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Thousand Autumns Qian Qiu Vol 3 Meng Xi Shi Online Ebook Texxtbook Full Chapter PDF
Thousand Autumns Qian Qiu Vol 3 Meng Xi Shi Online Ebook Texxtbook Full Chapter PDF
Meng Xi Shi
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Table of Contents
Color Gallery
Title Page
Copyrights and Credits
Table of Contents Page
Chapter 53: Meeting Bai Rong Again
Chapter 54: Yan Wushi’s Death
Chapter 55: To Repay Evil with Virtue
Chapter 56: Rescue
Chapter 57: Royal Capital
Chapter 58: Expulsion
Chapter 59: Awakening
Chapter 60: Onward to Ruoqiang
Chapter 61: Discoveries
Chapter 62: The Only One in the World
Chapter 63: Several Yan Wushis
Chapter 64: Exhausted
Chapter 65: Poisoned
Chapter 66: Fellow Travelers
Chapter 67: Escape from Trouble
Chapter 68: Rebirth after Death
Chapter 69: Tangren
Chapter 70: Comprehending the Sword
Chapter 71: The Real Yan Wushi
Chapter 72: Wei Province Capital
Chapter 73: Tranquility
Chapter 74: Buddhist Master Xueting
Chapter 75: Dreamscape
Chapter 76: Xie Ling Has Passed
Chapter 77: Enemies
Chapter 78: Fleeing for One’s Life
Chapter 79: Sacrifice
Chapter 80: Breakthrough
Chapter 81: The Emperor’s Funeral
Chapter 82: The New Emperor
Chapter 83: Alarming Danger
Chapter 84: Kill to the Last
Chapter 85: A Radiant Showing
The Story Continues
Appendix: Characters & Associated Factions
Appendix: Pronunciation Guide
Appendix: Historical Primer
Glossary: Genres
Glossary: Terminology
About the Author
Footnotes
Back Cover
Newsletter
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***
SHEN QIAO NODDED at the two of them. “Have you both been
well?”
After his initial surprise, Guang Lingsan composed himself and
scrutinized Shen Qiao carefully. “I heard that Daoist Master Shen
fought with Sang Jingxing and injured him gravely. I didn’t expect you
to recover so quickly. What wonderful news!”
No one else had been present at their fight, and, having been
seriously wounded by Shen Qiao, of course Sang Jinxing wouldn’t
have gone around announcing what had happened. But Guang
Lingsan was a member of the demonic sects, so naturally he could
obtain news others couldn’t.
Hearing this, Dou Yanshan was also secretly astonished, and he
re-evaluated Shen Qiao’s strength.
Shen Qiao shook his head. “I can’t say that I’ve fully recovered.”
These words were completely true, but it was hard to believe
him. Though martial arts placed heavy emphasis on arduous training,
every sect and discipline had their own carefully guarded secrets.
Furthermore, Shen Qiao was Qi Fengge’s disciple—who knew if
Qi Fengge had passed down some sort of divine martial arts manual
to him?
Guang Lingsan smiled. “When it comes to how Sect Leader Yan
treated you, Daoist Master Shen, others might know little, but I do
know some. I heard it was all thanks to Sect Leader Yan that your
duel with Sang Jingxing happened in the first place.”
“That is correct,” said Shen Qiao.
“He was cold and callous toward you, just like he was to
everyone else.”
“Yes.”
“I’m sure you didn’t cross such great distances just to retrieve
his body—you must have come to rescue him. Unfortunately, you’re a
step too late.”
Shen Qiao answered each of his questions. “Correct.”
Guang Lingsan finally showed a trace of surprise. “Exactly what
about Yan Wushi deserves you going this far? Is it really like the
rumors say? That the two of you have another, more private
relationship?”
“I’m not acting out of personal feelings,” Shen Qiao said coolly.
“I’m saving Yan Wushi for the greater good.”
Dou Yanshan began laughing, unable to hold back his
expression of contemptuous amusement. “This is the first time I’ve
heard Yan Wushi’s name in the same sentence as the words ‘greater
good’! Are you saying that the moment Yan Wushi dies, the greater
good will cease to exist?”
“Yan Wushi isn’t a good person,” said Shen Qiao, “but as he
assists the Lord of Zhou, he can be considered one of his supporters.
Each of you might have killed him for your own reasons, but in the
end, isn’t that at the core of it all? His support for Yuwen Yong’s
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of these events, and by the fact of the habitual leniency and
good-will cherished by the North towards the South. Our very
lack of preparation for the conflict disposed us to look for some
other than the way of blood out of the difficulty. Treason had
largely infected both army and navy. Floyd had scattered our
arms. Cobb had depleted our treasury, and Buchanan had
poisoned the political thought of the times by his doctrines of
anti-coercion. It was in such a condition of things as this that
Abraham Lincoln (compelled from fear of assassination to enter
the capital in disguise) was inaugurated and issued his
proclamation for the ‘repossession of the forts, places, and
property which had been seized from the Union,’ and his call
upon the militia of the several States to the number of 75,000
men—a paper which showed how little even he comprehended
the work then before the loyal nation. It was perhaps better for
the country and for mankind that the good man could not know
the end from the beginning. Had he foreseen the thousands who
must sink into bloody graves; the mountains of debt to be laid on
the breast of the nation; the terrible hardships and sufferings
involved in the contest; and his own death by an assassin’s
hand, he too might have adopted the weak sentiment of those
who said ‘erring sisters depart in peace.’”
From the first, I, for one, saw in this war the end of slavery; and
truth requires me to say that my interest in the success of the North
was largely due to this belief. True it is that this faith was many times
shaken by passing events, but never destroyed. When Secretary
Seward instructed our ministers to say to the governments to which
they were accredited, that, “terminate however it might, the status of
no class of the people of the United States would be changed by the
rebellion—that the slaves would be slaves still, and that the masters
would be masters still”—when General McClellan and General Butler
warned the slaves in advance that if any attempt was made by them
to gain their freedom, it would be suppressed with an iron hand—
when the government persistently refused to employ colored troops
—when the emancipation proclamation of General John C. Fremont
in Missouri was withdrawn—when slaves were being returned from
our lines to their masters—when Union soldiers were stationed about
the farm houses of Virginia to guard and protect the master in
holding his slaves—when Union soldiers made themselves more
active in kicking colored men out of their camps than in shooting
rebels—when even Mr. Lincoln could tell the poor negro that “he was
the cause of the war,” I still believed, and spoke as I believed, all
over the North, that the mission of the war was the liberation of the
slave, as well as the salvation of the Union; and hence from the first I
reproached the North that they fought the rebels with only one hand,
when they might strike effectually with two—that they fought with
their soft white hand while they kept their black iron hand chained
and helpless behind them—that they fought the effect while they
protected the cause, and that the Union cause would never prosper
till the war assumed an anti-slavery attitude, and the negro was
enlisted on the loyal side. In every way possible, in the columns of
my paper and on the platform, by letters to friends, at home and
abroad, I did all that I could to impress this conviction upon this
country. But nations seldom listen to advice from individuals,
however reasonable. They are taught less by theories than by facts
and events. There was much that could be said against making the
war an abolition war—much that seemed wise and patriotic. “Make
the war an abolition war,” we were told, “and you drive the border
States into the rebellion, and thus add power to the enemy, and
increase the number you will have to meet on the battle-field. You
will exasperate and intensify southern feeling, making it more
desperate, and put far away the day of peace between the two
sections.” “Employ the arm of the negro, and the loyal men of the
North will throw down their arms and go home.” “This is the white
man’s country, and the white man’s war.” “It would inflict an
intolerable wound upon the pride and spirit of white soldiers of the
Union, to see the negro in the United States uniform. Besides, if you
make the negro a soldier, you cannot depend on his courage: a
crack of his old master’s whip would send him scampering in terror
from the field.” And so it was that custom, pride, prejudice, and the
old-time respect for southern feeling, held back the government from
an anti-slavery policy, and from arming the negro. Meanwhile the
rebellion availed itself of the negro most effectively. He was not only
the stomach of the rebellion, by supplying its commissary
department, but he built its forts, and dug its intrenchments, and
performed other duties of its camp, which left the rebel soldier more
free to fight the loyal army than he could otherwise have been. It was
the cotton and corn of the negro that made the rebellion sack stand
on end, and caused a continuance of the war. “Destroy these,” was
the burden of all my utterances during this part of the struggle, “and
you cripple and destroy the rebellion.” It is surprising how long and
bitterly the government resisted and rejected this view of the
situation. The abolition heart of the North ached over the delay, and
uttered its bitter complaints, but the administration remained blind
and dumb. Bull Run, Ball’s Bluff, Big Bethel, Fredericksburg, and the
Peninsula disasters were the only teachers whose authority was of
sufficient importance to excite the attention or respect of our rulers,
and they were even slow in being taught by these. An important
point was gained, however, when General B. F. Butler, at Fortress
Monroe, announced the policy of treating the slaves as
“contrabands,” to be made useful to the Union cause, and was
sustained therein at Washington, and sentiments of a similar nature
were expressed on the floor of Congress by Hon. A. G. Riddle of
Ohio. A grand accession was made to this view of the case when
Hon. Simon Cameron, then secretary of war, gave it his earnest
support, and General David Hunter put the measure into practical
operation in South Carolina. General Phelps from Vermont, in
command at Carrollton, La., also advocated the same plan though
under discouragements which cost him his command. And many and
grievous disasters on flood and field were needed to educate the
loyal nation and President Lincoln up to the realization of the
necessity, not to say justice, of this position, and many devices,
intermediate steps, and make-shifts were suggested to smooth the
way to the ultimate policy of freeing the slave, and arming the
freedmen.
When at last the truth began to dawn upon the administration
that the negro might be made useful to loyalty, as well as to treason,
to the Union as well as to the Confederacy, it then considered in
what way it could employ him, which would in the least shock and
offend the popular prejudice against him. He was already in the army
as a waiter, and in that capacity there was no objection to him, and
so it was thought that as this was the case, the feeling which
tolerated him as a waiter would not seriously object if he should be
admitted to the army as a laborer, especially as no one under a
southern sun cared to have a monopoly of digging and toiling in
trenches. This was the first step in employing negroes in the United
States service. The second step was to give them a peculiar
costume which should distinguish them from soldiers, and yet mark
them as a part of the loyal force. As the eyes of the loyal
administration still further opened, it was proposed to give these
laborers something better than spades and shovels with which to
defend themselves in cases of emergency. Still later it was proposed
to make them soldiers, but soldiers without the blue uniform. Soldiers
with a mark upon them to show that they were inferior to other
soldiers; soldiers with a badge of degradation upon them. However,
once in the army as a laborer, once there with a red shirt on his back
and a pistol in his belt, the negro was not long in appearing on the
field as a soldier. But still he was not to be a soldier in the sense, and
on an equal footing, with white soldiers. It was given out that he was
not to be employed in the open field with white troops, under the
inspiration of doing battle and winning victories for the Union cause,
and in the face and teeth of his old masters, but that he should be
made to garrison forts in yellow fever and otherwise unhealthy
localities of the South, to save the health of white soldiers, and in
order to keep up the distinction further the black soldiers were to
have only half the wages of the white soldiers, and were to be
commanded entirely by white commissioned officers. While of
course I was deeply pained and saddened by the estimate thus put
upon my race, and grieved at the slowness of heart which marked
the conduct of the loyal government, I was not discouraged, and
urged every man who could to enlist; to get an eagle on his button, a
musket on his shoulder, and the star-spangled banner over his head.
Hence, as soon as Governor Andrew of Massachusetts received
permission from Mr. Lincoln to raise two colored regiments, the 54th
and 55th, I made the following address to the colored citizens of the
North through my paper, then being published in Rochester, which
was copied in the leading journals:
“men of color, to arms.
“When first the rebel cannon shattered the walls of Sumpter
and drove away its starving garrison, I predicted that the war
then and there inaugurated would not be fought out entirely by
white men. Every month’s experience during these dreary years
has confirmed that opinion. A war undertaken and brazenly
carried on for the perpetual enslavement of colored men, calls
logically and loudly for colored men to help suppress it. Only a
moderate share of sagacity was needed to see that the arm of
the slave was the best defense against the arm of the
slaveholder. Hence with every reverse to the national arms, with
every exulting shout of victory raised by the slaveholding rebels,
I have implored the imperiled nation to unchain against her foes,
her powerful black hand. Slowly and reluctantly that appeal is
beginning to be heeded. Stop not now to complain that it was not
heeded sooner. It may or it may not have been best that it
should not. This is not the time to discuss that question. Leave it
to the future. When the war is over, the country is saved, peace
is established, and the black man’s rights are secured, as they
will be, history with an impartial hand will dispose of that and
sundry other questions. Action! Action! not criticism, is the plain
duty of this hour. Words are now useful only as they stimulate to
blows. The office of speech now is only to point out when,
where, and how to strike to the best advantage. There is no time
to delay. The tide is at its flood that leads on to fortune. From
East to West, from North to South, the sky is written all over,
‘Now or never.’ Liberty won by white men would lose half its
luster. ‘Who would be free themselves must strike the blow.’
‘Better even die free, than to live slaves.’ This is the sentiment of
every brave colored man amongst us. There are weak and
cowardly men in all nations. We have them amongst us. They
tell you this is the ‘white man’s war’; that you will be no ‘better off
after than before the war’; that the getting of you into the army is
to ‘sacrifice you on the first opportunity.’ Believe them not;
cowards themselves, they do not wish to have their cowardice
shamed by your brave example. Leave them to their timidity, or
to whatever motive may hold them back. I have not thought
lightly of the words I am now addressing you. The counsel I give
comes of close observation of the great struggle now in
progress, and of the deep conviction that this is your hour and
mine. In good earnest then, and after the best deliberation, I now
for the first time during this war, feel at liberty to call and counsel
you to arms. By every consideration which binds you to your
enslaved fellow-countrymen, and the peace and welfare of your
country; by every aspiration which you cherish for the freedom
and equality of yourselves and your children; by all the ties of
blood and identity which make us one with the brave black men
now fighting our battles in Louisiana and in South Carolina, I
urge you to fly to arms, and smite with death the power that
would bury the government and your liberty in the same
hopeless grave. I wish I could tell you that the State of New York
calls you to this high honor. For the moment her constituted
authorities are silent on the subject. They will speak by and by,
and doubtless on the right side; but we are not compelled to wait
for her. We can get at the throat of treason and slavery through
the State of Massachusetts. She was first in the War of
Independence; first to break the chains of her slaves; first to
make the black man equal before the law; first to admit colored
children to her common schools, and she was first to answer
with her blood the alarm cry of the nation, when its capital was
menaced by rebels. You know her patriotic governor, and you
know Charles Sumner. I need not add more.
“Massachusetts now welcomes you to arms as soldiers. She
has but a small colored population from which to recruit. She has
full leave of the general government to send one regiment to the
war, and she has undertaken to do it. Go quickly and help fill up
the first colored regiment from the North. I am authorized to
assure you that you will receive the same wages, the same
rations, the same equipments, the same protection, the same
treatment, and the same bounty, secured to white soldiers. You
will be led by able and skillful officers, men who will take
especial pride in your efficiency and success. They will be quick
to accord to you all the honor you shall merit by your valor, and
see that your rights and feelings are respected by other soldiers.
I have assured myself on these points, and can speak with
authority. More than twenty years of unswerving devotion to our
common cause may give me some humble claim to be trusted at
this momentous crisis. I will not argue. To do so implies
hesitation and doubt, and you do not hesitate. You do not doubt.
The day dawns; the morning star is bright upon the horizon! The
iron gate of our prison stands half open. One gallant rush from
the North will fling it wide open, while four millions of our
brothers and sisters shall march out into liberty. The chance is
now given you to end in a day the bondage of centuries, and to
rise in one bound from social degradation to the plane of
common equality with all other varieties of men. Remember
Denmark Vesey of Charleston; remember Nathaniel Turner of
South Hampton; remember Shields Green and Copeland, who
followed noble John Brown, and fell as glorious martyrs for the
cause of the slave. Remember that in a contest with oppression,
the Almighty has no attribute which can take sides with
oppressors. The case is before you. This is our golden
opportunity. Let us accept it, and forever wipe out the dark
reproaches unsparingly hurled against us by our enemies. Let us
win for ourselves the gratitude of our country, and the best
blessings of our posterity through all time. The nucleus of this
first regiment is now in camp at Readville, a short distance from
Boston. I will undertake to forward to Boston all persons
adjudged fit to be mustered into the regiment, who shall apply to
me at any time within the next two weeks.
“Rochester, March 2, 1863.”
C
I have reason to know that this supposition
did Mrs. Lincoln great injustice.
Eight, nine, ten o’clock came and went, and still no word. A
visible shadow seemed falling on the expecting throng, which the
confident utterances of the speakers sought in vain to dispel. At last,
when patience was well-nigh exhausted, and suspense was
becoming agony, a man (I think it was Judge Russell) with hasty step
advanced through the crowd, and with a face fairly illumined with the
news he bore, exclaimed in tones that thrilled all hearts, “It is
coming!” “It is on the wires!!” The effect of this announcement was
startling beyond description, and the scene was wild and grand. Joy
and gladness exhausted all forms of expression from shouts of
praise, to sobs and tears. My old friend Rue, a colored preacher, a
man of wonderful vocal power, expressed the heartfelt emotion of
the hour, when he led all voices in the anthem, “Sound the loud
timbrel o’er Egypt’s dark sea, Jehovah hath triumphed, his people
are free.” About twelve o’clock, seeing there was no disposition to
retire from the hall, which must be vacated, my friend Grimes (of
blessed memory), rose and moved that the meeting adjourn to the
Twelfth Baptist church, of which he was pastor, and soon that church
was packed from doors to pulpit, and this meeting did not break up
till near the dawn of day. It was one of the most affecting and thrilling
occasions I ever witnessed, and a worthy celebration of the first step
on the part of the nation in its departure from the thraldom of ages.
There was evidently no disposition on the part of this meeting to
criticise the proclamation; nor was there with any one at first. At the
moment we saw only its anti-slavery side. But further and more
critical examination showed it to be extremely defective. It was not a
proclamation of “liberty throughout all the land, unto all the
inhabitants thereof,” such as we had hoped it would be; but was one
marked by discriminations and reservations. Its operation was
confined within certain geographical and military lines. It only
abolished slavery where it did not exist, and left it intact where it did
exist. It was a measure apparently inspired by the low motive of
military necessity, and by so far as it was so, it would become
inoperative and useless when military necessity should cease. There
was much said in this line, and much that was narrow and
erroneous. For my own part, I took the proclamation, first and last,
for a little more than it purported; and saw in its spirit, a life and
power far beyond its letter. Its meaning to me was the entire abolition
of slavery, wherever the evil could be reached by the Federal arm,
and I saw that its moral power would extend much further. It was in
my estimation an immense gain to have the war for the Union
committed to the extinction of Slavery, even from a military necessity.