would die a few months after arriving in Paris.4 Cooley Angell would be
succeeded by Gunnar Myrdal’s wife, Alva Myrdal, in 1951. She made great
efforts to expand the national diversity of the research team beyond the
Anglo-Saxon world and also to create regional institutes and associations
of Social Sciences around the world.
Alfred Métraux was chosen to oversee the Division on the Racial
Question. His task was to establish guidelines for new policies to combat
racial prejudice through research. Métraux found a rich environment in
Brazil for this research. In addition to the fertile results, the research in the
country would produce significant practical and theoretical consequences.
UNESCO’s research in Brazil would come to be seen as the first major
xiv Foreword
milestone for the universalisation of the anti-racialist agenda. But this mile-
stone did not come alone: through the effort of inserting black people into
class society, the goal of the project was also to enable the modernisation of
societies then called “traditional” and to change and modernise their cul-
tural values, institutions, and economy. In relation to the role of the social
sciences, it was believed that the discipline might be able to identify some
essential points to promote necessary changes. After all, the race problem
was also a main and neuralgic subject related to antisemitism and to the
Nazi totalitarian danger.
Based on the initial milestones established in the 1950s, the anti-racialist
agenda would be expanded in the 1960s and 1970s in an almost homogene-
ous way,5 until the arrival of the recent construction of the “multicultural
agenda”. This would turn out to be, as we will see in this book, an interna-
tional agenda, where the “integration of blacks in class society” was con-
stituted as a fundamental mark. Brazil would make a significant academic
contribution to this international effort, especially through the influence of
sociologist Florestan Fernandes, one of the most respected intellectuals in
the social sciences in Brazil and South America in the second half of the last
century. Thanks to the international dissemination of his studies and of the
younger generation of academics who studied with him, Fernandes was pro-
foundly responsible for the politicisation of the racial issue in Brazil. He was
also responsible for defending that a successful process of social inclusion
was a necessary part of a democratic commitment to fight social exclusion
and intolerance and for the implementation of reparation policies, as the
general lines of the new anti-racist international agendas were advocating.
To follow how the social sciences and their foundations were related to a
new anti-racism agenda, we would like to invite our readers to explore the
still unexplored turns on the paths taken by the social sciences with respect
to the racial issue in Brazil and its international importance. We expect to
raise new research questions through the documentation we are bringing
to light.
Notes
1 The Tension Project was at first directed by Hadley Cantril and Nathan Leites.
They were chosen by the University of Chicago sociologist and former member
of the Intelligence Section of the Psychological Warfare Division of the Office of
Strategic Services (OSS, precursor to the CIA), Edward Shills. Cantril and Leites
were members of the United States War Information Office (OWI). In 1948, Otto
Klineberg, a Canadian Psychology professor who worked at USP between 1945
and 1947, became the project’s director.
2 An important reference in the world of ideas and social democracy, Alva Myrdal
received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1982. She was appointed Director of the Social
Sciences Department in 1950, but she effectively took office in 1951 only.
3 In the long run, the Department of Social Sciences would gain several units:
Division of Studies on the Racial Question (1950–1952); Social Sciences Sec-
tion (1947–1948); Division of International Development of Social Sciences
Foreword xv
(1955–1984); Division of International Scientific Collaboration (1953–1954);
Division of Applied Social Sciences (1952–1976); Economic Development
Analysis Unit (1962); Division of Economic Development and Analysis (1962);
Applied Studies Section (1964–1966); Office of Economic Analysis (1963–1965);
Population Division (1974–1987). See UNESCO Archives Atom Catalogues.
UNESCO. Department of Social Sciences. https://atom.archives.unesco.org/
unesco-department-of-social-sciences, accessed on 1 March 2021.
4 Arthur Ramos was fighting to get leave from his position as a professor at the
University of Brazil, in Rio, when he suddenly died.
5 Especially after the defeat of radical black proposals, notably in the United States.
“The inability of the civil rights movement strategies based on nonviolent protest
and victories in the court system to bring about structural political and economic
change to the United States is perhaps the most significant factor contributing to
the (re)emergence of black radicalism in the United States in the middle of the
twentieth century” (Tinson, 2017, p. 5).
References
Rangil, Teresa Tomas. The Politics of Neutrality: UNESCO’s Social Science
Department, 1946-1956. Economix Université de Paris X Ouest Nanterre La
Défense, April 2011. Draft, p. 3. accessed April 27th, 2018. https://www.econstor.
eu/bitstream/10419/155443/1/chope-wp-2011-08.pdf
Tinson, Christopher M. Radical Intellect: Liberator Magazine and Black Activism in
the 1960s. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2017.
UNESCO Archives Atom Catalogues. UNESCO. Department of Social Sciences,
2021. https://atom.archives.unesco.org/unesco-department-of-social-sciences, accessed
on 1 March 2021.
Introduction
Communism, Racism, and
the American Dilemma
Elizabeth Cancelli
In 2005, the historian Tony Judt published what would become known as his
most important book: Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945. One of the
book’s premises was that World War II was not an interruption of normal-
ity, but the beginning of a political, populational, and territorial revolution.
In that sense, the war was the culmination of a radical transformation that
had already begun in World War I. With the destruction of old Europe, the
advent of World War II brought a radical transformation to the Western
world, especially because it was shaken, during and after the conflict, by
the shocking carnage carried out by soldiers, the annihilation of the civil-
ian population, acts of extreme collective violence, ethnic cleansing, forced
repatriations of huge contingents of population, the collapse of law and of
the rule of law, the annihilation of parts of the elites, the crisis of ethical
values stemming largely from the trauma generated, and the terrifying dis-
covery that much of this incredible reality was accomplished in name of
political reasons.
This crisis in ethical values to which Judt refers also brought a new spec-
trum of struggles between ideologies that proclaimed to the world the
need to create a kind of renewed beginning, a post-trauma political revo-
lution: innovative political postures and the need to construct new human
sensitivities. These struggles demanded changes in the way human beings
should see and administer the world. Demands that would reserve for the
next three decades – the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s – the decades of the Cold
War’s heyday, almost permanent spaces of contestation, of struggles for the
rights of equality and individuality that were added to two areas of combat:
racial discrimination and social injustice.
In the fertile environment of polarised ideas that the Cold War created,
one of the most exciting innovations was the theoretical junction between
racism and totalitarian regimes. It was a thought that attacked not only
what had been accomplished by Nazi Germany in relation to Jews and
Gypsies (races), but also the Soviet Union, since the Soviet regime was asso-
ciated with the issue of racism in two areas: one related to anti-Semitism
and the great population deportations and ethnic cleansing,1 and the other
to the totalitarian character of communism.
DOI: 10.4324/9781003178507-1
2 Elizabeth Cancelli
In 1944, in an article published by Review of Politics – which in 1951 was
incorporated in the edition of her book The Totalitarian System – Hannah
Arendt provided an already well-established relationship with the twentieth-
century racist question. In addition to associating racism and imperialism,
Arendt said in this 1944 article that racism and communism were at the
same level: that of ideology (Arendt, 1944). The American historian Arthur
Schlesinger, despite supporting Hannah’s premises about totalitarianism
and the similarities between Nazi and Communist regimes (Arendt, 1978),
believed that imperialism and racism were different. He put himself for-
ward, like other members of Americans for Democratic Action (ADA),2 as
an anti-communist and promoter of the fight for civil rights. At the discur-
sive level, he pointed out that both communism and racism had a destructive
ideological legacy (Mattson, 2005, p. 11). Strongly influenced by Reinhold
Niebuhr’s ideas,3 so precious a current of thought about the role of states in
the world, Schlesinger discredited man’s natural tendency toward goodness
and social progress. Like Niebuhr, he assumed that men are imperfect and,
given their nature, it was necessary to pay attention to moral standards,
from which political principles originate itself. Democracy was thus “a per-
manently valid form of social and political organisation which does justice
to two dimensions of human existence: to man’s spiritual stature and his
social character; to the uniqueness and variety of life, as well as to the com-
mon necessities of all men” (Niebuhr, 2011, p. 3). Democracy was also a
method of finding proximate solutions for problems that cannot be solved,
while the racial problem, in addition to being unjust, was a sin.4
The approach to racism and communism focusing on their similar aspects
of ideological extremism would also become an unprecedented milestone in
the US strategic position against Soviet attacks. Since 1928 and 1930, when
the Comintern Resolutions on the Black National Question in the United
States were published,5 the communist left said that African Americans
consisted of a kind of Black Belt, forming an oppressed nation in the deep
south of the United States, separate from the rest of the country, consist-
ing of significant portions of Virginia, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi,
Louisiana, Texas, South and North Carolina. This Black Belt nation should
have the right to self-determination and to dismember itself from the rest
of the United States.6 They also said that black oppression was caused by
expropriation and the semi-slavery conditions to which blacks had been
relegated, by the still unfinished South agrarian question, and that oppres-
sion was further exacerbated by Ku Klux Klan terror. The Comintern thus
denounced the racial segregation system in the United States and ques-
tioned the legitimacy of a country, which, at the same time, aligned racial
segregation with social segregation and dared to call itself democratic.
Comintern’s posture would affect US policy at home and abroad, since
the US Communist Party and others around the world adopted the black
cause as a front in anti-imperialist and anti-American struggles.7 Even after
Comintern was dissolved in 1943 and Cominform was created in 1947 as
Introduction 3
the coordinator of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) and Communist
Parties foreign policies, attacks on US racial issues continued. According to
Arthur Schlesinger Jr. (1988) “as the most appealing social injustice in the
country”, the black problem had attracted the interest of the Communist
Party since its inception (p. 189).
The black problem was a delicate matter and in the 1950s, the State
Department, through the United States Information Agency (USIA),8 began
to systematically conduct opinion polls about the United States’ image
abroad in relation to black issues. In January 1958, USIA produced a report
called Post-Little Rock Opinion on the Treatment of Negroes in the US.9 The
report compared similar surveys the agency made in Great Britain, West
Germany, France, Italy, and Norway in April and November 1957. Another
type of systematic survey expressed the deep concern about the communist
appeal: in December 1962, for example, USIA produced a report named
Communist Exploitation of American Racial Incidents: Moscow Lets US
News Items and Pix Tell Its Story Abroad.10
Communist Party criticism of black American issues were intense inside
and outside the United States. In the United States, the Communist Party
had three main fronts of action: the National Negro Congress, International
Labor Defense, and the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties,
founders, in 1946, of the powerful Civil Rights Congress, which ended
in 1956, when the great influence of communists on the American black
movement weakened. With regard to international criticism, the play writ-
ten by Jean-Paul Sartre in 1947, La Putain Respectueuse, edited and per-
formed in Paris in 1948, projected one of the most powerful negative images
of racial segregation in the United States. Sartre’s play, whose links to the
Communist Party had been officially established in 1952,11 was inspired
by the Scottsboro Boys, a scandalous case which started in 1931, when
two white prostitutes accused nine black teenagers of sexually molesting
them on a train trip between Chattanooga and Memphis. The play was to
be made into a film in 1952 and criticised not only segregation, but the
American judicial system. The involvement of intellectuals in what was
called the black question was intense. In 1946, for example, Albert Einstein
had already challenged the fight against racism in the United States when he
published his article “The Negro Question” in Pageant Magazine.12 The US
government reacted strongly to the attack on its democratic image due to
black issues. The black actor, singer, writer, and activist, Paul Robeson, was
refused permission to travel abroad, so that he would not tarnish America’s
democratic reputation.13
While, as Mary Dudziak emphasises in her book, the heart of American
foreign policy in Cold War was to build a democracy that fought communism,
the US international focus on racial problems meant that American image
was being undermined (Dudziak, 2000, p. 12). There was another aggravat-
ing factor to the image of the United States abroad: the spreading of a wave
of violence across the southern states against black World War II veterans.
The erosion of the democratic image of the United States and its leader-
ship was not, as USIA polls aptly highlight, restricted to Soviet propaganda.
In 1943, the annual report of the National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People (NAACP)14 suggested that racial issues had become a
global matter. Despite the fact President Truman largely included racial
problems on his political agenda through a sophisticated electoral calcu-
lation that would lead him to the presidency of the United States in 1945
(Dudziak, 2000 p. 12),15 the Truman Doctrine itself16 would serve as a kind
of shield, since criticisms were taken as communist threats to the “just and
indisputable” American way of life. But concerns about the negative image
was undoubtedly a subject of state security.
In turn, the connection of racial issues to social justice had two distinct
characteristics. Against the propaganda that claimed that segregation
was linked to the misery of black population in United States, the State
Department postulated as counter propaganda that the counterpoint
to racism was the possibility that the democratic system offered of social
ascension and, ultimately, that the insertion of blacks in class society would
be the great instrument that would enable the end of segregation and the
guarantee of civil rights, i.e., equal treatment and protection under the law.
The highlight of this discussion was the research initiated in 1939 and coor-
dinated by the Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma:
The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (1944). The project was funded
by Carnegie Corporation and published in 1944. It made an extensive diag-
nosis of racial problems in the United States. Various researchers were
involved in it, examining anthropological, economic, educational, and
social aspects involving racial issues, including public health and adminis-
tration.17 The research resulted in a complex final report around 1,500 pages
long, divided into 11 parts and 45 chapters, in addition to annexes, and a
long list of separate publications. From the diagnosis, the conclusion was
that the United States had a great opportunity to solve a moral dilemma:
integrating blacks in modern democracy.18
Myrdal’s considerations were anchored in some important assumptions.
The first one was that the exclusion of black people was directly and indi-
rectly related to discrimination against them19; the second, that the racial
question had become an international issue and that injustices against
blacks would have high costs.20 Furthermore, the resoluteness of discrim-
ination was related to the defence of democracy against totalitarianism.
World War II was the most evident proof of this reality:
This War is an ideological war fought in defence of democracy. The

totalitarian dictatorships in the enemy countries had even made the
ideological issue much sharper in this War than it was in the First
World War. Moreover, in this War the principle of democracy had to
be applied more explicitly to race. Fascism and Nazism are based on
a racial superiority dogma – not unlike the old hackneyed American
Introduction 5
caste theory – and they came to power by means of racial persecution
and oppression. In fighting Fascism and Nazism, America had to stand
before the whole world in favour of racial tolerance and cooperation
and of racial equality. It had to denounce German racialism as a rever-
sion to barbarism. It had to proclaim universal brotherhood and the
inalienable human freedom.
(Myrdal, 1944, p. 1004)
Myrdal’s American Dilemma was clear: it was a moral dilemma. Or, as

Arthur Schlesinger said in 1949 when, with a series of recommendations
about the “techniques of freedom”, he released his liberal milestone book
The Vital Center:
The preservation of freedom requires a positive and continuing com-

mitment. Specifically, the maintenance of the United States as a free
Society confronts the American people with an immediate responsibil-
ity in two areas in particular: civil rights and civil liberties.
(Schlesinger Jr., 1949, p. 189)
Arthur Schlesinger’s argument was anchored in Thomas Jefferson’s

American Creed and its principles of equality and the inalienable rights of
freedom, justice, and opportunity.21 The American Creed understood inte-
gration as integrating blacks into class society, free, with opportunities of
work and education. Insertion (or integration) would be the evident way to
reach civil rights and to promote national reconciliation. In 1947, the Civil
Rights Commission established a year previously by President Truman,
released a 178-page report.22 This called attention to the international reper-
cussion of race relations in the United States, which were seen as an obstacle
to US influence in promoting peace and progress. A similar position was
endorsed in 1946 by Truman’s Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, central in
Cold War foreign policy:
The existence of discrimination against minority groups in this country

has an adverse effect upon our relations with other counties. We are
reminded over and over by some foreign newspapers and spokesmen
that our treatment of various minorities leaves much to be desired. …
Frequently we find it next to impossible to formulate a satisfactory
answer to our critics.
(Jensen, 2016, p. 192)
President Truman’s 1947 speech marked the beginning of the Cold War
and laid the foundations of what would be known as the Truman Doctrine.
Addressed to Congress, he gave at the same time the outline of the new
anti-colonial strategy and the foundations to defend the “free world”.23
However, one central question that arose was how to defend the free world
and maintain social segregation? In June 1947, Truman made the question
explicit to the Nation:
But we cannot be content with a civil liberties program which empha-

sises only the need of protection against the possibility of tyranny by
the Government. We cannot stop there.
We must keep moving forward, with new concepts of civil rights to
safeguard our heritage. The extension of civil rights today means, not
protection of the people against the Government, but protection of the
people by the Government.
We must make the Federal Government a friendly, vigilant defender of
the rights and equalities of all Americans. And again, I mean all Americans.
As Americans, we believe that every man should be free to live his
life as he wishes. He should be limited only by his responsibility to his
fellow countrymen. If this freedom is to be more than a dream, each
man must be guaranteed equality of opportunity. The only limit to
an American’s achievement should be his ability, his industry, and his
character. These rewards for his effort should be determined only by
those truly relevant qualifies.
Our immediate task is to remove the last remnants of the barriers
which stand between millions of our citizens and their birth right.
There is no justifiable reason for discrimination because of ancestry, or
religion, or race, or colour.
(Truman, 1947)
Despite the efforts to demonstrate that the social integration of blacks in

class society was the way to end racial discrimination, there was a great fear
that Soviet propaganda linking segregation to capitalist exploitation would
be more effective in poor countries. This thesis was seen as anti-American
and was most effective in Latin America, Germany, Slavic countries, and
in Africa and Asia and the surrounding islands.24 To fight anti-American
communist propaganda that racial segregation was directly linked to black
poverty, the State Department argued that the democratic system could
offer a concrete possibility for equal freedom, justice, and opportunity to
the black population. In other words, this meant that black integration in
class society was the best instrument to end segregation.
In 1950/1951, with the help of the National Association for the Advancement
of Coloured People’s (NAACP), the United States Information Service
(USIS) published a symptomatic 28-page pamphlet. Named The Negro in
American Life, the pamphlet highlighted how black social ascension had
helped to solve racial discrimination problems since the period of slavery.
There was also a general effort to show how the social condition of the black
population had changed in the United States. The advertising piece The
Secret of Selling to the Negro Market, produced with Johnson Publishing
Company funding and support from the US Department of Commerce, is
Introduction 7
an interesting example of what was happening.25 The video tried to encour-
age companies to invest in the new black middle-class market: healthy,
happy, modern, and educated black families.26 In both cases, and explicitly
in the USIS pamphlet, the argument was clearly based on the possibilities
that national reconciliation could open as a choice of democracy against
totalitarian racism that only capitalist modernisation could provide.
The image of a modern and democratic society with possibilities of social
ascension was reinforced by the USIA program, as we have already pointed
out. Created in 1953, and coordinated by Theodore Streibert, the program
provided international presentations for black personalities in different
fields: theatre, dance, music, literature, and sports. Athletes, artists, and
intellectuals were engaged in international tours, or “diplomatic tours”,
organised and financed by the State Department through USIA. The high-
light of the program was the sponsorship of jazz artists and the interna-
tional performances of brothers George and Ira Gershwin, and DuBose
Heyward’s opera, Porgy and Bess. It was staged by black actors and later,
in 1959, made into a film, staring Sidney Poitier, Dorothy Dandridge, and
Sammy Davis Jr.27 It was a major propaganda effort by USIA’s director
Theodore Streibert linked to race operations.28
By 1951, the international academic scenario concerning the discussion
of racial question was open to a larger participation of Brazil. The pro-
cess started in 1948 at UNESCO’s sixth session29 with the recommendation
that a general program should be adopted for the dissemination of scien-
tific studies about “the disappearance of what was commonly called racial
prejudice”.30 In accordance with this, three new resolutions were passed in
1949 committing UNESCO to produce scientific material concerning race
relations.31 UNESCO advocated combating segregation and according to
it, a great responsibility was to be faced: since the racial issue had been the
pivot of Nazi policies and ideology (UNESCO, 1950, p. 1). In December
of the same year, a team of experts was given the task of formulating the
UNESCO Declaration on the Racial Issue. The text was written by profes-
sors Ernest Beaglehole, from New Zealand; 32 Juan Comas, from México,33
L. A. Costa Pinto, from Brazil34; Franklin Frazier, from the United States35;
Morris Ginsberg, from Great Britain36; Humayun Kabir, from India37;
Claude Levi-Strauss, from France38; and Ashley Montagu, from the United
States,39 who also drafted the report.
According to UNESCO, every word in this Declaration was carefully
weighed and before being made public, it was reviewed by Ashley Montagu,
after being subjected to criticism by a group of notable scientists: Hadley
Cantril,40 E. G. Conklin,41 Gunnar Dahlberg,42 Theodosius Dobzhansky,43
L. C. Dunn,44 Donald J. Hager,45 Julian S. Huxley,46 Otto Klineberg,47
Wilbert Moore,48 H. J. Muller,49 Joseph Needham,50 Curt Stern,51 and of
course, Gunnar Myrdal, winner of the 1974 Nobel Prise in Economics.
In a 2015 paper, the Brazilian sociologists Marcos Chor Maio and Ricardo
Ventura dos Santos argued that “UNESCO was influenced by a perspective
centred on the assumption that the accumulation of scientific data would be
the best way to sustain a political agenda that sought to deny the concept of
race and to combat racism. Reactions to the First Declaration arose imme-
diately, prompting UNESCO to convene a new meeting to debate the con-
cept of race in 1951” (Maio and Ventura, 2015). The conclusion of the 1950
Declaration as well as the criticisms made in 1951, when UNESCO reformu-
lated its Declaration,52 corroborates the argument of Brazilian researchers
that biological research was “supporting the ethics of fraternity”. Criticisms
of the UNESCO declaration were mainly published in the scientific journal
Man, from the Royal Anthropological Institute, which, while not rejecting
the spirit of the Declaration and its conclusions, said it would have been
better to improve the document. The journal criticised the fact that the
Declaration tended to confuse race as a biological fact with the concept
of race as a social phenomenon. It also denied that there was no evidence
that there were no mental differences between racial groups. Due to the
lack of such scientific evidence, the Royal Anthropological Institute journal
stressed the need to remain mentally open to this issue. The statement that
“biological studies lend support to the ethic of universal brotherhood, for
man is born with drives towards cooperation” came in for the most frequent
criticism, and was the most criticised point (UNESCO, 1952, p. 7), which
is why UNESCO got new scientists to revise its statement. According to
UNESCO itself, several of the criticisms were considered racist.53
Notes
1 Deportations were estimated to have reached six million inhabitants under
Stalin’s orders. Between 1941 and 1949, over three million people were
deported to Siberia and the Central Asian republics. (Boobbyer, 2000, p. 130).
2 ADA is an important liberal lobbying group founded in 1947. Devoutly
anti-communist, ADA can be seen as the most complete version of Cold
War Liberalism, with a constant emphasis on the development policies of the
Marshall Plan and opposed to the policies of military intervention. Eleanor
Roosevelt, John Kenneth Galbraith, Walter Reuther, Arthur Schlesinger,
and Reinhold Niebuhr were some of the main Democrats among ADA’s
founders. ADA embodied Schlesinger’s “vital centre” concept and became a
fundamental organisation in the struggle for civil rights and liberties in the
United States.
3 A Protestant theologian engaged in public affairs, Niebuhr (1892–1971) was
one of the most important US intellectuals in the twentieth century. He espe-
cially influenced leaders of the US Democratic Party with philosophical prin-
ciples of intercession between politics, religion, and foreign policy. His most
important books are Moral Man and Immoral Society, The Nature and Des-
tiny of Man, and The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness. He was
one of the founders of Americans for Democratic Action (the progressive wing
of Democratic Party) and one of the creators of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. His influence on American foreign policy was great and he
subsequently served as an advisor to the State Department.
4 On Reinhold Niebuhr’s writings about racial segregation and racism, see
Kisshauer (2015) and Paeth (2016).
Introduction 9
5 The name refers to the Third International or Communist International
(1919–1943), responsible for the coordination of various communist parties
around the world.
6 The Black Belt’s right to self-determination and the dismemberment thesis
were definitively abandoned in 1959, having been weakened considerably since
1944. Nevertheless, the racial question was used by communists as one of the
main proofs that there was no real freedom in the United States.
7 The 1928 and 1930 Comintern Resolutions on The Black National Question
In the United States, from the original in English: “The great majority of
Negroes in the rural districts of the south are not ‘reserves of capitalist reac-
tion,’ but potential allies of the revolutionary proletariat. Their objective posi-
tion facilitates their transformation into a revolutionary force, which, under the
leadership of the proletariat, will be able to participate in the joint struggle with
all other workers against capitalist exploitation (...). It is the duty of the Negro
workers to organise through the mobilisation of the broad masses of the Negro
population the struggle of the agricultural laborers and tenant farmers against
all forms of semi-feudal oppression. (…) The Negro problem must be part and
parcel of all and every campaign conducted by the Party (1928)”. www.marx2
mao.com/Other/CR75.html, accessed on 12 September 2017. The United States
Communist Party’s (CPUSA) alliance strategies in relation to black issues were
varied: from isolationism to more moderate phases of organisational fronts.
8 USIA (1953–1999) was created as an advertising and information agency.
9 Program and Media Studies/PMS-23-58, RG 306, NACP.
10 Research Reports/R-174-62, RG 306, NACP As an example of other research:
May 1961, “Worldwide Reactions to Racial Incidents in Alabama”, Special
Reports / S-17); May 1961, “Near East and South Asia: Editorial Comments on
U.S. Racial Incidents in Alabama”, Special Reports / S-55-61; February 1964,
“America’s Human Rights Image Abroad”, Special Reports / S-3-64; October
1962, “Racial Prejudice Mars the American Image”, Research Report / R-112-
62, RG 306, NACP; July 1961, “IRI Background Facts: The Negro American”,
Special Reports / S-41-61, RG 306, NACP. In: Heger (1999).
11 He had joined the French Communist Party in 1952.
12 It is a short text, with an appeal to human dignity. Its full text is in the appendix.
13 On US State policies against black left-wing intellectuals in the United States,
see: Washington (2014).
14 NAACP is one of the oldest of the most influential institutions for the defence
of black civil rights in the United States. It was founded in 1910, on Abraham
Lincoln’s centenary birth. In 1954, it had about half a million members.
15 She analyses the purely electoral reasons that led Truman to include civil
rights on his agenda for the presidency and his subsequent defence of this
agenda. She also considers essential the attention that foreign countries have
been giving to the North American racial problem (p. 23 na ff).
16 In his appeal for aid to Greece and Turkey, made to Congress in 1947, the
intertwining of national interests and universal values was advocated. In this
sense, democracy and human rights appeared as the counter-ideology to all
kinds of totalitarianism: an opposition between two different modes of civ-
ilisation and sets of values. One free, the other totalitarian. This led to the
launch of Truman’s Doctrine, a landmark of the Cold War. See Truman’s
complete speech at: http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc_large_image.php?
flash=true&doc=81, accessed on 14 September 2020.
17 With different specialities, those who participated in the research included:
Ralph J. Bunche, Guy B. Johnson, Paul H. Norgren, Dorothy S. Thomas,
Doxey A. Wilkerson, M. F. Ashley-Montagu, Margaret Brenman, Ster-
ling Brown, Barbara Burks, Allison Davis, J. G. St. Clair Drake, Harold F.
Dorn, G. James Fleming, Lyonel C. Florant, E. Franklin Frazier, Herbert
Goldhamer, Melville J. Herskovits, T. Arnold Hill, Eugene L. Horowitz, Elea-
nor C. Isbell, Charles S. Johnson, Guion G. Johnson, Dudley Kirk, Louise
K. Kiser, Otto Klineberg, Ruth Landes, Gunnar Lange, T. C. McCormick,
Benjamin Malzberg, Gladys Palmer, Arthur Raper, Ira De A. Reid, Edward
Shils, Bernhard J. Stern, Louis Wirth, T. J. Woofter, Jr., Berta Asch, Lloyd
H. Bailer, Louis Boone, Frieda Brim, Vincent Brown, William B. Bryant,
Elwood C. Chisolm, Walter Chivers, Kenneth Clark, Belle Cooper, Lenore
Epstein, Edmonia Grant, Louis O. Harper, James Healy, Mary C. Ingham,
James E. Jackson, Jr., Wilhelmina Jackson, Anne De B. Johnson, Louis W.
Jones, Alan D. Kandel, Simon Marcson, Felix E. Moore, Jr., Rose K. Nelson,
Herbert R. Northrup, Edward N. Palmer, Lemuel A. Penn, Glaucia B. Rob-
erts, Arnold M. Rose, George C. Stoney, Joseph Taylor, Benjamin Tepping,
Harry J. Walker, Richard B. Whitten, Milton Woll, Rowena Wyant, Walter
Wynne, and Rowena Hadsell Saeger, who was Executive Secretary.
18 “If America in actual practice could show the world a progressive trend by
which the Negro became finally integrated into modern democracy” (Myrdal,
1944, p. 1021).
19 “But, again, the concentration of unemployment upon the Negro people is
explainable only as the direct and indirect effects of discrimination” (Myrdal,
1944, p. 998).
20 “What has actually happened within the last few years is not only that the
Negro problem has become national in scope after having been mainly a
Southern worry. It has also acquired tremendous international implications
(…) The situation is actually such that any and all concessions to Negro rights
in this phase of the history of the world will repay the nation many times, while
any and all injustices inflicted upon him will be extremely costly. This is not
yet seen clearly by most Americans, but it will become increasing” (Myrdal,
1944, p. 1015).
21 See in relation to this a 1991 text by Schlesinger explaining this position,
(Schlesinger, 1949).
22 The President’s Committee on Civil Rights was created by Executive Order
9808 and tasked with investigating the status of civil rights. After the report
was released, the Commission was ended.
23 (…) At the present moment in world history, nearly every nation must choose
between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One
way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free
institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of indi-
vidual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political
oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly
imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled
press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms”.
Truman, Harry. 12 March 1947, “The Truman Doctrine”. See complete speech
in: Miller Center, Presidential Speeches, Harry Truman. https://millercenter.
org/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/march-12-1947-truman-doctrine,
accessed on 22 January 2021.
24 The fear had been expressed by Senator Willian Benton to his fellow congress-
men. The Senator also drew attention to the fact that the racial issue against
the United States was a weapon especially used in the east, India and China.
(Dudziak, 2000, p. 39). William Benton was a Democratic senator from 1949
to 1953. Between 1945 and 1947, he was Assistant Secretary of State for Pub-
lic Affairs, whose main tasks was to consolidate war information of different
agencies for the State Department and launch the main information and US
educational exchange programs abroad during peace times. Benton took an
Introduction 11
active part in the foundation of the UN, in the defence of civil rights, and in the
fight against Senator Joseph McCarthy. He was US ambassador in UNESCO
between 1963 and 1968 and owner and editor of Encyclopedia Britannica from
1943 to 1973. In 1961, he published for Britannica, with Adlai Stevenson, “The
Voice of Latin America”. See: https://www.lib.uchicago.edu/e/scrc/findingaids/
view.php?eadid=ICU.SPCL.BENTON, accessed on 10 November 2017.
25 Cf.: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OBZ7GFR_AuA, accessed on 8 Feb-
ruary 2018.
26 It was stated in this video that since 1940, in San Francisco alone, the black
family market had grown 89%. There was also another tremendous appeal:
blacks had 15 billion dollars to spend!
27 In relation to USIA sponsorship and the possibility of black social ascension
according to US propaganda, see Cattai (2017, p. 162 and ff).
28 In spite of FBI Director John Hoover’s wrath towards black leaders. Another
iconic film of the period was The New Girl in The Office (1960), a drama that
intensely linked the perverse discourse of prejudice against the hiring of a
high-level secretary in an industrial plant and the implementation of national
anti-discrimination actions and policies. The drama was produced by the
President’s Government Contracts Committee. Cf.: https://www.youtube.
com/watch?v=8jp6ZKSX_nk, accessed on 8 January 2018.
29 Linked to the United Nations, UNESCO was created in London in Novem-
ber 1945, and later based in Paris. UNESCO had the purpose of promot-
ing educational, scientific, and cultural collaboration between nations in
order to increase respect for justice, international law, and human rights.
It succeeded, albeit with many modifications, the League of Nations’ Inter-
national Intellectual Cooperation Committee. In relation to the 1945 Lon-
don meeting, attended by 44 UN delegations, see the video: http://www.
unesco.org/archives/multimedia/?pg=33&s=films_details&id=15, accessed
on 14 October 2017.
30 “(…) proposing and recommending the general adoption of a programme of
dissemination of scientific facts designed to bring about the disappearance of
that which is commonly called race prejudice” (UNESCO, 1950, p. 1).
31 On UNESCO’s trajectory in relation to the racial issue, we recommend Mar-
cos Chor Maio’s work, especially Maio (1997) and Maio (1999a, pp. 141–58).
32 Ernest Beaglehole was known for his anthropological studies of culture in the
Pacific Islands.
33 Juan Comas wrote a fundamental study of Mexican Indigenous peoples and
was a reference in the defence of human rights.
34 One of the leading Brazilian sociologists of his generation, Costa Pinto was
closely tied to Donald Pierson. In 1953, he published O negro no Rio de Janeiro:
relações de raça numa sociedade em mudança (The Negro in Rio de Janeiro:
race relations in a changing society) as the final report on race relations
in research carried out in Rio de Janeiro and funded by UNESCO. In accord-
ance with UNESCO’s guidelines, the survey took into account the economic,
psychological, political, and cultural aspects of race relations which may have
influenced the sense of harmony or disharmony regarding race relations.
35 Franklin Frazier, who was a black man himself, published referential studies
on racial questions in the United States, publishing The Nego Family in Bahia
in 1942.
36 An outstanding British sociologist.
37 Humayun Kabir was an eminent Oxford-educated Indian intellectual and
politician.
38 In 1948 Levi-Strauss, who was a professor at USP between 1935 and 1939, had
already published La Vie familiale et Sociale des Indiens Nambikwara.
39 His birth name was Israel Ehrenberg. English by birth, he received a doctorate
from Columbia by Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict.
40 A former consultant at the Office of The Coordinator of Inter-American
Affairs during World War II, a social psychologist he worked with David
Rockefeller as a specialist in Latin America matters.
41 A US biologist and morphologist, he was a signatory of the 1939 Eugenic
Manifesto, which denounced Hitler’s racist policy.
42 A Swedish doctor, eugenicist, and morphologist.
43 One of the most outstanding geneticists in the United States.
44 A geneticist at Columbia University.
45 An anthropologist at Princeton University.
46 A prominent English scientist and one of those responsible for the creation of
UNESCO, in 1936, he proposed the use of ethnic group as a substitute for race.
47 Klineberg was a professor at Columbia professor and part of the Franz Boas
circle. He participated in Myrdal’s team for An American Dilemma. Between
1945 and 1947, he was hired by the University of São Paulo as professor and
head of the chair of psychology in the philosophy course.
48 Moore belonged to Talcott Parsons’ first PhD group of students at Harvard
University.
49 Winner of the Nobel Prise in medicine.
50 An embryologist, historian of science, biochemist, and English sinologist.
51 A German Jew and naturalised American, he is known as the refounder of
genetics.
52 Revised versions of the first 1950 Declaration were published in 1951, 1967,
and 1978.
53 The discussion was publicised by this 1952 UNESCO publication.
References
Arendt, Hannah. O sistema totalitário. Lisboa: Publicações Dom Quixote, 1978.
Arendt, Hannah. Race-Thinking before Racism. The Review of Politics, Vol. 6, no. 1,
1944. Published by: Cambridge University Press for the University of Notre
Dame du lac on behalf of Review of Politics. Disponível em: http://www.jstor.org/
stable/1404080, accessed April 8th 2011.
Boobbyer, Philip. The Stalin Era. Routledge Sources in History. London: Routledge,
2000.
Cattai, Júlio Barnez Pignata. Guerra Fria e Propaganda: A U.S. Information
Agency no Brasil, 1953-1964. Curitiba: Editora Prismas, 2017.
Dudziak, Mary J. Cold War and Civil Rights: Race and Image of America
Democracy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000.
Heger, Kenneth W. Race Relations in the United States and American Cultural
and Informational Programs in Ghana, 1957-1966. 1999. Www.archives.gov/
publications/prologue/1999/winter/us, accessed in September 12th 2017.
Jensen, Geoffrey W. The Routledge Book of the History of Race and the American
Military. London and New York: Routledge, 2016.
Kisshauer, Cassia. Reinhold Niebuhr: His Perspective on Desegregation as
Influenced by Christian Realism. In: Belmont University, 2015. Www.belmont.
edu/…/History%20-%20Kisshauer%20-%202015, accessed November 14th 2017.
Maio, Marcos Chor. O projeto Unesco e a agenda das Ciências Sociais no Brasil nos
anos 40 e 50. Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais. Vol. 14, no. 41. São Paulo, out.
1999, p. 151. Www.sieco/br.ph?Pid, accessed February 13th 2017
Introduction 13
Maio, Marcos Chor; Ventura, Ricardo dos Santos. Antiracism and the uses of sci-
ence in the post World War II: An analysis of Unesco’s first statements on race
(1950 and 1951). Rio de Janeiro, Vibrant, Vol. 12, no. 2, 2015. http://www.scielo.br/
pdf/vb/v12n2/1809-4341-vb-12-02-00001.pdf, accessed February 10th 2018.
Mattson, Kevin. Rethinking the liberal world: towards a history of postwar liberal-
ism in America. The Haverford Journal, Vol. 1, no. I, 2005, p. 11.
Myrdal, Gunnar. With the Assistance of Richard Sterner and Arnold Rose. An
American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy. NY/London:
Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1944.
Niebuhr, Reinhold. The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness: A
Vindication of Democracy and a Critique against its Traditional Defense.
Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2011.
Paeth, Scott. Reinhold Niebuhr’s Complex Legacy on Race. Political Theology.
2016. http://www.politicaltheology.com/blog/reinhold-niebuhrs-complex-legacy-
on-race-scott-paeth, accessed November 14th 2017.
Schlesinger Jr., Arthur M. The Vital Center: The Politics of Freedom. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1949.
Truman, Henry. Truman Doctrine. Milestone Documents of the National Archives,
1947. https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/truman-doctrine#:~:text=
I%20believe%20that%20it%20must,destinies%20in%20their%20own%20way
UNESCO. The Race Question; UNESCO and Its Programme; Vol. 3, 1950, p. 1.
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001282/128291eo.pdf, accessed October
14th 2017.
UNESCO. The Race Concept: Results of an Inquiry. The Race Concept in
Modern Science. Paris, 1952, p. 7. In: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0007/
000733/073351eo.pdf, accessed February 12th, 2018.
Washington, Mary Helen. The Other Blacklist: The African American Literary and
Cultural Left of the 1950s. New York: Columbia University Press, 2014.
1 The Cold War, the Social
Sciences, and the Race Question
Brazil as a Lab
Elizabeth Cancelli
In June 1950, a month before Declaration on Race was published, United

Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)
held a General Conference in Florence, Italy. At the meeting, the Conference
recommended an investigation of race relations in Brazil.1 In 1952, the mag-
azine Courier, a UNESCO publication, devoted a large part of its August/
September issue to A Report on Race Relations in Brazil. The publication was
about the new race relations research project (Courier, 1952, p. 4) they were
about to begin working on. Among those who wrote articles for the report
were Alfred Métraux from Switzerland, Roger Bastide from France, the
Americans Harry W. Hutchinson and Charles Wagley, and the Brazilians
Gilberto Freyre, L. A. Costa Pinto, and Thales de Azevedo.
Alfred Métraux’s opening text presented the reasons for choosing Brazil
for sociological research on race relations, a country, he said, without
urgent problems in the area. People “are so accustomed to seeing efforts
being made to relieve critical situations that they cannot understand why a
more or less harmonious state of affairs is in need of attention”. An impor-
tant point presented by Métraux for choosing Brazil as a kind of laboratory
was, in his words, “to overthrow one of the basic dogmas of racialism:
that men of different races cannot mix without condemning themselves to
moral and physical decadence”. “If it could be shown, by one or more con-
crete examples”, Métraux continues, “that this argument, or more precisely
this belief, is false, the injustices and sufferings which segregation policies
inflict on members of the so-called ‘inferior’ races can no longer be justi-
fied”.2 From his perspective, Brazil offered the strongest argument against
the racialist creed. Therefore, it was not a waste of time to learn about “a
social environment which so strongly refutes everything that theorists of
racialism and politicians who support them continue to affirm” (Métraux,
1952, p. 6).
Métraux was born in Switzerland in 1902 (Lévi-Strauss & d´Harcourt,
1963, pp. 301–11), and in 1950, at the age of 48, he became a permanent mem-
ber of the Department of Social Sciences at UNESCO, where he directed
the collections The Race Question and Modern Thought and, more impor-
tantly, The Race Question and Modern Science. By 1950, he had already built
DOI: 10.4324/9781003178507-2
The Cold War, the Social Sciences, and the Race Question 15
a solid and cosmopolitan international career as an anthropologist and eth-
nologist, with important studies on Latin America.
Until 1952, Métraux’s main assistant at the Department of Social Sciences
was the Brazilian anthropologist Ruy Galvão de Andrade Coelho. Ruy
Coelho was a former student of the French sociologist Roger Bastide at
University of São Paulo (USP), from where he graduated in 1941, as well as
studying with Melville Herskovits, at Northwestern University, where he
studied the black Caribes in Honduras and received his master’s degree.
In 1952, Ruy Coelho left his job at UNESCO and joined the Sociology
Department at USP.3
Alfred Métraux’s perspective as presented in the Courier came from a long
discussion about the harmonic racial relations observed in Brazil. A guide
related to these general ideas had already been published as a UNESCO
statement written in 1950 by Ernest Beaglehole (New Zealand), Juan Comas
(Mexico Professor), L. A. Costa Pinto (Brazil), Franklin Frazier (United
States), Morris Ginsberg (United Kingdom), Humayun Kabir (India),
Claude Levi-Strauss (France), and Ashley Montagu (United States):
This great republic has a civilisation which has been developed by the
direct contributions of different races. And it suffers less than other
nations from the effects of those prejudices which are at the root of so
many vexatious and cruel measures in countries of similar ethnic com-
position. We are yet ill informed about the factors which brought about
such a favourable and, in many ways, exemplary situation. But in the
present state of the social sciences, general speculations no longer suf-
fice. We must have specialists make searching inquiries in the field. We
must learn from them exactly why and how social, psychological and
economic factors have contributed in varying degrees to make possible
the harmony which exists in Brazil.
(UNESCO, 1950)4
An issue of the Courier contained details of the research and the perspec-
tives of some of the sociologists participating in the project. The Brazilian
research was to be carried out in four metropolitan areas (Rio de Janeiro,
São Paulo, Salvador, and Recife), in communities in Central Brazil, in the
Amazon region, and the north-eastern Sertão, and in large plantations in
Bahia. It was also to include direct contact and case studies of racial prob-
lems and attitudes – particularly regarding blacks and their social posi-
tion.5 In addition to Metraux’s article, Gilberto Freyre, Roger Bastide,6
Luis de Aguiar Costa Pinto, Thales de Azevedo, Harry W. Hutchinson,7
and Charles Wagley,8 coordinator of the investigation in rural Brazil, gave
a general portrait of the racial issue in the country and what UNESCO’s
research leaders had discovered about racial attitudes. Gilberto Freyre, the
best internationally known Brazilian sociologist at that time, wrote pro-
lifically about the history of the place of blacks in Brazil.9 He was born
in 1900 in Recife, in a Baptist family, graduated from Baylor University,
and studied under the supervision of Frantz Boas at Columbia University,
but never finished his PhD. By 1948, he had already published 11 books in
Brazil, including his internationally known The Masters and the Slaves. The
other two Brazilians in the group were L. A. da Costa Pinto and Thales de
Azevedo. Thales was born in Salvador in 1904. Originally a medical doctor,
he increasingly concerned himself with anthropology at the University of
Bahia, where he had been since 1943. Costa Pinto was the youngest Brazilian
of the group. He was also born in Salvador, and was working already with
Charles Wagley, Thales de Azevedo, and Harry W. Hutchinson, collecting
data in Bahia after finishing his PhD in Rio de Janeiro in 1944.
Wagley, Marvin Harris, Hutchinson, and Ben Zimmerman10 were in Brazil
working in the Bahia State-Columbia University Social Science Research
Program initiated in 1949.11 This was funded by the Foundation for the
Development of Science of Bahia12 and the Department of Anthropology
at Columbia University, in cooperation with UNESCO. The principal aim
of the group was to compare “traditional” zones with “progressive” com-
munities, in order to picture the dynamics and substantive changes created
through modernisation.
Roger Bastide was in São Paulo, where he had arrived at the age of 39 in
1937 with a group of young French academics hired by the new USP.13 In
1946, he had published the first volume of Estudos Afro-Brasileiros (Afro-
Brazilian Studies). He was supposed to head the UNESCO investigation
in São Paulo by himself, but he invited the young sociologist Florestan
Fernandes to share the responsibility with him.
Indeed, the general idea of the cultural importance of Brazil as a democratic
example mainly came from Gilberto Freyre’s masterpiece, The Masters and
the Slaves: A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilisation, published
in Portuguese in 1933 and first translated into English in 1946 by Alfred A.
Knopf and by Gallimard into French in 1952.14 The book was a tremendous
success15 and its fundamental point was that Brazil had a particular cultural
capacity for melting races without segregation and racism. Freyre gave long
historical explanations emphasising the Catholic, Portuguese, and African
backgrounds that made it possible to form this distinguished civilisation.
In the 1950s, Freyre was the best-known Brazilian sociologist outside the
country and his work had an international impact.
UNESCO’s research and Métraux’s perspective on Brazil came mainly
from what Freyre argued in his book. The head of the Department of
Social Sciences also stated that Brazil was one of the few countries that had
achieved racial democracy.16 He drew attention to the fact that the attitude
of Iberian countries towards slavery was different from those of other colo-
nial powers. Clauses favourable to slaves had always existed in Portuguese
and Spanish laws, reflecting the influence of the Church which, since the sev-
enteenth century, had recognised indigenous people and blacks as human
beings. Furthermore, the contribution of black people to religious, social,
and artistic traditions in a country that was demonstrating its originality
could not be denied. Also involved was the emergence of a new civilisation,
in which whites and blacks worked together to create a new social envi-
ronment. Nevertheless, the greatest danger, according to the head of the
UNESCO Social Sciences Division, was the role economic change could
play in the formation of racial prejudice. Métraux argued that the rapid
urbanisation that took place in Brazil intensified relations between whites
and blacks in certain cities and caused serious conflicts (Courier, 1952, p. 6).
In many ways, all articles written in that issue of the Courier corroborated
Métraux’s assumptions.
At that time, without denying Freyre’s assumptions of racial harmony,
the French sociologist Roger Bastide emphasised that relations between
blacks and whites in certain industrialised areas and cities were in open
opposition to status of blacks in the rest of the country. He explained that
the city of São Paulo was going through what American sociologists called
the phenomena of “transition societies”17: the patriarchal way of life was
succumbing to economic competition. Black patriarchal domination and
racial prejudice were being replaced by class prejudice in order to justify the
privileges of whites, although the democratic laws of Brazil and industrial
development, as well as the demand for labour, were helping to improve
position of non-white people as a whole. However, Bastide pointed out that
a union of forces for segregation was increasing in city life.
Thales de Azevedo’s position, unlike Bastide’s and Costa Pinto’s, was even
closer to Gilberto Freyre’s. His perspective was based on previous research
by Charles Wagley, Luis A. da Costa Pinto, and himself. Thales states in his
Courier article that prejudice did not really exist in Bahia, and that Bahia
was undoubtedly the state that most represented black and white relations
in Brazil. For him, while the number of interracial marriages were decreas-
ing, this was much more a consequence of social barriers and feelings of
class, than of colour prejudice. And although the vast majority of mulat-
tos and coloured people were concentrated in the lower social strata and
in the least prestigious occupations, many could be found in the professions
that conferred social prestige. The fact is, says Thales, that even though
there is prejudice, it is kept to a minimum in Bahia, concluding: “The people
of Bahia finally are very proud of their traditions of tolerance and of the
absence among them of any ‘racialism’” (Courier, 1952, p. 6).
Costa Pinto’s position appeared to be unique: in addition to the harsh
criticism that makes it possible to glimpse his position on the interpretation
of culturalism and the black question, he focused his analysis on the social
structure and harshly criticised the naturalisation of the development of a
“black conscience”. In the Courier, Costa Pinto denied that there was no
racial prejudice in Brazil and says that the refusal to recognise prejudice is a
desire to hide the importance of the question of race and colour, whose origin
has several causes. Attentive to the fact that in the extreme forms of racialism,
which exist in several countries in comparison with Brazil, Brazil is made to
appear to be a model of tolerance and harmony. If the United States is placed
next to Brazil, he says, we can see that the difference is in degree and not in
nature. What was typical in Brazilian situation was not its complete absence
of prejudice, but the absence of violence in the forms of discrimination. We
must make it clear, he says, that the appearance of a new racial situation,
which can be observed in Rio de Janeiro, is directly related to the influx of
rural immigration towards the country’s capital, caused by the attraction of
rapid industrial development. As for the fact that there were black men who
had reached the highest places on social scale, Costa Pinto says these rep-
resented honourable exceptions that should not give rise to illusions about
the state of the racial situation. The success of men who crossed barriers
imposed by their colour underwent a process of “bleaching”. This new black
elite that has emerged – the symbol of a liberal appearance in a modern
society and its white elites – while wishing for progress, does not give up its
“black c onscience”. In its way, this new black elite group faces prejudices
expressed in stereotypes. In face of these barriers, reactions take the form of
race consciousness. The ideology that black intellectuals built around “black
conscience” is the form of class consciousness imposed by their elites.18
Thus, concludes Costa Pinto, it can be said that the idea of “black con-
science” is not of black origin, but merely a black reflection of ideas that
white men have about themselves and a result of a black conscience of race
that was developed by obstacles blacks faced throughout their lives. It is
necessary to understand, according to him, that this exaltation of a “black
conscience” and the contradictions that are so apparent in the ideological
system are, in fact, expressions, in racial terms, of the aspirations and dis-
appointments of a middle-class group that is trying to ascend socially, not
as a race, but as a social class. Their main objective was to achieve for them-
selves and their peers the type of life of the upper and middle classes, in
other words, the traditional classes of Brazilian society.
Harry W. Hutchinson’s and Charles Wagley’s articles did not differ much
from each other and would not have much impact on future discussions.
They admitted that in the vast country that is Brazil there were extreme dif-
ferences from region to region, as well as between cosmopolitan cities and
small towns and villages: differences in ethnic composition, living stand-
ards, degrees of industrialisation, and receptivity to foreign ideas. It was
therefore difficult to generalise. But some common patterns were uncovered
in the surveys by the group Wagley had led since 1948.
It was observed that the main principle that governed relations between
people in rural Brazil was that of class and not race, although there was
some racial prejudice. Some occasional tensions were present in the upper
class, when other criteria were not decisive. The reason why Charles Wagley
gave relative importance to racial criterion was mainly because the upper-
class groups had a European appearance. People of colour, he argued,
occupy socially and economically inferior positions, not as a result of racial
prejudice, but these causes needed to be observed due to the slowness in
which the economic and educational advantages were extended to those
who were third or fourth generation former slaves or descendants of indig-
enous people. The main barrier to social improvement was not racial prej-
udice, but the inherited disadvantage of non-Europeans in terms of wealth
and education.
Wagley concluded that it was of fundamental importance that there was
no institutionalised occupational or educational segregation based only on
“race”. Rural Brazil was not entirely free from prejudice and race-based
discrimination, but, as a whole, race relations in these rural communities
had a rich heritage from which the world has much to learn.
Throughout the 1950s, noting that the conclusions did not necessarily
express the opinion of the organisation, UNESCO ended up publishing a
series of studies on what was generally called the economics, politics, cul-
tural, and psychology determinants of race relations in Brazil. First was
Race and Class in Rural Brazil, organised by Charles Wagley (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1952).19 This was followed by L. A. Costa Pinto,
O negro no Rio de Janeiro: relações de raças numa sociedade em mudança (São
Paulo: Brasiliana, Vol. 276, Companhia Editora Nacional, 1953); Thales de
Azevedo, Les élites de coloeur dans une ville bréliliene (Paris: UNESCO,
1953)20; followed by Relações raciais entre pretos e brancos em São Paulo,
organised by Roger Bastide and Florestan Fernandes (São Paulo: Editora
Anhembi, 1955); Rene Ribeiro, Religião e Relações Raciais (Rio de Janeiro:
Ministério da Educação e Cultura, 1956)21; Cor e Mobilidade Social by
Fernando Henrique and Octávio Ianni (São Paulo: Brasiliana, vol. 307,
Companhia Editora Nacional); Charles Wagley, Amazon Town: A Study of
Man in the Tropics (NY: The Macmillan Company, 1953); Marvin Harris,
Town and Country in Brazil (NY: Columbia University Press, 1956); and
Harry W. Hutchinson, Village and Plantation in Northeastern Brazil (Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1957).
The fact is that UNESCO’s work was structured to provide guidance
towards creating public policies that would have a concrete effect on over-
coming the racism and segregation imposed on the black population. In
order to create these policies, which would later be known as “affirmative”,
essential questions had to be debated: the slaveholding history of Brazilian
society, the impacts of social change due to capitalist innovation, and the
identification of colour as an obstacle to social mobility. The challenges to
create public policies and modernisation agendas for transition societies or
transition areas were set.
However, the perspective of the recent past as harmonious among
races still started from precepts established by Gilberto Freyre’s concept
of “Brazilian Civilisation”. As stated previously, in general, the justifica-
tions for UNESCO’s research in Brazil were based on the general lines of
Gilberto Freyre’s argument. It was interesting to see the predominance of a
view about Brazil, especially in its embryonic historical phase, from which
the latter, whose reputation was due above all to his The Masters and the
Slaves,22 emphasised the sensitivity of a culture sustained by human kind-
ness or humanism, stemmed from a North-eastern Brazilian perspective,
especially from Pernambuco state and its Catholic and Portuguese past.
In some ways, Freyre’s perspective was an identity-based creation cen-
tred on reference to its opposition, inversely related to Southern Brazil’s
cosmopolitan values and US Northern Protestant values. Giving it a more
universal dimension, it can be said that Freyre’s assumptions were contrary
to the positivity of Tocqueville’s Democracy in America, when he praised the
United States in 1835. In his book, Tocqueville (1998) praised the Puritan
values of the North, as opposed to the values of other regions of the conti-
nent, doomed, according to him, to disorder and alien to work and wealth.23
According to Freyre’s precepts in his opposite interpretation of
Tocqueville’s renowned book, the utilitarian pragmatism of Protestantism
was incompatible with the premises that made building a different civili-
sation possible, such as the Brazilian one. Gilberto Freyre assumed that
“Catholic culture was more plastic, more flexible, with a greater capacity
for assimilation, whereas Protestant culture, tougher, more rigorous, more
uncompromising, was less receptive to diversity and less rich in aesthetic
terms” (Siepierski, 2002). This plasticity and the immense capacity for
assimilation would be present whenever Catholic culture had gained space
for penetration, as occurred in an exemplary manner in Northeast Brazil.
Therefore, the true Brazilian spirit was in the Northeast.
Freyre centralised the building of national identity in the past and on
the construction of a specific kind of memory. Identity, therefore, had to
be built in contrast to the ones projected towards the future, notably those
focused on a type of modernity proclaimed in the South of Brazil, espe-
cially in São Paulo. For him, the creed based on a model of modernity and
civilisation coming from the south of the country was some kind of intru-
sive pattern against tradition, extemporaneous to Brazilian cultural iden-
tity, supported by him and his constant search for tradition. Instead, Freyre
proposed a quite different model of civilisation, distant and antagonistic to
the Protestant type of capitalist development he recognised was being intro-
duced in the southern part of the country.
When, in 2005, the former president and sociologist Fernando Henrique
Cardoso wrote the presentation to the 50th Brazilian edition of The Masters
and Slaves (Freyre, 2005), he continued to criticise Freyre’s views. He said
that “Gilberto Freyre opposed the patriarchal tradition to all elements that
could be constitutive of capitalism and democracy: Calvinist puritanism,
Victorian morality, the political modernisation of the state from a liberal
point of view, and everything that was fundamental to a State of Law (indi-
vidualism, contract, and general rules), in a word, modernity” (Cardoso,
2005, p. 27) Fernando Henrique Cardoso was a member of the UNESCO
team at USP leaded by Roger Bastide and Florestan Fernandes.
Freyre’s perspective, it is important to emphasise, was not unique. Like
the Frenchman Tocqueville, who used the United States to think about
France, Freyre was inspired by Americans to rethink Brazil, in an exchange
of signals in relation to Tocqueville’s work. Where the Frenchman saw
positivity, Freyre saw negativity. His proposal for civilisation was diverse.
Freyre shared it with a movement that had taken shape especially in the
Southern United States in the early twentieth century.
In 1918, at the age of 18, Gilberto Freyre, arrived to study in Waco, Texas,
at Baylor University, a traditional Baptist higher education institution.24 Two
years later, despite being a Baptist, he would develop a severe criticism of
Protestantism and would become a Catholic and supporter of Iberianism.25
In those years, an intense intellectual agitation was taking place in the
South of the United States. One of this movements was called the New
Poetry. It entered the South and intended to humanise poetry using a fresh
and original language, moving away completely from the traditional types
of verse, differentiating itself from forms established by nineteenth-century
literature. It was an intense search for new plasticities. Freyre was deeply
touched by such new poetry and its use of words.
There was also an intense intellectual movement that criticised segrega-
tion as an attempt to preserve “Old South” ideals and the History made
by “ladies” and by confederate remnants, especially regarding their con-
ceptions of race, politics, and class hierarchy (Cobb, 2007).26 The Southern
Renaissance was openly opposed to segregationist doctrines that were
intensified in the 1880s, gained an echo in the exaltation of the Old South,
and spread through the rest of the nation, particularly after 1915, with the
resounding success of DW Griffith’s movie, The Birth of a Nation. The film
disseminated images of “wild black sexuality” and featured a negative por-
trait of the southern reconstruction period, just when small steps towards
black people citizenship were being taken (Cobb, 2007, pp. 87–8).
The Southern Renaissance was immersed in an attempt to rethink his-
tory, although, as historian James Cobb would point out in 2007, it ended
up bypassing “the delicate issue of slavery, paying tribute to the grace
and gentility of the slaveholding class without addressing the devastating
human and economic impact of the institution that supported them” (Cobb,
2007, p. 104). This intellectual rethinking was accompanied by a profes-
sionalisation of History as a reaction to conservative Old South values. By
1920, for example, there were already about 30 or 40 History of the South
courses being offered in American universities. Gilberto Freyre was in
touch with this instigating intellectual environment either in Waco, where
he lived between 1918 and 1920, or during his time in New York at Columbia
University, between 1920 and 1922, or even perhaps on his return to the
United States in 1926, when he visited Maryland and Virginia.
It was supposedly in Waco, in 1920, that Freyre recorded in his diary
comments about the New Poetry, New Criticism, and New History: “there
are three renewing movements that make today’s literature – or culture – of
the United States one of the most vibrant in modern world”.27 According
to Freyre, in 1921, he came into contact with Henry L. Mencken, which
marked him deeply.28 Intellectually very active, Mencken, one of the great-
est American critics of the twentieth century, revalued American culture,
especially in the south.29 He radically defended civil rights, freedom of
thought, and took a stand against Christian puritanism and fundamental-
ism. A famous and influential columnist, founding and editing American
Mercury Magazine in 1924, along with Freyre’s future close friend, Alfred
Knopf, Mencken was also one of the most prominent literary supporters of
the Harlem Renaissance. This movement, which would stir up life in New
York City as well as the rest of the United States soon after World War I,
had flourished in Harlem, Manhattan, revealing a growing number of black
Americans into the world of arts, music, literature, and dance.30 The Harlem
Renaissance proposed to “edify” the black race through the celebration of
a variety of cultural elements that mixed high and low culture mainly with
the experimentation of new literature, poetry, jazz, and poetry forms, in a
kind of hybrid culture exaltation.
Generally speaking, Henry L. Mencken’s position consisted of an acute
critique of Protestantism and Puritanism. All human groups, he believed,
were capable of producing a small number of clearly superior people who
made up an elite, an aristocracy. At the beginning of the twentieth century,
this elite, which could be found among whites or blacks, was being replaced
by the rise of a white ignorant mass who had been taking over the south of
the United States and, consequently, ending with erudition and cordiality
that were part of a lifestyle; a civilisation (Cobb, 2007, p. 108). The same was
said by Freyre about the Northeast of Brazil.
In the American south after the end of World War I, there was deep reflec-
tion on the evils brought about by the War of Secession. The abandonment
of the black population after the end of slavery was seen, written, and read
as a phenomenon caused by the economic and cultural values of industrial
society. In addition, there was a sense of pride in reviving a way of life in
which, according to this view, the divergent values of civilisation questioned
the utilitarianism and pragmatism that dominated the United States. The
time had come – as the poets and teachers of The Fugitives31 movement sug-
gested32 – to provoke a reaction that would be even more radical. This group
was the origin of the Agrarians.33
In 1930, the year Freyre began his research for The Masters and The Slaves,
a group of 12 intellectuals, linked in some way to Vanderbilt University,
published a manifesto “I´ll Take my Stand: The South and the Agrarian
Tradition”.34 It consisted of 12 essays which attacked the civilisation of
modern industrial American society and proclaimed the preservation of
customs and culture of the rural south as an alternative civilisation. The
manifesto was born under inspiration of the poet and student John Crowe
Ransom, whose father had been a missionary in Brazil,35 and poets and
English teachers Donald Davidson and Allen Tate (Murphy, 2001, p. 1).
The Agrarians were concerned with cultural modernism and sought a
reconciliation between tradition and progress, relying as much on the
defence of culture and cultural heritage as on Christian humanist religious
values. Therefore, in the reaffirmation of an anti-liberal philosophy, espe-
cially important for them was culture, which built a deep sense of commu-
nity, identity, and family ties (Murphy, 2001, p. 1).
The similarities and coincidences between Freyre’s work and these
American Southerners do not stop here.36 Just as there is an idyllic read-
ing of nineteenth-century Brazil in The Masters and The Slaves,37 the
argumentative power of the essays by the Agrarian group lay precisely
in the strength of their poetic metaphors, since defending a romanticised
South had become a strong tool of affirmative universal values (Murphy,
2001, p. 2). Ultimately, for them, industrialisation was the enemy of reli-
gion, arts, and all the components of the “good life”: leisure, hospitality,
and conversation. This was a view also fully supported by Freyre, who
wrote: “There was leisure, there was luxury, there were slaves and there
was politeness” (Murphy, 2001, p. 2). Some of the Agrarians, notably
Allen Tate, would develop an enormous interest in the Catholic Revival,
due to the criticism of Protestant religiosity. The movement, which had
begun at the end of the nineteenth century and reached its peak between
the end of World War I and the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s, was
strongly inspired by literati and clerics who intended to place Catholic
doctrine next to Christian humanism. Added to the criticism of the pop-
ularised Enlightenment idea of the inevitable progress of humanity was
renewed interest in scholasticism and in Saint Thomas Aquinas, accom-
panied by a rather negative image of the modern world driven by the
notion of progress.
On the right, the main representatives of the Catholic Revival were
L’Action Française, later, Opus Dei, led by Charles Maurras – whom Freyre
approached in 1922 when he was in France.38 Maurras’ ideological influ-
ence on the Portuguese dictator Antônio Salazar, whom Freyre would
also approach, is also known.39 Among the Agrarians, some had their rep-
utations damaged during the 1930s, when they joined Seward Collins, an
American fascist intellectual and owner of the American Review.40
Combined with the search for humanist Christian principles, the
Agrarians group would cultivate an acid criticism of the Victorian sensi-
bility. Paul Conkin (2001) argues that when still a member of the Fugitives,
Allen Tate, inspired by T.S. Eliot, would argue that
Only new poetic techniques could serve the cause of the South he came
to admire, a South that once embodied a deeply traditional culture.
The literature of the lost cause, of moonlight and magnolias, or of local
colour, was not only false to the fact and exploitative of the South, but
was a literature produced for Northern markets. The older poetics tech-
niques, tied to Victorian sensibilities, were inadequate for the task of
rescuing the real South.
(p. 25)
Ultimately, these new techniques had to denounce modern humanity and its
past alienation. Intellectual reaction to northern bourgeois and philistine
values seems to have worked. In 1925, at Vanderbilt, the most important and
influential university in Southern United States, everyone was concerned
about the South (Conkin, 2001, p. 25). In terms of plasticity, they aban-
doned Victorian sensibility. Freyre followed them.
The Southern Renaissance denial of any structural-functional perspec-
tive highlighted, above all, the spiritual dimension which believed that
direct contact with nature and religiosity would engender the development
and preservation of a series of virtues, such as honour, moral integrity,
sense of community, abundant life, and, ultimately, the spiritual capacity
to give civilisation a sense of belonging and identity. In short, it was the
response to the evil civilisation of industrial world, whose vulgarisation and
lack of plasticity and spirituality put the supreme values of virtue in sus-
pense. Literature, culture, and the Southern “civilisation” were thus con-
structed based on memory and cultural identity: past as opposed to ideas
of future and progress. A different idea of civilisation and a diverse way of
being in the world were proposed. Based on the construction and (re)con-
struction of memory, this civilisation would treat itself and race relations as
a way of life, not exactly as a form of structural relationship of exploitation.
Criticism of Victorian sensibility, it is true, had already been announced
emphatically in the United States by Amy Lowell’s literary circle, the
Imagists, from whom Freyre said he was protected (Larreta and Giucci,
2007, p. 90). Lowell’s circle deeply influenced the Agrarians. In 1912, the
Imagists41 – Ezra Pound, Hilda Doolittle, Richard Aldington, F. S. Flint,
and Amy Lowell were some of their exponents – proposed new poetic stat-
utes that abandoned, they said, Victorian sentimentality, artificiality, and
obscurity. Both T. S. Eliot and D. H. Lawrence were influenced by this
perspective. It was in 1920, therefore four years before Freyre founded the
Regionalist Centre of the Northeast in Recife, that he met Amy Lowell,42
and was influenced by her approach to Freud and Victorian aesthetics and
criticism of the ideals of Protestant modernity.
The Regionalist Centre of the Northeast43 would incorporate the new
aesthetic sense, critical of the nineteenth century and modernity, faithful,
however, to tradition. In a manifesto, supposedly written in 1926,44 but pub-
lished much latter by Freyre, some of his main intellectual concerns were
registered in an exemplary manner:
We try to defend these values and these traditions, that is, from the dan-
ger of being abandoned, such the fury of neophyte leaders who, among
us, pass for advanced and “progressive” because they blindly and una-
bashedly imitate foreign novelty […]
The truth is that there is no region in Brazil that exceeds the Northeast
in wealth of illustrious traditions and in sharpness of character. Several
of its regional values became national after being imposed on other
Brazilians less because of the economic superiority that sugar gave to
the northeast for more than a century than because of the moral seduc-
tion by the aesthetic fascination of the same values […]
The northeast has the right to consider itself a region that has already
greatly contributed to give Brazilian culture or civilisation authenticity
and originality and not just sweetness or spices.
(Freyre, 1955, pp. 19–20)
Gilberto Freyre’s work matched the conceptions of the Southern Renaissance.

The Masters and The Slaves’ narrative had the charm of presenting a way
of life from an artistic perspective, harmonising nature and social environ-
ment. Freyre’s colonial Brazilian nostalgia and his belief in a Portuguese way
of being in the world – fraternal, artistic, tolerant, Christian – gave him the
background to build a general picture of black and white integration, charac-
terised by a strong black presence in an idyllic civilisation. Indeed, Gilberto
Freyre saw a great similarity between the south of the United States and
Northeast Brazil.45 Nevertheless the difference Iberism made, as it was respon-
sible for racial harmonisation, led him to state that “hybrid from its begin-
ning, Brazilian society was in the whole American continent the one most
harmoniously constituted in race relations” (Cardoso, 2005, p. 126). It is not
surprising, as noted by Larreta and Giucci, in a recent bibliographic study of
Freyre, that his intellectual style differed so much from what was adopted by
his future teacher: Professor Franz Boas (Larreta and Giucci, 2007).46 Similar
to the Agrarians, Freyre thought that the Northeast Brazilian revival should
have another kind of modernity arrangement, distant from the Calvinist
Puritan ethics, Victorian morality, and individualism preached by liberalism.
Far from Freyre’s point of view, and fundamentally opposed to it, there
was another position among Brazilian sociologists. Florestan Fernandes and
Roger Bastide from USP had been hired to run the UNESCO investigation in
the state of São Paulo. Led by Florestan Fernandes, this young generation of
sociologists argued that Northeast Brazil had in essence a racially segregated
way of life. It was not a pseudo civilisation tributary to cordiality, plasticity,
and miscegenation. Fernandes’ group adopted a strong position, despite
Bastide’s somewhat hybrid view. He did not completely deny Freyre’s assump-
tions and argued that there was a Brazilian legacy of racial harmonisation,
mainly because the country had not yet suffered the upheavals of modernity.
The two visions clashed. While, like the Agrarians, Freyre sought to
escape the logic and dimension of the capitalist system and its progress,
the USP group, sustained a structural-functional perspective of analy-
sis. They categorically affirmed that slavery was an obstacle to capitalism
development and, therefore, to Brazilian modernity. As Fernando Henrique
Cardoso (1962) would emphasise:
The slave economy, on the one hand, is a wasteful economy by its very
nature, and on the other hand, it is based on the social requirements
of production that make it obligatorily and not flexible in the face of
the need for innovation in production techniques. In other words, and
in summary, the slave economy, for reasons that are part of the actual
form of social organisation of work, imposes limits on the process of
production rationalisation and economic calculability. This means
that, after a certain limit, the slavery economy presents itself as a fun-
damental obstacle to capitalist formation.
(p. 217)
Gilberto Freyre’s proposals would end up causing immense discomfort in

Brazil, notably in the post-World War II period. While, on the one hand,
his studies aroused interest in the early 1950s, mainly due to the apprecia-
tion of social harmonisation between whites and blacks – a major political
problem for the United States during this Cold War period – his lack of
belief in industrialisation and capitalist development, as well as his fascina-
tion with the past, made him clash with democracy, industrialisation, and
development proposals. He was clearly opposed to the recent modernisa-
tion theories.
Industrial economic development was highlighted as the solution to social
issues. Poverty and misery were to be combatted through efforts to reverse
rates such as birth, education, and modernisation. The suppression of
social problems would guarantee the path to political systems which would
invariably meet freedom. Raymond Aron’s theses, as much as the develop-
ment principles defended by theorists from the Economic Commission for
Latin America (ECLAC), or by the so-called modernising left, for example,
followed this trend (Cancelli, 2012, p. 121). Therefore, for the future per-
spective of industrial development, the end of slavery was a fundamental
requirement “for the full formation of the capitalist mercantile-industrial
system”, in a country where “prejudice becomes a resource for white peo-
ple’s self-defence” and where “maintenance of social plundering is justified
by natural reasons” (Cardoso, 1962, p. 320). Here is exactly where Florestan
Fernandes’ criticism resides: the “old regime” tried to perpetuate the order-
ing of race relations, “keeping the black and the mulatto in a disheartening
social situation” (Fernandes, 1965, p. 1).
The “racial democracy myth” served to preserve this reality, since blacks
and mulattos were “socialised not only to tolerate, but to accept as nor-
mal and even endorse existing forms of racial inequality, with its dynamic
components - hidden racial prejudice and indirect racial discrimination”
(Fernandes, 1972, p. 10 and 13). In other words, the status-based domina-
tion of racist heritage, says Florestan Fernandes, made it difficult to return
to the “historical paths of economic, socio-cultural and political integration
of a cultural and racially homogeneous society”.
In their analyses, Fernandes and Bastide’s group emphasised the devel-
opment and formation of a bourgeois democracy, realising that blacks were
excluded from the economic development process before and after abolition
(Cardoso, 1962). Florestan Fernandes stated that “it is not only racial
democracy that needs to be established in Brazil. It is democracy in the
economic, social, legal, and political spheres” (Cardoso, 1962, p. 23). The
values of patrimonialism were opposed to transformations. Florestan and
Bastide’s criticisms state that patriarchalism represented a barrier to full
capitalist development and to achieving democratic-bourgeois plenitude.
A typical problem of “underdeveloped” countries, the patriarchal mental-
ity was an obstacle to the adoption of modern political models and values,
despite the understanding, especially among American scholars, about the
existence, in the specific case of Brazil, of a racial democracy (evidently
unaccompanied by political democracy).
Contrary to the USP sociologists, Gilberto Freyre’s proposition sustained
that it was possible to have social harmony in an unequal society. Changes
in culture and mentalities – and consequently his reliance on New History –
would be able to include blacks, preserving a system of life without touching
the economic exploitation and accumulation. The idea of a racial democ-
racy engendered by culture tradition and mentality partially fitted into
US government solutions of social inclusion of black populations and civil
rights. A 1966 article published in The American Negro Reference Book, by
American historian C. Eric Lincoln,47 can be taken as an example of how
liberals rebutted the left and the Communist Party’s reading of democracy
in the United States regarding racial issues.
Lincoln drew his attention to two major paradoxes in the American dem-
ocratic experience: the presence of racial segregation in a free society, and
the fact that races were not entirely divided, although segregation expressed
conflict between them. This unfreedom of racism and segregation, he said,
was inconsistent with American political philosophy principles and its ide-
als and values, as understood as the American way of life or the American
dream (Lincoln, 1969, p. 458). According to Lincoln – at that time a visit-
ing professor at Dartmouth College and director of the Institute of Social
Relations at Clark College in Atlanta – even though accommodation did
not meant servile acceptance, most blacks had accommodated themselves
to segregation patterns in islands of protest. Racial segregation was a moral
issue, rather than a social or political issue. A big step would be taken to
solve the problem, according to him, when it was understood that it could
not be solved by blacks or whites, but by a concentrated effort of American
people. Another paradox raised by the author is that the issue should no
longer be seen as a southern issue. Prejudice was not the only cause of segre-
gation; their allies were hidden in unemployment, economic insecurity, anx-
iety, fear, and politics (Lincoln, 1969, p. 458 and ff.). While segregation and
alienation were in conflict with the fundamental principles, ideas, and val-
ues of US political philosophy, bringing social and political c onsequences,
it was essentially necessary to face the problem and transform racist men-
talities. Basically, it would be the mentality that produced negative results
in terms of access to work, education, and economic security. Therefore,
mentalities, in other words culture and not the economic system, were
responsible for marginalisation.
In fact, concerning sociological interpretations of Brazil, both perspectives –
the Freyrian defending the existence of racial democracy and the USP
group sustaining the existence of racial prejudice and the marginalisation of
blacks as a result of slavery and its post-abolition consequences – responded
to the United States’ new strategies against racism in the postwar period.
Gilberto Freyre’s perspective, as seen, relied on cultural changes, which,
in conclusion, stimulated the development of policies that could transform
racist and segregationist mentalities. From this perspective, racial democ-
racy was fully possible, despite Freyre’s fascination with the past and his
deep discomfort with Protestant values and its “modern” political and eco-
nomic system. The second perspective also fed the strategy for combatting
racism because it believed that democracy would be possible by consoli-
dating a class society that could purge old habits, behaviour patterns, and
old institutionalised social functions in which the behaviour of black pop-
ulation was subordinate to the conservative elites. In the USP group, the
Western accumulation socioeconomic model was accepted as the great cre-
ator of social and political democracy. In summary, the presence of racial
segregation was a paradox in a fully constituted class society. As Arthur
Schlesinger (1949) noted, at the same time that industrialisation had created
an unimaginable abundance and wealth, the social order of faith and broth-
erhood had ceased (1949, p. 243).
From both perspectives, the importance of government intervention was
crucial for the adoption of policies in which “the expansion of government
powers could constantly be an essential part of society’s attack on the ills
of wills and injustice” (Schlesinger Jr, 1949, p. 251). In the United States, in
addition to governmental social compensation policies was the support of
the civil rights movement and religious leaders of civil disobedience of seg-
regation laws, always under the condition that they adopt a pacifist stance
based on the premises of nonviolence premises.48
In order to build a political commitment to the “dilemma” announced
after the war, meetings and seminars were held about racial issues, strongly
guided by a Cold and Cultural War agenda. In September 1965, the
Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF)49 – the Central Intelligence Agency’s
(CIA) leading covert operations intelligence institution during the 1950s
and 1960s, whose main covert funding had been transferred from the
CIA through the Ford Foundation since its creation in 195050 – joined the
American Academy of Arts and Sciences, with Ford Foundation support.
Together they organised the Race and Colour Congress in Copenhagen.51
The Race and Colour Congress had 17 speakers. Seven from the United
States: Edward Shills, Harol R. Isaacs, Kenneth J. Gergen, Leon Carl Brown,
C. Eric Lincoln, Julian Pitt-Rivers, and David Lowenthal.52 Roger Bastide
and François Raveau came from France. Philip Mason and Kenneth Little,
from England; Hiroshi Wagatsuma from Japan; Andre Beteille from India;
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
seiner Rebe nur mit großer Mühe ein Plätzchen erobern konnte und
erhalten kann und den fruchtbaren Talgefilden zur Rechten, wo die
Rheinbewohner mühelos pflanzen und ernten können, verleiht dem
Rheintale einen neuen Zauber. Bis Coblenz hin bleibt ihm dieser
Wechsel erhalten. Vor der Bergwand zur Linken muß der Rhein nach
Osten ausweichen. Aber eine andere Bergwand tritt ihm nun im
Osten entgegen. Sie zwingt ihn, von neuem auszubiegen und wieder
die alte Richtung nach Nordwesten einzuschlagen. Aber der
mächtige Strom tut’s nicht ohne Kampf. Er nagt und frißt nun an der
östlichen Bergwand, und an dem linken Ufer, wo er ruhiger strömt,
lagert er einen Niederungssaum ab, der immer breiter wird. Auf
diesem haben die beiden Dörfchen Ober- und Niederspay, die gleich
Salzig und Boppard von zahllosen Obstbäumen umschattet sind, ein
herrliches Plätzchen gefunden. Auf dem bergigen rechten Ufer aber
ragt, beherrschend über das herrliche Tal und den Strom
hinwegschauend, über dem Städtchen Braubach die stattliche
Marksburg (Abb. 74) empor.
Abb. 72. Boppard a. Rh. und Blick in das Mühltal.
Nach einer Photographie von Louis Glaser in Leipzig. (Zu Seite 64.)
Die Marksburg, auf hohem Fels, 150 m über
dem Rheinspiegel gelegen, ist die einzige Marksburg.
unzerstörte Burg am Rhein und im ganzen noch Königsstuhl.
wohl erhalten. Sie kann daher als ein lehrreiches Beispiel des
mittelalterlichen Burgbaues gelten. Der Verein zur Erhaltung
deutscher Burgen, in dessen Besitz die Marksburg vor kurzem
übergangen ist, hat diese wieder in guten Stand setzen lassen. Die
Innenräume sind mit Hausgerät, Waffen usw. wieder so ausgestattet
worden wie zur Ritterzeit. Die Besucher der Burg erhalten also ein
anschauliches Bild von der Stätte, wo einst die Ritter gelebt haben.
Wir hatten schon auf S. 50 die Hauptbestandteile einer
mittelalterlichen Burg kennen gelernt. Wenn die Marksburg wieder
vollständig eingerichtet ist, wird sie uns auch manches aus dem
häuslichen Leben der Ritterfamilie erzählen. Sie hatte es in vielem
nicht so gut wie wir in unserer heutigen Zeit, obgleich eine stolze
Burg ihr Heim bildete. Besonders in dem langen Winter ging es ihr
herzlich schlecht. Da war man gezwungen, in Pelze gehüllt, mit
fröstelndem Gefühl an dem nur mangelhaft geheizten offenen Kamin
zu sitzen. Bei schlechter Witterung mußten auch tagsüber die
Fensterläden geschlossen werden, denn die kleinen trüben Horn-
oder Pergamentfensterscheiben boten nicht soviel Schutz wie
unsere hellen Glasscheiben. Alles wohnte enge zusammen, und oft
mußte der Wohnraum auch als Schlafraum dienen. Aus dem
winterlichen Leben der Burgbewohner erklärten sich die
sehnsuchtsvollen Klagen der von Burg zu Burg ziehenden
Minnesänger, daß der Winter gar nicht weichen und der holde
Sommer gar nicht nahen wolle. Wie ganz anders war das Burgleben
zur schönen Sommerzeit! Dann war es lustig, vom hohen Burgerker
in das sonnige Tal, auf die Häuser und Gärten und auf den von
Schiffskähnen belebten Strom herniederschauen zu können. Dann
war es auch luftiger und heller in den Zimmern, besonders im Saale,
dem Hauptraume des Palas, dessen Wände und Boden mit bunten
Teppichen geschmückt waren. Das Hauptvergnügen der
Burgbewohner waren die Kampfspiele und die Jagd. Es muß ein
herrlicher Anblick gewesen sein, wenn das Burgtor sich öffnete und
der Ritter mit den Edeldamen und seinen Knappen, alle in
farbenprächtiger Kleidung und die Männer in glänzender Rüstung,
hinausritten und die Rosse mit lautem Gepolter über die
heruntergelassene Zugbrücke trabten.
Abb. 73. Der Königsstuhl bei Rhens.

Nach einer Photographie von Sophus Williams in Berlin. (Zu Seite 66.)
Entschwundene Zeiten! entschwunden für immer! Die Burgen

mag man wiederherstellen, die Menschen, die in ihnen wohnten und
die in jene Zeit paßten, kann man nicht mehr aus den Gräbern rufen.
Dies sagt uns auch der Königsstuhl (Abb. 73), der am Rheinufer bei
Rhens, einem Städtchen auf der linken Rheinseite, verlassen von
den Geschlechtern, die ihn erbauten, dasteht. Er war einst der Ort,
wo sich die deutschen Kurfürsten, um über Reichsangelegenheiten
sich zu beraten, versammelten. 1376 wurde er vom Kaiser Karl IV.
errichtet. Warum er diesen Platz wählte, das erklärt uns ein Blick auf
eine historische Karte. Gegenüber dem Königsstuhl stießen die
Gebiete von vier deutschen Kurfürsten im Rhein zusammen. Rhens
gehörte zu Cöln, Braubach zur Pfalz, Lahnstein zu Mainz und
Stolzenfels zu Trier. Im Laufe der Jahrhunderte war der berühmte
Bau, als seine hohen Gäste nicht mehr kamen, allmählich fast zur
Ruine geworden. Im Jahre 1843 wurde er mit Benutzung der
Trümmer in seiner alten Gestalt wieder hergestellt. Das achteckige,
kanzelartige Bauwerk hat eine Höhe von beinahe 6 m und einen
Durchmesser von 7 m. Eine Freitreppe führt zu seinem Sitze hinauf.
Abb. 74. Braubach und die Marksburg.

Nach einer Photographie von Stengel & Co. in Berlin. (Zu Seite 65.)
Noch einmal entfaltet das Rheintal seine Lahneck.

ganze Schönheit dort, wo von rechts, über den in Stolzenfels.
breiter Niederung liegenden Schwesterstädten Coblenz.
Oberlahnstein (rund 8500 Einw.) und
Niederlahnstein (rund 4500 Einw.), die durch die einmündende Lahn
getrennt sind, Burg Lahneck, von links das stattliche Schloß
Stolzenfels von der Höhe herniedergrüßen. Burg Stolzenfels (Abb.
75 u. 76) ließ in den Jahren 1442 bis 1459 der trierische Erzbischof
zur Erhebung des Rheinzolles erbauen. Die Franzosen zerstörten
sie 1689. Der kunstsinnige König Friedrich Wilhelm IV. ließ als
Kronprinz sie von 1836 bis 1842 nach Schinkelschen Entwürfen
wiederherstellen in neuer Pracht. Prächtig hebt sich der stolze Bau,
den man Stolzenfels taufen möchte, wenn er nicht schon so hieß,
von dem waldesdunkeln Hintergrunde ab.
Abb. 75. Capellen und Schloß Stolzenfels.
Nach dem steten Anblick der steilen Rebengehänge des

Rheintals, die doch häufig kahl erscheinen, begrüßen wir die
waldgeschmückten Berge mit doppelter Freude. Solche begleiten
uns nun auf beiden Seiten, bis hinter den Bogen von zwei festen
Rheinbrücken links das Häuserbild von Coblenz (55000 Einw.) (Abb.
78) vor uns auftaucht.
Wir sind am ersten Ziele unserer Rheinfahrt, in Coblenz,
angelangt. Eine lange Reihe prächtiger Gasthöfe heißt am
Stromesufer uns willkommen. Weiter zieht „Lohengrin“, unser Schiff,
um auch anderen Rheinstädten Scharen von frohen Reisenden
zuzuführen.
Abb. 76. Stolzenfels und Oberlahnstein.
Die eigenartige Schönheit des Coblenz,

Landschaftsbildes von Coblenz beruht nicht zum Geschichte.
wenigsten auf dem Wechsel zwischen
waldgeschmückten Bergkuppen und kahlen Felswänden. Besonders
der Gegensatz zwischen dem hochgewölbten, wohlgerundeten
Kühkopf, der bis obenhin in dichtem Waldkleide prangt und im
Süden der Stadt aufsteigt, und zwischen der schroffen, tief
durchfurchten Felswand des Ehrenbreitsteins (Abb. 77), dessen
felsiges Gepräge durch die Steinmassen der Festungswerke noch
verstärkt wird, beherrscht die Landschaft.
Abb. 77. Ehrenbreitstein.
Abb. 78. Der Rhein bei Coblenz.

Neue Photographische Gesellschaft in Berlin. (Zu Seite 68.)
Coblenz’ herrliche Lage ist unbestritten, und Coblenz.

jeder, der vom Plateau des Ehrenbreitsteins und
von den andern Höhen hinabschaute auf die Stadt, auf die beiden
sich vermählenden Ströme und auf die Waldberge ringsum, vermag
das Bild dieses Anblicks im Geiste nicht mehr zu löschen. Auch die
Stadt Coblenz selbst schreitet jetzt einer schnellern Entwicklung
entgegen, nachdem ein enger Festungsgürtel zu lange die
Bautätigkeit gehemmt hatte. Besonders nach Süden hin beginnt sich
ein schöner, neuzeitlicher Stadtteil zu entwickeln. In der Altstadt
dagegen ist es düster und enge, besonders in dem Stadtteil an der
Mosel, in dessen Anlage wir den ältesten Kern von Coblenz
unschwer wiedererkennen. Ob das alte Confluentes, benannt nach
dem Zusammenfließen von Rhein und Mosel, das in späterer Zeit
auch Castellum Confluens oder Castrum Confluentes oder kurz Confluentia
hieß, nur eine römische Poststation bezeichnete, oder ob schon
frühzeitig ein römisches Bollwerk an diesem wichtigen Punkte
errichtet wurde, kann nicht mehr festgestellt werden. Denn
bedeutende römische Bauwerke sind gar nicht erhalten, und auch
auf die Grundmauern derselben ist man nur selten gestoßen. Wie
mächtige Eichenpfähle, die man im Moselbette fand, bewiesen
haben, führte in der Römerzeit eine Brücke über die Mosel. Durch
Chlodwig wurde das römische Kastell in einen fränkischen Königshof
verwandelt. Durch eine Schenkung des Kaisers Heinrich II. gelangte
dieser mit ausgedehntem Domänenbesitz (quaedam nostri iuris curtis
nomine confluentia) im Jahre 1018 in den Besitz der Erzbischöfe von
Trier. Der kleine Ort wuchs zum Rheine hin, wo schon längst,
ursprünglich auf einer Insel, ein Kirchlein sich erhob. Die Gebeine
des heiligen Kastor, der in Carden an der Mosel gestorben war,
wurden darin aufbewahrt. Die Normannen zerstörten dasselbe im
Jahre 822. Die jetzige Kastorkirche, die älteste und geschichtlich
interessanteste Kirche der ganzen Gegend, stammt aus späterer
Zeit, wohl aus dem zwölften Jahrhundert, mit Bauresten jedoch aus
früherer Zeit. Im Innern besitzt sie manche, kunstgeschichtlich
wertvolle Denkmäler. Nach außen wirkt der Bau, besonders durch
seine wenig belebte Umgebung, ziemlich nüchtern. Im dreizehnten
Jahrhundert wurde die immer mehr sich vergrößernde Stadt mit
Mauern und Festungswerken umgeben. So konnte sie Trutz bieten
den Stürmen der Kriegszeiten, und auch Handel und Gewerbe
fanden die nötige Sicherheit, um festen Fuß fassen zu können.
Durch den Handelsverkehr und durch Bündnisse mit anderen
rheinischen Städten vermehrte Coblenz sein Ansehen bedeutend.
Es kann als ein Zeichen von Kraft gelten, daß im vierzehnten
Jahrhundert der Bau einer steinernen Moselbrücke, die heute noch
den Fluß mit ihren zahlreichen, gedrungenen Bogen überspannt,
geplant und ausgeführt werden konnte. Im Jahre 1343 war die
Anlage einer Brücke, „also schön als man in tewtcher Nacion soll
finden“, genehmigt worden. Schon im Jahre 1364 war sie fertig;
denn die Geschichte meldet, daß in diesem Jahre Karl IV. über
dieselbe seinen Einzug in Coblenz hielt. Im fünfzehnten Jahrhundert
wurde die Moselbrücke erneut und in der neuesten Zeit, im Jahre
1884, damit sie dem anspruchsvolleren neuzeitlichen Verkehr
genügen könnte, verbreitert. Den lebhaften Verkehr der Vorstadt
Lützel-Coblenz und der zahlreichen, in der fruchtbaren Rheinebene
gelegenen Orte mit der Stadt Coblenz hat sie zu vermitteln. Indem
wir uns dem Strom der Fußgänger, unter denen besonders
Landleute und Soldaten vorwiegen, anschließen, fällt unser Blick auf
ein unmittelbar am Ausgange der Moselbrücke stehendes
altertümliches Gebäude. Es ist die alte Burg, die sich die Kurfürsten
von Trier errichten ließen. Ihr Bau stammt aus dem Jahre 1276. Sie
war ein Lieblingsaufenthalt des Kurfürsten Lothar von Metternich,
unter dessen Führung sich in ihren Mauern ein bedeutungsvolles
geschichtliches Ereignis, nämlich die Gründung der katholischen
Liga im Jahre 1609 vollzog. Nach der Fertigstellung des am Rhein
gelegenen Residenzschlosses gegen Ende des achtzehnten
Jahrhunderts verlor die alte Burg ihre Bedeutung. Die Neuzeit
achtete nicht die Weihe der Vergangenheit. Bis vor wenigen Jahren
wurde in dem stattlichen Gebäude eine Blechfabrik betrieben. Durch
Ankauf desselben hat die Stadt Coblenz dem unwürdigen Zustande
ein Ende gemacht. Sie will die alte Burg als Museum benutzen und
in ihr die städtische Gemäldesammlung unterbringen. Noch manche
altertümliche und interessante Gebäude besitzt Coblenz, so die aus
dem Anfang des zwölften Jahrhunderts stammende Florinskirche,
die 1431 vollendete Liebfrauen- oder Oberpfarrkirche, die ebenfalls
alte, 1609 bis 1617 aber umgebaute Jesuitenkirche, das jetzt als
Realgymnasium dienende Kaufhaus, das im Jahre 1479 als Rathaus
erbaut worden war, ferner das 1530 errichtete, mit einem hübschen
Erker verzierte Schöffenhaus, in dem die in der Umgegend
gefundenen römischen und fränkischen Altertümer untergebracht
sind, und das ehemalige Deutsche Herrenhaus, das aber mit
Benutzung älterer Gebäudeteile aus dem fünfzehnten und
siebzehnten Jahrhundert umgebaut wurde und nun als Staatsarchiv
dient, auf dem „Deutschen Eck“. Am Rhein wurde vor einigen Jahren
ein monumentales neues Gebäude für die Königliche Regierung
errichtet.
Abb. 79. Kaiser Wilhelm-Denkmal in Coblenz. (Zu Seite 75.)

Abb. 80. Kreuznach, vom Pavillon gesehen.
Abb. 81. Nahebrücke und Schloß Kauzenberg. (Zu Seite 89.)

Das großartigste, schon einer neueren Zeit angehörende
Gebäude von Coblenz ist das jetzige Königliche Schloß, das frühere
Residenzschloß der Kurfürsten von Trier. Sein Erbauer ist der
Kurfürst Clemens Wenzeslaus, der für dasselbe eine für die
damalige Zeit recht bedeutende Bausumme von 650000 Talern
aufwendete. Der langgestreckte Bau ist sowohl auf der Rhein- als
auch auf der Stadtseite, wo sich der baumbesetzte Schloßplatz
ausbreitet, mit einem achtsäuligen, jonischen Portikus geschmückt.
Einen reichen Wandel der Zeiten hat das Schloß schon miterlebt. Im
Jahre 1786 hielt sein Erbauer, der Kurfürst Clemens Wenzeslaus,
seinen feierlichen Einzug. Bis 1794 wohnte er in ihm. Dann sah es
die französischen Machthaber in seinen Gemächern, die vorher von
den französischen Soldaten ausgeplündert worden waren. Unter
preußischer Herrschaft diente es zunächst militärischen Zwecken.
Erst nachdem ihm König Friedrich Wilhelm IV. durch Stüler eine neue
Einrichtung gegeben hatte, konnte es seinem alten Zwecke wieder
dienen. Bald sollte das Schloß einen königlichen Bewohner erhalten.
Der Prinz von Preußen, der spätere Kaiser Wilhelm I., bewohnte als
Militärgouverneur von Rheinland-Westfalen dasselbe in den Jahren
1850 bis 1858 mit seiner Gemahlin, der späteren Kaiserin Augusta.
Während dieser Zeit entwarf er, in gemeinsamer Arbeit mit
hervorragenden Offizieren, den Plan zur Reorganisation des
preußischen Heeres. Seine Gemahlin aber gewann den Coblenzer
Aufenthalt so lieb, daß sie auch als Königin und Kaiserin alljährlich
im Frühling und im Herbst mehrere Wochen das Schloß bewohnte.
Ihre eigne Schöpfung sind die herrlichen Rheinanlagen, die sich vom
Königlichen Schlosse an, etwa 2½ km weit, nach Süden längs des
Rheines ziehen. Stände auch nicht das Denkmal der hochherzigen
Kaiserin inmitten der von schönen Promenadenwegen
durchzogenen Gehölzpartien, ein ehrenvolles Denkmal hat sie sich
in der schönen und daher zur Pflege des Schönen immerfort
einladenden Rheinlandschaft selbst gesetzt. Dankbaren Herzens
erinnern sich die Coblenzer der Donnerstag-Nachmittag-Konzerte,
bei welchen die Kaiserin mit Vorliebe unter den Spaziergängern und
Konzertbesuchern weilte. Als Kaiser Wilhelm nach den Emser
Verhandlungen, bei Ausbruch des Krieges von 1870, zusammen mit
der Königin in den Anlagen erschien, da umbrauste ihn die erste
jener großartigen Huldigungen des Volkes, die ihn begleiteten auf
der ganzen Reise nach Berlin. Wir lesen die Inschrift, die auf dieses
Ereignis hinweist, und eine innere Stimme ruft uns hin nach dem
Deutschen Eck, wo wir dem Heldenkaiser vor seinem großartigen
Reiterstandbild (Abb. 79) erneut unsere Huldigung darbringen
können. Dasselbe ist wohl das großartigste rein persönliche, von fast
allem symbolischen und von allem historischen Beiwerk frei
gehaltene Denkmal der Welt. Die Rheinprovinz ließ es nach einem
Entwurf von Bruno Schmitz an dieser geschichtlich und
landschaftlich bedeutsamen Stelle, wo Rhein und Mosel ihre Fluten
mischen, errichten. Das 14 m hohe, in Kupfer getriebene Reiterbild
des Kaisers ist von einem 9 m hohen Genius, dem Träger der
Kaiserkrone, begleitet. 22 m hoch erhebt sich der Unterbau des
Denkmals, und dieser ist von einer halbkreisförmigen, 18 m hohen
Pfeilerhalle umgeben. Über eine 45 m breite untere Freitreppe
steigen wir zur 1200 qm großen Hochterrasse und lesen am
Unterbau des Denkmals über einem mächtigen Adlerrelief die in
gotischen Buchstaben geschriebene Widmung „Wilhelm dem
Großen“. Ein Fußrelief zeigt uns, auf den Zusammenfluß von Rhein
und Mosel hindeutend, den Vater Rhein und die aus den Fluten
auftauchende Mosella. Im Jahre 1897 fand die Enthüllung des
Denkmals statt, durch dessen Errichtung an dieser bevorzugten
Stelle zugleich ein neuer schöner Standpunkt zur Betrachtung des
herrlichen Landschaftsbildes von Coblenz gewonnen wurde.
Abb. 82. Der Rheingrafenstein. (Zu Seite 91.)
Abb. 83. Münster am Stein. (Zu Seite 92.)
Abb. 84. Die Ebernburg. (Zu Seite 92.)

Coblenz hat wohl zu allen Zeiten vorwiegend eine strategische
Bedeutung gehabt. Von der Stelle aus, wo es seine Bollwerke
errichtete, konnte dem Rheintal und dem quer zu diesem gerichteten
Moseltale zugleich Schutz geboten werden. Auch das etwas
oberhalb sich öffnende Nebental der Lahn, das die nur etwas
verschobene Fortsetzung des Moseltales bildet, war durch Coblenz
geschützt. Riesige Summen sind auf die Befestigung der meisten
der rings um die Stadt aufsteigenden Höhen verwendet worden,
besonders des Ehrenbreitsteins. Dieser Berg trug schon im
Mittelalter eine kurtrierische Landesfestung, die im Dreißigjährigen
Kriege eine bedeutende Rolle spielte und im Jahre 1799 von den
Franzosen erst nach einer heldenmütigen Verteidigung erobert
wurde. Die heutigen Festungswerke stammen aus den Jahren 1816
bis 1826. Sie wurden unter Leitung des preußischen Generals von
Aster aufgeführt. Einst galten sie als uneinnehmbar. In der Neuzeit
haben sie jedoch, infolge der großen Verbesserungen des
Geschützwesens, ihre frühere Bedeutung fast ganz eingebüßt. Von
benachbarten Bergkuppen aus können sie, sowie die Feste
Asterstein, die sich auf derselben Rheinseite auf der Pfaffendorfer
Höhe erhebt, die auf der linken Rheinseite gelegene Kartause und
die noch nördlich von der Mosel in der Rheinebene gelegenen
Vorwerke leicht zusammengeschossen werden. So ist Coblenz aus
einer Festung ersten Ranges zu einer Festung zweiten Ranges
herabgesunken, die nur noch durch ihre starke Besatzung und als
Kommandositz des VIII. Armeekorps an ihre frühere hohe
strategische Bedeutung erinnert.
Abb. 85. Hutten-Sickingen-Denkmal auf der Ebernburg. (Zu Seite 94.)
Als Kreuzungspunkt zweier großen Talfurchen, der Rhein- und
der Mosel-Lahn-Furche, hat Coblenz eine wichtige Verkehrslage.
Schon ein Blick auf sein Landschaftsbild, auf seine drei Rhein- und
zwei Moselbrücken, unter denen sich im ganzen drei
Eisenbahnbrücken befinden, überzeugt uns hiervon. Die geringe
Verschiebung des Lahntales nach Süden bewirkte aber, daß als
besonderer rechtsrheinischer Verkehrsmittelpunkt neben Coblenz
auch die Doppelstadt Ober- und Niederlahnstein aufblühen konnte,
so daß jenem nur die Fortführung des linksseitigen Rhein- und die
Anknüpfung des Moselverkehrs, dieser dagegen die Fortführung des
rechtsseitigen Rhein- und die Anknüpfung des Lahnverkehrs
zufielen. Erhöht wird die Gunst der Lage von Coblenz durch die
unmittelbare Nachbarschaft eines größeren, sehr fruchtbaren
Talbeckens, der gut angebauten Niederung des Neuwieder Beckens.
Indem aber der Rhein die Stadt von dessen rechtsrheinischem und
die Mosel sie von seinem linksrheinischen Teile abschloß, konnte sie
nicht verhindern, daß neben ihr in dem einen Neuwied (fast 20000
Einw.), in dem anderen Andernach (9000 Einw.) als größere Orte
aufblühten, die besonders für das Gebirgshinterland des
Westerwaldes und der Eifel Bedeutung erlangten. So hatte Coblenz
auch mit hemmenden Einflüssen zu kämpfen, die es ihm
erschwerten, ein weites Gebiet wirtschaftlich eng an sich zu gliedern.
Seine Lage ist in Wirklichkeit keine so zentrale als die von Frankfurt
oder Mainz oder selbst als die von Trier. Immerhin genügt die Gunst
der Lage, um der Stadt den Vorrang, der ihr als Sitz der Provinzial-,
Regierungs- und Militärbehörden zugefallen ist, auch wirtschaftlich
zu stützen. Die endlich in Fluß gekommene Stadterweiterung wird
auch mancherlei Gewerben, die bisher in dem engen Festungsgürtel
keinen Raum finden konnten, eine Heimstätte bieten können. Von
Bedeutung ist gegenwärtig nur die Champagnerbereitung, deren
Entwicklung an den lebhaften Weinhandel anknüpfte, den Coblenz
betreibt. Alljährlich finden im Frühling und Herbst bedeutende
Weinversteigerungen statt. Coblenz ist auch ein Mittelpunkt des
Obst- und besonders des Kirschenhandels. Der reiche
Kirschensegen der Orte Salzig am Rhein und Güls an der Mosel
geht zum großen Teil zum Coblenzer Kirschenmarkt, der Anfang bis
Mitte Juni abgehalten wird, und auf dem sich zahlreiche Händler
einfinden. Gegenwärtig zählt Coblenz 55000 Einwohner. Zählen wir
die Nachbarorte Moselweiß, Ehrenbreitstein und Pfaffendorf, wo
viele Coblenzer Familien Wohnung suchen mußten, die die
eingeengte Stadt ihnen früher nicht zu geben vermochte, so erhalten
wir eine Gesamtbevölkerung von etwa 75000.
Abb. 86. Die Altenbaumburg. (Zu Seite 94.)

Full Ebook of Foundations Us Foreign Policy and Anti Racism in Brazil 1St Edition Elizabeth Cancelli Online PDF All Chapter

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Full Ebook of Foundations Us Foreign Policy and Anti Racism in Brazil 1St Edition Elizabeth Cancelli Online PDF All Chapter

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Foundations US Foreign Policy and

Anti Racism in Brazil 1st Edition

US Foreign Policy Domestic Roots and International

Human Rights and US Foreign Policy Prevarications and

US Foreign Policy and China Security Challenges During

Anti Literature The Politics and Limits of

Political Psychology And Foreign Policy 1st Edition

Feminist Foreign Policy in Theory and in Practice: An

Foreign Policy Breakthroughs Cases in Successful

Improbable Diplomats How Ping Pong Players Musicians

Elizabeth Cancelli, Gustavo Mesquita,

This book connects the work of US private foundations, the US government,

Elizabeth Cancelli is a History professor at the University of São Paulo (USP)

The United States and Greek-Turkish Relations

Rhetoric, Media, and the Narratives of US Foreign Policy

Philanthropic Foundations at the League of Nations

American Presidents and Israeli Settlements since 1967

Foundations, US Foreign Policy and Anti-Racism in Brazil

For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/

Elizabeth Cancelli, Gustavo Mesquita,

ISBN: 978-1-032-01411-1 (hbk)

Typeset in Times New Roman

Introduction: Communism, Racism, and the American Dilemma 1

2 From Chicago to São Paulo: The Shaping of Florestan Fernandes’

3 US-Brazilian Networks in UNESCO’s Anti-Racism Agenda 76

4 US-Latin American Exchange and Florestan Fernandes’

5 The Ford Foundation, the Marginality Project, and Beyond:

The English version of this book is based on a previous Brazilian publi-

Elizabeth Cancelli is an Associate Professor of History at the University of

Elizabeth Cancelli, Gustavo Mesquita, and Wanderson Chaves started

This War is an ideological war fought in defence of democracy. The

Myrdal’s American Dilemma was clear: it was a moral dilemma. Or, as

The preservation of freedom requires a positive and continuing com-

Arthur Schlesinger’s argument was anchored in Thomas Jefferson’s

The existence of discrimination against minority groups in this country

But we cannot be content with a civil liberties program which empha-

Despite the efforts to demonstrate that the social integration of blacks in

In June 1950, a month before Declaration on Race was published, United

Gilberto Freyre’s work matched the conceptions of the Southern Renaissance.

Gilberto Freyre’s proposals would end up causing immense discomfort in

Abb. 73. Der Königsstuhl bei Rhens.

Entschwundene Zeiten! entschwunden für immer! Die Burgen

Abb. 74. Braubach und die Marksburg.

Noch einmal entfaltet das Rheintal seine Lahneck.

Nach dem steten Anblick der steilen Rebengehänge des

Die eigenartige Schönheit des Coblenz,

Abb. 78. Der Rhein bei Coblenz.

Coblenz’ herrliche Lage ist unbestritten, und Coblenz.

Abb. 79. Kaiser Wilhelm-Denkmal in Coblenz. (Zu Seite 75.)

Abb. 81. Nahebrücke und Schloß Kauzenberg. (Zu Seite 89.)

Abb. 84. Die Ebernburg. (Zu Seite 92.)

Abb. 86. Die Altenbaumburg. (Zu Seite 94.)

You might also like

Introduction: Communism, Racism, and the American Dilemma 1

3 US-Brazilian Networks in UNESCO’s Anti-Racism Agenda 76