COMMUNITY OF MARTYRS: MARTYRDOM,

SUFFERING AND TRAUMA IN THE TWENTIETH AND

TWENTY-FIRST CENTURIES SIKH VISUAL CULTURE

Dissertation Submitted to Jawaharlal Nehru University

in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the award of the degree of

MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY
IN
VISUAL ARTS

SAYAN GUPTA

SCHOOL OF ARTS & AESTHETICS

JAWAHARLAL NEHRU UNIVERSITY
NEW DELHI – 110067
INDIA
2019
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JAWAHARLAL NEHRU UNIVERSITY
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Telephone: 26742976, 26704061 , 267041 77

E-mail : aesthete@mail.jnu.ac.in

Date:iS/07/2019

DECLARATION

I, Sayan Gupta, hereby declare that the dissertation titled, "Community ofMartyrs: Martyrdom,

Suffering and Trauma in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries Sikh Visual Culture",

submitted in partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Visual Arts, to the

School of Arts and Aesthetics, Jawaharlal Nehru University is my own work. This work has not

been submitted in part or in full for any degree or diploma to this or any other university.
 ct5cn QCi :iftocd ~ ~
f01 School of Arts & Aesthetics
~ \Jldi&C1IC1 dl6'l9 fcl~ofdwcta
JAWAHARLAL NEHRU UNIVERSITY
~ ~-110067. 1lffif/New Delhi-110067, India

Telephone: 26742976, 26704061 , 26704177

E-mail : aesthete@mail.jr.u.ac.in

Date:l5/07 /201 9

CERTITICATE

This is to certify that the dissertation titled "Community ofMartyrs: Martyrdom, Suffering and
Trauma in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries Sikh Visual Culture", submitted by
Sayan Gupta, is in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the award of the degree of Master of
Philosophy ofthis university.

This dissertation has not submitted for the award of any degree in this university or any other
university and is his original work.

We recommend that this dissertation be placed before the examiners for evaluation.

PR
(Supervisor) (Dean)
Contents

Page No.

Acknowledgements 1

Introduction: Shahidi-Tasveeran or Martyrdom Paintings in the Twentieth 4

and Twenty-First Centuries Sikh Visual Culture

Chapter 1 – Depicting Past Sufferings: Sikh History paintings, Popular Prints

and Calendar Art

I) Introduction 20

II) Development of Shahidi or Martyrdom in Sikh Consciousness 23

by Sikh Reform Movement in the Late nineteenth to Early

Twentieth Century

III) Commemorating Shahidi or Martyrdom in Sikh Literature 29

(Textual and Mnemonic)

IV) Shahidi-Tasveeran or Martyrdom Paintings, Sikh History Painting 30

and Sikh Visual Culture in the Twentieth Century and Twenty-First

Centuries – Visualisation of Shahidi or Martyrdom from Literature

to Painting

V) Two Waves of Sikh Visual Culture in the Twentieth and Twenty-First 34

Centuries

VI) Sites and Sponsors of Shahidi-Tasveeran or Martyrdom Paintings 36

VII) The Politics of Identity and Propaganda behind Sikh Visual Culture 37

VIII) Artists, Shahidi or Martyrdom Prototypes and Transmediality 39

A) Sobha Singh (1901-1986) 42

B) Kripal Singh (1923-1990) 46

C) G.S. Sohan Singh (1941-1999) 57

D) Other Sikh Artists 58

 IX) Conclusion 58

Chapter 2 – Shahids of Martyrs of a Sikh Nation: Imagery of the Khalistan Movement,

Ghallughara Dihara or Operation Blue Star and Delhi Katleyam or Sikh Massacre

in Delhi

I) Introduction 63

II) Revisiting Past Suffering and Re-contextualising in Contemporary Time 66

III) Assault of Sikh Identity and Trauma: Teeji Ghallughara or Third Genocide 70

and Delhi Katleyam or Sikh Massacre in Delhi

IV) Corpus of Images Produced in Post-1984 on Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, 73

Teeji Ghallughara or Third Genocide and Delhi Katleyam or

Sikh Massacre in Delhi

A) Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Images Re-emerge after 2007: Installation 75

of the Portrait of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale at the Shahid Galley of the

Kendriya Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum, Installation of Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale Billboard and the Proposal of Constructing Yadgar 1984

 1. Installation of the Portrait of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale at 77

the Shahid Gallery of the Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar

or Central Sikh Museum

2. Displaying Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale’s Portrait along with other 81

Legendary Sikh Punjabi Revolutionaries of the British Colonial period

on Billboard

3. Foundation of Yadgar 1984: Commemorating the Martyrs of 1984’s 86

Fauji Hamla or Army’s Invasion

B) Ghallughara Dihara or Carnage of Akal Takht 90

C) Delhi Katleyam or Sikh Massacre in Delhi 91

D) Bazaar, Popular and Calendar Art: Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale 93

and his Followers and Associates

V) Conclusion 103
Chapter 3 – Shahidi-Tasveeran or Martyrdom Paintings in the Sikh Pedagogy Today:

Museums and Book Illustrations of Booklets and Children Books

I) Introduction 106

II) Sikh Museums : Missionary and Public Institutions 107

A) Missionary Museums 109

1. Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri 109

Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar

2. Bhai Mati Das Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi 112

3. Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum at Gurdwara 113

Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi

4. 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or 1984 Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara 122

Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi

5. The Open-Air Sculpture Gallery and Sikh Ajaibghar or 126

Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana

 6. Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum in Mohali 129

7. Sikhi Siddhanta de Adharit Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum 130

based on the Teaching of Sikhism at Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in

Anandpur Sahib

B) Public Museums 132

1. Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht 133

Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib

2. Virasat-e-Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara 136

Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib

C) Reception of the Images of Sikh Museums 145

III) Illuminated Magazines, Booklets and Books 147

IV) Conclusion 166

Conclusion 169
Bibliography 175

List of Illustrations 189

Illustrations I
Acknowledgments

I would like to thank my parents, Sri Kalipada Gupta and Srimati Bhabani Gupta, my

paternal and maternal grandparents, late Binay Bhushan Gupta and late Kananbala Gupta, late

Birendranath Dasgupta and Srimati Kamala Dasgupta, my sisters, Srimati Saheli Gupta Das and

Srimati Ilora Gupta, my drawing teachers, Srimati Jharna Mukherjee, Srimati Saumiya Devnath

and Sri Madan Gopal Dutta, my practical arts teachers, of both Rabindra Bharat University and

University of Hyderabad, Professor Parag Roy, Professor Paula Sengupta, Sri Sujay Mukherjee,

Professor Shyam Sundar, Sri L.N.V Srinivas, Sri Alex Mathew, Srimati Puja Chauhan and

Mohammed Sajid Bin Amor, my theory teachers, of both Rabindra Bharati University,

University of Hyderabad and Jawaharlal Nehru University, Professor Sohini Dhar, Professor

Shreyashi Chatterjee, Dr. Krishna Biswas, Dr. Sumana Dutta, Dr. Baishali Ghosh, Dr. Kirtana

Thanguvelu, Dr. Sita Reddy, Dr. Sarda Natrajan, Professor Parul Dave Mukherjee, Professor Y.

S. Alone, Professor Naman Ahuja, Professor Shukla Sawant, Professor Urmimala Munsi and Dr.

Suryanandini Narain for giving me moral support while I was writing this paper.

I would like to specially thank my supervisor, Professor Kavita Singh, for giving me

advice on how to write a thesis – in giving me insight on the method of analysing the visuals,

decoding the images and applying theory, history and the empirical experience of field work. I

would like to thank Professor Surinder Singh Jodhka, Centre for Study of Social System, School

of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University of New Delhi, and Bibi Sarover Zaidi for giving

me advice on Sikh studies – socio-political history and religious study. I would also thank to

1
Srimati Joyeeta Gupta, Srimati Prerana Khandelwal, Srimati Mrinalini Sil and Srimati Ajanta

Das for correcting grammatical errors and spelling.

I like to thank all of my classmates and friends, Sri Vishnu P.V., Sri Akash Sahu, Srimati

Deeplakshmi Saikia, Sri Ajit Singh, Srimati Divya Gauri and Srimati Parul Singh. I like to thank

of all the stuff of the administrative office and library of the School of Arts & Aesthetics - Sri

Mahesh Kumar, Srimati Poonam Lather, Sri Diwan Ram, Sri Harsh, Mohammed Allauddin, Sri

Vinayak Shyam, Srimati Savita Sahu, Mohammed Gulam Rasul and Sri Dilip Kumar. My

special thanks goes to – Dr. Ranjit Kaur (scholar at Sikh Reference Library of Amritsar), Bibi

Rajwinder Kaur (librarian of Sikh Reference Library in Amritsar), Sardar Bagicha Singh

(Manager of Sikh Reference Library in Amritsar), Sardar Satpal Singh Danish (artist and

proprietor of Art Heritage of Amritsar) in Amritsar, Sardar Harpreet Pal Singh (artist) in

Amritsar, Sardar Hardeep Singh (artist) in Amritsar, Sardar Amrik Singh Durgapuri in Delhi ,

Sardar Chandan Singh Durgapuri in Delhi, Sardar Satnam Singh Gill in Tarn Taran, Sardar

Kamal Preet Singh in Jalandhar, Sardar Jagwinder Singh Nafri in JNU, Sardar Jaspal Singh

(Gatka performer and teacher) in Delhi, Sardar Gurvinderpal Singh (senior Artist of Central Sikh

Museum) in Amritsar, Sardar Iqbal Singh (Additional Manager of Central Sikh Museum) in

Amritsar, Sardar Jaswinder Singh (Manager of Central Sikh Museum) in Amritsar, Sardar Kabul

Singh (Pathi of Gurdwara Zorawar-Fateh Singh) at Dhun in Amritsar, Sardar Sukhvinder Singh

(Patidar) at Dhun in Amritsar, Sardar Parwinder Singh (Gatka performer and teacher) in

Amritsar, Sardar Rana Chambal (sevadas or employee at Sri Harimandir Sahib) in Amritsar,

Sardar Ajit Pal Singh (sevadas or employee at Gurdwara Shahida Sahib) in Amritsar, Sardar

Baldev Singh (sevadas or employee at Gurdwara Shahida Sahib) in Amritsar, Sardar Jagjeet

Singh (sevadas or employee at Gurdwara Shahida Sahib) in Amritsar, Sri Gurjan Kumar (quack

2
doctor) at Dhun village in Amritsar, Sardar Harjinder Singh in Amritsar, Sardar Maninder Singh

Gill (manager of Homestay at Parag Chowk) in Amritsar, Sardar Gurlal Singh Sandhu at Dhun

village in Amritsar, Sardar Balraj Singh Sandhu at Dhun village in Amritsar, Sardar Happy

Sekon (Ragi at Sri Harimandir Sahib) in Delhi, Sardar Gagandeep Singh (artist) in Delhi, Sardar

Satnam Singh at Dhun village in Amritsar and Sardar Parwinder Singh (artist) in Mohali.

3
Introduction: Shahidi-Tasveeran or

Martyrdom Paintings in the Twentieth and

Twenty-First Centuries Sikh Visual Culture

This dissertation focuses on a wide range of images of martyrdom - Shahidi-Tasveeran

(Chopra 2013) of the Sikh community, including oil paintings, prints, posters, banners,

billboards, calendars, photographs, illustrations in various books and digital images found on

social media, that were developed in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. These visually

influential images commemorate the narratives of Shahidi or martyrdom from different periods-

viz. the late Mughal period and the Afghan invasion in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,

the colonial period and the Khalistani militancy of post-independent India in the twentieth

century, and the Khalistani militancy between the 1980s and 1990s. The idea of the Shahids or

martyrs plays a significant role in the history of Sikhism, which is reflected in the Sikh Visual

Culture. Many of these images create a sense of voyeuristic pleasure and horror, when one

glances at the scenes that depict the manner in which the Sikhs were physically tortured by

having their bodies harmed and damaged permanently, by remembering their self-sacrifice and

the deaths of Sikh Gurus, the followers of the Gurus and the Khalistani militants.

Most of the scholars who have already researched on Sikh Shahidi have studied these

either through the lens of socio-religious history, anthropological, cultural or political history.
4
Scholars like Harjot Oberoi (Oberoi 1994), W.H. McLeod (McLeod 1968, 1976, 1980, 1989,

1997, 1999), Louis E. Fenech (Fenech 2000), Brian Keith Axel (Axel 2001), Khushwant Singh

(Singh 2004, 2006, 2014), Joyce Pettigrew (Pettigrew 1995, 2007), Jeevan Deol (Deol 2001),

Arvind-Pal Singh Mandair (Mandair 2001, 2011), Darshan Singh Tatla (Tatla 2001,2006, 2012,

2015) and Birinder Pal Singh (Singh 2002, 2017) have studied Sikh Shahidi or martyrdom and

Shahids or martyrs from the perspective of political, sociological and religious history. The focus

of their studies is the religious, cultural and political history of Sikhism, where the philosophy of

Shahidi and Shahids play a vital role to propagate Sikhism as an exclusive doctrine.

For instance, Veena Das (Das 1995) has studied this as a phenomenon from the

perspective of the anthropological and sociological study. She primarily focuses on the Khalistan

movement. She looks at how contemporary Sikhs recontextualise medieval history of religious

conflicts and political resistance with Sikh militancy. They recontextualise the wounds of the late

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries with the armed movement of the twentieth century.

Radhika Chopra (Chopra 2009, 2010, 2011) has mainly looked at it from the point of identity

politics, religious study, collective suffering and gender studies. Surender Singh Jodhka (Jodhka

1997, 2001, 2004, 2005, 2008) has viewed it from the perspective of the formation of politics of

caste, class and religion. Cynthia Kepply Mahmood (Mahmood 1996) has done rigorous

fieldwork on Khalistani movement extensively. It is a research on the violent, political and

armed struggle based on religion, cultural and political identities. All of them have mainly

worked on textual sources; very few of these scholars have viewed martyrdom from the

perspective of art and visual culture. In this dissertation, I hope to build on the works of. Urmi

Kessar, M.S. Randhawa, W.H. McLeod, Kavita Singh, Anne Murphy, Radhika Chopra, Kanika

5
Singh, Pritam Singh and Navtej K. Purewal in order to study different aspects of the visual

culture that was developed to communicate and popularise the narratives of Sikh shahids.

When visual imagery relating to Sikhs has been studied by art historians such as W.G.

Archer (Archer 1966 ), B.N. Goswamy ( Goswamy 1999, 2003, 2006), Caron Smith (Smith

2006), Susan Stronge (Stronge 1988), Jean-Marie Lafont (Lafont 2002), Nima Poovaya Smith

(Smith 1991), Pashaura Singh (Singh 2003), Jeevan Singh Deol (Deol 2003) etc., they have

focused on the pleasure art objects of royal courts, nobles and rich merchants, miniature

paintings on paper and ivory, illustrated manuscripts of the Adi Granth, religious scripture of

Sikhs, Janamsakhis, hagiographical narratives of Guru Nanak Dev, portraits of Sikh Gurus, Sikh

rulers and nobles of the court of Lahore, Patiala, Kapurthala, Nabha, Jind and so on.

W.G. Archer has done a chronological study of Sikh paintings. Following in the steps of

Archer, K.C. Aryan (Aryan 1975) and R.P Srivastava (Srivastava 1983) have done in-depth

research on Sikh paintings, from miniature tradition in the late eighteenth and nineteenth

centuries to modern and contemporary art in the twentieth century. Their studies are not

specifically on images of Sikh Shahids but a whole production of Sikh painting tradition. W.H.

McLeod (McLeod 1991) has also studied the popular Sikh art along with his religious,

sociological, political and anthropological studies on Sikhism. He mainly focuses on the

reproductive prints of bazaar art in Amritsar and Lahore in the Punjab – portraits of Gurus and

shahids.

Urmi Kessar (Kessar 2003) has worked on the twentieth-century Sikh religious history

painting genre, which plays a significant role in constructing Punjabi or Sikh identity. She has

given a historiographical account of Sikh history paintings on oil medium. M.S. Randhawa

6
(Randhawa 1991, 1985, 1987, 1990) gives biographical accords of the Sikh history painters –

Sobha Singh and Kripal Singh. He also writes on the Sikh miniature paintings on the collection

in the Chandigarh Museum.

Gurmeet Rai (Rai 2003), Kavita Singh (Singh 2003) and B.N. Goswamy (Goswamy

2003) have also worked on the architectural projects under Sikh gurus and the wall paintings of

Sikhs under princely Sikh states. Some scholars have worked on the reception of Sikh history in

the museums. Kavita Singh (Singh 2005), Anne Murphy (2007, 2011) and Radhika Chopra

(Chopra 2011, 2013) have both discussed the issue of identity politics within the space of the

museum.

Kavita Singh has written about Virasat-e-Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Complex. She has

focused on the key issues of identity politics within the (public) religious museum space like

Virasat-e-Khalsa, which has constructed an idea of distinct religious, cultural and national

history through the lens of Khalsa ideology.

Anne Murphy has studied the Sikh diasporic museums such as The Sikh Heritage

Museum of Canada and National Sikh Heritage Centre and Holocaust Museum at Leicester of

Great Britain. She looks at these museums from three perspectives. Firstly, these museums

illustrate a boarder narrative of Sikh history in chronologically. Secondly, the narratives also

focus on the diasporic history of Sikhs and thirdly, engagement with Sikh and non-Sikh visitors.

All of these three aspects have actually constructed the idea of identity as Sikhs.

Radhika Chopra also looks at the socio-political aspects of memorial and museum along

with her gender analysis on social behaviour of Sikhs. Her research is devoted to Gurdwara

Yadgar Shahidan Sahib 1984 or memorial gurdwara on 1984 army operation at Sri Harimandir

7
Sahib, Khalistani militancy and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, leader of Sikh militancy. The

missionary Sikh museums are the alternative sacred places for remembering Gurus, Shahids and

heroes of the Sikh community. Her analysis based on the grassroots memorials which have

become places for remembrance of the religious persecution and armed resistance against

political establishments and state institutions through the space of ajaibghars or museums and

gurdwaras.

Kanika Singh (Singh, 2019) looks at the Sikh museums and their displayed oil canvases

on Sikh Gurus, Shahids and heroes. Her research is on the masculinity and identity politics in the

Sikh missionary museums and Sikh visual culture. She focuses on pedagogic strategies of Sikh

institutions, Sikh ethnonationalism, the transmediality of the canvas paintings of the shahids and

popular print culture and vivid masculine culture in the Sikh community.

The study of Pritam Singh and Navtej K. Purewal (Purewal and Singh 2013) is on the

resurgence of the bazaar images of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale in the form of posters, calendars,

banners, billboards and printed t-shirts. The study analyses the public response of Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale images to the contemporary identity politics of the Sikhs in the Punjab.

This dissertation is an attempt to do a survey of Shahidi-Tasveeran or martyrdom

imagery of the Sikhs from the lens of art history, art criticism and visual culture. I shall try to fill

the gap between the visual studies and sociological, anthropological, political, cultural, religious

and gender studies. I have gathered the Shahidi-Tasveeran that were produced in the twentieth

and twenty-first centuries depicting the suffering, sacrifice and death in the different phases.

Then I shall try to analyse these images in their religious, social, historical and political context.

8
 At the same time, I shall look at these images through the lens of visual culture analysis. I

try to find out who made these images? Who gave commissions to create these images? How do

these images communicate visually, and how do they circulate? I will treat these images as

objects and active agents whose stories do not end when they are produced. These images have

their own lives. Oil paintings turn into prints and sculptures and then they converted into

illustrations in books. Press photographs turn into internet images. They crop up at different

places at different stages. I have studied the Shahidi-Tasveeran of oil paintings at galleries in

museums, in local bazaars and in popular prints and the internet and tried to analyse the issues of

image-making, dissemination, transmedial proliferation as well as the reception and pedagogic

role of the Sikh martyrologic imagery. All of these visual images can be seen at the gurdwaras,

Sikh cultural centres, Sikh museums (missionary and public), personal prayer rooms of Sikhs, as

well as in Sikh missionary schools and colleges.

In order to collect information, I had done visual and literary studies, museum studies and

ethnographical research and data collection. I had visited many Sikh museums in Delhi,

Amritsar, Anandpur Sahib, Mohali and Mehdiana Sahib to study the oil paintings, photographs,

prints and sculptures based on Sikh Shahidi. I had also studied at Sikh Reference Library (within

the premises of Sri Harimandir Sahib and administrated by Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak

Committee) in Amritsar. Here I had read many books on Sikh history. I was planning to do an

archival research but I failed to do so. I was not allowed to access the archives of the Sikh

Reference Library. I was only allowed to study at the library and take photographs at Central

Sikh Museum. I also failed to get access of the archive at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib which

is administrated by Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee. Besides the Sikh Reference

Library, I also studied at the Guru Ram Das Library in Amritsar, the library of Punjab Lalit Kala

9
Akademy in Chandigarh, Library of Government Museum in Chandigarh, library of School of

Arts and Aesthetics and Central Library at JNU in New Delhi.

I had visited major Sikh ajaibghars or museums and gurdwaras in Delhi, Amritsar,

Anandpur Sahib, Mohali, Sirhind, Ludhiana and Patiala. Here, I did a visual study on paintings,

sculpture and prints and created a personal visual archives for this research. I had also visited the

bazaars close to gurdwaras in Amritsar, Anandpur Sahib, Fatehgarh Sahib, Chamkaur Sahib,

Ludhiana, Patiala and Chandigarh. I collected posters, stickers, calendars and other souvenirs on

Sikh shahids and Gurus. I had also taken photographs of these images. I had also read old

newspapers relating to Sikh museums, Sikh paintings and Sikh studies. I visited many digital

archives of the newspapers like The Hindu, The Tribune, Times of India and Daily Post etc. I had

accessed many digital and textual archives like the Punjab Digital Library, Academia.edu, Jstor,

Arstor, Sikh Formations, Sodhganga, Chirag Delli and Tasveer Ghar for my research.

Apart from museums, libraries and archival studies, I had done fieldwork in the Punjab

and Delhi. I visited Sikh and Hindu religious festivals, fairs and Diwans (Sikh celebrated the

Shahidi Divas or martyrdom day of Shahid. Diwan is celebrated on the occasion of the death

anniversary of a particular Shahid at the gurdwara which was built in his name). I met people

and took interviews on Sikhism, Shahids, Gurus, Shahidi paintings, prints, sculptures and

movies. I had followed a structured and semi-structured questionnaire. I had created my archives

based on photographs (which I had taken during my fieldwork), digital prints, internet images

and download texts. Therefore my research is based on my study in museums, libraries, archives

and through ethnographic research, through observation of religious and cultural festivals,

interviews, case studies, photographs and audio-video records.

10
 Initially, I thought that I would do a comparative study on the Shahids or martyrs images

between Catholics, Shias and Sikhs. In the end, I did not do a comparative study between

Shahidi or martyrdom images between Sikhs and Catholics and Shias because I felt it would

have a vast area of studies which I could not finish within one and half years of research. I will

do it in my further research while I pursue my PhD. I also thought I would study and analyse the

Sikh Shahidi-Tasveeran from the perspective of religious, sociological, political, gender, class

and caste formation of the Sikhs. Later, I dropped some of the points which I had planned before

I started my research. I did not study how class and caste formation of the Sikhs have an effect

on Sikh visual culture, especially Shahidi-Tasveeran. Although I believe this is an important area

of study, it was not possible for me to include this within the present dissertation, because it

requires more time for fieldwork, research and study. I did ethnographic research - visits to the

gurdwaras of Jats and Mazhabis, collected different kinds of popular images from these castes,

observed the Diwans of Jat Shahids like Baba Biti Chand and Baba Dip Singh, and Mazhabi

Gurus like Ravidas. However, I felt I need more time to study and continue with extensive

fieldwork. I will do it in my future research.

The thesis begins by asking why, when and how the narrative of Shahidi or martyrdom

and Shahid or martyr evolved and developed, and then came to be the central concept in the Sikh

Visual Culture of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Therefore, I have studied the historical

sources of Sikh Shahidi, and presently will examine how this collective memory of the suffering

of the community enters into visual culture. Further, the study investigates the relationship

between collective consciousness, ethno-nationalism and Shahidi in the contemporary Sikh

world view.

11
 The study analyses the substantial body of the paintings and popular prints which was

created in the 1950s after the formation of the Kendriya Sikh Museum or Central Sikh Museum

in Amritsar, and then after the 1984 episodes of the Khalistani movement. Both these moments

are crucial for the understanding of the role of Shahidi-Tasveeran in the collective consciousness

of the Sikh community. The 1950s’ visual images looked back on the heroes and Shahids of the

late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. I call this the first wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran. Then

another significant body of visual materials was formed during the Sikh militancy of the 1980’s

and after the epic events in 1984 and further onwards. Images relating to these events can be

classified as the second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran. The subjects of the second wave of Shahidi-

Tasveeran are the 1984 army operation at Sri Harimandir Sahib (also known as the Darbar Sahib

and the Golden Temple)in Amritsar, Bhindranwale (the leader of Sikh militancy), his associates,

other anonymous Sikh militants, the assassination of Srimati Indira Gandhi (the Prime Minister

of India) and 1984 Sikh massacre in Delhi.

It required a comparative study to understand the difference between the visual history

made in the 1950s which looked back at the events of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,

and the second wave whose visual narrative focussed on the militancy and the 1984 episodes.

The reminiscence of the sufferings in the Sikh case does not create an image of a victimised

community but rather constructs an idea of pride, machismo and heroism amongst Sikhs. I have

tried to examine the concept of masculinity in the Shahidi-Tasveeran through the lens of gender

analysis, and I have also attempted to find out what the other role of these images would be for

the didactic education of the Sikh visitors to the institutions that display these images, such as

creating a notion of distinct identity (religious, cultural and national by sharpening the concept of

self and others (by foregrounding aspects of the relation between Sikhs and Muslims and Sikhs

12
and Hindus) and stressing on the importance of moral behaviour. Finally, I look at the images

which were produced after 1984 and continued after that as a response to the crisis that the

community was facing during the peak of the Khalistan movement. These visual images give us

a testimony of massive mistrust between the Sikhs and successive Indian governments, Sikhs and

the mainstream Indian populace, and particularly the religious communities that formed the

majority in general.

The structure of this dissertation comprises three Chapters, excluding the introduction

and conclusion. Chapter 1 deals with the development of the concept of Shahidi or martyrdom in

the Sikh consciousness, which was gradually brought about by the Sikh Reform Movement –

better known as the Singh Sabha Movement -- between the late nineteenth and early twentieth

centuries. The scholars of Sikh studies, Harjot Oberoi (Oberoi 1995), Cynthia Keppley

Mahmood (Mahmood 1996, 107 -134), W.H. McLeod (McLeod 1999, 62-81), Louis E. Fenech

(Fenech 2000, 178-275), and Arvind-Pal Singh Mandair (Mandair 2011, 186-201) have

discussed the development of the Singh Sabha Movement and the development of Shahidi or

martyrdom and Shahid or martyr as pertinent concepts in Sikh literature.

The early ideologues of the Singh Sabha in Amritsar advocated the reform of the

religious practices of the Sikhs, which was to keep following the teachings of the human Sikh

gurus and the religious book – the Guru Granth Sahib. They observed the Sikhs as one of the

religious branches of Hinduism. Later, the more radical Sikh reformers emerged in Lahore. They

strongly propagated the separate identities of the Sikhs, laying emphasis on the five principle

external Sikh characteristics classified as the five K-Kars (kes or uncut hair, kangi or comb,

kachhera or underwear, kirpan or ceremonial dagger and kara or iron bangle) which identified

different characteristics from the Hindus. This group was known as the Tat Khalsa or true Khalsa

13
Group of Lahore (Fenech 2001, 51). They developed the concept of Shahid or martyr, Shaahid or

the testimony of martyrs and Shahidi or martyrdom. They also standardised modern Ardas or the

Sikh prayer and Rahit-Nama or the Sikh code of conduct in the early twentieth century (McLeod

1984, 11-13; Nabha 2015 reprint; Singh 1986). The offshoots of the Singh Sabha Movement

were Chief Khalsa Diwan, Central Sikh League, Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee

and Shiromani Akali Dal (Fenech 2000, 16). All of these sub-sections of Singh Sabhas

participated in diverse religious, cultural and political movements. One of these was the

Gurudwara Reform Movement in the 1920s – to take back the administrative control from the

Udasi sects (one of the sects in Sikhism later declared as non-Sikh and Hindu by Khalsa

dominated Akalis) to Khalsa sects (most dominant sect in Sikhism – Akalis follow Khalsa

ideology) (Fenech 2001, 229). Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and Shiromani

Akali Dal started observing the Ghallughara or genocide (mass killing of Sikhs by the Mughals

and Afghans during the eighteenth century) in the 1940s (Fenech 2000, 288 - 297). The rhetoric

of Shahidi or martyrdom came to be employed at this time, to solidify the notion of a united

imaginary community, which implied the construction of the idea of the distinct identity of the

community that made it stand apart from the Hindus. This created a notion of the psychology of

persecution, a separate identity and a sense of superiority.

The mnemonic anecdotes on Sikh Shahids by the iterant Dhadhi Jathas or ballad singers

were the only source of remembering martyrs in the early nineteenth century before the Singh

Sabha Movement. Intelligentsia of Singh Sabah Movement transformed the narratives of folklore

into historical fictions and then popularized them among the Sikh masses with the help of the

vernacular presses in Lahore, Amritsar and other major cities of Punjab. Despite having these

mnemonic stories, the primary textual sources of Shahidi literature were Bachittar Natak (an

14
autobiography of the tenth Sikh Guru, Gobind Singh) and Dasham Granth by Guru Gobind

Singh and Sri Sainipati’s Guru Sobha and Guru Bilas in the late seventeenth century. In the

nineteenth century, these texts were re-published in the vernacular press by Sikh intellectuals. In

the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries, some historical-fiction writers emerged, who

promoted Sikh Shahidi in their literary arts. They were known as Bhatt or bard and included

Seva Singh Kaushish and Sikh ideologues, Gian Singh, Ditt Singh and Vir Singh (Oberoi 1994,

332; Fenech 2000, 190).

Sikhism prohibits image worship and representation of Gods in any form. Therefore,

Singh Sabha discarded any representation of Shahids and Gurus in the visual medium during the

peak of the movement in the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries. The textual and

mnemonic metanarratives of Shahids had visualised and got popularised after the formation of

the Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak

Committee at the premises of Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar in 1958. The Shiromani

Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee employed some of the Sikh artists to visualise the Sikh history

chronologically through the use of oil canvases in the 1950s. This historical attempt of the

Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee gave birth to the genre of the Sikh History Painting

(Kessar 2003; Singh 2018). Sikh History Painting addresses two main subjects – Mazhabi-

Tasveeran (portraiture of Gurus and other religious figures) and Shahidi-Tasveeran (martyrdom

paintings). The first wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran primarily visualised the unjust behaviour and

oppressions of the Mughals and the Afghans in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and

the British colonial government in the twentieth century. One can observe a strong religious

sentiment against Muslims while a similar bias against Christians which one might have

expected through anticolonial sentiments is absent.

15
 Two decades later, the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, Delhi Sikh

Gurdwara Management Committee and other local Sikh committees inaugurated several other

Sikh museums at the different and important Sikh pilgrimage centres. These institutions took

Shahidi-Tasveeran as the historical visual document and the point of reference for the testimony

of Shahids, to narrate the history of their community and then use it as a propaganda tool to

propagate their religion, moral obligation and gender role to the aspiring minds of the Sikh

youths. They also encouraged the youths to be ready for the Shahidi or martyrdom to protect

their quam or community and nation, dharam or religion and gurdwaras or Sikh sanctums like

their predecessors. Later these oil paintings entered into the local bazaars from the private space

inside the museum’s gallery, through the reproduction of the images of the iconic paintings into

print and calendar art. They provided a medium of remembering the terrorizing history with the

help of the artist’s impression and imagination that is reflected in each painting (Carsten 2007).

The recent episodes in 1984 and the Khalistan militancy of 1980s-1990s, create the

second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran. The subjects are Bhindranwale, anonymous Sikh militants,

who destroyed the Akal Takht (by army operation – the government calls it Operation Blue Star

and Sikhs call it Fauji Hamla or army invasion, Ghallughara Dihara or the day of the massacre

of Sikh temple and Teeji Ghallughara or third genocide), Delhi massacre or Katleyam. The

target enemy of the Sikhs as expressed in the visual culture is now shifted from the Muslims to

the Hindu community. The Indian state is depicted as the Hindu Brahminical Imperialist state

and neo-oppressor of the Sikhs like the Islamic Mughals and Afghans in the late seventeenth to

eighteenth centuries.

Sobha Singh was a pioneer of the school of Mazhabi-Tasveeran. He popularised the

portraits of Guru Nanak and other Sikh Gurus. He portrayed the first Sikh Guru, Nanak Dev as a

16
saint while depicting the sixth Guru Hargobind and tenth Guru Gobind Singh as mighty war

heroes. This thesis emphasises mainly on Shahidi- Tasveeran. Kirpal Singh is one of the most

important exponents of Shahidi- Tasveeran. He started his career at the Shiromani Gurdwara

Parbandhak Committee which runs Central Sikh Museum and then worked for the Delhi Sikh

Gurdwara Management Committee, Punjab and Sindh Bank in New Delhi, Bank of Punjab in

New Delhi and Punjab National Bank of Finance in New Delhi. His paintings are displayed at

the Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar, the Bhai Mati Das Museum in Delhi, the Baba Baghel

Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum in Delhi, the Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum in

Anandpur Sahib and other major Sikh museums. His Shahidi prototypes were later imitated by

other Sikh artists in their narrative oil canvases, in the illustrations in books and in the

ferroconcrete and fibreglass sculptures and statues. Kripal Singh repainted some of his Shahidi

paintings of the 1950s in 1984 as a revised version of the former, showing the state’s brutality

and the nature of imperialism that the Sikhs encountered. He used Lal Qila or the Red Fort of

Delhi as the symbol of State’s oppression over Sikh community. It is the symbol of the power of

Delhi – whether ruled by the Mughals or Independent India. It might be a conscious

representation of the state’s brutality after the army’s operation at Akal Takht and Delhi

Katleyam in 1984. All of these points will be further discussed in great detail in section VIII of

Chapter 1.

Chapter 2 addresses the second wave of Sikh Shahidi-Tasveeran produced in the post-

1984 period, which responds to the crises faced by the community from the 1980s till date. The

corpus of images is based on three subjects – Teeji Ghallughara or Ghallughara Dihara or Fauji

Hamla, Delhi Katleyam, Bhindranwale and other Sikh militants. I have tried to treat the images

as the outcome of Sikh sentiments and psyche as a response to these events. I have carefully

17
examined the effects of socio-political and religious impacts on the second wave of Shahidi-

Tasveeran in the post-1984 period. Most of the images of the second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran

are the oil paintings and the emulated versions of the photographs of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

and other militants in the form of banners, billboards, calendars, posters, printed t-shirts, stickers

and others products in 2007 and onwards. These images express Sikh pride, masculinity, virility,

anti-state and anti-Hindu sentiments.

In this chapter, I revisit the history of the Sikh or Khalistani militancy for a better

understanding of the Shahidi-Tasveeran, produced in 2007 and onwards. Then I analyse the role

of these images on the Sikh consciousness and delve into the Sikh world view with regard to this

subject. The contemporary narratives of the sufferings of the Sikh community will always re-

contextualise the history of suffering in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, which

justifies violence against other non-Sikh and non-Khalsa communities and state institutions.

These narratives of suffering create a sharp binary between victims and oppressors or

conspirators. The contemporary Sikhs re-contextualise the role of Bhindranwale with the task of

Baba Dip Singh – both of them were the protector of Sri Harimandir Sahib from the aggressors.

Both of them were martyred for protecting the assault of the identity of Sikhs by oppressors. The

state’s military action against militants at Sri Harimandir Sahib in 1984 is viewed as an act of

invasion. The Delhi Katleyam added more wounds to the sufferings that were already being

endured by the community. As I observed during my fieldwork in Punjab and Delhi, I believe

some section of the contemporary Sikhs support Sikh militancy which in their opinion, could be

an outcome of a sense of assault on the Sikh pride, honour, and identity by the Indian state since

1984.In section IV of Chapter 2, I try to discuss the images depicting the Bhindranwale, army

18
operation, Delhi Katleyam and Khalistan appropriating history, current sentiments and situations

in great and complete details.

In Chapter 3, the study discusses the role of the pedagogical strategies by Sikh

institutions implemented through the paintings and sculptures in museums, illustrations in

booklets and children books in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The research also

analyses how these paintings, prints and the illustrations in booklets and children’s books have

been used as a propaganda tool for the purpose of educating the Sikh youth and have been

presented as authentic visual documents highlighting Sikh history. The primary intention of these

images and visuals is to create a sense of a distinct identity for the Sikhs – religious, cultural and

national and re-contextualise 1984’s episodes with the bloody encounters against the Mughals

and the Afghans in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

19
Chapter 1

Depicting Past Sufferings: Sikh History

Paintings, Popular Prints and Calendar Art

I) Introduction

In this chapter, I shall look at the Shahidi-Tasveeran (Chopra 2013, 104) or martyrdom

paintings of the Sikhs that were made in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. To understand

their role in contemporary Sikh Visual Culture, I would like to examine the role of the

martyrdom images in the context of the contemporary Sikh consciousness and ethnonationalism

(Singh 2001, 142). I will examine the reason why martyrdom images became an essential

propaganda tool to establish the distinctness of the Sikh religious, cultural and national (Tatla

2001, 167) identities, and how it developed gradually in the twentieth century.

Sikh martyrdom imagery is one of the essential vehicles for the Sikh community's

remembering of its heroes and martyrs. I shall look at the metanarratives of Sikh Shahidi or

martyrdom (whether written or mnemonic). Here I shall discuss the historical sources of the tales

of Shahids or martyrs as developed by the early twentieth-century Sikh reform movements

known as the Singh Sabha Movement. It generated descriptions of Sikh suffering in the Mughal

and post-Mughal period of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, British colonial period and

then post-independence India.

20
 The stories of martyrdom that are now currently available describe three periods of Sikh

history – Mughal and post-Mughal, British and post-independent India. The production of the

corpus of the Shahidi-Tasveeran can be seen as the product of two waves. The first wave starts

from the 1950s with the foundation of the Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum

within the Sri Harimandir Sahib or Sri Darbar Sahib (which is popularly known as the Golden

Temple because its wall is covering with gold plates) Complex at Amritsar . It was initially

opened for displaying relics and historical objects related to Sikhism. Later, it came to the house

of the Sikh History Painting1. This museum is the pioneer of establishing the genre of Sikh

History Painting, Shahidi-Tasveeran or martyrdom painting and Sikh Ajaibghar2 or Sikh

museum in the late twentieth century. These Sikh history paintings are the medium of conveying

the Sikh history and commemorating suffering in the late seventeenth, eighteenth and early

twentieth centuries (Mughal, post-Mughal and British colonial time) through paintings.

The second wave of Sikh History Painting depicts those who suffered at the hands of the

state's counter-terrorism operations of the 1980s to 1990s, army operation at Akal Takht of Sri

Harimandir Sahib Complex (known as Operation Bluestar), Amritsar and Sikh massacre in Delhi
1
“History Painting” is one of the genres of Western or European art in the seventeenth century. It takes the shape
of large canvases or frescoes that primarily depict the story of Greek and Roman heroes and classical mythology. It
became a popular genre in the seventeenth century with the influence of the Enlightenment period and was also
used to record and dignify recent historical events.

Sikh history painting is a late twentieth-century Sikh religious narrative painting genre of Punjab. It visualises the
historical narratives and myths of Sikhism. The visual elements are borrowed from Indian iconography (mainly
from Hinduism), and Kangra-Guler Pahari forms while medium (oil) and technique (viz. chiaroscuro, one point
scientific perspective, colour perspective and light and shadow) from Western academic style. Sikh missionary
museums patronise it.

See Kanika Singh, "Masculinity in Sikh Visual Culture: Representing the Guru and the Martyr," in Tasveer Ghar: A
Digital Archive of South Asian Popular Visual Culture, 2018.

www.tasveergharindia.net/essay/masculine-sikh-guru-martyr.html.
2
Ajaibghar is a Punjabi word meaning house of wonder. It refers to the museum.

21
in 1984. It is a post-1984 phenomenon. (It will be discussed in greater details in Chapter 2 where

I would analyse the effects of the Khalistani movement, Operation Bluestar, Army and Police

surveillance in Punjab and anti-Sikh massacre in the Sikh Visual Culture in post-1984.)

I shall also discuss about the Central Sikh Museum and other museums which display

similar images. Here I shall present the atmosphere of the museum which is like an alternative

sanctum. I will describe how visitors treat these images and museums like holy relics and

alternative pilgrimage sites. I shall also discuss other sponsors or patrons of these images apart

from the gurdwaras. I will also discuss the role of the Punjab government which has opened

some Sikh museums at vital Sikh pilgrimage areas.

In this chapter, I shall also try to analyse the gradual development of the canon of Sikh

History Painting from earlier art forms to the style of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries by

three Sikh master painters, Sobha Singh, Kripal Singh and G.S. Sohan Singh. Then I shall

analyse the individual style of each painter. Finally, I shall discuss the proliferation of their

artworks through reproduction in posters, calendars and prints.

22
 II) Development of Shahidi or Martyrdom in Sikh Consciousness by

Sikh Reform Movement in the Late Nineteenth to the Early

Twentieth Century

Harjot Oberoi (Oberoi 1995), Cynthia Keppley Mahmood (Mahmood 1996, 107 -134),

W.H. McLeod (McLeod 1999, 62-81), Louis E. Fenech (Fenech 2000, 178-275), and Arvind-Pal

Singh Mandair (Mandair 2011, 186-201) have written in great detail, about the effects of the

Sikh reformist movement, in the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries, which is popularly

known as the Singh Sabha Movement. It began in 1873 when a group of upper-class Sikh

aristocrats of Amritsar, the religious capital of Sikhs, advocated a reform of Sikh practices to

restrict themselves to the teachings of the ten human Sikh Gurus (Guru Granth Sahib, the

religious text of Sikhs. is the last and eleventh guru). Amritsar Singh Sabha emphasised their

following the Sanatan Sikh tradition. They observed Sikhs as one of the religious branches of

Hinduism. Six years later, the Dalit Mazhabi Sikhs established another Sigh Sabha in Lahore, the

provincial capital of Punjab. Their intention was to uplift the poor outcaste Sikhs politically,

socially and economically. They strongly supported the principal external Sikh identity3 of an

Amrit-dhari or baptised Khalsa Sikh which shows different characteristics from Hindus. The

Lahore Singh Sabha is known as Tat Khalsa or true Khalsa (Fenech 2001, 51).

The concept of Shahid or martyr, Shahid or the testimony of martyrs and Shahidi or

martyrdom were evolved and developed by Tat Khalsa, the radical Sikh reformist group of the

3
Five K’s – kes (uncut hair), kangi (comb), Kachhera (underwear), Kirpan (knife) and Kara (iron bangle). These are
the external five Ks of Amrit-Dhari Khalsa Sikhs.

See Harjot Oberoi, The Construction of Religious Boundaries: Culture, Identity and Diversity in the Sikh Tradition
(Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1994), 332.

23
Singh Sabha Movement. This Tat Khalsa group standardised modern Sikh prayer, Ardas and the

code of conduct and moral behaviour of religious Sikhs initiated into the Khalsa order, Rahit-

Nama (McLeod 1984, 11-13; Nabha 2015 reprint; Singh 1986) in the early twentieth century.

The offshoots of the Singh Sabha Movement were Chief Khalsa Diwan, Central Sikh League,

Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and Shiromani Akali Dal (Fenech 2000, 16).

Later other cities of Punjab such as Ludhiana, Jalandhar, Patiala, Ambala et all so on

formed their own Singh Sabhas. Lahore and Amritsar Singh Sabhas were the models of these

local Singh Sabhas. One hundred and fifteen Singh Sabhas were established in Punjab, in other

cities beyond Punjab and even abroad like Malaysia and Hong Kong, between the 1880s and the

1890s, by local Sikh groups (Oberoi 1994, 295). The Chief Khalsa Diwan was formed to

coordinate all these Singh Sabhas in 1890.

From 1920 to 1925, a large number of Khalsa Sikhs took the initiative to take back the

Sikh shrines from the control of the caretakers or Mahantas of the Udasi Akhara4. Tat Khalsa

forced the British Indian Government and Mahantas to hand over gurdwaras or Sikh temples to

the Tat Khalsa Sikhs from Udasis. The members of the Chief Khalsa Diwan participated in this

Gurdwara Reform Movement. In 1919 many members of Chief Khalsa Diwan broke away and

formed the Central Sikh League. The Sikh Gurdwara Act was passed in 1925. The Shiromani

Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee was formed to govern the administration of gurdwaras.

4
“Udasi Akhara” is the monastery and seminary of Udasi sects, one of the sects of Sikhism, by Sri Chand Maharaja,
the eldest son of first Sikh Guru Nanak Dev. The head of the Udasi Akharas is called Mahanta. They were the actual
caretakers of all important gurdwaras, Sikh temples. The radical Sikh reformist group took over the rights of
administration of gurdwaras in 1925. Later Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee declared them non-Sikh
and Hindu. Udasis do not follow the prescribed guidelines of Khalsa and do not have five external Khalsa Sikh
identities. They are seemed to be heretic cults by Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee.

24
Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee is a social organisation while Shiromani Akali Dal

is its political wing. Both of them were established in 1925 (Fenech 2001, 229).

The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and Shiromani Akali Dal started

emphasising on sacrifice, martyrdom and community service during the Gurdwara Reform

Movement in the 1920s. In May 1940 Shiromani Akali Dal began to observe the Ghallughara5

day to commemorate the genocide of the Sikhs by the Muslims in medieval India. Many of the

Sikh leaders were emphasising on martyrdom during the nationalistic movement in British

colonial time (Fenech 2000, 288 - 297).

They recounted the sufferings of Sikhs in history, starting firstly with Shahidi or

martyrdom of the fifth Sikh Guru Arjan Dev for not converting into Islam, by the order of the

Mughal emperor, Jahangir on May 30, 1606. The second Shahid of Sikhism is the ninth Guru,

Teg Bahadur. He was executed in Delhi along with his three companions, Bhai Dayala, Bhai

Mati Das and Bhai Sati Das on November 24, 1675, by the order of the Mughal emperor

Aurangzeb, for not accepting Islam and saved the Kashmiri Brahmins from the religious

persecution by the Mughals. Later, other Sikh warriors gave up their lives for the sake of

protecting Sikhism, people, and gurdwaras from Mughals and Afghan invaders in the eighteenth

century.

5
Ghallughara is a Punjabi word, meaning carnage or genocide. There are three Gallugharas in the Sikh history –
“Nikka or Chhota Ghallughara” or Small Genocide (during Mughal era in 1746 by order of Mughal Emperor),
“Vadda Ghallughara” or Big Genocide (during Afghan invasion under the leadership of Ahmad Shah Durrani in
1762) and “Ghallughara-Dihara” (means the carnage of the sacred sanctum Akal Takht of Shri Harimandir Sahib at
Amritsar on June 6, 1984).” Ghallughara-Dihara” is also known as “Fauji Hamla” or military operation and “Teeji
Ghallughara” or Third Genocide.

See Radhika Chopra, "A Museum, A Memorial, and A Martyr: Politics of Memory in the Sikh Golden Temple”, Sikh
Formations 9, no. 2 (2013): 103.

25
 The other Sikh Shahids of medieval India are Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, Baba Dip

Singh, Bhai Mani Singh, Bhai Subeg Singh and so one. Sikhs had faced two genocides in

medieval India by the Mughals and the Afghans. Later, Sikhs formed their empire under the rule

of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in the nineteenth century. After the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, his

empire collapsed, and the British annexed the Punjab into British India. Then the Sikh

martyrology (Fenech 2000, 116-144) developed under the British occupation. Sikh freedom

fighters such as Bhagat Singh, Udham Singh, and others were considered as Shahids. The Sikh

institutions also consider those Khalsa Sikhs as Shahids, who died in the sectarian armed clashes

with Udasis during the Gurdwara Reform Movement.

The Sikh victims in the communal riots during the partition of India in west Punjab,

between 1946 and 1947, are also considered as Shahids. Then, the new wave of Shahidi starts in

the post-independent India. The Sikh agitators who died when the police fired at them during the

Punjabi Suba Movement in the 1950s to 1960s, during the Rail Bus Roko Movement in the

1980s under the influence of the members of Dharam Yudh Morcha, Akhand Kirtani Jatha and

Damdami Taksal, are also considered as Shahids. The Khalsa Sikhs who died in the sectoral

fights between Nirankari (one of the sects in Sikhism and later declared as a heretic cult and

dismembered from Sikhism, on June 10, 1978, by Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee

and Jathedar, head priest, of Sri Harimandir Sahib) and armed-militias of

Bhindranwale, Jathedar or chief of Damdami Taksal and leader of Khalistani Militancy or

Khalistani Uggravad, were declared as Shahids by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak

Committee. The armed militias and militants or Uggravadis (Chopra 2013, 97-144) are called

Shahids. The next episodes of Shahidi narratives are Operation Blue Star at the Akal Takht of Sri

Harimandir Sahib of Amritsar by order of Prime Minister, Srimati Indira Gandhi on Jun 3 to 8,

26
1984 and the martyrdom of militants by the military and police surveillance like Operation Black

Thunder6, Operation Woodrose7. The carnage of Akal Takht is known as Ghallughara Dihara or

the day of the massacre of Sikh temple. It is also known as Fauji Hamla or the military invasion.

Bhindranwale, the armed militants and unarmed civilians were declared as the Shahid of Sikh

Qaum by Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee in 2003 (Chopra 2013, 106). This

military operation is the Teeji Ghallughara or third genocide in Sikh history. The anonymous

victims of the Sikh massacre in Delhi on November 1 to 4, 1984 and the two assassins of Srimati

Indira Gandhi, the Prime Minister of India died on October 31, 1984. Bhai Bean Singh and Bhai

Satwant Singh, who took revenge against the carnage of Akal Takht, are all considered as

Shahids. The carnage of Akal Takht and the Sikh massacre make the Indian state an imperial

Hindu state, an enemy of the Sikh nation.

6
Operation Black Thunder – In 1984 post-Operation Blue Star, Sikh Militant organizations were formed. Khalistan
Commando Force was one of the official militias of Khalistan. Khalistan Commando Force had more than four
hundred armed guerrillas. They started robbery for getting funds in 1987 onwards – first at Ludhiana on February
and looted fifty-seven hundred millions rupees were looted. New militant organisations were found between 1984
and 1992. These armed criminals were completely controlled “Sri Harimandir Sahib”.

Often they issued press released and Hukumnama or religious decree. As militancy grew the other militant groups
were emerged. New groups came out from old groups. These armed criminal militias started quarreled with each
other for getting posts of leadership. Government of India, under Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, son of Indira
Gandhi, launched military action against these militants – “Operation Black Thunder” in 1988.

See, Birinder Pal Singh, “Dialectic of Militant Violence”, in Violence as Political Discourse (Shimla: Indian Institute of
Advanced Study, 2002), 141.
7
Operation Woodrose - Three months following the army operation at Sri Harimandir Sahib – the army and
paramilitary forces hunted down the followers of Bhindranwale. Sikh men and teenagers, who had flowing long
beard, moustache and turban –baptised Amrit-dhari, from fifteen to twenty-five years aged group were taken
away from homes in large numbers and remained in military custody for long time.

See Joyce Pettigrew, “The Indian State, Its Sikh Citizens, and Terror”, in Terror and Violence: Imagination and the
Unimaginable, ed. Andrew Strathern, Pamela J Stewart and Neil L Whitehead (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2007),
89-116.

See, Birinder Pal Singh, “Dialectic of Militant Violence”, in Violence as Political Discourse (Shimla: Indian Institute of
Advanced Study, 2002), 136.

27
 The Singh Sabha’s rhetoric of martyrdom advocated suffering for religious, cultural and

political purposes. It employed the notion of imagined community (Benedict 1983) and made

Sikhs feel conscious of belonging to a different community (Fenech 2000, 20). The horrific death

of martyrs symbolised the Sikh identity and created a different character from that of the Hindus.

It became a problem-solving tool to establish distinct identities from those present in Hinduism.

The descriptions of torture in Ardas, Punjabi folklore and kathas or anecdotes promote a

psychology of persecution (Fenech 2000, 64). The Sikh martyr tradition embodies the teachings

of Sikh Gurus, which says that suffering must be meaningful and creative. It is superior to

fasting and the celibacy of Hindu saints who renounce pleasures of life for their own individual

liberation. A martyr suffers for the sake of his society. He bears pain cheerfully in public. A

painful physical death is a form of selfless service to the Sikh Panth or community (Fenech 2000,

70-71).

Later, the concept of Shahid or martyr was rhetorically used by Sikh militants in the

1980s to 1990s. Bhindranwale, the prominent face of Sikh militancy, declared that the

techniques of non-violence (by Mahatma Gandhi) were weak. It is not an acceptable technique of

a race (Sikhs) who have never bowed down its head before any judicial head, and whose history

is written with the blood of its martyrs (Fenech 2000, 293). It shows the masculine, violent and

valourous image of Sikh men, which is entirely opposite to that of the weak, effeminate and

cunning Hindu men (Fenech 2000, 293; Das 1995, 118-136).

28
 III) Commemorating Shahidi or Martyrdom in Sikh Literature (Textual

and Mnemonic)

Dhadhi Jathas8 were the only source that helped the new generation to remember Sikh

Shahids or martyrs and their stories of valour in the remote villages of the Punjab, before the

Sikh reform movement started in the late nineteenth century. Later Singh Sabha intelligentsia

transformed these mnemonic anecdotes and ballads into historical fictions and then popularised

them amongst the Sikh masses. Singh Sabha intelligentsias, Sikh historians and fictional writers

propagated martyr stories through the vernacular press. They had their Punjabi newspaper -

Khalsa Akhbar. They rewrote historical fiction as well as published medieval texts which tell us

about Sikh Gurus, martyrs and heroes. Singh Sabha propaganda leaflets, pamphlets, booklets,

books and newspaper popularised the story of Sikh martyrs amongst the population of cities.

The main textual sources of Shahid literatures are – medieval texts like Bachittar Natak

(autobiography of tenth Sikh Guru Gobind Singh), Dasham Granth by Guru Gobind Singh and

Sainipati’s Sri Guru Sobha and Sri Guru Bilas of seventeenth century, late nineteenth century

texts like Shahid Bilas (1802) by bard Seva Singh Kaushish, and the Shahidi histories by Singh

Sabha intelligentsias like Gian Singh, Ditt Singh and the historical and fictional works like

Sundari(1898), Bijay Singh (1899), Satvant Kaur (1899-1900) and Baba Naudh Singh (1917-

1921) by Vir Singh in the early twentieth century (Oberoi 1994, 332; Fenech 2000, 190).

8
Dhadhi jathas are itinerant ballad singers. They roam village to village in Punjab and sing the martial anecdotes
associated with Sikh martyrs, gurus, warriors and heroes.

See Louis E. Fenech, Martyrdom in the Sikh Tradition: Playing the game of Love (New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 2000), 33.

29
 Seva Singh was the first bard who appropriated the word Shahid in the Punjabi literature.

He immortalised the early Sikh martyrs like Bhai Tara Singh, Bhai Mani Singh, Bhai Bota

Singh, Bhai Mehtab Singh, Bhai Taru Singh, Bhai Subeg Singh, Baba Dip Singh and Baba

Gurbaksh Singh who died in late seventeen to eighteen centuries for not accepting Islam and

protecting Hindus from religious persecution and gurdwaras (Fenech 2000, 13; Oberoi 1994,

330). Tat Khalsa group of Singh Sabha Movement took the initiative to rewrite Sikh history

through the histories of martyrs and historical fiction (Oberoi 1994, 330).

IV) Shahidi-Tasveeran or Martyrdom Paintings, Sikh History Painting

and Sikh Visual Culture in the Twentieth Century and Twenty-First

Centuries - Visualisation of Shahidi or Martyrdom from Literature

to Painting

As we have seen, there was an intensification of the memorialisation of suffering and

martyrdom in the literature produced for the Sikh community in the early twentieth century by

Singh Sabha intellectuals and propagandists. Singh Sabha activists disapproved popular and

bazaar art which represented Sikh Gurus from imagination in the 1880s to 1920s. It took several

decades for this to find a parallel expression in the visual arts. The visualisation of martyrdom

has been seen in the form of Sikh History Painting (Kessar 2003; Singh 2018).

The Shahidi-Tasveeran or martyrdom paintings (Chopra 2013) are a significant part of

Sikh History Painting and Sikh popular art (McLeod 1991). Sikh Visual Culture displays the

30
bravery, self-sacrifice (Storm 2013), ghosts of memories (Carsten 2007) and the glorious history

of shahids or martyrs (Fenech 2000,1-15) of Sikh-Qaum9 or Panth10, starting from the visual

narratives of horrific torture and execution of Sikh Gurus or prophets (fifth Guru, Arjan Dev on

May 30, 1606 and ninth Guru, Teg Bahadur on November 24, 1675), companions of Gurus (like

Bhai Dayala on November 11, 1675, Bhai Mati Das and Bhai Sati Das on November 24, 1675,

and so one) and Sikh warriors (like Baba Banda Singh Bahadur on June 9, 1716, Baba Dip Singh

on November 11, 1757 and so on) during the reins of the Mughal monarchs and Afghan invaders

(in the late seventeen to eighteen centuries).

After that, the continuous struggle of the defensive military history against aggressors

and invaders, creates martyrology (Fenech 2000, 116-144). Later it includes the episodes of Sikh

freedom fighters during British colonial times (in the early twentieth-century) such as Bhagat

Singh, Udham Singh and Jallianwala Bagh massacre; it includes Sikh victims in the communal

riots during the partition of India (in 1947). Then the story goes with the wound of post-

independent India. It also remembers those Sikh agitators who died by police firing during

Punjabi Suba Movement (in the 1960s) and Rail Bus Roko (or Stopped Railway and Bus) by

Dharam Yudh Morcha, associates with Bhindranwale and his institution Damdami Taksal (in

1982). Then the sectoral fights between Nirankari and Khalsa armed-cadres of Damdami Taksal,

were led by Bhai Fauja Singh on April 13, 1978, in the hope of stopping blasphemy and heretics

(done by Sant Nirankari guru Baba Gurbachan Singh).

The next episode gives us the valour stories of uggravadi (Chopra 2013, 97-144) or

militants of the Khalistani movement (in the 1980s to 1990s), also known as kharku or fearless,

9
Quam is a Persian word using both for religion, community and nation.
10
Panth is a Punjabi word using for a religious community.

31
who died due to military operations and police surveillance like Operation Black Thunder and

Operation Woodrose. Then it adds the wound of desecration and partial carnage of Akal Takht

by army operations, Operation Blue Star (on Jun 3 - 8, 1894), known as Ghallughara-Dihara

(Chopra 2013, 103) or carnage of holy shrine, Fauji-Hamla (Chopra 2013, 105) or military

operation and Teeji Ghallughara or third genocide (Tatla 2015), and the anti-Sikh communal riot

(on November 1- 4, 1984) known as Katleyam or massacre (Chopra 2010, 119-152; Chopra

2013, 97-144), perpetuated by Congress leaders, after the assassination of the then Prime

Minister of India, Srimati Indira Gandhi (on October 31, 1984), by her two personal Sikh

bodyguards, Bhai Beant Singh and Bhai Satwant Singh.

All of the images of a visual martyrology (Fenech 2000, 44) from different time-periods

visualise the historical textual narratives of tortured bodies (Axel 2001, 121-157) to reflect the

testimonies of suffering, trauma, death, victimisation and martyrdom of the community history

of Sikhism. Sikh Visual Culture creates the voyeuristic pleasure and horror of witnessing social

suffering (Kleinman, Das and Lock 1997). The Sikh authorities like Shiromani Gurdwara

Parbandhak Committee, Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee and other local Sikh

committees take Shahidi-Tasveeran as the reference of the testimony of Shahids, to convey the

historical facts of their community and then use it as a propaganda tool to propagate their

religion, moral obligation and gender role to their youths. They also encourage the youths to be

ready for the Shahidi or martyrdom (Fenech 2000, 1-15) to protect their quam or community and

nation, dharam or religion and gurdwaras or Sikh sanctums like their predecessors.

The stories of medieval martyrs give a powerful self-representation (Das 1995, 122). The

visualisation of the textual and mnemonic history (ballads of Dhadhi Jathas) of martyrdom starts

in the late twentieth century (after the 1950s) in a systematic way when Shiromani Gurdwara

32
Parbandhak Committee commissions the artist to actualise the Sikh history into oil canvases in

the form of Sikh History Painting. Then they display them in the museum’s space as the

historical document of the Sikh community.

These gruesome and garish oil paintings and their reproduction in bazaar and calendar

prints display a visual montage of their ancestors which connects the contemporary Sikh youths

with their past. These images provide a medium of remembering past and imaging history

(Carsten 2007). The narratives of pain, suffering, trauma and horrific death become the epicentre

of courage, bravery and pride for Sikh community.

These images serve five principal purposes, first – images recall the past suffering

(Moussa and Nijhawan 2014, 1-19) and commemorates the Shahids; second – they actualise the

history in a static visual format; third – they are used as a tool to propagate religion, morality and

pedagogic strategies to educate the Sikh youths; fourth – to give information to the non-Sikhs

about their religion; finally – to claim to be a unique community, culture and religion in India

and not a branch of Hinduism (Nabha 2015, reprint).

The power of the images (Freedberg 1989) sanctions the consolidation and self-

consciousness amongst the members of the Sikh community. Images become the testimony of

the separate identity of the Sikhs as a distinct religious and cultural community from other Indian

religions, chiefly Hindus. Sikhs claim that they have different religious and cultural identities

and nationhood. They can be viewed as a pervasive tendency of universalisation of trauma

(Nijhawan and Schultz 2014, 178) and then create collective consciousness and consolidate the

entire community.

33
 V) Two waves of Sikh Visual Culture in the Twentieth and Twenty-First

Centuries

The first wave of modern Sikh Visual Culture in the late twentieth century evolves with

the emergence of Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Sri Harimandir Sahib in

1958 by Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee. The primary intention of creating the

museum was to restore and exhibit the relics of Sikh Gurus. Then, the Shiromani Gurdwara

Parbandhak Committee started employing a Sikh artist to visualise the Sikh history on the oil

canvases. The oil canvases display the narrative of Sikh history, emphasising the life of Gurus

and the Shahidi or martyrdom of Sikh Gurus, heroes and warriors.

The Sikh museums provide an alternative religious space to the visitors to actualise the

description of the Shahidi or martyrdom from Ardas or Sikh prayer through oil paintings. The

textual and mnemonic martyrology is achieved into visual martyrology (Fenech 2000, 44). The

visitors enter barefoot and cover their head like entering any Sikh gurdwaras. The religious

Sikhs can complete their Ardas with these visual narratives. The museums become an alternative

holy space. Fenech says Sikh Ajaibghar gives an area to the visitors to complete their Ardas and

take a Darshan or religious seeing of their Gurus, martyrs along with other holy relics (Fenech

2000, 45).

The visual stories are exhibited in the narrative canvases, following the chronological

order of the Sikh history, which starts from Guru Nanak Dev to the last Guru Gobind Singh, and

include essential events, war history and martyrdoms from the seventeenth to the twentieth

century. All of the oil canvases follow the European Western representational realistic art style

or Western Academic style.

34
 In the first phase, Shahidi-Tasveeran depicted the injustice and torture of Muslims (the

Mughals and the Afghans) in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Mughal and Post-

Mughal India and British Raj of the twentieth century. The Islamophobia is prominent in these

narrative canvases. The oppressor's religious identity is prominently shown. Islam and Muslims

are shown as the enemy of the Sikhism in the first phases of the Sikh History Painting at Sikh

Ajaibghars. A similar bias against Christianity or Europeans is not seen in any canvases which

depict the oppression of British, yet Islamophobia is promoted.

The recent Khalistani Uggravad or Sikh militancy, Operation Blue Star or carnage of

Akal Takht, Delhi Sikh massacre and police-military surveillance operations in the Punjab

during militancy in the 1980s to 1990s, create a new wave of the art of suffering. Sikh artists

start creating the portraiture of anonymous and fearless Khalistani militants or kharku Uggravadi

as mighty heroes in posters, t-shirt prints and so on, of the Sikh popular culture and bazaar arts.

The Shahid gallery (fig.1) at Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum displays the

Shahidi-Tasveeran of the portrait of Bhindranwale, the leader of Khalistani-Uggravadis or

militants, two assassins of Srimati Indira Gandhi, Satwant Singh and Beant Singh, the damaged

Akal Takht and other Khalistani militants and victims of the military operation at Sri Harimandir

Sahib on June 6 1984. Here the photographs of the victims who died during Operation Blue Star

are also exhibited. They are all seemed as martyrs of Sikh Qaum.

This is the second wave of the Sikh Visual Culture. The enemy of the Sikhs is switched

from Muslims to Hindu (Brahman and Bania) India. India as the state is projected as the enemy

and contemporary oppressor of the Sikh Qaum. The social media platforms are allowing

contemporary Sikhs of India and those who are living overseas, as the meeting place to discuss

the oppression by Hindu imperialist India.

35
 VI) Sites and Sponsors of Shahidi-Tasveeran or Martyrdom Paintings

These images of suffering (Moussa and Nijhawan 2014, 1-19) can be viewed and

circulated at Sikh Ajaibghars or museums (both missionary and government), gurudwaras or

Sikh temples, langar halls or Sikh community dining halls, Sikh institutions, banners, posters,

popular prints, calendars, as illustrations in books, comics, prints on t-shirts and even in the

internet forums. Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and Delhi Sikh Gurdwara

Management Committee are both the principal patrons of the modern Sikh religious art. The

provincial government of Punjab also opened some Sikh Ajaibghars such as Sri Guru Teg

Bahadur Sikh Museum, Virasat-E-Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre and so one. (It will be

discussed in great detail in section II.B in Chapter 3 where I would discuss about Sikh Pedagogy

and Museums.)

Besides them, Dharam Parchar Committee of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak

Committee in Amritsar, Dharam Parchar Committee of the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management

Committee in Delhi, Punjab and Sindh Bank of New Delhi, Bank of Punjab of New Delhi and

Punjab National Bank Finance of New Delhi, Punjab Marketing Finance of Chandigarh and Dr.

Balbir Singh Sahitya Kendra of Dehradun also commissioned Sikh artists for their publication of

illustrations in books, booklets, pamphlets and calendars.

36
 VII) The Politics of Identity and Propaganda behind Sikh Visual Culture

Images become the testimony of the separate identity of the Sikhs as a distinct religious

and cultural community from other Indian religions, especially Hindus. Sikhs claim they have

different religious and cultural identities and nationhood. Article 25(2) (b) of the Constitution of

the Republic of India states Sikhs are merely a branch of Hinduism. Anxious Sikhs opposed

Article 25 (2) (b) and started demanding ‘Punjabi Suba’ or Punjab province as the autonomous

Sikh home-state, to secure their religious and cultural identities since the 1960s after the

independence of India.

The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee version of Sikhism is, that all Sikhs

must follow Khalsa order11 of Sikhism. They should be guided by the code and conduct of Rahit

Nama12. Sikhs indispensably speak in Punjabi and write it in Gurmukhi script13. The prominent

11
The Khalsa was established by the tenth or last human Sikh Guru, Gobind Singh in 1699. Majority of Sikhs follow
Khalsa order. The other sects of Sikhs are Sahajdhari, Nanakpanthi, Namdhari, Nirankari, Udasi, Seva Panthi,
Sangatshahi, Jitmali, Sahaj-Dhari, non-baptized Kesh-Dhari in Khalsa and others.

See Louis E. Fenech, Martyrdom in the Sikh Tradition: Playing the game of Love (New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 2000), 19 and 51.
12
Rahit-Nama literature is basic code and conduct of Khalsa Sikhs. It was compiled between the late nineteenth to
the early twentieth century by radical Sikh reformers.

See Louis E. Fenech, Martyrdom in the Sikh Tradition: Playing the game of Love (New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 2000), 10.
13
Gurmukhi script was standardised from Sharda script of Kashmir and Devnagri script of Northern India, by fifth
Sikh Guru, Arjan Dev. He took the initiative to compile “Adi Granth” in Gurmukhi script. He incorporated the
Shabad or hymns of first Sikh Guru Nanak Dev, other Sikh Gurus, Hindu saints and Muslim peers along with his
verses. Later” Adi Granth” became “Guru Granth Sahib” when last human Guru Gobind Singh gave the status of
eternal guruship to “Adi Granth”. Contemporary Sikhs of Khalsa order view Punjabi religious language for Sikh, and
the only sacred script is Gurmukhi while Hindus of Punjab write Punjabi in Devnagri and Muslims in Shahmukhi,
Arab-Persian script.

37
Sikh leaders of Shiromani Akali Dal (political wings of Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak

Committee and the product of Singh Sabha Movement) think they have been cheated by the

Union of India and the majority among the religious communities of India, Hindus (Brahmins)

for not accepting their distinct identities and not getting promised autonomous status to the state

of Punjab, by the declaration of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973 (McLeod 1997). This

resolution clears the idea of ‘who is Sikh’ and ‘what are the demands of Sikhs’. It defines the

external identities of Sikhs [five K's – Kes (uncut hair), Kanga (comb), Kachhera (underwear),

Kirpan (religious dagger) and Kara (iron bangle)]. Sikh leaders wanted to establish a

homogeneous religious community of the Sikhs (Oberoi 1994, 1). The Khalsa identity became

the only authentic Sikh identity.

The ethnoreligious identity was used as a political identity by Sikh leaders of the Punjabi

Suba Movement in the 1960s. Their demand was a Sikh home state – ‘Punjabi Suba’ and more

autonomy for Punjab. Later, this ethnoreligious political identity became the ethnonational

identity which started demanding a separate nationhood of only Sikhs in the 1980s by the

Khalistani militants.

The union government of India did not accept the demand for autonomous statehood of

the Punjab and separate religious characters of Sikhs in the constitution of the Republic of India.

Non-acceptance of the demand of Sikhs by the Indian government created a collective hurt (Tatla

2001, 169; Chopra 2010, 119-152; Chopra 2011, 12-39) of the Sikh community. The sense of

betrayal was the outcome of Khalistan, a pure theological state for Sikhs, to secure their distinct

identities as religion, culture and nationhood. The hurt of Sikh Maryada or honour is the symbol

38
of the debasement of the ego of Sikh men. The military operation at the Akal Takht and anti-Sikh

riot in 1984 added further wounds to their pre-existing feeling of hurt and suffering.

The sense of disheartenment, betrayal and hurt became the key elements of alienation.

This turbulent history forms the background of understanding why the second wave of Sikh

Visual Culture developed as it did, with such a large emphasis on images of martyrdom, and it

also helps us to understand the role that was played by the visual culture in reinforcing, among

the Sikhs, the sense of a difficult shared history. (It will be discussed in elaborately in great detail

in section IV in Chapter 2 where I would discuss the effects of the Khalistani movement,

Operation Blue Star and 1984 Delhi massacre in the second wave of Sikh Visual Culture that

took place in the twenty-first century.)

VIII) Artists, Shahidi or Martyrdom Prototypes and Transmediality

Pahari Qalam14 (mainly Kangra and Guler) (Archer 1966; Aryan 1975; Srivastava 1983;

McLeod 1991) influenced early Sikh art of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The early

example of Sikh art was the collection of illuminating Janamsakhi (hagiographical narrative

account of the first Sikh Guru Nanak Dev) manuscript paintings and portraits of the ten Sikh

gurus (McLeod 1991, 4). Maharaja Ranjit Singh and his successor Maharaja Sher Singh of the

Khalsa state, who patronised many Pahari as well as European artists at their courts (McLeod

1991, 10-17). Later small Sikh principalities also patronised Sikh art.
14
Qalam is a Persian word, meaning pen. It also means painting style such as Persian Qalam, Mughal Qalam,
Murshidabad Qalam and so one.

39
 After the annexation of the Punjab by the British, the Western academic style and the

medium became more popular. In 1878, the Mayo School of Art was established in Lahore

(Archer 1966, 61). It promoted Western Academic art. The British introduced the press, the

lithograph and woodcut printing. The western techniques, medium and visual elements

influenced the visual culture of the Punjab in the late nineteenth to the twentieth century.

European or Western medium, style and techniques changed the popular Punjabi art.

The Sikh art was mere bazaar art and not getting patronisation from the Sikh institutions.

The activist of the Singh Sabha Movement disapproved popular art which depicted Sikh Gurus

from imagination. They were more favoured along with calligraphy, decorative designs and

photography, but not by imaginative paintings and drawings. Singh Sabha intellectuals argued

that there were no authentic paintings of any Gurus available from the early age of Sikhism. The

second reason was that Sikhism promotes the formless God and disapproved icon worship. Sikh

reformist leaders showed hostility against Sikh bazaar arts. After independence and partition, a

group of Sikh artists emerged in the Indian Punjab. Their primary intention was to cater to a

more sophisticated public rather than just bazaar art. They got popularity after the formation of

Sikh Ajaibghar and Sikh History Painting genre (McLeod 1991, 27-30) in the late twentieth

century.

The twentieth and twenty-first centuries’ Sikh History Painting have two different

schools of paintings – Mazhabi-Tasveeran (Chopra 2013, 101) or portraiture of Gurus and other

religious figures and Shahidi- Tasveeran (Chopra 2013, 104) or martyrdom paintings. Mazhabi-

Tasveeran mainly depicts the portraiture of Sikh Gurus and other Sikh religious leaders, while

Shahidi- Tasveeran visualises the Shahidi or martyrdom of Sikh Gurus, warriors and heroes who

were martyred for the sake of protecting religion, the gurdwara and the nation. The first wave of

40
Sikh History Painting is the outcome of the formation of Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central

Sikh Museum in 1958 at Sri Harimandir Sahib of Amritsar, Punjab. Shiromani Gurdwara

Parbandhak Committee employed a group of Sikh painters to visualise the narrative Sikh history

chronologically, through the oil canvases.

The Sikh art of twentieth and twenty-first centuries follow the medium and techniques of

Western Academic style entirely. This tendency reminds me of the art of Raja Ravi Varma and

Bamapada Bandhyapadhyaya (Early Bengal Oil) of the late nineteenth century. Like Varma and

Bandhyapadhyaya’s oil paintings, the themes of Sikh History Painting are necessarily that of the

Sikhs, but visualised in a typically western style.

Before the Central Sikh Museum project, the early Sikh art did not give priority to the

visualization of the Shahidi-Tasveeran or martyrdom pictures. The oil paintings of the Central

Sikh Museum popularise this visual tradition. It is a new development in Sikh art by Kripal

Singh, G.S. Sohan Singh, Devender Singh and so on. Guru portraiture or Mazhabi-Tasveeran

(Chopra 2013, 101) or religious portraits and Shahidi-Tasveeran or martyrdom images were

popularised by Sobha Singh, Jaswant Singh and others.

Interestingly the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, Delhi Sikh Gurdwara

Management Committee and other Sikh organisations commission those artists who worked with

oil on a canvas to follow the western academic realism and then visualise the Khalsa perspective

of history. The medium and style of the painting are the symbols of modernism. The artists try to

make the pictures more realistic. They forge a new kind of tradition within Sikh History

Painting. They intend to break the earlier post-Pahari Sikh courtly paintings that looked very

much like the paintings produced in Pahari Rajput (Hindu) courts.

41
 Sobha Singh and Kripal Singh, the first generation artists of Central Sikh Museum,

played a central role in creating two schools of Sikh History Painting with unique genres. Sobha

Singh created the School of Mazhabi-Tasveeran, while Kripal Singh created School of Shahidi-

Tasveeran. A later school of Shahidi- Tasveeran was more developed by G.S. Sohan Singh,

Devender Singh, Master Gurdit Singh, Jarnail Singh and so on. My dissertation is more focus on

Shahidi- Tasveeran. In the 1970s, a couple of other Sikh Ajaibghars were opened at the

important gurdwaras which followed the objectives of the Central Sikh Museum, propagating

Sikhism through the lens of essential Khalsa identity and the sacrifice of Khalsa Sikhs. Before

Central Sikh Museum’s Sikh History Painting project, the Shahidi- Tasveeran was not seen

prominently, but the Shahidi literature was popular since the late nineteenth century.

A) Sobha Singh (1901-1986)

The paintings of Sobha Singh are popular for their portraits of the Sikh Gurus. He mainly

depicted the inner spirituality of the Gurus. The faces of the figures are very calm and quiet. The

characteristics of these paintings have shown mental and physical stability and non-violence

without a grotesque presentation. The principal Rasa15 or sentiment of his paintings is Shanta

Rasa or peace. Most of the figures of Sobha Singh's paintings appear to be quite saintly, and are

often shown meditating or are simply bust portraits of the gurus that do not show them engaged

15
Rasa is the aesthetic object and essentially a product of dramatic and other fine arts. It is not to be found in the
creations of nature. It is often used for aesthetic experience.

See K.C. Pandey, Comparative Aesthetics: Indian Aesthetics (Varanasi: Munshi Ram Manoharlal Publication, 1959),
21.

42
in an activity or historic event. He created the School of Mazhabi-Tasveeran - portraiture of Sikh

religious figures like the ten human Sikh gurus. Madanjit Kaur says "He was a devotional artist.

In matters of art, he preferred Italy to France, because in his opinion; Italian art is devotional

while Paris highlights only human emotion" (Kaur 1987, 6). He avoided depicting the scene of

violence from Sikh history. He did not allow the remembering of the hatred and religious

intolerance because of the past suffering of the community under the influence of the tyrants

(Randhawa 1985).

His father Deva Singh was a cavalry officer in the British Indian Army and his mother,

Ichchran Devi, was a housewife. He was a talented artist, from early childhood, yet his father did

not approve of his interest in art. In 1906, he lost his mother when he was just five years of age.

He was brought up by his sister, Lakshmi Devi in Amritsar. In 1916 he had got an admission at

the Industrial School of Amritsar, and completed a one year course in art and craft. In 1919, he

joined the British Indian Army as a draftsman and spent four years in Baghdad during World

War I. Here he met other English amateur painters and came in close contact with European art.

He obtained some photographic books on Western art from his colleagues. In 1923, he returned

to India and opened a studio at Amritsar. He started working as a freelance painter. In 1926, he

moved to Lahore and opened a studio there. After partition, he moved to Andretta in Kangra.

There, he opened a studio and worked till his death (Gargi 1987; Randhawa 1985).

Sobha Singh was one of the first modern Sikh painters in the twentieth century who

visualised the religious figures of the first Sikh Guru Nanak Dev and other nine Sikh gurus. He

followed the textual description, the banis or hymns of Guru Granth Sahib (Sikh sacred text) and

folklore to imagine the holy characters (Kaur 1987, 6-7). His religious portraitures were deeply

rooted in the folklore and religious tradition of Punjab (Kaur 1987, 7). He was known for his

43
divine paintings. He also used the symbolic representation of the characters which had already

been defined by the earlier Pahari painters in the Guru Portraiture or Janamsakhi manuscript

illustrations. His paintings were western classical in technique and Indian in content and subject

matter (Vaidya 1987, 35). He preferred the devotional quality of Italian art and the emotion of

French art (Kaur 1987, 6). His devotional religious portraiture followed the genres of Italian and

French History Painting. The saintly gesture of Gurus recalled the Catholic portraits of Christ,

saints and other religious figures.

One of his imagined portraiture of Guru Nanak Dev (fig.2) which is now exhibited at the

Central Sikh Museum, is one of the most circulated images of the Guru as popular prints and

calendar art, posters, banners and find their presence in the internet forums. Guru Nanak Dev

sits on a mat, beneath the shadow of a tree with his two companions, the Muslim musician

Mardana and Jat Bala. The central character of this painting is Guru Nanak Dev, wearing a long

yellow jama or dress, yellow pagri or turban and a blue shawl. He holds a rose in his right hand.

He sits between Mardana (in the left), playing the rabab, a musical string instrument, and Bala,

fanning Guru Nanak Dev with a peacock feather fan (at right). A halo is painted over the head of

Guru Nanak Dev which conveys the holiness of the character. A kamandulu or water jar is

placed near Guru Nanak Dev. Sobha Singh portrayed a moment of the Udasi days of Guru

Nanak Dev when he travelled to every holy pilgrimage of India and also went to Mecca, the

sacred pilgrimage centre for the Muslims.

Sobha Singh used the elements and symbolic visual language of Pahari Painters in the

early nineteenth century in this painting. We can quickly get some reference of Guru Portraiture

from Janamsakhi, executed in the early nineteenth century (fig.3). It is a set of portraitures of ten

Sikh gurus. Guru Nanak Dev is painted at the central upper panel. He sits on an asana or mat.

44
Mardana sits near him on the floor and is shown playing the rabab. Bala is standing behind Guru

and fanning him with the peacock feathered fan. The same prototype is also viewed in the bazaar

prints of the Punjab during the late nineteenth century.

His other two portraits (fig.4 and 5) of Guru Nanak Dev show the inner tranquillity,

mental stability and spirituality of a great man. The eyes of the portraits are half closed and

looking downwards toward the heart. The palm of the right hand of the fig.4 rises upwards in

abhaya-mudra or fear-not hand gesture. The glance and hand gestures of these two paintings

echo the shared visual language of portraying a holy and spiritual figure from earlier indigenous

Indian religious painting tradition as well as European Catholic paintings16.

Sobha Singh also illuminated other Sikh gurus. His two oil canvases portrayed the last

human Sikh Guru, Gobind Singh in his royal attire. In fig.6, he depicts Guru Gobind Singh with

a bow, horse and holding a hawk in his right hand. His turban has an aigrette or kalgi. A nimbus

is also drawn. All of these are symbols of royalty, sovereignty and mighty power. Nimbus is the

symbol of spiritual holiness. The bow and horse sketched in the painting are the symbols of a

political and martial leader. Guru Gobind Singh is a political and spiritual sovereign emperor of

his Sikh theological nation. He is a king, teacher, and prophet. He is called ‘Kalgi-dhari pita

deshmesh batshah’. It means Guru Gobind Singh using an aigrette or kalgi in his turban. He is

the father and the tenth emperor of the Sikh nation. Kalgi has also symbolised his royalty.

In the Mughal Qalam, all Mughal emperors always show that they are with a nimbus,

hawk, kalgi with bow and sword. Mughal Emperors were all spiritually and politically sovereign.

16
European Catholic Painting – It mainly depicts the scene of Biblical stories, saints and martyrs. The European
Catholic Church from Renaissance period onwards started patronising religious art based on Biblical stories,
Catholic saints and martyrs.

45
They called themselves a representative of the Islamic God. Akbar started this tradition in

Mughal India. The Sikhs tried to overthrow the Mughals and established their theological state.

Sobha Singh borrowed the visual elements of the sovereign from his earlier tradition.

Post-Mughal Pahari and Sikh miniature tradition also followed Mughal visual elements with a

slight variation. Sobha Singh could have been influenced by late Mughal miniature painting

tradition.

Another painting (fig.7) shows Guru Gobind Singh at Anandpur Sahib, then a political

and spiritual centre of Khalsa Sikhs. Guru Gobind Singh is portrayed in his full royal dress –

pink jama or garment, saffron pagri or turban, blue kamar kasa or waistband, pearl necklace,

kalgi or jewelled aigrette at headgear, blue jutti or shoes with sword, Kirpan or Sikh dagger,

dharam danda or stick of justice. Pita Dashmesh is also a symbol of justice and order. Peacocks

and horse are the symbols of royalty. The two circular lights are symboling his spiritual

sovereignty. These two paintings on Guru Gobind Singh show the Veer Rasa or heroic Rasa.

B) Kripal Singh (1923-1990)

In sharp contrast, Kripal Singh had mainly reconstructed the narratives martyrdoms and

wars from Sikh history. The characters which he portrayed were either strong warriors or facing

the horrific, painful death. The principal Rasa of his paintings was Veer Rasa or valour or heroic

along with Bibhatsa Rasa or disgust or macabre and Bhayanaka Rasa or terror or fearful as

secondary Rasas. M. S. Randhawa (Randhawa 1990) stated Kripal Singh was best known for his

46
war paintings and martyrdom prototype. One of the interesting points was the choice of visual

elements and style.

He specialised in the art of suffering, death and grotesque. He mainly chose the narratives

of martyrdoms, genocide and death in the late seventeen to eighteenth century. He visually

portrayed the textual anecdotes and mnemonic tales of Sikh Punjabi folklore of wars, martyrs

and Gallugharas or genocides. He was a self-taught artist and born in Ramgharia caste. His

father Bhagat Singh Ramgharia, was a famous craftsman who carved the wooden gate of the Jain

Temple at Zira (Randhawa 1990). He worked as a painter at the Central Sikh Museum for six

years, from 1956 to 1962, at a salary of two hundred and fifty rupees. He completed thirty-six oil

canvases, relating to Sikh history and martyrdom.

He left the Central Sikh Museum and moved to New Delhi in 1962. There, he worked

under the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee and painted many Sikh martyrdom

paintings. Many of his New Delhi canvasses of 1984 recall the Amritsar canvases of the 1950s

but with more details and clarity. These canvases are more elaborated, adding more characters,

objects and background scene. These paintings were displayed at the Guru Teg Bahadur Niwas

of Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi, and then shifted to Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in New

Delhi (Randhawa 1990), which was later moved to Bhai Mati Das Museum (opened in 2001 for

the Public) next to Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib.

He immortalised the textual description of martyrdom, suffering, torture, execution and

death of Sikhs in daily prayer, Ardas through his oil canvases. The second stanza of Ardas

provides the information about martyrdom - "Those male and female Singhs who gave their

heads for the faith; who were torn limb from limb, scalped, broken on the wheel and sawn

47
asunder; who sacrificed their lives for the protection of the sacred gurdwaras, never abandoning

their faith; and who zealously guarded the sacred kes (hair) of the true Sikh: O valiant Khalsa,

keep your attention on their merits and call on God saying Waheguru" (Sikh Rahit Maryada,

1983 reprint; Fenech 2000, 43).

Some of the painted horrific scenes of Sikh history were the death of Bhai Dayala (fig.8),

Bhai Mati Das (fig.9 and 10), Bhai Sati Das (fig.11), Guru Teg Bahadur (fig.12 and 13), Baba

Banda Singh Bahadur (fig.14), Bhai Mani Singh (fig.15), Bhai Taru Singh (fig.16), Bhai Subeg

Singh (fig.17), Nikka or Chhota Ghallughara or Small Genocide (fig.18, 19 and 20), Vadda

Ghallughara or Big Genocide (fig.21) and captive Sikh women (fig.22) under Mughals. His

canvases immortalised the mnemonic description of Ardas into the visual medium.

The ninth Sikh Guru, Teg Bahadur and his three companions, Bhai Dayala, Bhai Mati

Das and Bhai Sati Das, were martyred to protect the religion of Kashmiri Brahmins. Bhai Dayala

was boiled (on November 11, 1675), Bhai Mati Das was sawed (on November 24, 1676) and

Bhai Sati Das was burnt alive (on November 24, 1675) at the Kotwali or police station of

Chandni Chowk, Delhi, by the order of Emperor Aurangzeb. They gave their lives for their

beloved Guru and qaum and then faced the suffering for not accepting Islam. Finally, Guru Teg

Bahadur was also executed on November 24, 1675. Four of them were martyred for protecting

the rights of practising their religion and rejecting forceful conversion. Their suffering for a

noble cause makes them great souls. The six canvases of Kripal Singh (fig.8, 9, 10, 11, 12 and

13) depict the story of the martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur and his companions in Delhi. The

torture, pain and the final overcoming of brutality, are the main subject of these canvases.

48
 The two great Sikh warriors, Baba Banda Singh Bahadur and Baba Dip Singh, were

portrayed, by Kripal Singh, as macho, masculine, handsome heroes (fig.23 and 24). They are

shown with heavy armours, shields, and weapons. Fig.14 narrates the martyrdom of Baba Banda

Singh Bahadur. The flesh of his body was cut into pieces. He was martyred on June 9, 1716.

Bhai Mani Singh's (fig.15) hands and other body parts were chopped off while he was alive on

December 1737 and the skull of Bhai Taru Singh (fig.16) was chopped off on July 1, 1745, for

not accepting Islam, by the order of Zakarya Khan, the governor of Lahore, of the Mughal

Empire. Bhai Subeg Singh (fig.17) was tied on the wheel and martyred in 1945, by the order of

Yahiya Khan, son and successor of Zakarya Khan, the governor of Lahore. All of these canvases

narrate suffering and death. These canvases visualise the moment of execution of the historical

characters. All of them were painted like they were a given testimony or a visual documentation

and as if they were personally witnessed by the artist. The faces of the martyrs of these oil

paintings are very calm and not to show any pain and suffering. It might be the strategy of the

artist to show the victory of Sikh bravery over cruelty and barbarism.

Four canvases (fig.18, 19, 20, 21) explain the genocides of the Sikhs done by the

Mughals and the Afghans in the eighteenth century. These are known as Nikka or Chhota

Ghallughara or small genocide (fig.18, 19, 20) and Vadda Ghallughara or big genocide (fig.21).

Yet another canvas (fig.22) tells the story of the suffering of Sikh women while they were

captives of Mir Mannu, the governor of Lahore in the Mughal era. Mughal forces tortured Sikh

women for not accepting Islam and were married to Muslim soldiers. Their children were killed,

pierced, and slaughtered in front of them as punishment. The dead and chopped bodies of

children were garlanded and delivered to their mothers.

49
 The background of the canvases made by him in 1984 at Bhai Mati Das Museum, under

the project of the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee, narrating the martyrdoms of

Bhai Dayal (fig.8), Bhai Mati Das (fig.10), Bhai Sati Das (fig.11), Guru Teg Bahadur (fig.12 and

13), Baba Banda Singh Bahadur (fig.14) and the Nikka or Chhota Ghallughara scenes (fig.19

and 20), were painted with the Lal Qila or the Red Fort, as the symbol of brutal Mughal Empire.

The backgrounds of his 1950s canvases at the Central Sikh Museum were mostly sketchy and

blurred. The primary intention of the paintings was to tell the main story laying emphasis on the

main historical characters in Sikh history, and other anonymous subordinate characters and with

minimal arrangement of objects. The emphasis of the artist was on arranging the figures and

illuminated the aspects. Interestingly, some of his 1984 canvases were repainted from the 1950s

Central Sikh Museum canvases with more sophistication and clarity like martyrdom of Bhai

Mati Das (fig.9), which was painted in 1957, and was repainted for the Central Sikh Museum

(fig.10) in 1984 for the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee, now exhibited at Bhai

Mati Das Museum and Nikka Ghallughara (fig.18), which was painted in 1958, for the Central

Sikh Museum which was repainted (fig.19) in 1984, for the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management

Committee, now exhibited at Bhai Mati Das Museum.

If we compare the two versions of Bhai Mati Das (fig.9 and 10) oil canvases, we could

easily see the way the artist had refined and revised his approach over the years. The Central

Sikh Museum version (fig.9) actualises the execution of Bhai Mati Das. His two hands are

tightly tied with ropes, and the lower portion of his body is covered with four big wooden slabs.

His upper part is naked. Two anonymous Muslim executioners are slicing his body with a saw.

His head and upper part of the body have already been sliced into two pieces. The drops of blood

from the body of Bhai Mati Das have flowed from the wooden blocks to the ground. The glances

50
of the two executioners are fixed on the body of Bhai Mati Das. The executioner on his right side

wears a lungi and short kurta while the other man wears a long kurta and an Afghani turban.

These three figures are set in the foreground of the canvas. The fourth figure, the Muslim daroga

or police officer is painted in the far middle ground. He wears an Afghani attire - kurta, pyjama,

a short coat and turban. He holds a spear. His awful cruel gaze is exchanging with the far right

most figure (one of the executioners). Their harsh facial expressions are opposite the calmness of

Bhai Mati Das.

The background shows a fortified city. An armed soldier is painted near the gate of the

town in the background. These visual signs set the context of time and place for the execution of

Bhai Mati Das. The four figures are just performing a past incident. But Kirpal Singh’s focus is

on the figures in this canvas and the background is only minimally indicated. The shadow of the

figure on the far right side of one of the executioners, is tilting downwards on the right side of

the canvas diagonally. The artist’s intention is to fix the view on the central character, Bhai Mati

Das. The facial expression of the main character is muted and blank — his silence and calmness

show victory over cruelty and injustice of the tyrants.

Kirpal Singh's Bhai Mati Das Museum version of the martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das

(fig.10) is more elaborate and incorporates more details. The central attraction of this theatrical

painting is Bhai Mati Das, two executioners, who are the Mughal government’s servants

(holding a spear). This central episode is set in the middle ground. In the foreground, we see a

person is kept in a cage. A halo is painted over the head of this character. He is none-other than

shahid Guru Teg Bahadur. Kripal Singh’s colleague, Jaswant Singh had painted an oil painting

on the caged Guru Teg Bahadur (fig.28) in 1981 which is now displayed at Sri Guru Teg

Bahadur Sikh Museum in Anandpur Sahib. I think Kripal Singh was influenced by Jaswant

51
Singh’s oil canvas and later he painted Guru Teg Bahadur in a cage in Bhai Mati Das Museum

version of the martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das. In the Bhai Mati Das Museum version, he

introduced the character of Guru Teg Bahadur, who is passively witnessing the suffering of his

disciple.

Interestingly in this canvas, Guru Teg Bahadur does not watch this execution, and his

glances are downwards. There is a Mughal soldier, holding a spear, on the far left corner of the

canvas. He keeps his eyes on the public who is watching this awful cruel incident. The artist puts

people between the execution site and the background, the Lal Qila or the Red Fort, the

residence of tyrant Aurangzeb. One of them is crying and covering his face with palms. Next, to

him, a bearded man, probably a Sikh, watches this horrifying incident with great grief. His head

is tilting to the left side, and he stands next to the big fig tree. There is a well in the right corner

of the far middle ground. This is the actual well where Guru Teg Bahadur took his final bath

before his execution. Ironically, we cannot find the presence of any women in this painting.

Women are entirely omitted from Kirpal Singh's Shahidi paintings, while available Punjabi

folklore gives the information of the presence of women during the execution.

In this Bhai Mati Das Museum version, Kripal Singh repeated much of his earlier

composition, setting the central four figures (two executioners, the government’s servants and

Bhai Mati Das) in the middle ground. Then he put other characters and objects. However, he

modified his earlier composition in a significant way. The interesting point of this painting is the

background, the Lal Qila or the Red Fort. The Red Fort is the symbol of the power of Delhi

whether under the powerful influence of the Mughals or independent India. The Red Fort was the

seat of the Mughal power from the middle of the seventeenth century onwards and in

independent India, every year, the Prime Minister of India and the President hoist the national

52
flag of India at the Red Fort on the occasion of Independence Day (August 15) and Republic Day

(January 26) respectively. Both the Mughal Empire and the Indian state are considered as the

imperial powers and enemies of the Sikh nation. The first painting was made in 1957, just ten

years after the partition of the Punjab and the independence of India, and the second one was

painted in 1984 just after Operation Blue Star at Amritsar and the Sikh massacre at Delhi and

other cities in India. In the first painting, the artist clearly showed the enemy of the Sikhs – the

Muslims or Mughals. The Islamophobia that was prevalent in society, was the popular sentiment

amongst the Sikhs and non-Sikhs Punjabis after the partition of India. The Central Sikh

Museum’s painting subtly shows Islamic cruelty against the Sikhs. The second painting shows

the brutality of the state. This canvas may speak about the brutality of the Union Government of

India. The Union Government of India repeated the same brutality that was shown by the

Mughals after three-hundred years, in 1984 with the destruction of the Akal Takht and the

massacre of the Sikhs at Delhi.

Another two canvases of the Central Sikh Museum and Bhai Mati Das Museum depict

the story of Nikka or Chhota Ghallughara or Small Genocide (fig.18 and 19), done by Mughal

forces in the eighteenth century. The Central Sikh Museum (fig.18) version was painted in 1958

while the Bhai Mati Das Museum (fig.19) version was painted in 1984. The Central Sikh

Museum version shows the Mughal Emperor, Farrukh Siyar watching the massacre of captured

Sikhs in Delhi. He sites on the Mughal chair and is portrayed smoking hukka. His army hangs

the captured Sikhs. Other Sikhs are waiting for their execution. The general public in Delhi

comes into the streets. His army keeps eyeing the people. Farrukh Siyar has been placed on the

right corner of the canvas. An armed personal guards him. The background of this painting is a

53
fortified city, painted in yellow. The city depicted is Chandni Chowk of Delhi, where the

execution of the Sikhs took place.

The Bhai Mati Das Museum (fig.19) version is painted differently. Here captured Sikhs

are not hanged but their heads are cut off by Muslim (Mughal) executioners. The brave Sikhs are

standing in a line and waiting for their turn. The Mughal Emperor, Farrukh Siyar is watching the

execution of Sikhs. He sits on a Mughal chair and is holding a samsher or sword, and is not

smoking hukka like the Central Sikh Museum version. The background of this painting is a

fortified city made of red stone. It symbolises Chandni Chowk in Delhi where the execution

happened. The Central Sikh Museum version with the background walled city is a yellow

coloured Mughal structure, but the Bhai Mati Das version is painted in red. The architectural

detail in the Bhai Mati Das canvas shows the familiarity with the Lal Qila of Delhi - the power

house of Mughal India.

Kripal Singh was the pioneer of the school of Shahidi-Tasveeran. He also copied some of

the visual elements from his colleagues and incorporated them perfectly in his canvases. From

my observation, Kripal Singh might have gotten inspiration for his 1984 canvases (martyrdom of

Bhai Dayala, Bhai Mati Das, Bhai Sati Das and Guru Teg Bahadur, which is displayed at Bhai

Mati Das Museum) from the 1981s canvases of Jaswant Singh and Devender Singh, which are

exhibited at the Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum of Anandpur Sahib.

Jaswant Singh and Devender Singh were the disciples of Sobha Singh. Both of them were

the founder artists of the Central Sikh Museum. They worked together at the Central Sikh

Museum and Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum in the 1950s and the 1980s. Jaswant Singh

54
was mostly known for his Mazhabi-Tasveeran. He was a self-taught artist. He started his career

as a commercial artist and as a calligrapher.

Devender Singh took his initial training in art from his father Sewak Singh, a professional

commercial artist. Later he took admission at the Government College of Art in Chandigarh. He

worked on both of the forms of Sikh History Painting – Mazhabi-Tasveeran and Shahidi-

Tasveeran.

The characterisation or visual drama of Kripal Singh’s canvases made in 1984 (exhibited

at Bhai Mati Das Museum at Delhi) are very similar to Devender Singh‘s Bhai Dayala (fig.25),

Bhai Mati Das (fig.26) and Bhai Sati Das (fig.27). The imprisoned image of Guru Teg Bahadur

by Kripal Singh's 1984 canvases is echoed in Jaswant Singh's portrait of the caged Guru Teg

Bahadur (fig.28).

Kripal Singh’s 1984 canvases which depict the martyrdom of Bhai Dayala (fig.8), Bhai

Mati Das (fig.10) and Bhai Sati Das (fig.11) are more dramatic and eclectic. He combined his

original ideas with his two colleagues, Devender Singh (fig.25, 26 and 27) and Jaswant Singh

(fig.28), and painted the incidents more dramatically and theatrically. The background of

Devender Singh's canvases is that of medieval Mughal architecture, yet Kripal Singh depicted

Lal Qila or the Red Fort. The background of Nikka Ghallugharas is also Lal Qila or the Red Fort

of Delhi. This symbolic representation of the state’s brutality, might be a silent protest against

the wounds of 1984. All of his canvases were painted during the peak of Sikh militancy,

Operation Blue Star and anti-Sikh massacre in Delhi. The oppressor of the Sikhs switches from

Muslims to the Hindu imperialist union government.

55
 One primary intention of the Shahidi-Tasveeran project was to make a visual document

of the history of suffering and brutality at the hands of Islamic rulers and invaders. Islamophobia

is prominent in both of the canvases of the 1950s and 1984. Viewers can easily understand the

visual beaneries between enemies of Sikh Qaum and Shahids.

Later, his famous martyrdom paintings were copied into other mediums like illustrations

in books done by Amolak Singh on the illuminated Ardas booklet (first edition was in 1979 and

last edition was in 2010) for Dharam Parchar Committee of Amritsar. Some of the illustrations of

Amolak Singh are an exact copy of Kripal Singh's oil canvases such as Bhai Mati Das (fig.29),

Bhai Taru Singh (fig.30), Bhai Subeg Singh (fig.31) and are very similar to the styles of Kripal

Singh's Bhai Mati Das (fig.9), Bhai Taru Singh (fig.16) and Bhai Subeg Singh (fig.17). His

paintings were also the inspiration behind three-dimensional representations of Sikh history.

Almost all ferroconcrete group sculptures at Gurdwara Sri Mehdiana Sahib of Ludhiana, were

copied from the Kripal Singh oil canvases of the 1950s (at Central Sikh Museum) to 1984's (at

Bhai Mati Das Museum), such as Bhai Mani Singh (fig.32), Baba Banda Singh Bahadur (fig.33),

Bhai Taru Singh (fig.34) and Captive Sikh women (fig.35), done by, Tara Singh Raikot; and

Bhai Dayala (fig.36) and Bhai Mati Das (fig.37), done by, Banda Singh Ludhiana. These group

sculptures remind us about Kripal Singh's original canvases of Bhai Mani Singh (fig.15), Baba

Banda Singh Bahadur (fig.14), Bhai Taru Singh (fig.16), captive Sikh women (fig.22), Bhai

Dayala (fig.8) and Bhai Mati Das (fig.9 and 10).

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 C) G.S. Sohan Singh (1941-1999)

G.S. Sohan Singh was the son of Gyan Singh Naqqash. Gyan Singh was responsible for

some of the naqqasi or floral decoration at the old Akal Takht which was destroyed in 1984

during Operation Blue Star. One of G.S. Sohan Singh’s famous paintings is Martyrdom of Baba

Dip Singh or Baba Dip Singh Shahid, which tells the story of Baba Dip Singh, who continued to

fight even after his head had been cut off in battle (Fig.38). This was later reprinted in many

bazaar prints. In the painting, Baba Dip Singh wears a blue dress, lion-shaped armlets and heavy

armour with a kulhari or axe and khanda or two-sided sword. He leads the Khalsa army. He

holds a khanda on the right hand and his cut head on the left hand. He continues fighting after his

head is not at his neck. Other Khalsa soldiers in saffron attire follow him. One of the Khalsa

soldiers holds the Nishan Sahib or flag of Khalsa. Baba Dip Singh tramples the corpses of

Muslim soldiers. A nimbus or circle of light set on his head.

He was famous for this painting. He also painted some guru portraits. He also depicted

the Janamsakhi of Baba Sri Chand, eldest son of Guru Nanak Dev, founder of Udasi sects, in

watercolour for Brahma Buta Akhara at Amritsar. Many Sikh artists copied his Baba Dip Singh

paintings. For instance, G.S. Sohan Singh’s Baba Dip Singh prototype was copied by Gursharan

Singh (fig.39), displayed at Gurdwara Sri Shahida Sahib, and painted in 2005. The Gursharan

version is an exemplification of G.S. Sohan Singh's Baba Dip Singh. G.S. Sohan Singh depicted

Baba Dip Singh as leading the Khalsa army, holding his chopped-off head in his left hand, while

Gursharan showed Baba Dip Singh fighting with enemies.

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 D) Other Sikh Artists

Sobha Singh, Kripal Singh, and G.S. Sohan Singh were the most celebrated Sikh history

painters in the twentieth century. Sobha Singh and Kripal Singh influenced other Sikh artists like

Devender Singh, Master Gurdit Singh, Jarnail Singh, Jaswant Singh, S.G. Thakur Singh, Mehar

Singh, Amolak Singh, Gurvinderpal Singh, Tara Singh Raikot, Banda Singh Ludhiana, Iqbal

Singh Manuka, Parwinder Singh Mohali and so on.

Devender Singh, Master Gurdit Singh, Jarnail Singh, Tara Singh Raikot, Banda Singh

Ludhiana, Iqbal Singh Manuka and Parwinder Singh Mohali followed the path of Kripal Singh's

martyrdom pictorial style while Jaswant Singh, S.G. Thakur Singh and Mehar Singh perused

style of Sobha Singh. Amolak Singh incorporated both of the styles like the present Central Sikh

Museum artist Gurvinderpal Singh. Their artworks could be viewed at bazaar and calendar

prints, posters, billboards, flexes, t-shirt prints and so one.

IX) Conclusion

Artists who depict themes of Sikh martyrdom actualise the textual and mnemonic

narratives of pain, trauma, horror and death in the oil canvases. The dominant Rasas of these

paintings are Veer Rasa, Bibhatsa Rasa, and Bhayanaka Rasa. The First wave of Shahidi-

Tasveeran recalls the brutality of the Islamic state. These images construct the brutality

experienced in the past. The Second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran could be analysed as the

58
repetition of State brutality by Brahminical India (I shall discuss this topic in details in section IV

in Chapter 2). Therefore, it may be said, that the Shahidi-Tasveeran promotes visual

documentation of state brutality whether under the tyrannical reign of the Imperialist Muslim or

the contemporary Indian Republic.

Kripal Singh's 1984 canvases delineated the Red Fort, and the Chandni Chowk Kotwali

or the prison, as the centre of the mighty power of brutal anti-Sikh oppressive governments, both

Islamic and Brahmin in religion. Contemporary Sikhs are more Brahmin haters and Hindu

phobic than Islamophobic. Bhindranwale, the leader of the Khalistani separatist movement in

1984, named Srimati Indira Gandhi, the reigning Prime minister of the Republic of India, as

'baman ke beti', meaning daughter of Brahmin17 and Pandatan de ghar janmi, meaning born in

the Pundit’s family (Das 1995, 133). Many of the Sikhs seek a separate Khalsa state where they

would be the ruler and will no longer stay under the imperial Brahminical Indian government

(Republic of India).

Those canvases were painted after the Operation Blue Star and Sikh massacre in Delhi,

which silently speak about contemporary trauma and pain when remembering past horror and

death. Kripal Singh’s 1956 canvases show the Islamophobia through the visualisation of the

memory of the two-hundred years old wound of the community. They clearly show the brutality

and cruelty of Muslims and the Islamic regime. They also recall the partition and the wounds

inflicted on the community in 1947. The partition of Punjab saw the communal riots, murder,

death, rape, and trauma. Sikhs and Hindus of Western Punjab, now one of the provinces of

Islamic Republic of Pakistan, lost their homes, properties and the honour of their women. The

17
Sm. Gandhi was the daughter of former Prime Minister P. Jawaharlal Nehru, belonging to Brahmin caste.

59
nine-year partition trauma has been reminded in this painting through the recollection of the two-

hundred-year-old trauma and pain. In these paintings, the main characters (martyrs) of the story

have been emphasised. It recalls the state’s brutality.

The Red Fort and Chandni Chowk Kotwali or jails, where Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib

has been built, are the symbols of the mighty power of the central government. Both the Mughals

and Hindu-Brahmin dominated Congress governed India, were responsible for the death and

genocide of the Sikhs. The reigning Prime Minister of that decade, Srimati Indira Gandhi was

responsible for the carnage of Akal Takht and the death of the Sikhs during Operation Blue Star

and her son, Prime Minister Sri Rajiv Gandhi was also held responsible for Sikh genocide in

Delhi after the assassination of Srimati India Gandhi. Islamophobia and state brutality are the

central subjects in the Sikh martyrdom paintings. Sikh militant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and

the two assassins of Srimati India Gandhi, Satwant Singh and Beant Singh, are celebrated as

great Sikh martyrs of the twentieth century. Their oil portraitures are exhibited at the Central

Sikh Museum as the martyrs of the Sikh Nation.

The second point of these paintings is the celebration of death with pride and bravery.

The tranquillity of the facial expression shows the victory over the brutality. They faced horrific

death without any fear and hesitation. They had shown the love and loyalty for their guru,

religion, and nation.

The third point is the masculinity in the representations of the Sikh community.

Masculinity is the predominant social behaviour of the Sikhs. It defines the gender role and

moral conduct of the Sikhs. Sikh youths have been taught their moral obligation and religious

duties through the narratives of martyrs. The stories of death and brave warriors are the bedtime

60
stories for Sikh children. They have been taught that the masculine culture is vital in their

community, from their very childhood. Sikhs masculinity is portrayed as the only mighty

protectors of the weak, unlike the effeminate Indian society and even the forgetful and dubious

Brahmins.

The fourth point is the importance of the role of women in their community. Sikhism

sanctions the active participation of the womenfolk in religion, culture and other social activities,

even as soldiers. In reality, women are suppressed by every institutional role. The presence of the

women in religious and other public institutions of the Sikhs is very insignificant. The

misogynistic mindset of the men has been reflected in Martyrdom canvases. No women are seen

in those paintings. The presence of women in the public sphere is a shame for the male ego. This

misogynistic psychology has been reflected in those painting. Women are viewed as victims of

genocides and massacre and somewhat active participants in war (except Mai Bhago, a warrior

woman of the Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s time). They were the ones who still suffer continuously,

and who lost their fathers, brothers, husbands, and sons in the past. Captive women lost their

children for not accepting Islam and the marriage proposals of the Mughals. Their suffering was

not shown as bodily torture. Rather they experienced mental anguish as they lost their children

and had to watch their children as they suffered bodily torture. Mata Gurji Devi, the wife of Guru

Teg Bahadur, mother of Guru Gobind Singh and grandmother of Guru Gobind Singh’s children,

observed the brutal death of her two grandsons, Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh,

peacefully. Her suffering made her a noble woman. Her submissive pain made her great. Sikh

women must make their sons as fearless as lions and the supporter of the martyrdom of their

fathers, brothers, husbands, and sons. Their identities were overshadowed by the men, limiting

61
them to mere fulfillers of duties in the domestic sphere as daughters, sisters, wives, and mothers

of martyrs.

The fifth point is the prototype of the Sikh martyr characters. Kripal Singh's 1950s and

1980's martyr prototypes became the ideal visual character of the historical figure of Sikh

martyrs. These visual characters were copied by Amolak Singh, Devender Singh, Jarnail Singh,

Tara Singh, Banda Singh, Iqbal Singh and other popular artists when they illustrated the

martyrdom of Sikh Martyrs.

The final point worth noting is the transmediality of Kripal Singh, Sobha Singh and G.S. Sohan

Singh's visual characters of the Sikh martyrs, Gurus and warriors, which became ideal

prototypes. The proliferation of the images on oil canvases can be viewed as illustrations in book

(religious), printed calendars, printed t-shirts, posters, banners and also informative forums on

the internet. This allows the paintings to have a very broad circulation, making them formative in

the self-imaging of Sikhs for themselves.

62
Chapter 2

Shahids or Martyrs of a Sikh Nation:

Imagery of the Khalistan Movement,

Ghallughara Dihara or Operation Blue

Star and Delhi Katleyam or Sikh Massacre

in Delhi

I) Introduction

In this chapter, I shall look at the second wave of the Sikh Shahidi-Tasveeran or

martyrdom paintings produced in the post-1984 period, which respond to the crises faced by the

community from the 1980s and onwards (Singh 2002, Singh 2017). At this time, the Khalistan

movement was at its peak, which led to the state’s (Union Government of India) action against

the Sikhs, who were suspected of terrorism. This created alienation and fear among the Sikhs,

who became alienated from the Indian mainstream community and particularly the majority who

were Hindus. To understand the genesis of the anti-State and anti-Hindu sentiments of the Sikh

63
community, I would like to examine the role of the religious militancy (Singh 2002, 51-93) and

the religious nationalism (Shiva 1991, 387-394; Juergensmeyer 1988; Juergensmeyer 1994,

Juergensmeyer 2000) of the Punjab; counterterrorism operations by the Indian military and

police (Pettigrew 2007, 91); destruction, construction and reconstruction of the Akal Takht

(Singh 2002, 140) after Operation Blue Star18 and the Sikh massacre19 in Delhi.

The political, economic and religious problems of Punjab have mistakenly been seen as a

Sikh problem (Singh 2002: 20), by both the Sikh community of the Punjab and the Indian state.

All of these socio-political incidents affect the Sikh Visual Culture of post-1984. It is not my

intention to justify the violence, done by militants, Sikh radicals and the state. Nor am I

interested in diagnosing the Punjab problem and finding its solution. I shall only examine the

effects of religious, political, sociological and economic impacts on Shahidi-Tasveeran in the

post-1984 period. Most of the images of the second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran are the oil

paintings and the reproduction of the photographs of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, his associates

and militants in the banners, billboards, calendars, posters, printed t-shirts and others.

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale was a religious preacher and the Jathedar or head of the

Damdami Taksal, one of the Sikh seminaries and educational institutions. He grew up and

received religious education and martial training from this institution. This seminary was formed

18
“Operation Blue Star” – an army operation on June 3 to 8, 1984, to flush out militants from Sri Harimandir Sahib
Complex and forty-two other gurdwaras in Punjab. It was a joined venture of all security forces including air force
and navy. The Punjab Police was on the periphery. The inner circle had the” Central Reserved Police Force” (CRPF)
while the Indian Army conducted the main operation with artillery and tanks. Akal Takht was razed into the
ground.

See, Birinder Pal Singh, “Dialectic of Militant Violence” Violence as Political Discourse (Shimla: Indian Institute of
Advanced Study, 2002), 136.
19
Smt. Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister of India, was assassinated by her two Sikh-bodyguards, Satwant Singh and
Beant Singh, on October 31, 1984 as the revenge of destruction of Akal Takht. After her death, the leaders of
Indian National Congress perpetuated Sikh massacre in Delhi on November 1 to 3, 1984.

64
by an eighteenth century Sikh hero, Baba Dip Singh. In Punjabi, Taksal means mint. Calling the

seminary, a mint suggests that a certain kind of Sikh will be shaped here, like coins which are

shaped in the mint. (Mahmood 1996, 74).

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale became the chief of this institution in 1977. He was highly

critical of the policies of the Indian government and the Sikh political party, Shiromani Akali Dal

and its sister organization, Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee. He eventually became

the leader of the Sikh militancy in the 1980s. He occupied the Akal Takht of Sri Harimandir

Sahib in Amritsar, and made it his military bastion in 1983. Prime Minister Srimati Indira

Gandhi sent Indian army at Sri Harimandir Sahib to neutralise him and other militants. The

Indian government called this army operation by the name, Operation Blue Star. He and his

associates died after being showered with innumerable bullets from the Indian army on June 8,

1984.

The images of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale express Sikh pride, masculinity and virility.

These images show his personality as an armed, confident, fearless and determined leader of

Khalistan. He is always shown with a teer20 or arrow, a kripan or ceremonial dagger, a talwar or

sword and a cartridge of bullets on a belt, strapped around his right shoulder diagonally. I

observe the photographs of Bhindranwale that were made before Operation Blue Star, which

later became an inspiration for his oil portraiture and the reproduction of his pictures in posters,

billboards, calendars, banners and stickers in 2007 and onwards. I also look at the oil painting on

the carnage of the Akal Takht during the army’s operation, the Delhi massacre and the pictures

of other militants.

20
Bhindranwale always carried a type of arrow. It could be thrown or used in combat fight.

65
 II) Revisiting Past Suffering and Re-contextualising in Contemporary

Time

To understand the Shahidi-Tasveeran produced and depicting the incidents after 1984, we

need to revisit the history of Sikh or Khalistani militancy or terrorism from the late 1970s to

1984 and post-1984 to 1990s. The Sikh narratives of suffering always recontextualise the history

of suffering from the contemporary narrative, which justifies violence against other non-Sikh and

non-Khalsa communities and state institutions. These narratives of suffering create a sharp

binary between the victims and the oppressors or conspirators. Maryam Razavy (Razavy 2007,

79) points out the systematic creation of a myth of defending oppression by militancy in Sikhism

in her article – Sikh Militant Movements in Canada. In her view, Sikhs resort to violence in self-

defense when threatened by others. She mentions Militancy in Sikhism is not a new phenomenon

for the contemporary Sikhs. The Sikhs always recontextualise the recent incidents with their

terrorising past.

The story of defending the community against oppression starts with the Mughal era. The

Shahidi of the fifth Sikh guru, Arjan Dev changed the character of the nature of Sikhism. Guru

Arjan’s son Hargobind, was the successor of guruship and became sixth Sikh Guru. He inspired

Sikhs militants to defend the rights of the Sikhs. He always wore two swords which symbolise

Miri-Piri, which implies the political and spiritual powers that are possessed by the Sikh Guru.

He became a political and military leader and displayed the grace and serenity of a religious

preacher. In his public meeting at Sri Harimandir Sahib, he discussed the military strategies

against the Mughal Empire. He recruited a body of soldiers. The Sikh youths had received

66
rigorous military training. He set up a parallel government, collected taxes from his followers,

and built strong military structures and militia. His political activity challenged the Mughal

Empire.

The next Sikh Shahid was the ninth Guru, Teg Bahadur. His son and successor, Guru

Gobind Rai further militarised Sikhism and justified the use of militancy for the protection of the

religious rights of the community and for order. He created Khalsa Sikhs – a religious and

political order of baptised Sikhs. He and his followers took amrit (holy water for baptism) and

started using the title, Singh instead of the age-old caste names. He became Guru Gobind Singh

from Guru Gobind Rai. He advised all of the Khalsa Sikhs to take up arms and protect the faith.

He changed his followers from spiritual, passive and non-violent people to active, violent, and

political militants. His followers became sant-sipais or saint-soldiers.

After the death of Guru Gobind Singh, the Sikhs continuously fought against the Mughal

Empire and Afghan aggressors. Under the leadership of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur and Baba

Dip Singh, the Sikhs were united and tried to create a sovereign Sikh state. Baba Banda Singh

Bahadur and his guerrilla army captured most of the area in southern Punjab, and established a

Khalsa republic in the name of the holy gurus. He fought with Bahadur Shah, the Mughal

Emperor of Delhi. He eventually lost that war. He was imprisoned along with his minor son, and

other Sikh warriors. He was martyred in Delhi.

In the late 1730s Khalsa Sikhs were reunited under the Nawab Kapur Singh and formed

Dal Khalsa, the army of Khalsa militants. It was formed with the twelve different independent

Sikh armed misls or militias. These misls independently controlled the administration of the

different districts of the Punjab. Leaders of these militias took decision together in the presence

67
of the Guru Granth Sahib which were announced as Gurmat or the wishes of their Gurus. This

armed group faced many bloody encounters with the notorious Afghans, including two which are

remembered as genocides or Ghallugharas.

In 1747, many Sikhs were slaughtered by the Mughal force at Kahnuwan. It is known as

Nikka or Chhota Ghallughara or small genocide in the Sikh History. Dal Khalsa faced a bloody

battle against the Afghan chieftain, Ahmad Shah Abdali and his army in 1762 at Malerkotla.

Twenty-thousand Sikhs were butchered by Abdali’s army. Sikhs recall it as Vadda Ghallughara

or big genocide. After the massacre, Abdali launched an attack on Amritsar, and destroyed Sri

Harimandir Sahib. The Sikhs rose up again, and defeated the Afghans under the leadership of

Baba Dip Singh. Later the Sikhs established their Empire under the leadership of Maharaja

Ranjit Singh (Mahmood 1996: 107-108).

This history of defending of their faith against an inimical Mughal empire or hostile

Afghan forces is recontextualised in the recent Sikh Militancy (1978-1992) which sees their

struggle as a repetition of the eighteenth century situation of the Sikhs. A militant organisation

was formed under the leadership of Gajinder Singh in the late 1970s named Dal Khalsa. During

the British Colonial rule, a group of radical Sikhs formed armed rebellions and the organisation,

named Babbar Akali, from the mainstream Akali movement that was created in 1921. It rejected

the ideology of non-violent movements. In the 1980s, Babbar Khalsa has taken its name from

this group. The Khalistani militant organisations like Dal Khalsa and Babbar Khalsa

recontextualised their terrorist activities with the Sikh history (Mahmood 1996, 109). These

militants sought inspiration from daily prayer, Ardas and other teachings of the Guru Granth

Sahib for their political struggle, to establish Khalsa Raj or the Empire of Khalsa or Sarkar-e-

Khalsa or Government of Khalsa in Khalistan or in the land of Khalsa Sikhs (Punjab). Khalistan

68
Commando Force and Khalistan Liberation Force jointly stated the declaration of Khalistan in

August 1986. This declaration recontextualised two historical phases – Raj Karega Khalsa or

Khalsa will rule and Khalsa ji de bol bale or Khalsa will win, and made them an inseparable part

of Khalsa Ardas (Singh 2017, 192-194).

During Operation Blue Star, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale was inside the Akal Takht in the

Sri Harimandir Sahib complex, where he had moved his headquarters from Damdami Taksal. He

participated in defending the counter-militancy operation, Operation Blue Star, at Sri Harimandir

Sahib of Amritsar from June, 3 to 8, 1984. He died with other militants in the crossfire with the

army on June 8, 1984. His criminal activity has got legitimacy for his fearless bravery in

defending the Akal Takht and Sikhism. He became the second Baba Dip Singh, who fought a

war against the Afghan invaders, led by Ahmed Shah Durrani in 1757, for protecting Sri

Harimandir Sahib. Beant Singh and Satwant Singh assassinated Srimati Gandhi as the act of

revenge for the carnage of the Akal Takht. They were personal bodyguards of Srimati Gandhi.

Contemporary Sikhs recontextualise the act of Beant Singh and Satwant Singh with Bhai Mehtab

Singh and Bhai Sukha Singh who murdered Massa Rangar, a Mughal army general, who

desecrated Sri Harimandir Sahib in the late eighteenth century. After the assassination of Srimati

Gandhi, the leaders of the Indian National Congress perpetuated the Sikh massacre in Delhi. The

Sikhs remember it by the name, Delhi Katleyam. The contemporary Sikhs recontextualise the

1984 military operation, Sikh massacres and post-1984 militancy counter-insurgency operations

with the destruction of Sri Harimandir Sahib, Nikka and Vadda Ghallugharas by the Mughals

and the Afghans in the eighteenth century. In the Sikh religious literature, military action at the

Akal Takht in 1984 is called Fauji Hamla, Ghallughara Dihara and Teeji Ghallughara and the

1984 Sikh massacre in Delhi is known as Delhi Katleyam.

69
 III) Assault of Sikh Identity and Trauma: Teeji Ghallughara or Third
Genocide and Delhi Katleyam or Sikh Massacre in Delhi

Darshan Singh Tatla in his article –The Memory After: Trauma, Memory and The Sikh

Predicament Since 1984 looks at the army operation (Operation Blue Star) like the invasion of

the mighty Indian power on Sikh ego, identity and honour (Tatla 2006, 57-88). He overlooks the

terrorist activities of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his associates, which made the Akal Takht

and Sri Harimandir Sahib Complex as the secured bastion of their criminal activities. He asserts

it as an attempt of the humiliation of the Sikhs by the Indian state. It continues with the post-

destruction of the Akal Takht and then hurriedly goes into the reconstruction of it by the Union

Government of India. Then the government’s structure was becoming the epicentre of continual

humiliation of the Sikh Panth. This humiliation was rectified by re-destruction of the

government-funded buildings and then the reconstruction of it with the help of Kar Seva or

voluntary free service.

Radhika Chopra in her book – Militant and Migrant: The Politics and Social History of

Punjab, sees that the battle of Bluestar produced a monumental hurt amongst the community.

The architectural mutilation of the Akal Takht represents hurting the heart of sangat or the

sacred community and its individual members. This hurt moved from community to territory –

which is the geography of the imagined and much desired nation, Khalistan (Chopra 2011, 17).

The humiliation of Teeji Ghallughara was overcome by the decision taken by the Sarbat

Khalsa, which consists of five members of the Panthic Committee in January 26, 1986, to

destroy the government-built structure and rebuild it with the assistance of Kar Seva or free

community service. It was decided that it would hand over the Kar Seva of reconstruction of the

70
Akal Takht to Damdami Taksal and its Jathedar, Baba Thakur Singh after completely

demolishing the government-built structure (Singh 2002, 140).

After the reconstruction of the Akal Takht, the reconstruction and renovation of other

gurdwaras obtained utmost priority for the Sikh community. The beautification, renovation and

reconstruction of existing gurdwaras and building of new ones had started significantly. Some

gurdwaras were also erected in the memory of the militants. The religious festivals and fairs

were celebrated with great enthusiasm. The assemblies were organised to discuss religion,

politics and the current situation. The ragis21, dhadhis and kavishars22 sang and recited heroic

ballads from history and contemporary events. The militant organisations hired these folk

performers to spread their propaganda (Singh 2002, 156).

The second suffering of the Sikhs is Katleyam or the massacre in Delhi after the

assassination of Smt. Gandhi by her two Sikh bodyguards. Her death brought three days of

massacre of the Sikhs by the leaders of the Congress party and their armed cadres. Harjot Oberoi

is one of the witnesses of the Delhi massacre. He calls it the government-guided public reaction

to “Teach the Sikhs a Lesson” in his article - What Has a Whale Got to Do With It? A Tale of

Pogroms and Biblical Allegories (Oberoi 2001, 186-206). The religious identity of the assassins

of Srimati. Gandhi had mobilised the mob to take revenge for killing her. The Sikh massacre

later justified the religious, political violence of the Punjab.

Teeji Ghallughara and Katleyam are the two trajectories of Indian history that the Secular

State projects which demarcates the Sikhs as the others. The identity of the Sikhs makes them

21
Ragis are Sikh religious singers. They sing religious couplets and verses mainly from “Guru Granth Sahib”.
22
Kavishar are the folk performers who sing and recite poem - Kavishari or Kavisri. It was originated at Malwa
region of Punjab.

71
either a terrorist or a soft target for taking revenge against the violence that took place in the

Punjab. The perception for a baptised Sikh changed after the militancy in the Punjab. Previously,

they had seen saviors and now saw threats to their security. Cynthia Keppley Mahmood narrates

how the understanding of the Hindu psyche had been altered by the effect of the Punjab

militancy in her book - Fighting for Faith and Nation: Dialogues with Sikh Militants. She met a

Hindu woman who told her – “It used to be that if we were riding on a train and saw a Sikh in

our carriage, we should feel protected. Now if we see one, we feel scared (Mahmood 1996, 83)”.

The Indian National Congress, led by Rajiv Gandhi, presented the Sikhs as the “enemy

within” during the Parliamentary election in 1985. The big billboards displayed two uniformed

Sikhs assassinating bloodstained Srimati. Gandhi against the backdrop of the Indian map, during

the election campaign. Some other posters displayed with a written statement – “Will the

country’s border finally be moved to your doorstep?” Rajiv Gandhi won the election with a

landslide victory on creating hate and hysteria against the Sikhs (Tatla 2006, 66).

Teeji Ghallughara and Delhi Katleyam created distrust among the Sikh community

against the government’s policies and the Hindus. The anxiety, assault of honour and trauma

gave birth to the post-1984 Shahidi-Tasveeran, which mainly displays their pride of the Panth

and the loss of honour. The portraits of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his associates,

anonymous Kharkus or militants and riots are the major celebrated subjects of the second wave

of Sikh Visual Culture, to which I turn in the following section.

72
 IV) Corpus of Images Produced in Post-1984 on Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale, Teeji Ghallughara or Third Genocide and Delhi

Katleyam or Sikh Massacre in Delhi

After the Teeji Ghallughara, Delhi Katleyam and Khalistani militancy, a range of

imagery was produced and continued the tradition of the Shahidi-Tasveeran. It does not refer to

the history of the eighteenth century, but to the shahids of the recent past. These three episodes

of the Sikh history, between 1984 to1990s, influenced the second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran.

The post-militancy Shahidi-Tasveeran mainly bring back the ghost of Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale by reproducing his portrait in oil canvas, posters, calendars, t-shirts, banners and

billboards. The corpus of images that was reproduced widely after his death, and derived from

his earlier photographic images were published in newspapers. The photographs which had been

taken during his lifetime later translated into the heroic posters, stickers, banners and billboards.

The re-emerged ghost of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale occupied the post-1984 and the

second wave of the Sikh Visual Culture. The bazaar economy has provided a new lease of life

for the Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale images (Singh and Purewal 2013). He is still a living

presence in the Punjab and praised in Sikh politics by the Shiromani Akali Dal and the

Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee. Until 2007, there was a state-imposed censorship

on the circulation of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale’s images. The photograph of his dead body

(fig.40), which was taken by Raghu Rai after the military operation at the Akal Takht, is not

popular among the Sikhs. It is just a photographic document for the Indian government as proof

of his death. The corpse of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (wearing a white bana or knee-length

garment) is laid out on a sheet and then photographed. The damaged side of the face of his

73
corpse is not visible. The viewer can see only his bloodied abdomen covered with a garment and

soaking in his blood. The government’s record, which is a testimony of the witness that was

obtained by Apar Singh Bajwa, a retired Superintendent of Police, says, the corpse was injured

on the right side of the face and the abdomen (The Tribune, Chandigarh, May 20, 2001; Chopra

2013, 107).

Interestingly, the photograph or oil painting of the bleeding and mangled corpses are

neither displayed at the galley of the Sikh museums, nor circulated in the popular print and

calendar art in the bazaars of the Punjab. Surprisingly, in the first wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran,

the bleeding and tortured bodies of the Shahids during the Mughal and the Afghan invasion and

the British colonial periods were produced, displayed at the museum galleries and then later

widely circulated as reproductive prints in the bazaars of the Punjab.

From the 1950s to the 1980s, the Shahidi painters like Kripal Singh, Devender Singh, and

G.S. Sohan, painted the Shahidi of Bhai Mati Das, Bhai Sati Das, Bhai Dayala, Bhai Subeg

Singh, Bhai Mani Singh, Bhai Taru Singh, Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, Baba Dip Singh and

others. Most of these paintings show bleeding, tortured and mutilated bodies of the Sikhs in the

late seventeenth to eighteenth centuries, who suffered the unbearable pain and died in the hands

of the Mughals and the Afghans. In the later phase of the second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran, the

Khalistani Shahids’ portraitures were more popular than those representing their bleeding and

tortured bodies.

Until 2003, the Damdami Taksal refused to accept the death of Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale. He was formally declared as martyred by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak

Committee by a commemorative ritual at the Sri Darbar Sahib in 2003 (Chopra 2013, 106).There

74
are many Sikhs who still believe that he is an extraordinary man who is immortal, will soon

return and fight again for the establishment of a separate nation, Khalistan. One finds many

popular posters, calendars, stickers and banners of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale with a written

statement in the Gurmukhi script on each item that states that he will come back. The Khalistani

Shahids are shown holding guns, revolvers, pistols, a cartridge of bullets on a belt, AK 47 rifles

and other weapons in various oil portraits and popular prints. This approach may create a

psychological state of mind of the living heroes and the defenders of the faith. Therefore the

twenty-first century’s Sikhs do not want to see their contemporary Shahids in images that portray

them as wounded victims like their medieval shahids.

A) Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Images Re-emerge after 2007: Installation of the

Portrait of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale at the Shahid Gallery of the Kendriya

Sikh Ajaibghar or the Central Sikh Museum, Installation of Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale Billboard and the Proposal of Constructing Yadgar 1984

In the early 1990s, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale images had been restricted to private

spaces. The admirers of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale feared being targeted or branded as militants

or sympathisers of the militants by state agencies – the police, army and the intelligence agency.

Admirers of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale were regarded as terrorists and anti-nationals by the

state’s institutions. The government of India had imposed complete censorship on the

memorialising, discussing and displaying any images or text drawn or written on the 1984 army

operation, the Delhi massacre and the Sikh militancy. It was an unsuccessful attempt to help

generate collective and forced amnesia about Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, the militancy, the

75
army operation and the massacre. In the bazaars and the street arts of the Punjab, especially

surrounding those of the Sri Harimandir Sahib, the posters of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale always

circulated despite the existence of state-imposed censorship. People bought them as a souvenir

and displayed them at their private spaces. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and other Sikh terrorists

remained as a part of social memory, history and the psyche of the Sikhs. The government of

India had directly censored what people said in the public meetings and displayed at public

places (Singh and Purewal 2013, 133-147).

Pritam Singh, Navtej K. Purewal (Singh and Purewal 2013) and Radhika Chopra (Chopra

2013) in their article - The Resurgence of Bhindranwale’s Image in Contemporary Punjab; A

Museum, A Memorial, and A Martyr respectively give a detailed account of the re-emergence of

the ghost of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale publicly once again, after twenty-three years of his

death in 2007 and onwards with three important incidents. – one, the installation of the portrait

of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale on November 29, 2007 at the Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central

Sikh Museum; two, the villagers of Ranbirpura installing a billboard which contains Jarnail

Singh Bhindranwale’s image along with other three Sikh freedom fighters of the British colonial

period in October 25, 2009 and three, laying the foundational bricks of Yadgar 1984 or memorial

1984 within the Sri Harimandir Sahib complex in June 2012 by the Sikh priests.

After more than one and a half decades, the Damdami Taksal refused to acknowledge the

death of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. In 2001 a group of Sikhs created the Holocaust

Commemoration Committee and declared Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale as a martyr. They

announced that they would perform his antim ardas or funeral prayer at the Akal Takht (The

Tribune, May 17, 2001; Chopra 2013, 106). In 2003, the Jathedar of the Akal Takht declared

76
Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale as a martyr and presented a siropa or gift for piety to his eldest son

at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib Complex (Times of India, June 6, 2003; Chopra 2013).

1. Installation of the Portrait of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale at the Shahid Gallery of

the Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum

The censorship of the Indian government for prohibiting the construction of any

memorial or images in the name of Bhindranwale was broken with the installation of a portrait of

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale at the Shahid Gallery of the Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or the Central

Sikh Museum on November 29, 2007, by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee.

Despite all criticism, the Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum installed images of

terrorists along with Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale at the Shahid gallery (fig.1). The national

newspapers of 2007 reported this movement as an attempt to inflate the religious polarisation and

radical sentiments which would be giving fuel for the re-emergence of the Sikh militancy after

one and half decades of stability and peace in the Punjab (Chopra 2013, 108). It was an attempt

to provide the space for the lasting memories of the1984 episode and Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale, which would enter into the sacred space of Ajaibghar (Sikh ajaibghars or

museums are the alternative sacred places for remembering gurus and shahids) after twenty-three

years. Before the installation of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale’s portrait, neither were any special

rituals enacted for him, nor did they mention his name publicly. But through this painting, he

was presented as the new avatar of Guru Gobind Singh and Baba Dip Singh for his exemplary

role in defending Sri Harimandir Sahib, military strategies, his encouraging speeches and for his

charismatic physical beauty.

77
 Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale’s portrait and the damaged Akal Takht had been placed in

the centre of the Shahid Gallery along with the portraits of the other militants such as General

Subeg Singh, who died in June 1984 during the army operation with Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale,

the assassins of Srimati Indira Gandhi (Beant Singh, Satwant Singh and Kehar Singh) and the

assassins of General Arun Vadaiya (Sukhdev Singh Sukha and Harjinder Singh Jinda). As

Radhika Chopra says, all of these portraits do not follow a precise chronology or move along a

demarcated pathway. They create a collection of remembrance of different moments which can

be related to recent Sikh militancy, Operation Blue Star, the revenge against invading Sri

Harimandir Sahib and the destruction of Akal Takht and the assassination of Srimati Gandhi and

General Vadaiya. The brief captions or labels along with each of the oil canvases, have given

great details about the history of their Shahidi, with meticulous records of the exact date, month

and year of their deaths. Only the year of their births is noted without mentioning the day and the

month. It is because their death anniversaries are more important than their birthdays. Mostly, we

find that their death anniversaries are celebrated. This behaviour could be an indication of a

celebration of Shahidi (Chopra 2013, 105-106).

During my fieldwork in the Punjab, between 2017 and 2019, I had visited many

gurdwaras which were commemorating the Shahidi of militants and the medieval Sikh heroes.

These gurdwaras celebrate the Shahidi days with emphasis on religious rituals – called Diwan.

The special prayers are organised in the name of a particular Shahid on the occasion of his death

anniversary. The ragis sing hymns from Gurbani while kavishar and dhadhis sing the valour

stories of that specific Shahid. The Diwans are nothing but those remembering the Shahids in

their Shahidi days at the gurdwaras, which are built in their name for their remembrance. These

religious festivals become the cultural festival of the Punjab. The artists of the Central Sikh

78
Museum took reference from the photographs of the militants for accurate visualization while

painting their oil portraits. Later, the portraits of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and other militants

of the Shahid gallery had been translated into the posters and could be seen in the bazaars.

The portraiture of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (fig.41), displayed at the Shahid Gallery of

the Central Sikh Museum, is painted by Gurvinderpal Singh, senior painter of the Central Sikh

Museum in 2007. The painter intends on revealing his character and the charisma of his

leadership and bravery through his fearless, calm and charismatic, handsome features. He is the

leader of the sovereign Sikh homeland, Khalistan. The knee-length white chola23 or bana, blue

taksali-parna24, bare-feet, kirpan or ceremonial dagger, two karas or iron bangles on both the

wrists, talwar or sword with a scabbard, teer and a cartridge of bullets on a belt around his right

shoulder, symbolise him as a sant-sipai or hermit-warrior. Kara and kirpan are two vital symbols

of the Khalsa Sikh identity. The other three are kes or hair and kanga or comb which is covered

by taksali-parna and kachhera or underwear which is under his bana. Thus, these three key

essential elements of the Khalsa identity are not visible here. His white bana, blue taksali-parna,

kirpan, talwar and bare-feet are the dress code for a hermit of the Damdami Taksal seminary. He

was the Jathedar or chief of this institution. All of these hermits are also called Nihung Singhs.

This seminary produced many Khalsa hermit-warriors, who participated in the Khalistani

terrorism. He holds an arrow with his two hands, which he was frequently photographed

carrying in his pictures during his lifetime, and became an identical icon for him. His left arm

touches the hilt of the sword in its elaborate scabbard. His kirpan and sword may symbolise the

23
Chola is ceremonial garment for Nihung Singh or sant-sipai. It is also known as Bana. Bana comes from bani or
hymns. Bana is the garment of those men who recites Bani.
24
Taksali-Parna is one kind of turban for the members of “Damdami Taksal” seminary.

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Miri-Piri tradition, initiated by the sixth Sikh Guru, Hargobind Singh. Miri symbolises temporal

politics while Piri symbolises spirituality. The double saffron flags with Khalsa insignia (two

talwars or swords, a chakkar or disc and a khanda or double-edged sword) evoke the tradition of

Miri-Piri. Miri, or the political flag is comparatively lower in height than Piri or the spiritual

flag. kirpan, talwar and teer symbolise his authority. He stands, between Akal Takht, on the left

side and Sri Darbar Sahib, on the right side. On the top, heavenly clouds in the sky has been

sketched and he is drawn in a very formal way, depicting a formal gesture, like a floating

celestial being. The reflections and the beams of lights of Akal Takht and Darbar Sahib

symbolise sacredness and authority in Sikhism (Chopra 2013: 108).

The Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale portrait of the Central Sikh Museum has taken reference

from his readily-available photographs. The available reproductions of the photographs of Jarnail

Singh Bhindranwale were mainly published in various newspapers during his lifetime. He was

photographed with his armed cadets and bodyguards. In almost all of his photographs (fig.42 to

46), he wears a knee-length white bana or garment, blue taksali-parna or the turban of

Damdami Taksal (sometime saffron), kirpan or ceremonial dagger, a cartridge of bullets and teer

or arrow. These photographs were taken in the 1980s and later reproduced as posters, calendars

and banners after debunking the state censorship. These photographs are now available in the

internet forums. Almost all photographs show his personality as a confident and determined

leader. He is always photographed with his teer or arrow, cartridge of bullets on a belt and with

his kirpan.

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 2. Displaying Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale’s Portrait along with other Legendary Sikh

Punjabi Revolutionaries of the British Colonial period on Billboard

A controversy was created when Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale’s image was displayed on a

billboard (fig.47) along with three legendary Sikh revolutionists Bhagat Singh, Udham Singh and

Kartar Singh Sarabha against a landscape of a village. Their busts were cropped from

reproduction prints of oil portraiture or photographs and pasted against the walled alley of a

village. The villagers of Ranbirpura in the Patiala district of the Punjab installed this

controversial billboard on October 25, 2009. Each of their names was written in Gurmukhi. For

them, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale was a Shahid or martyr of the Sikh nation. He defended the

invasion of the Indian army on June 1984 and died while protecting the honour of the Sikhs.

Therefore, the villages honoured him for his noble sacrifice by commemorating his deeds. It

obtained extensive news coverage and was later taken down after a massive protest by the Indian

National Congress and urban Hindu organisations, who objected to this displaying of Jarnail

Singh Bhindranwale in Public in a way that emphasised his warrior aspect through the

presentation of his spear and of placing him alongside three revered national heroes. Firstly, the

Hindus feared further communal polarisation and Hindu massacre like that which took place

during the peak of the militancy in the Punjab. Secondly, it was a conscious political attempt to

give an equal status of the martyrdom of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale along with the other three

Sikh martyrs, who are national heroes for the Sikhs as well as other communities and the Indian

establishment. It was the second instance of the re-appearance of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

after a long period of political controversy.

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 In the far left of the billboard, stands Bhagat Singh. He was convicted after being found

guilty in a trial at court, for murdering a British police officer, who was responsible for the death

of the Indian Nationalist leader, Lala Lajpat Rai and for the bombing at the Central Legislative

Assembly of Delhi in 1929. The court awarded him death penalty when he was just twenty-three.

He was hung in Lahore on March 31, 1931. Bhagat Singh is referred to as the Shahid-e-Azam or

the great martyr.

In this billboard, Bhagat Singh wears a white shirt and honey-yellow coloured pagri. The

honey-yellow colour is nearest to the saffron colour, symbolising saka or war for martyrdom. He

has a trimmed beard and moustache like other Sikh men. The available black and white

photograph of Bhagat Singh (fig.48) (a cropped image of a group photograph where Bhagat

Singh was photographed at the National College of Lahore in the late1920’s), which was

circulated in the websites online, shows similarity with the billboard image of Bhagat Singh with

very little variation. The available digital copy of his original photograph shows that he was a

man in his early twenties with a beard, moustache and a pagri. The style of the pagri is similar

to that of the pagri that is seen on the billboard. It is an easily recognized fact that this black and

white photograph was translated with little modification in this billboard’s coloured portrait of

Bhagat Singh.

Again, on the left side of the billboard is Udham Singh, one of the members of the

Ghadar Party. The Ghadar Party sought complete independence of India from the British colonial

rule. It organised the active participation of the Indians living overseas, and motivated them for a

movement for freedom against the British imperialism. He went to London for the assassination

of Michel O’ Dwyer, former lieutenant governor of the Punjab, to take revenge against the

massacre at Jallianwala Bagh in Amritsar on April 10, 1919. He shot Dwyer with his revolver

82
when Dwyer was delivering a lecture at Caxton Hall on March 13, 1940. In custody, he called

himself by the name, Ram Mohammed Singh Azad, which comprising three significant religions

of Punjab – Hinduism, Islam and Sikhism. Ram is a Hindu name, Mohammed a Muslim name,

Singh is the last name of the Sikhs and Azad means free. All these names indicated that he was a

free man without communal bias and all inclusive. He wanted to make his identity to be

established as only Indian or Punjabi, and he deliberately tried to eliminate his religious identity.

His national (Indian) and regional (Punjabi) identities were more important than his religious

identity. He punished Dwyer for the mass killing that took place at Jallianwala Bagh. He was

awarded a death penalty and was hung on July 30, 1940.

Here Udham Singh wears a saffron pagri, white shirt, a large-collared saffron coloured

coat and a saffron coloured tie. In this portrait, he has a beard and a mustache. Saffron is a colour

for hermits and soldiers who go to the battlefield for the sacrifice of the self or saka and it is not

a coincidence that this colour has been chosen. There is another oil portrait of Udham Singh

(fig.49), painted by Gurdit Singh in 1990, which is situated at the Central Sikh Museum. In this

painting, he wears a white pagri, a yellow shirt, a grey tie, a large-collared yellow coloured

jacket and a green suit. It might be possible that the Central Sikh Museum’s portrait is the

inspirational source for the billboard portrait of Udham Singh.

The third image is of the Sikh revolutionary, Kartar Singh Sarabha. He joined the Ghadar

Party when he was just seventeen years old. He went to the United States of America to receive

higher education and enrolled himself at the University of Berkeley. He started working as a

labourer at a factory while continuing with his studies. The Ghadar party wanted an armed

revolution in India against the British government. The Ghadar party also published a paper in

various Indian languages, which include Hindi, Bengali, Punjabi, Pashtu and so on. Thousands of

83
copies were distributed to army cantonments, cities, towns and villages in India, for the sake of

encouraging the masses for an armed struggle. Their vision was to make a mutiny in the British

Indian armed forces. Kartar Singh Sarabha managed to come back to India along with two other

militants, Satyen Sen and Vishnu Ganesh Pingle, to Calcutta (now Kolkata) via California by

ship. The police arrested him at the port. He was awarded a death penalty for waging war against

the British government. He was hung at the central jail of Lahore on November 16, 1915, when

he was just nineteen. Bhagat Singh regarded him as his guru and joined the freedom movement.

In this billboard image, he wears a white shirt, black coat, blue tie and blue pagri. Blue is

one of the sacred colours in Sikhism – the colour of the sant-sipai or the saint-soldier. One of his

portraitures (fig.50), in oil on canvas, painted by Amolak Singh in 1978, is now display at the

Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar, which shows similar visual elements with slight variation. In

this oil painting, Kartar Singh Sarabha stands against the map of united India (pre-partitioned

British India). He wears a white pagri, white shirt, blue tie and grey coat. The billboard image of

Kartar Singh might be influenced by the portrait of the Central Sikh Museum (painted by

Amolak Singh).

The fourth image is that of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. He was the leader of the

Khalistani Sikh militancy in the 1980s. He wears a white chola and blue taksali-parna. He has a

long, flowing beard and moustache like a Sikh preacher. We could easily recognise the visual

similarities between this image and the oil portrait of him (fig.41), created by Gurvinderpal

Singh in 2007, at the Central Sikh Museum. The face of this painting has similarity to that of the

bust of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale on the billboard. Both of these images wear a blue pagri and

a white bana and have large, flowing beards and moustaches.

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 The four portraits have significant symbolism. The first three are the martyrs who fought

against the British colonial rule. All of them engaged in an armed struggle. These three men are

recognised as national heroes and martyrs by the Indian government after achieving

independence, while Bhindranwale’s reputation still remains as that of a criminal and a religious

bigot, in the eyes of the Indian establishment. He died for the liberation of the Sikhs, for

defending their honour and for the pride of the Sikhs for successfully defending the Akal Takht

from the army’s invasion.

The villagers of Ranbirpura wanted to give the same status to Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

as was given to these martyrs in the national struggle because he died for the Sikh nation. The

first three Sikh martyrs (from the left) died for the nation in order to free India from colonial

slavery, while Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale fought for free Sikhs from the tyrannical grip of the

regime of Brahmanical slavery. The Hindus of India forget about the blood that was shed from

the bodies of the tortured Sikhs who were martyred for their sake and for the entire community.

Therefore, the Sikhs need to be aware of the sacrifices of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and carry

out a freedom struggle against the imperial Brahmin state- India. It is a revolt against India by

the Sikh nationalists. So, this billboard served two purposes – one, legitimising the armed

struggle for Khalistan and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and recognising the sacrificing Sikhs who

tried to save Hindus and India.

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 3. Foundation of Yadgar 1984: Commemorating the Martyrs of 1984’s Fauji Hamla or

Army’s Invasion

The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee had initially announced the

construction of a Yadgar or memorial for the martyrs of Operation Blue Star on June 6, 2005

(Mohanka 2006, 596). The bricks of the Yadgar, dedicated to Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale,

anonymous militants and pilgrims who died during Fauji Hamla or Operation Blue Star at the

Akal Takht of Sri Harimandir Sahib or Darbar Sahib, were laid in 2012 by the head priests of

five takhts25 or seats of Sikhism (Chopra 2013). In 1986, the Panthic Committee of the Sikhs

had already declared the commemoration of Operation Blue Star as Ghallughara Dihara26 every

year in the month of June. The newly elected Chief Minister of the Punjab, Prakash Singh Badal,

belonging to the Shiromani Akali Dal, and Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, was

25
According to Sikhism, five takhts (thrones/seats) are “Akal Takht” (Amritsar), “Takht Kesgarh Sahib” (Anandpur
Sahib), “Takht Damdama Sahib” (Talwandi Sabo), “Takht Patna Sahib” (Patna) and “Takht Hajur Sahib” (Nanded).
26
Pre-Bluestar period the “Gurdwara Manji Sahib” at “Sri Harimandir Sahib” complex was the epicentre of Sikh
terrorism. The “Babbar Khalsa” (later become Babbar Khalsa International”) controlled their criminal activities and
terrorism from there. The Sikh religious and political practices of late eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries
were revived. All the five offices of Jathedars of five takhts (thrones/seats) viz. “Akal Takht” (Amritsar), “Takht
Kesgarh Sahib” (Anandpur Sahib), “Takht Damdama Sahib” (Talwandi Sabo), “Takht Patna Sahib” (Patna) and
“Takht Hajur Sahib” (Nanded), especially “Akal Takht” took it great importance. The Khalistani terrorists installed
their Jathedars and discarded the appointment of Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee.

The practice of adopting “Gurmatas” or word of Gurus and “Hukumnamas” or decrees, and organising “Sarbat
Khalsa” or religious-political congregation became a regular practice. A Gurmat adopted at the Sarbat Khalsa on
January 26, 1986, that every year “Sarbat Khalsa” must be held twice on Baisakhi and Diwali. Public donations
would collect at the “Akal Takht” like it was practised in Guru Period. It was also decided that All Sikh related
political decisions had been taken by “Akal Takht”.

The days of launching different army and police operations in Punjab and deaths of terrorists were celebrated as
protest days. The first week of June was declared as “Ghallughara Saptah” or genocide or carnage week. The Sikhs
were asked to wear only black turbans and dupattas or vail on those days. They had also received guidance to
protest on Republic Day on January 26 and Independent Day on August 15 as black days of Sikh Panth. The
terrorists appealed to the Sikhs for boycotting all such national functions and wore a black or saffron turban and
dupattas and hosted black or saffron flags on their houses, offices and shops.

See Birinder Pal Singh, Violence as Political Discourse (Shimla: Indian Institute of Advance Study, 2002), 156-157.

86
responsible for this new step- to help in the re-emergence of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and the

Khalistani militancy in public sphere after the 1990s.

Prakash Singh Badal had announced that the memorial would be a gurdwara within the

complex of Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib that is dedicated to all of those who died during

Operation Blue Star. Sri Guru Granth Sahib (religious book and last guru of the Sikhs) would be

placed and no photographs of anyone would be displayed inside that gurdwara (The Pioneer,

June 22, 2012; Chopra 2013, 97). The proposed gurdwara was completed in 2013 with the help

of Kar Seva, like the construction of a new building of the Akal Takht right after the army’s

operation. It was named as Gurdwara Sri Yadgar Shahidan Sahib 1984 (fig.51).

An anxiety was created by the state institutions of the Union Government and the non-

Sikh public, for displaying an image of Bhindranwale on the face of a clock at the memorial. His

name was inscribed on the archway of the memorial. The Hindus of the Punjab feared the

resurgence of communal tension and polarisation between the Sikhs and them, while the Indian

government felt uneasy about remembering the destruction of the Akal Takht annually, by the

Sikh Sangat or community. The erected memorial created an uneasy continuous event because of

remembering a history which was disputed and was controversially recorded in the official

narrative of government of India. It might be the third holocaust memory for the Sikhs but a

controversy in the national politics. Later the clock was removed. His name is only inscribed on

a large archetype archway (fig.52) (Chopra 2013).

The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and other Sikh organisations consider

Bhindranwale and his associates as Shahids of the Sikh Panth or community. The images of

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale have been displayed at gurdwaras, langar halls, offices and the

87
residential houses of the Sikhs. Youths are encouraged to become like Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale - a fearless, brave man who gave up his life to protect religion, community,

gurdwaras and Khalistan, the imagined Sikh homeland. They are guided by religious sermons to

keep in their mind that Khalistan is not merely a myth but a reality for every Sikh. The images

are the medium of expression of masculinity, virility and bravery. The idea of the armed struggle

against a mighty state power is not a small thing. The violence against the state itself is a

masculine ideology. The imagination of the image of the Kharkus or Sikh militants is realized on

canvases as portraits of physically strong men with swelling muscles, long flowing beards and

moustaches, along with heavy weapons – AK 47 rifles, revolvers, and cartridge of bullets on

belts, rocket launchers, naked talwars, kirpans and other traditional arms and ammunition. The

images of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his associates are the epitome of masculinity, virility

and bravery. The Sikhs are encouraged to bear weapons like Kharkus or militants. The baptised

Sikhs carry weapons, especially kirpans. The religious leaders encourage youths to be more

violent, masculine and virile. The purity of the Sikh race is based on two ideas – one, carry arms

and two, not to cut body hair, beards and moustaches. To carry a weapon in a public place is

illegal and restricted by law. Therefore encouraging the carrying of arms must be illegal and

dangerous. Only security forces – the police and the army can carry fire arms and weapons.

Militant ideologues are always trying to keep their agendas alive. They may participate

in government institutions, academics and parliamentary elections but brush up their communal

secessionist plans in their religious sermons, public speeches at political rallies, private

discussions and in their academic writings. Their ambiguous language of addressing the Sikh

homeland, creates a passive hysteria against secular democracy and the majority of the religious

population.

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 These militant sympathiser’s political and social organisations continue their secessionist

politics in the name of provincial nationalism (Tatla 2006, 80) or religious nationalism (Shiva

1991, 387-394; Juergensmeyer 1988; Juergensmeyer 1994, Juergensmeyer 2000). They try to

keep alive the movement of Khalistan in a more democratic way. The Sikh diaspora leads this

movement in the United Kingdom, Canada, the United States of America, Australia and Europe.

Sikh martyrs are the epicentre of their politics. The Khalistani militants can be compared to

medieval Sikh militias. It is a common practice of Sikh political and religious institutions to

justify criminality, violence and terrorism. Their logic is that both of them were criminals and

rebels (Baaghi in Punjabi) of the government of their time. Sikh militias seemed to be criminals

in the eyes of the Mughals, and like them, the Indian government considers Khalistanis to be

treacherous criminals.

The other popular images of post-1984 Sikh Visual Culture are the destruction of the

Akal Takht, the 1984 Delhi massacre and the Sikh militants. The Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or the

Central Sikh Museum has occupied the leading position of the second wave of Shahidi-

Tasveeran.

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 B) Ghallughara Dihara or Carnage of Akal Takht

An oil canvas, painted by Amolak Singh in 1987, visualises the wound of honour and

pride of Sikhs, which is the partially damaged Akal Takht (fig.53). This picture is painted three

years after the Operation Blue Star. Amolak Singh was a senior painter during the 1980s, and

took the initiative of renovating the museum after the army’s attack in 1984. He curated the

present displayed objects. This canvas speaks about the brutality of the Indian government and

its army. The debris of the Akal Takht is the symbol of the wound of Sikh pride, honour and

religion. Next to the destroyed Akal Takht is the Nishan Sahib or Khalsa Flag, which is the

emblem of Sikh sovereignty. The Akal Takht is not just a building; it is the centre of Sikh

politics. The Jathedar of Sri Harimandir Sahib declares decrees for Sikhs. It is a parallel

government within a state.

As we know the government of India repaired the Akal Takht hurriedly after

Ghallughara Dihara, it is also known that the government-funded building became the epitome

of the continuous humiliation of the Sikhs. The Sikhs destroyed the government-sponsored

building and then reconstructed it with the help of the Kar Seva. This oil painting serves as a

reminder of the damage by the Hindu imperialistic and Brahmanical Indian government and

ensures that even despite renovation, the attack on the building is not forgotten by their devoted

followers and protestors. This oil painting always haunts the Sikhs as a reminder of the cruelty

of the Indian state.

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 C) Delhi Katleyam Or Sikh Massacre in Delhi

Two oil canvases (fig.54 and 55), illuminated by Jarnail Singh in 2000, and by the son of

the famous Shahidi-Tasveeran painter, Kripal Singh, commemorate the 1984 Delhi Katleyam or

Sikh massacre in Delhi. These two oil paintings are displayed at a Gurdwara in Toronto, Canada.

More than two thousand Sikhs were murdered, looted and raped by arm-cadets of the Indian

National Congress. It was a communal riot against the Sikhs to take revenge against the

assassination of Srimati Gandhi by her two Sikh bodyguards, on November 1 to 3, 1984. The

Congress misused the state machineries. The police was a silent spectator and often helped

rioters in plundering the houses, business offices, shops, and the warehouses of the Sikhs. Sikh

men were burnt alive. Sikh women were raped in front of their husbands, sons, brothers, fathers

and in-laws. The leaders of the Congress party participated in this massacre. Later, they got

ministership under the Rajiv Gandhi-led government and other successive governments, that

were formed by the Indian National Congress. No FIR was registered against the main

perpetrators of the riot. Only Sajjan Kumar was convicted and proven guilty in the trial at court.

Others perpetrators from the Indian National Congress hold government offices, ministership and

one person has even become the Chief Minister of a state in central India very recently.

These two canvases give us visual testimony of communal violence. In the first canvas of

this group, (fig.54) it shows a group or a mob that killed an old Sikh man and a child. The face of

the old man is deformed, and a knife stabs the child. Mobs lynch two Sikh men. One of them is

senseless, and the other one is set ablaze. One rioter pours kerosene oil on him from the jar. He

pleads for mercy. Rioters surround a woman and try to rape her. A motorcycle is burring next to

the dead body of the child. This may be a story of a Sikh family of Delhi in 1984. The right side

91
of the background of the canvas shows Congress leaders, wearing Gandhi topis or hats, leading

plunder, murder and rape, while a policeman is merely a mute spectator.

The second canvas of this group (fig.55) shows the brutality of the Congress, and the

mute silence of the law and governance, and the callousness of the police. The pride of the Sikh

is locked away inside his turban. At first, the criminals dishonour them. They open the turban of

Sikh men and then pull out their hair. The bold and criminal men put tyres on their necks and

pour kerosene on their entire body. Then their entire body is set on fire. Four Sikh men are bitten

and are about to be burnt alive by the armed mobs. On the right corner of the canvas, the leaders

of the Congress party, wearing white Gandhi topi, are shown to be inspecting this carnage along

with the police. The police is nothing but a mute spectator.

Interestingly, the background of these two oil canvases is the burning streets of Delhi –

which is shown to be highlighting the smoke and the flames of fire coming out of the building.

The colour of the blaze is saffron- which is one of the colours of the Indian National Flag. It is

also the colour of hermitage in Hinduism. It also signifies sacrifice in both Sikhism and

Hinduism. Therefore, it might have three symbolic meanings – first, saffron as the colour of the

Indian National Flag, second, the colour of Hinduism – representing Hindus and third, the colour

of sacrifice – representing the martyrdom of the Sikhs. It could be analysed as the state-

sponsored brutality, and the participation of the Hindus in these brutal killings and the massacre

of the Sikhs.

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 D) Bazaar, Popular and Calendar Art: Images of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and

his Followers and Associates

I shall now discuss some of the bazaar images on Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. These

were available after the 1990s. The posters and prints employ a notion of fantasy in critiquing

the Indian national integration of the Sikhs and the Punjabi identity. Brain Keith Axel says in his

book - The Nation’s Tortured Body (Axel 2001) – that these images are a challenge to the Indian

national integration of being a separate religious and national identity of just Sikhs and

Khalistanis. The image of Khalistani terrorists demands a violent armed-struggle for reclaiming

their territory of Khalistan or the Punjab. The photographs of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his

portrait at the Central Sikh Museum, proliferate and make them available in the bazaars in the

form of reproductive prints.

One of them is a poster on Dharam-Yoddha or the defender of religion. This poster

(fig.56) is dedicated to Baba Dip Singh, founder of Damdami Taksal, and Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale, Jathedar of Damdami Taksal from 1977 to 1984. Both of them are considered to

be martyred for defending the honour of the Akal Takht of Sri Harimandir Sahib. Baba Dip

Singh was martyred on November 11, 1757, in the battlefield, while fighting against the

Afghans, while Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale died on June 8, 1984, at the Akal Takht, while

fighting against the Indian army.

Baba Dip Singh and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale are standing like two great souls

defending the Sri Darbar Sahib and the Akal Takht of the Sri Harimandir Sahib Complex. Baba

Dip Singh, a masculine, old but virile man with a long white beard, stands in front of the Sri

Darbar Sahib while Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, a handsome young man with a flowing black

93
beard, stands in front of the partially damaged Akal Takht. Both of them stand on dry and rocky

ground like a desert and exchange their glances. They are portrayed like two safeguards of these

two sanctums of the Sri Harimandir Sahib Complex.

Baba Dip Singh wears a blue chola, saffron kamar-kasa or waistband, blue taksali-parna

or turban with three chakkars or discs on his turban and a pair of lakhi-jutti or Punjabi shoes like

a mighty Sikh soldier. He also wears an armour on his chest. He holds a khanda or double-edged

sword in his right hand, and he points the finger of his left hand towards Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale. He may be pointing out his successor, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. As we know,

Baba Dip Singh is the first Jathedar or chief of the Damdami Taksal while Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale is the last successor of the office of the Damdami Taksal. After the death of

Bhindranwale on June 8 1984, this institution did not choose any other chief and continued its

office in the name of the slain terrorist. A praising phrase – “Dhan Dhan Baba Dip Singh Ji” is

written in the Gurmukhi script over his head, for the sake of displaying his identity.

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale wears a white knee-length chola, a blue taksali-parna,

kirpan, a belt of bullets on his right shoulder, a pair of red lakhi-jutti or Punjabi shoes and holds

a teer with his right hand. He follows the typical dress-code of a cadet of the Damdami Taksal.

Over his head, a statement is written in Gurmukhi – “Brhmagyani Sant Jarnail Singh Ji

Bhindranwale”. Brhmagyani means that who knows Brahma or God. The words Sant and

Brhmagyani, define him as a sant-sipai and a wise man.

In this poster, four prominent motifs are present – the Sri Darbar Sahib, the damaged

Akal Takht, Baba Dip Singh and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. The artist (anonymous designer of

this poster) combined these four items from different sources. He picked up a photograph of the

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Sri Darbar Sahib, an image of the oil painting of the damaged Akal Takht (by Amolak Singh in

1987) (fig.53), a popular printed image of Baba Dip Singh and a photograph of Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale. All of these images were then pasted upon a desert-like background. The artist

applied some symbolic meaning to it – Baba Dip Singh was a defender of the Darbar Sahib,

while Bhindranwale was the defender of the Akal Takht. These two shrines are a part of Sri

Harimandir Sahib. I have already discussed about the oil painting of the damaged Akal Takht

which is a symbol of the commemoration of the hurt and humiliation of the Sikh Sangat or

community. It is the symbol of the remembrance of the destruction of the sanctity of Sikhism by

the Indian government. The attempt of the army’s attack has been recontextualised as the army’s

invasion of the Brahminical Indian government like the Afghan invaders in the eighteenth

century. The image of the Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale is the cropped image of the photographs

of him in the pre-1984 era like fig. 43. In this photograph, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale walks

with his armed associates. He holds a teer in his right hand and is shown wearing a white bana, a

blue taksali-parna, a cartridge of bullets and a kirpan like in this poster. The only difference is,

that the movement of the head and its direction differs. In the poster, he looks towards Baba Dip

Singh, and in the photograph, his head is tilted towards his right side.

Another poster (fig.57) displays Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and other Sikh militants.

There are eleven Sikh men with iron cannons, against the background of the Red Fort of Delhi

with the Nishan Sahib or the Khalsa flag. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale is portrayed as the leader

of Khalistan. He wears a white bana, a blue taksali-parna and a belt of bullets. He holds a teer.

He stands next to Amrik Singh, the president of the banned organization, All India Sikh Students

Federation (AISSF). The other terrorists are Beant Singh and Satwant Singh, the assassins of

Srimati Gandhi, Kehar Singh, the conspirator involved in the murder of Srimati Gandhi, Jugraj

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Singh who is popularly known as Toofan Singh, Major General Subeg Singh, the military

advisor of Bhindranwale; Sukhdev Singh Sukha and Harjinder Singh Jinda, the assassins of

General Arun Vadaiya (who had participated in Operation Blue Star) and others.

Two statements are written in Gurmukhi to Challenge the Indian government and India

against the (so-called) occupation of the land of Khalistan or Sikhistan or the Punjab by the

Hindu imperialist government, a coalition of Brahmins and Banias. The first statement is –

“Badla lawange dille ni, kaum takhat akal da, te nasha-hukumatta da, tera lah dilange./ Putt

sutange tere jhandia nu, jhande khalsayi teri hik ‘te assi diange”. It means – “We will take

revenge against Delhi (Union Government of India) for their arrogance against the Sikh nation

and the sacrilege of the Akal Takht. We will throw out your national flag and host the Khalsa

flag at the top of (the Red Fort)”. The second statement is – “Asi aj wi mir han ashka de, apne

yar di ramaz pachhande ha/ asi aj wit li te sis dhar ke, gali yar di pahuchana jande han”. It

means –“We still love our Qaum, we know the ultimate desire of our friends (martyrs). We can

continue fighting- still our heads are being cut off, until we fulfill our desire (to create

Khalistan)”. These two statements are the language of violence, secessionism and terrorism. It is

an open challenge to the government of India by the Khalistani ideologues and sympathisers.

The politics of the Shiromani Akali Dal, makes Bhindranwale and the Sikh militancy

seem alive in the public sphere. The religious Sikhs consider Sikh militants as their heroes –

Dharam Yoddha or warriors of the holy war. The bazaar economy boosts the production of

calendars and popular Sikh religious art, that reproduce the portraiture of Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale and his associates. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale’s pictures on posters (fig.56 to

60), stickers (fig.61 and 62), t-shirts (fig.63 to 66) and calendars (fig.67) are sold in the bazaars

near the gurdwaras.

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 In these images, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale stands like an iconic hero. He is always

shown with his teer, kirpan and a cartridge of bullets on a belt. These armed images sent a

message to the youth – revolution does not come from non-violent agitation; it comes from

violence. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, in his speeches, always suggested that Sikhs should carry

weapons and use it whenever they need them. After his death, his images, posters, banners,

stickers and the audio cassettes (now CDs) of his speeches, encouraged youths to be violent,

masculine men. Sikh youths try to implement his suggestion – by not only carrying weapons, but

also by accepting the rigorous training of using modern arms and by learning traditional martial

art, which is known as Sanatan Shastra Vidya or Gatka. In the Sikh rituals, the kirpan is

mandatory for a baptised Sikh. It is the religious duty of a Sikh to get combat and martial

training. Some gurdwaras run the martial training schools, known as Gatka schools. The image

of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (fig.60) is displayed along with the Sikh gurus and other Sikh

martyrs such as Baba Dip Singh and Baba Banda Singh Bahadur which are seen on the wall of

these schools.

The Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale stickers (fig.61 and 62) could be seen on most of the

vehicles of the Kar Seva, buses and cars of the gurdwaras and on other private cars owned by the

Sikhs. These stickers contain a portrait of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale along with his teer or

arrow and cartridge of bullets on the belt and his venomous speech against Hindus (Brahmins)

and the Indian government. These virulent, written statements of Bhindranwale create an

environment of anxiety and animosity against Hindus, especially Brahmins and the Indians that

are governed amongst the Sikhs. One of the written statements (fig.62) on these stickers is –

“Khalsa Ji Iko Gal Chete Rakkho Ki 1947 Which Asi Topi Te Janeyu Azad Karaiya Si/ Hun Asi

Apni Pag Azad Karaoni Aa”. It means – “The Sikhs fought against topi or caps (symbolising

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British) for saving the Janeu (symbolising Brahmins). The Sikhs gave independence to the Janeu

or sacred thread in 1947. Now the time has come for the Sikhs to start fighting for the

independence of the pagri (symbolising Sikhs)”.

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale t-shirts are trendy amongst visitors and pilgrims. The gangs

of Sikh youths (mostly baptised armed Sikhs) (fig.66) wear Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale t-shirts

to create a homogeneous brotherhood amongst themselves like the uniform of an army. They

come to pay a visit to the gurdwaras during the Sikh festivals with their kirpans, cameras and

smart-phones. They wear taksali-parna or dumala like Bhindranwale. Interestingly, they do not

wear traditional kurta-pyjama or chola and lakhi-jutti. They wear t-shirts and jeans. Their beards,

moustaches, pagris and kirpans give them their unique identity as Sikhs.

The other popular figures on the t-shirts are Bhagat Singh (fig.63) – from the left, the

third t-shirt shows anonymous kharkus or fearless militants (fig.63). From the left, the fourth,

fifth, sixth and eighth t-shirts, show a lion (fig.63). From the left, the second one and the one

with the lion also have the Khalsa insignia) (two talwars or swords, khanda or double-edged

sword and chakkar or iron disc) (fig.64). From the left, the first one has the Khalsa insignia

(fig.65). From the left, the second and third ones and the one with Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

(fig.63). From the left, the first and the seventh one, (fig.64) – from the left, the second one,

(fig.65). From the left, the first one .

After Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, the Bhagat Singh t-shirts are trendy in the Punjab.

Their sacrifice, fearlessness and bravery are appreciated. The Kharku t-shirts are the effects of

Sikh militancy. They are the centre of a fantasy of the youths – the creation of Khalistan, a

territory exclusively for the Sikhs. Kharkus or Singhs do not fear death. They have only one

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intention– creating Khalistan, the free nation for the Sikhs. The brave-hearted Sikh men are

called Singhs or Lions. The last name of most of the Sikhs is generally Singh. Therefore the lion-

emblemed t-shirts denote fearless, daring and baptised Sikh. The Sikhs are the kings of Punjab,

just like the lion is the king of jungle. The t-shirts bearing the Khalsa insignia (two naked talwars

or swords, khanda or double-edged sword and a chakkar or disc) are also popular among the

Sikhs.

The Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale banners (fig.68 and 69) are viewed during every Sikh

festival and in the streets of the Punjab. One of the banners (fig.68) had been displayed over the

watchtower of the Punjab’s police within the complex of the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib,

during the Hola Mohalla festival on March 20 to 23, 2019. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale is placed

by the side of the last human Sikh Guru, Gobind Singh. It welcomed the pilgrims and visitors

who came for the Hola Mahalla festival. There is another small Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

banner just beneath the police watchtower. It suggests that the Sikhs can become Singhs (which

means they can be baptised Sikhs with five external Khalsa symbols) – Singh Sajo in the

Gurmukhi script.

The banner of a book stall (fog.69) in the premises of the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh

Sahib during Hola Mohalla festival showed an iconic image of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale with

his teer, kirpan and a cartridge of bullets on his belt around his right shoulder. It is the exact

image of him from the poster (fig.56) where he has been shown with Baba Dip Singh, the Akal

Takht and the Sri Darbar Sahib. Thus across various media, we see the same image being

repeated, resized, and recombined with other elements like texts (his speeches), the image of

Guru Gobind Singh, Baba Dip Singh, Sikh politicians, the lion (the lion is the symbol of a

fearless Sikh man) and Khalsa insignia. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale’s image could have been

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seen in posters (montage- the combination of his photograph with the Sikh Gurus, heroes and

famous Sikh leaders), stickers, vinyl prints, calendars, printed t-shirts, billboards, banners, and

other souvenirs like a clock, watch and memento.

Two popular Punjabi movies, Kaum De Heera (fig.70) and Dharam Yudh Morcha

(fig.71), were released on August 22, 2014, and September 2016. The first one was made on the

lives of the assassins of Srimati Gandhi, Satwant Singh, Beant Singh and Kehar Singh (the

conspirator), and the second one on Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. These two films created

massive controversy for sympathising terrorism and the murder of the former Prime Minister.

The music, dialogues and the posters of these two movies were widely circulated in the social

media. These movies tried to reawaken the anti-India sentiments and the Khalistani militancy.

In the poster of Kaum De Heera, it has three bearded Sikh men, from left to right,

Satwant Singh (played by Sukhdeep Singh), Beant Singh (played by Raj Kakra) and in the

middle, Kehar Singh (played by Sardar Sohi). Satwant Singh and Beant Singh are in police

uniforms – khaki (dark yellow-green) pagris and shirts, while Kehar Singh wears a white kurta

and a saffron pagri. Saffron is the colour of the Nishan Sahib or the Khalsa Flag and maha-saka

or the last war for sacrifice. Satwant looks at the public from a side view, while Beant looks

directly at the public. Kehar looks down with his view towards the ground and with his two

palms closed in a greeting gesture that is directed to all. His face is full of pathos. Satwant and

Beant are determined in their mission to kill Srimati Gandhi.

In the poster of Dharam Yudh Morcha, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale is placed almost in

the centre and on his left, is the partially destroyed Akal Takht, where Sikh terrorists took refuge

in June 1984. On the right side of the poster are seven bearded Sikh terrorists including the rebel

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and retired general, Subeg Singh, and a Sikh boy who died due to police firing during the

Punjabi Suba movement. On the left side of the poster, six men who are the enemies of the Sikhs

- the police officer, the journalist Lala Jagat Narain, Sant Nirankari chief, Baba Gurbachan

Singh, the dubious Sikh politician, a Sikh murder and others. Jarnail Singh divides the space of

the poster – on the left side are the enemies of the Sikhs and on the rights Sikh martyrs who

fought with Bhindranwale during Operation Blue Star.

The overseas Sikh migrants opened various Sikh organisations in the United Kingdom,

Australia, Canada, the United States of America and Europe, from where they operate Khalistani

movements in India. Some of the terrorist organisations like the Khalistan Liberation Force

(fig.72) and the Babbar Khalsa International (fig.73) always try to radicalise Indian-Sikh youths

and start the Khalistan movement again in India, for establishing the Republic of Khalistan

(fig.74).

The official logo of the Khalistan Liberation Force is a modified version of the Khalsa

insignia. In the inner white circle of the emblem, it has the face of a tiger, two AK 47 rifles, two-

naked talwars or swords, a khanda or double-edged sword and a yellow scarf –where the

abbreviation of the Khalistan Liberation Force or KLF is inscribed. In the black outer ring, the

name of the organisation is written with two Khalsa insignia (two talwars, one khanda and one

chakkar). Two talwars are the symbols of Miri-Piri, the temporal and spiritual authority of the

guru. Khanda symbolises war against oppression, and chakkar signifies an endless form of God.

All these four items represent the rule of God (Waheguru). The last name of all the Sikhs is

Singh, which means lion – the king of the jungle. The tiger is also the king of the forest. In this

logo, the tiger is placed instead of a lion. Both of them signify power and strength. The AK 47

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might symbolise war against oppression. This logo may express the modern form of the holy war

against Hindu imperialism.

The logo of Babbar Khalsa International (BKI) is also a modified version of the Khalsa

insignia. In the inner white circle, it has two naked talwars, a khanda (with a hymn - Purja Purja

Kat Mare Kabhu Na Shade Khet is written), a chakkar and two AK 47 refills. In the outer black

circle, the name of the organisation is written with two stars. Purja Purja Kat Mare Kabhu Na

Shade Khet is a martial hymn. The Sikhs sang it during their battle against the Mughals. It

praises the sacrifice of a martyr.

The emblem of the Republic of Khalistan is – a rectangular saffron form in which

Khalistan is written in the Gurmukhi script beneath the Khalsa insignia. Saffron is the colour of

the Nishan Sahib or the Khalsa flag. The Nishan Sahib defines the temporal and spiritual

authority of the Guru. This authority is now handed over to the Guru Granth Sahib (Sikh

scripture) and the Khalsa or Sikh organisation. All Khalistani terrorist organisations create a

unified Panthic committee under the idea of the old tradition of the Khalsa. This emblem

represents the idea of the Panthic committee who will govern the dream territory of Khalistan

after the bifurcation from the Republic of India, and will become an independent Sikh nation –

known as the Republic of Khalistan.

These Khalistani organisations operate their ugly mission from foreign soil in disguise

themselves in the form of charity-based and cultural organisations. They hoist the Khalistani flag

(fig.75) during the Sikh festivals and cultural programmes. It is a tri-colour flag with the Khalsa

insignia. The three coloured stripes are blue, saffron and white and are placed diagonally. Blue is

the colour of the martial tradition of Khalsa. Saffron is the colour of the Nishan Sahib and white

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is the symbol of peace. The Khalsa insignia is placed in the saffron portion in this flag. One of

the attempts of the United Kingdom based Khalistani organisations is the Khalistan Referendum

2020 (fig.76). It would be a public referendum for the creation of the Sikh homeland which

would carve out the Punjab from India.

V) Conclusion

The second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran is an effect of the three main 1984 episodes, viz.

Operation Blue Star, known as Ghallughara Dihara or Fauji Hamla or Teeji Ghallughara, the

1984 Sikh massacre in Delhi or Katleyam and the surveillance operations by the army,

paramilitary force and the police. The bazaar art of the Punjab mainly depicts the portraits of

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and other terrorists. The Sikh museums of the Punjab and overseas,

display oil portraits of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, his associates, episodes of the Delhi

Katleyam and Ghallughara Dihara or Fauji Hamla.

The images that have been produced after 2007, based on the history of 1984, have not

shown the bleeding, mutilated and tortured bodies of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and other

Khalistani militants. Representing them as living heroes and defenders of their faith was the

motto in the second wave of Sikh visual culture. Their portraits are more popular than the

represention of their bleeding and tortured bodies which were more popular in the late 1950s to

the 1980s. The Shahids of the mediaeval period were sketched as victims with bleeding, tortured

and mutilated bodies in the late seventeenth to eighteenth centuries. Many Sikhs believe that

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale is immortal. He will return and fight again for Khalistan. He and his

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associates have been drawn using weapons like the AK 47, revolvers, rifles and with swords and

kripans. The psychological state of the mind of some of the Sikhs believing in Khalistani

militants as living heroes and defenders of their faith may influence this visual approach.

The influential masculine culture is celebrated through popular art. Men want to be more

masculine and seen with the kirpan, the sword and the gun. Gurdwaras encourage the youths to

be weapon-bearers like their heroes. Women are entirely vanishing from the visual scenes or

often depicted as victims of riots and state violence. Sikh Men are advocated and depicted as

more muscular and violent, while women are suggested to be modest, passive, docile and

following the path of the Sikh religion.

The post-1984 episodes create hysteria, anxiety and mistrust among the Sikhs. The

fashion of Sikh men has also been changed post-1984. The flowing beards, moustaches and

pagris are the trend of the masculine Sikh culture. These visual images dictate the minds of the

Sikhs to imagine the contemporary enemy of the Sikhs. These images create a sharp binary

between the Sikhs and the Hindus. Their imagined theory of supremacy of the human race is

based on the ideology of a pure masculine fearless superior race like lions - saviours of an

inferior race of weak, effeminate, dubious, cunning and imposter people.

The ideology of the false pride of the superior race is the leading cause of alienation. The

religious fundamentalism of Sikh political and social organisations of the Punjab create an

incredible cultural difference. The alienation between the self and the other, the superiority

complex, masculinity, and violent militant culture, are the outcome of the Sikh militancy. The

Indian state gave a curt reply to this religious and political problem of the Punjab with the

introduction of the military forces. To establish order from disorder and anarchy, the central

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police force, military and paramilitary forces violate the human rights of the public. The

militancy of the Punjab and the assassination of the Prime Minister, created fear and hatred

against the Sikhs. The Delhi Katleyam is the result of religious hatred against an entire

community. The second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran is the outcome of the sentiments of the

Sikhs relating to the carnage of the Akal Takht, Delhi Katleyam and the militancy.

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Chapter 3

Shahidi-Tasveeran or Martyrdom Paintings

in the Sikh Pedagogy Today: Museums and

Book illustrations of Booklets and

Children’s Books

I) Introduction

In this chapter, I observe the pedagogical strategies of Sikh institutions through visual

media such as paintings, murals, sculpture, reliefs, audio-visual narrations of museums, book

illustrations- with special reference to propaganda booklets, children’s storybooks and the

reception of these messages by the Sikh audiences. To understand the didactic role of the Sikh

Visual Culture among the Sikh mass, especially the youth, I would like to examine the role of

Sikh museums (missionary and public) and book illustrations in the twentieth and twenty-first

centuries.

This corpus of images and audio-visual materials has been presented as the authentic

visual document of Sikh history, and is used as a propaganda tool for the purpose of educating

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the Sikhs. The primary intention of these images and visuals is to create a sense of a distinct

identity for the Sikhs – religious, cultural and national. The blood of their gurus, martyrs and

heroes bear witness to their ultimate sacrifice, and their ability to establish a distinct identity of

being a proud martial race. To maintain the purity of the fierce-race, the Sikhs must follow their

ancestors – who were always ready for Shahidi or martyrdom.

II) Sikh Museums: Missionary and Public Institutions

Sikh museums play a vital role in the didactic religious education and reception of the

Sikh martyrdom images. Master Tara Singh, the leader of Shiromani Akali Dal, took the

initiative to build a Sikh museum within the complex of Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar, which

would preserve the relics of the Sikh Gurus such as their garments, armours, weapons, letters and

manuscripts (Singh 2005, 43-45). The Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum was

opened on July 11, 1958. This museum is administrated by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak

Committee. This museum employed a group of Sikh artists who visualised the history of Sikhism

through their oil canvases in the 1955. The primary intention of the artists and the administration

of the museum, was to cater to a more sophisticated public rather than mere bazaar art (McLeod

1991, 30) as well as to the preferences of the illiterate and semi-literate masses. This group of

artists created the Sikh History Painting genre (This has already been elaborately explained and

discussed in great details in sections IV, V and VIII of Chapter 1).

In the 1970s, some other Sikh museums were established at the essential Sikh pilgrimage

centres following the objectives of Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar, propagating Sikhism through the

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lens of the crucial Khalsa identity and the sacrifice of the Khalsa Sikhs. These museums opened

inside other important Sikh gurdwaras, which are controlled by the Shiromani Gurdwara

Parbandhak Committee or other local Sikh missionary organisations like the Delhi Sikh

Gurdwara Management Committee.

The other missionary museums are – the Bhai Mati Das Museum, which lies opposite to

the Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib, the Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum at

the Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib, the 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or the 1984 Martyrs’ Memorial at

Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi, the Sikhi Siddhanta de Adharit Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh

Museum based on the Teaching of Sikhism at the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in

Anandpur Sahib, the Open air Martyrs’ Sculptures Gallery and the Painting Gallery of Sikh

Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana, the Sikh Ajaibghar or

the Sikh Museum in Mohali and so on.

The Punjab government also takes the initiative to open some religious and secular Sikh

museums. Some of these public museums deal with non-religious secular subjects relating to

Sikhs along with Sikh martyrs. Some of the essential public museums are the Sri Guru Teg

Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib and the Virasat-E-Khalsa or

the Khalsa Heritage Centre in Anandpur Sahib.

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 A) Missionary Museums

The Sikh missionary institutions like the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee

and the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee had taken the major initiative to open the

museums. The primary purpose of these museums was to educate Sikh youths and non-Sikh

visitors about the history, philosophy, religion and culture of the Sikhs through paintings, murals,

flexes, prints and audio-visuals. The Sikh history paintings contain the portraits and narrative

canvases of Sikh Gurus, martyrs, heroes and kings that strictly adhere to chronology. These

museum spaces serve as an alternative place of worship. Therefore, visitors are instructed to

enter into the Sikh missionary museum barefoot, and are expected to cover their heads.

1. Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir

Sahib in Amritsar

The Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or the Central Sikh Museum (fig.77) was primarily formed

to preserve and display the rare collection of the relics of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak

Committee, such as hand-written texts, weapons, garments and other used articles of the Sikh

Gurus. The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee started employing the Sikh Punjabi

artists to visualise the Sikh history since 1956 (Singh 2005, 43-45). It was opened on July 11,

1958. The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee project established a visual language and

vocabulary of Shahadat-Tasveeran, that later became a prototype and an ideal for other Sikh

history painters and the anonymous bazaar artists. These images enter into the realm of popular

and calendar art, posters, banners, prints on t-shirt and book illustrations. The popularity of the

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oil paintings at the Central Sikh Museum inspires the popular print and the bazaar art of the

Punjab. The themes and the images are copied into the popular visual medium.

The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee commissioned the Punjabi Sikh

painters like Sobha Singh, Kirpal Singh, Master Gurdit Singh, G.S. Sohan Singh, S. G. Thakur

Singh, Amolak Singh, Jaswant Singh, Mehar Singh, Devinder Singh, Satpal Singh Danish,

Jarnail Singh, Gurvinderpal Singh, Mohan Singh, Bhupinder Singh and others, to visualise the

narrative Sikh history. Interestingly, most of the leading Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak

Committee Sikh history and martyrdom painters belong to the Ramgharia caste in Sikhism, the

artisan community in the Sikhism of the Punjab. The curators of this museum were Narender

Singh Nanda, Bhan Singh, Harjit Singh and Amolak Singh. At present, the Central Sikh Museum

does not have any curator. Jaswinder Singh currently works as a manager and Iqbal Singh as an

additional manager at the Central Sikh Museum. Sobha Singh and Kripal Singh were the pioneer

Sikh history painters and creators of the two schools of the Sikh Visual Culture – Mazhabi-

Tasveeran, led by Sobha Singh, depicting the portrait of Sikh Gurus and heroes; and Shahidi-

Tasveeran, led by Kripal Singh, representing shahids. Kripal Singh’s canvases were later copied

by other artists in their oil canvases, book illustrations and sculptures. Kripal Singh standardised

the visual language of the Sikh Shahidi- Tasveeran. His visual language became the inspirational

source for his successors in the realm of Shahidi- Tasveeran (This has already been elaborately

explained and discussed in detail with the example of the oil canvas of Kripal Singh and others

in section VIII of Chapter I).

The exhibited oil paintings at the Central Sikh Museum display the lives of the Gurus,

wars, martyrs and victims, while following the chronology of historical time. The martyrdom

paintings follow the description of suffering, torture, execution and death of the Sikhs during

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their daily Sikh prayer, Ardas. The second stanza of Ardas provides information about

martyrdom (Sikh Rahit Maryada, 1983 reprint; Fenech 2000, 43). This museum offers an

alternative holy space to the visitors to visually actualise the Ardas through those oil canvases.

Its visual martyrology (Fenech 2000, 44) is the outcome of textual and mnemonic narratives of

the martyrs.

The narrative Shahidi-Tasveeran canvases can be divided into three different periods – a)

the Mughal and the Afghan period from the late seventeenth to the eighteenth century, b) the

British colonial period in the twentieth century and c) post-independent India in the late

twentieth to twenty-first centuries. The Shahidi-Tasveeran is divided into two waves – the first

wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran, depicting Shahidi during the Mughal period, post-Mughal and

British colonial periods and the second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran, visualising shahids of the

Punjabi Suba Movement, anti-Nirankari movement, Khalistani militancy, Operation Blue Star

and 1984 Delhi massacre in post-independent India.

The Shahid Gallery (fig.1) of the Central Sikh Museum displays the portraits of Sikh

militants and that of the destroyed Akal Takht by the Indian army in 1984. At the centre of this

gallery, portraits of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and the damaged Akal Takht have been placed

along with the pictures of other militants of the period between the 1980s and the 1990s. It does

not follow the precise chronology of history like other galleries of this museum which follow a

specific chronology – from Guru Nanak Dev to successive Sikh gurus, heroes, warriors and

Shahids (late seventeenth to early twentieth century – the Mughals, the Afghans and the British).

The oil portraits of the Shahids of Khalistan have been recontextualised, creating a historical link

between the wounds of the militants in post-independent India with the medieval past. These oil

canvases create a collection of remembrance of different moments which related to the recent

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Sikh militancy, Operation Blue Star, the revenge of the invading of Sri Harimandir Sahib and

destruction of the Akal Takht, the assassination of Srimati Gandhi and General Vadaiya. A brief

caption or label along with each oil canvas has given a detailed history of their Shahidi which is

meticulously recorded with the exact date of their deaths (day, month and year) while only the

years of births are noted (without mentioning day and month). Radhika Chopra calls this

behaviour ‘a celebration of death’ (Chopra 2013, 105-106).

The drops of blood that were shed from the bodies of the Shahids created a history of

resistance for religious freedom and political sovereignty. These narrative canvases of resistance

and martyrdom are the part of the pedagogic strategy of Sikh institutions which educate their

youth about the gender role, moral behaviour and distinct religious, cultural, political and

national identities of the Sikh Qaum. These narrative imageries are the visual testimonies of Sikh

history.

2. Bhai Mati Das Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi

The second prestigious Sikh Museum is the Bhai Mati Das Museum (fig.78), which lies

opposite to the Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib at Chandni Chowk in Old Delhi. This museum was

opened to commemorate the martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, one of the companions of the ninth

Sikh Guru, Teg Bahadur, in 2001. He faced a horrific death. He was executed, and his body was

sliced in Delhi, by the order of Aurangzeb. This museum houses the oil canvases of Kripal

Singh, Amolak Singh, Devinder Singh, Mehar Singh and other renowned artists. Some the

canvases of Kripal Singh were painted in 1984, which were the revised version of his previous

paintings between the 1950s and the 1960s, and are displayed at the Central Sikh Museum in

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Amritsar. The subjects of the paintings are – the martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das (fig.10), the

martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur (fig.12 and 13), the Nikka Ghallughara or the small genocide

(fig.19 and 20) etc. (It has already been elaborately explained and discussed in section VIII.B of

Chapter 1). Amolak Singh served as the curator of this museum, from 2001 till his death in 2012.

Amolak Singh, like a professional painter and book illustrator, had used some of the most

important oil canvases of Kripal Singh like Birth of Khalsa (fig.79) in the Ardas booklet,

published by the Dharam Parchar Committee of Amritsar, which has been discussed in this

Chapter in section III – which deals with analysing the transmediality of oil canvas in the book

illustration.

3. Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum at Gurdwara Sri Bangla
Sahib in Delhi

The Baba Baghel Singh Sanghralaya or Baba Baghel Singh Museum at Gurdwara Sri

Bangla Sahib in Delhi is named after the Sikh warrior Baba Baghel Singh, who triumphed over

Delhi from Mughals in 1783 and then built seven important historical gurdwaras in Delhi,

including Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib to commemorate coming of eighth Sikh Guru, Har Kishan

in Delhi during an epidemic. This museum is built in the late 1970s. Later it was converted into a

multimedia museum and was reopened it in 2014. Then it was renamed as Baba Baghel Singh

Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum (fig.80). It displays forty paintings, flex prints, murals and

audio-visual narratives. Some of the exhibited narrative framed flex-prints are the digital prints

of the oil canvas of Kripal Singh which are displayed at Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh

Museum in Amritsar and Bhai Mati Das Museum in Delhi. This museum also has an auditorium

which can accommodate one hundred and fifty spectators to watch the video narratives of Sikh

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history (like the martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur and Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh

and Baba Zorawar Singh, two younger sons of Guru Gobind Singh) on the big screen

(Chattopadhyay 2014).

The murals on glass sheets display the life of Guru Nanak Dev, the first prophet of

Sikhism. They tell the story of his journey while he was at the different pilgrimages of India and

overseas during his Udasi days. The selected stories have been taken from Janamsakhi - the

hagiographical story of Guru Nanak. Then the flexes narrates the story of Shahidi – the fifth Sikh

Guru, Arjan Dev, the ninth Sikh Guru Teg Bahadur, Bhai Dayala, Bhai Mati Das, Bhai Sati Das,

Bhai Mani Singh, Bhai Taru Singh and Bhai Subeg Singh. These flexes are the printed copies of

the original oil canvases of Kripal Singh (in the 1950s and 1984) and Master Gurdit Singh

(1950s).

Some of the printed flexes depict the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev (fig.81), the

martyrdom of Bhai Dayala (fig.83-third one), the martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das (fig.83- second

one), the martyrdom of Bhai Sati Das (fig.83- first one), the martyrdom of Bhai Mani Singh

(fig.85), the martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh (fig.86-first one) and the martyrdom of Bhai Subeg

Singh (fig.86-second one).

As it has been already discussed in section IV of chapter 1, the first Sikh Shahid was the

fifth Sikh Guru, Arjan Dev. He was executed for not converting to Islam and for not including

the name of the Islamic prophet, Muhammad in the Sikh religious book Adi Granth, at Delhi, by

order of the Mughal emperor, Jahangir on May 30, 1606. He was forced to sit on a hot iron pan,

and the executioner poured hot sand on him.

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 The displayed flex on the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev (fig.81) is the flex print of the

oil canvas of Amolak Singh. I did not get the original canvas and also did not find the date of his

execution. In this print, Guru Arjan Dev is placed almost in the centre – slightly towards the right

side of the image. He sits, in padmasana or the yogic cross-legged posture, on a hot iron pan. He

has a big flowing beard and moustache. His eyes are opened and looking towards the viewers. A

circular nimbus is painted behind his head. He wears a white full sleeve jama, white pyjama, a

honey-yellow shawl covering his left shoulder and a honey-yellow taksali-parna. The dark

chrome-yellow flames of the light complement the colour of his shawl. He raises his right hand

upwards and is shown pointing towards Waheguru or God with his index finger. Pointing

upwards with an index finger symbolises ‘one formless God’. His left-hand rests on his knee. In

the background of the far left side of the image, the artist paints an arched doorway with an iron

rod railing – that indicates that it is a prison. A Muslim executioner, in the profile, having a

curling-triangular beard and moustache, wearing a half sleeve kurta, pyjama and pagri, adds

woodblocks to the kiln. Another executioner stands behind Guru Arjan Dev and pours hot sand

over his body with a big spoon. He wears a half sleeve blue kurta and white pyjama. He also has

similar curly-triangular beard and pointed mustaches. He glares at Guru Arjan Dev. A Mughal

officer, wearing a white full sleeve kurta, a green half-sleeve long overcoat, a white pyjama and

yellow juttis, in the profile, stands on the left side of the image. He raises his two arms like

offering something to Guru Arjan Dev. He may be making an offer to him about reconsidering

his choice of accepting Islam and staying alive. Next to him, a woman, holding a water pitcher,

and wearing white clothes has been drawn. In the far left of the canvas, two men are painted.

One of them gives salutation to Guru Arjan Dev, closing his two palms in the anjali mudra. The

Mughal guards are in cut figures – wearing conical pagris and holding spears.

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 Gurvinderpal Singh painted a similar oil painting (fig.82) in 2007. It is exhibited at the

Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar. Guru Arjan Dev sits on a hot iron

pan in padmasana. He raises his right arm upwards and is shown pointing at Waheguru with his

index finger while his left-hand rest on his knee. He wears only a knee length undergarment -

kachhera which covers the area between his groin and his knees and a white pagri. The sitting

posture and hand gesture are similar to Amolak Singh’s version. His eyes are half-closed and

looking downwards. He has a smile despite experiencing unbearable pain – symbolising triumph

over state brutality. His long flowing triangular beard touched his chest. A circular light is

painted behind his head. A beam of light comes down from the left side of the prison and floods

Guru Arjan Dev. An executioner pours hot sands with a big spoon. He wears a white pagri, a

tabiz or amulet on his neck and a dark-green lungi which covers the area from his groin to his

knees. He has a trimmed beard and a shaved upper lip. Another executioner sits next to Guru

Arjan Dev on the far right side of the canvas. He looks at Guru Arjan Dev – pointing his head

upwards in Guru Arjan Dev’s direction. He has a black and grey beard and a shaved upper lip.

He wears a sleeveless green kurta and lungi. He rests his left arm on his thigh. He has a tabiz on

his left upper arm. The left side of the canvas shows a figure of a Mughal officer, wearing a

green pagri, a white pyjama, a full sleeve vermilion-coloured overcoat – decorated with golden

brocade on its neck, bordered sleeves and the lower part of the garment. He raises his two hands

towards Guru Arjan Dev – which suggests that he is offering him his life if he willingly accepts

Islam as his true and only religion. Next to him, is a Sikh woman, wearing a blue skirt, a

vermilion kameez and covering her head and the upper part of her body with a blue dupatta. She

holds a pitcher of water like it has been sketched in the Amolak Singh version. The only

difference is the colour and the style of the attire. The background of this canvas shows the

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arched door of a prison. Two Mughal guards stand guarding the cell. They hold spears. One

stands near the gate of the prison and other one stands on the opposite side of the executioner,

who pours hot sand on Guru Arjan Dev to kill him.

There is another oil painting on the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev (fig.116), painted by

Jaswant Singh in 1981, displayed at the Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum in Anandpur Sahib.

Jaswant Singh painted this version of the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev much before

Gurvinderpal Singh’s version. In this oil painting, Guru Arjan Dev sits on a hot iron pan in the

padmasana posture and rests his two hands on his legs in the dhyana mudra. He wears only a

taksali-parna and kachhera. The pan becomes red because of the intense heat. The vermilion and

chrome-yellow flames and dark grey smokes emanate from the oven. In the background, two

hands are shown holding a big spoon in the upper left corner of the canvas and a spear on the top

right corner of the canvas. The spoon and spear in the hands of the enemies symbolise both the

executioner who is pouring hot sand on Guru Arjan Dev, and the Mughal officer who is

supervising the brutal execution. For my observation, Gurvinderpal Singh took the Jaswant

Singh’s visual prototype of martyrdom of Arjan Dev, and amplified the horror of the incident

with the inclusion of other characters and objects.

These two versions of martyrdom of Arjan Dev, by Amolak Singh and Gurvinderpal

Singh (fig.81 and 82), have some similarities and dissimilarities. The similarities between two

versions are – a) both of the Arjan Dev figure’s raising of the right arm and pointing towards

God, proving His existence and will, b) the seated posture of Arjan Dev, c) the five important

figures’ (Guru Arjan Dev, two executioners and the woman) gestures, are the features that are

common to both versions. The dissimilarities are – a) in the Amolak Singh version, Guru Arjan

Dev covers his body with clothes, while his upper part is naked in Gurvinderpal Singh version,

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b) the position of the arched doorway of the prison is different – in the Amolak Singh version, it

is on the right side while in Gurvinderpal Singh it is on the left side, c) the colour of the attires of

the figures are different in the two versions. Therefore it is evident that these two versions shared

a common iconography and visual language.

The printed flexes on the martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das (fig.83 –second flex-print on the

left column) at Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum, is the print of the original

1957’s canvas of Kripal Singh. This original oil painting (fig.9) is exhibited at the Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar. In 1984, Kripal Singh revised and repainted the

martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das (fig.10) for the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee,

very elaborately and with more details. He painted the Red Fort of Delhi in the background of

this version. The martyrdom of Bhai Sati Das (fig.83 – first flex-print on the left column) is also

a print on the flex of the original painting of Kripal Singh (fig.11). It was painted in 1984 for the

Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee and is now housed at Bhai Mati Das Museum.

These three original oil canvases of Kripal Singh (fig.9 to 11) have been discussed and analysed

in details in section VIII.B in Chapter 1. In that chapter, it has also been examined that Kripal

Singh combined the visual symbols and prototypes of Devender Singh’s Martyrdom of Bhai Sati

Das (fig.27) of 1981 and Jaswant Singh’s imprisoned Guru Teg Bahadur (fig.28) of 1981, in his

1984 martyrdom of Bhai Sati Das painting. Kripal Singh combined his original ideas with the

pre-defined characterisation of Bhai Sati Das of Devender Singh’s version. Kripal Singh painted

the Red Fort in the background which symbolises the Mughal Empire and the caged Guru Teg

Bahadur, who was passively witnessing the martyrdom of Bhai Sati Das.

The next flex print is the martyrdom of Bhai Dayala (fig.83-third). The original oil

painting, by Master Gurdit Singh in the 1950s (fig.84), is now housed at the Central Sikh

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Museum in Amritsar. In the original oil painting, the artist shows a Sikh man (with a top-knot of

uncut hair, beard and moustache) is being boiled in a copper pot. The copper pot is placed on a

bricked kiln. Two men are placing wooden blocks inside the oven. The flame of the fire and the

smoke come out from kiln and go up to the sky. A Mughal offer supervises this brutal execution.

On the right side of the canvas is a bald Mughal guard. Viewers can only see his back. He wears

a white lungi which covers the area between his groin and thighs and juttis or shoes. The upper

part of his body is naked. He holds a spear. The left side of the canvas is a two-storied grey

building with pointed arches. This architecture looks more Delhi Sultanate-like than like the

Mughal style. A soldier, holding a spear, stands on the top of the roof of the ground floor.

The next printed flexes are those of the martyrdom of Bhai Mani Singh (fig.85), the

martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh (fig.86. first row) and the martyrdom of Bhai Subeg Singh

(fig.86.second row). Kripal Singh had painted the original oil paintings (fig.15 to 17) of these

three printed flexes between 1956 and 1957. The digital artist (I do not know his name) of these

three printed flexes had improvised and modified the original oil canvas paintings made by

Kripal Singh.

Bhai Mani Singh’s limbs were cut off by the order of Zakarya Khan, the Nawab of

Lahore in the Mughal Empire. In the original painting made by Kripal Singh (fig.15) in 1957,

which is exhibited at the Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar, an awful executioner cuts Bhai Mani

Singh’s hands with an axe. This brutal act is supervised by a Mughal officer (on the right side of

Mani Singh) and Qazi (on the left side of the executioner). The Mughal officer wears a blue

conical pagri, blue kurta-pyjama, jutti and a scabbard covered sword on his left waist. The Qazi

wears a conical yellow-green pagri, a green kurta-pyjama, jutti and three beads of strings on his

neck. The other Muslims (the public) watch this execution. Mani Singh wears a white kachhera.

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He has a big flowing white beard, and long hair has knotted a bun on the top of his head. He

looks at the eyes of his executioner. The other Sikhs are waiting for their turn. They stand in a

queue near the archway on the far-right side of the canvas. These Sikhs wear a kachhera (which

covers the area between the groin and thighs) with a scarf or a knee-length bana. All of these

Sikhs cover their heads with pagris. They are all barefooted.

In the flex print, the digital artist pushes the Mughal officer to the right corner of the flex

and the queue of Sikhs is placed between the archway and the Mughal officer. The colour of the

Qazi’s pyjama is now blue instead of green as is depicted in the original picture, and the three

strings of beads are missing. The background of the original canvas (fig.15) is dark and

monochromatic. This flex is colourful and brighter than the old one.

The next flex print is on the martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh (fig.86. first row). It is also

an improvised version of Kripan Singh’s original oil canvas, that was painted in 1956, which is

displayed at the Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar. The Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage

Multimedia Museum’s version is brighter and more colourful than the original one. The original

version is dark and monochromatic. In the original version, three main characters are there – the

executioner, Bhai Taru Singh and the Mughal officer. Taru Singh’s skull is cut off by the

executioner. Bhai Taru Singh sits on the ground. His left leg is bent. His weight is supported by

his left hand. In this flex print, more characters have been added. For instance, a Mughal armed

guard is added on the left side of the executioner. In the original painting, an amulet is worn by

the executioner, which is missing in the flex print.

The martyrdom of Bhai Subeg Singh on the flex (fig.86.second row), is the printed

version of the original oil painting of Kripal Singh (fig.17), which was painted in 1957, and is

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now exhibited at the Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar. Subeg Singh was tied on the wheel and

martyred in 1945, by the order of Yahiya Khan, the son and successor of Zakarya Khan, who

was then the governor of Lahore. The digital artist changes only the brightness of the original

painting without any improvisation.

Two short movies, on the Shahidi of Guru Teg Bahadur (fig.87) and Chhote Sahibzadas

(fig.88) Baba Zorawar Singh and Baba Fateh Singh, the two sons of Guru Gobind Sing, are also

shown at the museum gallery along with the murals and printed flexes. These two movies narrate

the terrorizing tale of the state’s brutality (of the Mughals) and of the sacrifices of the Guru Teg

Bahadur and younger sons of Guru Gobind Singh. The tradition of sacrifice has been celebrated

with pride. This museum also has an auditorium where the Sikh Shahidi short movies are

premiered. These movies narrate the tradition of the Shahidi chronologically starting with Guru

Arjan Dev to Guru Teg Bahadur and his followers and include the four sons of Guru Gobind

Singh. The objectives of the Sikh Shahidi movies are - a) to create a distinct Shahidi tradition

from Islam – not for the sake of spreading the religion forcefully like Islam, but as a resistance

for the protection of the religious rites of both the Sikhs and Hindus, b) to create a distinct

identity that is separated from the Hindus as a race of fearless Singhs or Lions, c) to create a

sense of pride amongst the youths in the Sikh community for their predecessors and d) to educate

the Sikh youths about their duties – religious, moral, cultural and national (Sikh-nationhood).

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 4. 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or 1984 Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj
Sahib in Delhi

The 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or the 1984 Martyrs’ Memorial (fig.89), inaugurated on

January 15, 2017, by the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee, at the Gurdwara

Rakabganj Sahib in New Delhi, is built to remember the massacre of the Sikhs in Delhi, Kanpur

and other cities after the assassination of the reigning Prime Minister, Srimati Indira Gandhi, by

her two Sikh bodyguards. Her death led to anti-Sikh riots which were condoned and encouraged

by the Congress-led government, its ministers and leaders. It is known as Katleyam or massacre

amongst the Sikhs. This memorial and museum displays the press-photographs of the 1984 anti-

Sikh riots (fig.90 and 91) in Delhi and its neighbouring places, the names of the victims (fig.92

and 93), the installation of sculptures (fig.94-97) to commemorate the death of three thousand

Sikhs. It is seen as a stage in which the Hindus became the contemporary enemies of the Sikh

community and India as a state became the neo- oppressor of the Sikh community like the

oppressing Mughal Empire.

Two press-photographs (fig.90 and 91), give a visual witness of the lawlessness and the

violation of human rights against the Sikh community in November 1984 Delhi. Anoop Asthana

took these photographs. The organised armed mobs attacked the Sikhs – burnt and looted their

properties, and raped and killed their women. Sikh scholars like Harjot Oberoi (Oberoi 2001,

186-206), gave a detailed account of mass-killing of the Sikhs in November 1984, after the

assassination of Prime Minister Srimati Indira Gandhi by her two Sikh bodyguards. The leaders

of the Indian National Congress wanted to take revenge against the unarmed and innocent Sikhs

for the Khalistani militancy in the Punjab and the murder of Srimati Gandhi in Delhi. Oberoi said

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that it was an act of teaching a lesson to the Sikh community by the process of organised

violence. These two black and white press photographs bear witness to the 1984 violence.

The first one (fig.90) is a visual documentation of the lawlessness and anarchy in the

nation. Sikh men were mercilessly burnt alive. The tyres were put on the necks of the Sikhs, after

which kerosene was poured on them and finally they were set on fire by the armed cadets of the

Congress leaders. It is a street scene in Delhi, in which a burning bike is sketched in the centre of

the image. Three policemen are shown inspecting the area while the public is reluctantly

watching whatever is taking place. The burning motorcycle may be a symbol of those Sikhs who

were burnt alive in the presence of the police in 1984. The police were mute spectators and

supported the rioters to kill, burn, rape and loot the Sikhs.

The second photograph (fig.91) is a scene that shows the riot-victims’ camp in Delhi, in

which a Sikh man is crying. His turban has been opened and his hair is set loose – not covered by

the iconic pagri. He raises his two arms in the air in despair. He wears a full-sleeved white shirt

and a kara on his right wrist. Beside him, an old lady (on the extreme left), a middle-aged

woman (second left), a teenage girl (second right) and a boy (first right) are also shown in this

photograph. The old lady wears glasses, and she looks at the Sikh man. The middle-aged woman

covers her head and body with a shawl and looks down. The teenage girl is also covered with a

shawl like the middle-aged women while the boy wears a white shirt and looks at the man. They

might be a family in which this man is the probable head of the family; the old lady may be his

mother, the second woman may be his wife, and the two teenagers may be his children. In the

orthodox Sikh society, men do not usually cry in public and never leave their head uncovered. In

a very masculine community, a crying man is the symbol of an effeminate person, while the

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Sikhs have a religious obligation of covering their heads. Therefore, it is a photographic

document of the riot that had affected that Sikh family.

In this memorial museum, some panels are reserved to commemorate the names of the

1984 riot victims (fig.92 and 93). These panels give a brief detail about the victims – mentioning

their name, father’s name and address. There are four installation – sculptures (fig.94-97)

commemorating the three days of Sikh massacre, placed on triangular, low platforms. The titles

of the installation-sculptures are – Humanity (fig.94 and 96), Equality (fig.95), Tolerance

(fig.97). There are two installation-sculptures are called Humanity. The first (fig.94) one shows a

globe with the map of the world, and two human hands which may symbolise the human

civilisation. The globe is made of iron rods and a copper plate is fixed on it. This copper plate

has given it a shape resembling that of the world map. Two arms of a human being constructed

in iron hold the globe – symbolising world humanity. The second one is (fig.96) a metal bowl set

which has been placed on a low stool.

The next one (fig.95) is a model showing balance scales or beam balances which

symbolise justice. The Roman Goddess, Justitia is equivalent to the Greek Goddess Themis and

Dike. These scales of balance symbolise all of these goddesses. In the modern judicial system,

the moral force is personified by Lady Justice, who holds a balance scale in her right hand. She is

blindfolded and is shown holding a sword of justice in her left hand. Therefore, this iconic

sculpture symbolises the judiciary system and the Constitution of India. The law of this land has

given equal rights and status to every citizen in India. Thus, equality and justice are

complementary to one another in the Indian judicial system. Armed hooligans of the Congress,

the police, the judiciary and other state institutions, murdered the soul of the Constitution in

November 1984.

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 The last one depicts (fig.97) tolerance. It is a combination of three rectangular boxes that

have been balanced on a pyramidal object. In a modern secular democracy, tolerance is essential

for all citizens in a multicultural, multilingual and multireligious nation-state like India.

Tolerance is like invisible strings which create a pearl necklace. It binds all of the citizens of a

nation from different identities – class, caste, religion, language and region as one single entity.

Therefore, the displayed press-photographs, sculptural installations and the names of the

victims symbolise the absence of justice, law, humanity and equality in the Hindu dominated

Indian society in November 1984. It can be considered as rectifying if all of the perpetrators get

equal punishment for misusing the state’s institutions and violently targeting the Sikh

community.

This memorial has a very modern and minimalistic style. It seems to be made on a

different aesthetic basis in places like the Central Sikh Museum and Bhai Mati Das Museum.

The displayed objects are prints from press-photographs, texts and installation-sculptures. The

story of the displayed objects is also different from other Sikh museums. This museum objects

commemorating the martyrs of the Holocaust in the recent past, not the ones from the mediaeval

period.

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 5. The Open-Air Sculpture Gallery and Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum at Gurdwara
Sri Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana

The open-air sculpture gallery (fig.98) and Sikh Ajaibghar or the Sikh museum of

Gurdwara Sri Mehdiana Sahib (fig.99) in Ludhiana, was opened in the late 1980s by Jora Singh

Lakha. The Jathedar of Gurdwara Sri Mehdiana Sahib took the significant initiative to renovate

the building in 1972. He wanted to make this gurdwara as a centre of attention. For his effort, a

museum and an open-aired sculpture gallery had been opened inside the gurdwara complex.

Visitors can see the oil canvas of Kripal Singh, Devinder Singh and Jarnail Singh of 1980s at the

Sikh Ajaibghar. Some of the oil canvases of Jarnail Singh (fig.100) were the copied versions of

Kripal Singh. Jarnail Singh acknowledged Kripal Singh as his inspirational source for these

paintings. He mentioned Kripal Singh’s name on those canvases during providing his signature.

This canvas painting narrates the story of Baba Dip Singh at the battlefield. He is shown fighting

against the Mughals with just his shield and khanda. He wears a knee-length blue bana, a

yellow kamar-kasa, a blue taksali-parna, jutti and his armour. He has a long flowing white beard

and a moustache. He looks at his opponent, awfully. Other Sikh soldiers are fighting with spears.

I did not find the original painting of Kripal Singh. Therefore I have inadequate information to

furnish and to discuss the similarities and dissimilarities between original and copied version.

Visitors can also see the ferroconcrete made life-size grouped sculptures of Tara Singh

Raikot, Banda Singh Ludhiana and Iqbal Singh Manuka Gill, Samsher Singh Lakha, Mohan

Singh Malla, Sohan Singh Panesar Malla, Gurmit Singh Lakha, that were created between the

1990s and 2005, in the open-air sculpture gallery inside the campus of this Gurdwara. Some of

these dramatic grouped sculptures on martyrs of the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries

were copied version of the oil canvases of Kripal Singh such as the martyrdom of Bhai Dayala

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(fig.8), the martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das (fig.9 and 10), the martyrdom of Baba Banda Singh

Bahadur (fig.14), the martyrdom of Bhai Mani Singh (fig.15), the martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh

(fig.16), the martyrdom of Bhai Subeg Singh (fig.17), the captivity of Sikh women (fig.22), and

Devinder Singh’s martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas (fig.120). The original oil canvases of Kripal

Singh, painted between the 1950s and 1984, are now displayed at the Central Sikh Museum in

Amritsar, the Bhai Mati Das Museum in Delhi, while the original oil canvas on the martyrdom of

Chhote Sahibzadas of Devender Singh, painted in 1981, is now displayed at Sri Guru Teg

Bahadur Sikh Museum in Anandpur Sahib. The copied versions of the sculptures are the

martyrdom of Bhai Dayala (fig.36), the martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das (fig.), the martyrdom of

Baba Banda Singh Bahadur (fig.33), the martyrdom of Mani Singh (fig.32), the martyrdom of

Bhai Taru Singh (fig.34), the martyrdom of Bhai Subeg Singh (fig.101) and the captive Sikh

women (fig.35). The sculptures of Bhai Mati Das and Bhai Dayala, were created by Banda Singh

Ludhiana and the rest were made by Tara Singh Raikot in the late 1990s. Tara Singh Raikot also

made the sculpture on the martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas (fig.102) which is the copied version

of Devender Singh’s oil painting (fig.120).

The subject of the group of sculptures was that of Sikh martyrdom, wars and the statues

of Sikh heroes from the seventeenth to the twentieth century, which starts from the Mughal era

and the Afghan invasion, to the British colonial period in the twentieth century. It covered the

story of the suffering of the companions of the Sikh Gurus, the sons of the Sikh Gurus, other

martyrs, the Sikh women who were made captive by the Afghans, the Sikh warriors, the Sikh

warlords and the Sikh freedom fighters like Udham Singh (fig103.) and Bhagat Singh (fig.104).

Tara Singh Raikot made these two sculptures in 1997. He was influenced by the two oil canvases

of Master Gurdit Singh, Udham Singh (fig.49) and the one depicting the imprisoned Bhagat

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Singh (fig.105). They are now displayed at the Central Sikh Museum. The face of the statue of

Udham Singh is a direct copy from Master Gurdit Singh’s oil canvas. Gurdit Singh’s painting is

of the bust of Udham Singh. It also has a similar figure that is bearded, has a moustache, and

wears a white pagri, a coat, tie and a shirt just like Master Gurdit Singh’s version. Another group

of statues worth noticing are those created by Tara Singh Raikot about the famous theme -

Bhagat Singh in prison. He sits on a charpai or a cot. His hands and legs are chained and

shackled. He holds a book. A water pitcher is placed under the bed. His two slippers are kept

near his feet. Beside Bhagat Singh, an older man is shown seated on a chair. This older man may

be his relative or father. He comes to meet him in prison.

In the Master Gurdit Singh version, this older man is not there. The other details are

similar like Bhagat Singh being chained and held captive in prison. He holds a book. He slips

his feet into his slippers. A water pitcher is placed next to him, which is drawn on the left corner

of the canvas.

Interestingly, some of the sculptures on medieval Sikh martyrs (those who were martyred

by the Mughal governor, general, officers and emperors between late seventeenth and eighteenth

century) were placed on top of the highest points of the (miniature version of Lal Qila or the Red

Fort of Delhi) pedestal. These statues are the copied versions of Kripal Singh’s oil canvases. The

background of some of the oil canvases of Kripal Singh such as the martyrdom of Bhai Dayala

(fig.8), the martyrdom of Bhai Mai Das (fig.10) and the martyrdom of Baba Banda Singh

Bahadur (fig.14) which were painted in 1984 was consistently the Red Fort of Delhi. It was used

symbolically by Kripal Singh to show the oppression and brutality of the state when they dealt

with the Sikhs. The Mehdiana version of the sculptures of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur (fig.33),

Bhai Taru Singh (fig.34), Bhai Dayala (fig.36), Bhai Mati Das (fig.37) and Bhai Subeg Singh

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(fig.101) were placed on top of the highest pedestals which look like a miniature version of the

Red Fort of Delhi.

The Red Fort or Lal Qila is a symbol of oppression. It was the residence of the Mughal

emperors after which it became the seat of the Republic of India. The Mehdiana Sahib’s groups

of sculptures are an example of transmediality of the canvases of Kripal Singh and Devinder

Singh as well as copies of the prototype of the established standard martyrdom visual language

of Shahidi-Tasveeran (It has already been elaborately explained and discussed in section VIII.B

of Chapter 1). The short captions of each of the grouped sculptures and oil canvases have given a

brief detail of the Sikh Shahidi history.

6. Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum in Mohali

Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum (fig.106) at Mohali has also followed the same

objectives of designing an open-aired sculpture galley at the Gurdwara Mehdiana Sahib. The

only difference is the sculptures of this museum are exhibited in a closed gallery not in open-air

complex. It was opened in 2005 by Parwinder Singh. He is the master artist, manager and

founder of this museum. It also has sculptures that tell the visual metanarrative of the Sikh

Shahidi of Bhai Mati Das (fig.107), Bhai Mani Singh (fig.108), Bhai Taru Singh (fig.109), Bhai

Subeg Singh (fig.110), Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh

(fig.111) and Baba Dip Singh (fig.112). All of these sculptures are made of fibreglass. These

sculptures are also an example of transmediality of the oil canvases and the copied prototypes of

Kripal Singh’s depiction of the martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das (fig.9), the martyrdom of Bhai

Mani Singh (fig.15), the martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh (fig.16), the martyrdom of Bhai Subeg

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Singh (fig.17), Devender Singh’s depiction of the martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas (fig.120) and

G.S Sohan Singh’s presentation of the martyrdom of Baba Dip Singh (fig.38).

The arrangement of all of these sculptures did not follow the chronology of history like

other Sikh museums’ galleries did. The exhibited sculptures of this museum created a collection

of remembrance of different moments of Sikh history. The short captions of each grouped

sculptures have given a brief detail of the Sikh Shahidi history.

7. Sikhi Siddhanta de Adharit Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum Based on the Teaching
of Sikhism at Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib Bhai

Recently, a museum has been opened within the complex of the Gurdwara Takht Sri

Kesgarh Sahib at Anandpur Sahib. It is known as Sikhi Siddhanta de Adharit Sikh Ajaibghar or

Sikh Museum based on the Teaching of Sikhism (fig.113). It displays oil canvases, which were

drawn by Veer Devinder Singh, promoted by the Sikh Missionary College, advocating the Sikh

propaganda of how to become a good Sikh and follow the right path of Sikhi or Sikh dharam.

These canvases tell a metanarrative of the true path of Sikhism – a) following only gurdwara,

Guru’s teaching or Gurmat and Guru Granth Sahib, b) condemning polytheism – idol worship,

rejecting the veneration of the cenotaphs of Peer or Islamic saint, astrology and participating in

any of the non-Sikh religious rituals and festivals, c) suggesting the growth of a beard,

moustache and hair, d) wearing only pagri instead of a cap, e) Sikh women must not go to

parlour, f) remembering the sacrifice of the Shahids, g) external identities for four major

religions – like Brahmins (Sikhs consider the Hindu religion to be controlled by the Brahmins,

that comprise the upper caste or the priestly caste in the Hindu caste hierarchy, – it is a

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Brahmanical supremacy religion) have Janeu or the scared thread, tilak or red mark on forehead

and shikha or a small plated hair. Muslims have long beards without a moustache and wear a

skull cap. Christians wear a coat, shirt, tie and a cross. Sikhs wear their pagri and kirpan and

have long uncut hair, beards and a moustache, h) have the habit of taking care of old parents, i)

advising others not to have alcohols and drugs , j) condemning extra-marital affairs (Hindu

women are shown as tempting Sikh men) and k) Brahmins and Benias (mercantile caste of India)

exploiting the Sikhs.

These canvases are extremely misogynistic, anti-women, anti-Hindu, anti-Brahmin and

anti-Bania. These were painted between 1998 and 2002. I shall discuss two of them in this

section which expresses mainstream Sikh psyche of anxiety against Hindus, especially against

the Brahmins and the Banias. His misogynistic, anti-women and anti-Brahmin narratives show

the mistrust between the Sikhs and the Hindus.

Two of the displayed oil canvases propagate anti-Hindu, anti-Brahmin and anti-Bania

sentiments amongst the Sikh pilgrims. The first canvas of this group (fig.114), shows non-Sikh

women are like a poisonous snake which can destroy the virtue of a Sikh man. Sikhs are advised

to be loyal to their wives and keep a distance from non-Sikh (Hindu) women. A religious Sikh

woman wears traditional Punjabi attire with her body fully covered by the salwar-kameez and

dupatta. Post-1984, Sikh terrorist organisations asked Sikh women not to wear sarees.

According to their logic, it exposes the body of women and promotes vulgarity (Singh 2002,

160). These terrorist organisations also banned wearing pants and skirts for girl students (Singh

2002, 154). They also banned applying sindhoor or vermilion. These were strategies to make

Sikh women look different from Hindu women of Punjab (Singh 2002, 160). Therefore saree

clad women with bindi or red dot on forehead and sindhoor symbolise only Hindu women. It

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portrays Hindu-women as a class of lustful, polyandrous, immoral creatures, who are not

trustworthy. They try to destroy the virtue of Sikh men. Sikh men are advised to marry Sikh

women and not to go to Hindu women for sexual pleasure.

The second canvas of this group (fig.115) shows how dubious Brahmins spiritually

corrupt the mind of Sikhs while the Banias economically exploit the Sikhs. This narrative canvas

explains how the Brahmins and the Banias corrupt and exploit the mind of the Singhs. The

Brahmins keep the Sikhs away from the true dharam of the Guru Granth Sahib and lead them to

the path of untruth and corruption that is manifested as idol worship, believing in astrology,

revering a human guru and indulging in non-Sikh festivals like Lohri, while Banias fool and

economically exploit them. Brahmins want to control the mind of the Singhs (meaning Sikhs)

while the Banias grab the money that belongs to the Singhs. The Brahmins and the Banias lure

them to move away from the teachings of Sikhism. They become ‘patit’ - fallen from Sikhism.

They may wear pagri and have a beard and moustache. Externally they look like a Sikh but are

not Sikhs anymore. They are like a donkey wearing a lion’s (the last name of every Sikh is

Singh, meaning lion) skin.

B) Public Museums

The provincial government of Punjab has also taken the initiative of opening the Public

museums on Sikh history. The government hired painters, graphic artists, and multimedia artists

for the purpose of decorating and displaying art in the museum’s gallery. Two of them are the Sri

Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum and Virasat-e-Khalsa in Anandpur Sahib, the centre of Khalsa

panth.

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 1. Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib
in Anandpur Sahib

The Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum (fig.116) was opened in 1983 to commemorate

the martyrdom of the ninth Sikh Guru, Teg Bahadur at Anandpur Sahib, with the help of the

Punjab government. It displays the Sikh historical paintings, the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev

(fig.117), the imprisoned Guru Teg Bahadur (fig.28), the martyrdom of the companions of Guru

Teg Bahadur viz. Bhai Dayala (fig.25), Bhai Mati Das (fig.26), Bhai Sati Das (fig.27), Chhote

Sahibzadas (Baba Fateh Singh and Zorawar Singh) and Mata Gujri Devi who were imprisoned at

Sirhind Fort (fig.118), Chhote Sahibzadas at Nawab Wazir Khan’s Court (fig.119), the

martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas (fig.120), the birth of the Khalsa (fig.121) and other martyrs

and warriors. The paintings were created by three founder-artists of the Central Sikh Museum in

Amritsar - Kripal Singh, Jaswant Singh and Devinder Singh.

As it has already been discussed in section VIII.B of Chapter 1, most of the important

martyrdom prototypes were standardised by Kripal Singh in his Central Sikh Museum canvases

and then in the revised version canvases of Bhai Mati Das. He was also influenced by his two

colleagues and followers, Jaswant Singh and Devender Singh. He has used the visual prototypes

of these two painters which are presently displayed at this museum on topics such as the

martyrdom of Bhai Dayala (fig.25), the martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das (fig.26), the martyrdom of

Bhai Sati Das (fig.27) and the imprisoned Guru Teg Bahadur (fig.28). We also view this trend in

some of his revised canvases such as the martyrdom of Bhai Dayala (fig.10), the martyrdom of

Bhai Mati Das (fig.11) and the martyrdom of Bhai Sati Das (fig.12).

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 Devender Singh’s three oil canvas - Chhote Sahibzadas and Mata Gujri Devi who were

imprisoned at Sirhind Fort (fig.118), Chhote Sahibzadas at Nawab Wazir Khan’s Court (fig.119)

and the martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas (fig.120) are a series of paintings on the life of Chhote

Sahibzadas, Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh. They were imprisoned by Wazir Khan,

the Nawab of Sirhind in the cold room of the fort.

In the fig. 118, Fateh Singh and Zorawar Singh have been shown as imprisoned with their

grandmother Mata Gujri Devi in the pillared and cold room of the Sirhind fort. The sky is dusky

grey and viewers can see the Mughal- inspired architectural buildings in the distance. Even the

colour of the tower is grey. Fateh Singh and Zorawar Singh wear a yellow jama, a white pyjama,

a yellow pagri with a blue tail and their Gujri Devi covers her body with a white shawl. Here,

Baba Fateh Singh sits on his grandmother’s lap and Baba Zorawar sits beside her. They sit in a

cluster and show their passion while they are conversing. The glances are very important in this

painting. Baba Zorawar looks at his grandmother while Baba Fateh Singh and Mata Gujri Devi

looking downwards towards the area outside (on the left side of the canvas). This painting was

later copied by Devender Singh, with little modification in an illustration (fig.142) that can be

found in a book for children, titled, Supreme Sacrifice of Young Souls: The Martyrdom of the

Younger Sahibzadas. It has been discussed in details and with comparison in the illustration in

Section III of Chapter 3.

The next painting is Chhote Sahibzadas at Nawab Wazir Khan’s Court (fig.119). In this

painting, Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh are raising both of their hands in the air

which shows their disagreement at the court of Nawab Wazir Khan. Wazir Khan, is shown

sitting on the royal throne, and is placed in the far right corner of the canvas. He wears a full

sleeved pink jama, a blue pagri with a kalgi. He rests his left hand on the pillow while raising his

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right hand. His anger is shown by his awful expression. His courtiers and armed guards are

placed on the far middle ground. They look at the Nawab and are waiting for his decision. The

background details – like the pillars, arches of the doorways, and curtains, bear witness to the

fact that it is a court of a provincial governor of the Mughal Empire. Later, this oil painting was

used by Devender Singh in his book illustration (fig.143) of Supreme Sacrifice of Young Souls:

The Martyrdom of the Younger Sahibzadas.

The third canvas of this series is on the martyrdom of the Chhote Sahibzadas (fig.120).

The boys are bricked alive for refusing to embrace Islam. In the picture, the masons have already

built a wall as high as their waists. The boys have raised their right arms. Both the Qazi (on the

left side of the canvas) and the Nawab (on the right side of the canvas) offer them a choice of

either accepting Islam or choosing death. Devender Singh has also copied this visual element in

another book illustration (fig.144) that has been found in Supreme Sacrifice of Young Souls: The

Martyrdom of the Younger Sahibzadas. Details about these three book illustrations have been

discussed in section III of Chapter 3.

Kripal Singh’s Birth of Khalsa (fig.121) is a narrative oil canvas in which Guru Gobind

Singh gives amrit to panj payare or the five beloved. He wears a blue kurta, a white pyjama, a

blue pagri with a chakkar, a yellow kamar-kasa, and a scabbard covered sword. He holds an

iron bowl with his left hand, while offering amrit with his right hand to the panj payare. The

panj pyare each wear a blue bana, a white kachhera, a blue pagri with a chakkar, and a yellow

kamar-kasa. They are shown kneeling on the ground. Mata Sahib Kaur sits beside Guru Gobind

Singh on a white mat. She covers her body with a honey-yellow coloured shawl. The other Sikhs

are waiting to be baptised and are sitting in queue. Kripal Singh painted another painting on the

Birth of Khalsa (fig.79) in 1984 for the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee. It is now

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exhibited at the Bhai Mati Das Museum. This oil painting may be the second part of the fig. 121.

In fig.121, Guru Gobind Singh baptised his five selected Sikhs while fig.79 shows Guru Gobind

Singh takes amrit from his baptised Sikhs. Therefore it is the second part of the Birth of Khalsa.

This second part of the Birth of Khalsa was later copied by Amolak Singh in his book illustration

(fig.137-1st row) for the Ardas booklet. (It will be further discussed in detail in section III of

Chapter 3).

The oil canvas of Jaswant Singh (fig.117) also influenced Gurvinderpal Singh when he

visualised the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev. Later, the Gurvinderpal Singh version (fig.82)

(displayed at the Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar) was also copied by Amolak Singh (fig.81)

and then displayed as a flex print at the Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum

in Delhi (It has already been discussed in the Baba Baghel Singh Museum section II.A.3 of

Chapter 3).

2. Virasat-E-Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh
Sahib in Anandpur Sahib

Virasat-E-Khalsa or the Khalsa Heritage Centre (fig.122) was opened on April 13, 1999,

at Anandpur Sahib, near the Gurdwara Takht Kesgarh Sahib, to commemorate the tercentenary

celebration of the birth of the Khalsa. It is mainly a multimedia museum. Its chief architect is the

American Jewish architect, Moshe Safdie. The architecture and the objectives of the museum

follow the Holocaust Memorial Museum in Jerusalem. The objective of this museum is to

display the suffering of the Sikh community from its birth to contemporary times. The displayed

exhibited in the museum’s galleries are organised by Amardeep Bahl and his team. The museum

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does not acknowledge the names of the artists who work on wall paintings, murals, models,

statues and posters. The wave of Islamophobia transfers into Hinduphobia (Brahmin hate). The

problem of the 1980s is intelligently overlooked (because narratives ended in 1948). The

museum tells the history through a combination of narrative texts, murals, wall hangings,

paintings, reliefs, sculptures, press photographs, newspaper cuttings, maps, audio-visual clips

with continual audio narratives. The visitors get an audio device which automatically works. The

audio starts to narrate the story when the visitors stand close to the exhibited items. Visitors

experience the multiple mediums of narration and visuals – texts, murals, paintings, wall

hangings, wall paintings, reliefs, sculptures, photographs, newspapers, maps etc.

The story of the Khalsa does not begin from the birth of the Khalsa by Guru Gobind

Singh; it starts from the fifteenth century, during the reign of the Lodhi Sultanate (fig.123). It

was time when the Punjabi society was in great turmoil. Strict caste hierarchy, polytheism and

the suppression of women were the dark social customs of that time (fig.124). In a wall painting

and through cut-figure models, they show the story of the Hindu customs. The Brahmins or the

priestly caste had the highest position in the Hindu caste hierarchy. They were busy with

religious rituals- rights and image worship. Society followed orthodoxy and dogmas. In this

mural, a Brahmin priest is shown wearing a red dhoti and uttariya, performing arti or the fire

ritual in front of idol of Sri Krishna. Sri Krishna is placed inside the temple whose roof is

triangular. He also wears two rudraksha-malas on his neck, two rudraksha amulets and one

rudraksha bracelet on each wrist. His hair is tied into a bun behind his head. He has moustaches.

Another priest, in a black dhoti and uttariya, is also doing arti. He wears three rudraksha-malas

on his neck, two rudraksha amulets and one rudraksha bracelet on each wrist. The other men are

playing the drums and kartal or cymbal. The wall of the temple is decorated with the Raslila of

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Krishna. Through this image the storyteller wants to describe the Punjabi society before

Sikhism’s advent. It was a dark age of idol-worship, caste hierarchy and religious dogma and

orthodoxy.

Women were deemed to be impure during her menstruation and after giving birth to a

child (fig.123). They were forced to be set ablaze with their dead husbands (fig.125). In this wall

painting, the storyteller shows a widow is forced to sit on the pyre of her deceased husband. Her

dead husband is lying on the pyre. She sits on it in the padmasana posture and closed her palms

in the anjali mudra. Fire is emanating from the pyre. A river is painted in front her pyre. It

indicates she is sitting in the cremation ground. In the Hindu orthodox society, women are not

allowed in the cremation ground. She gets permission only when she will die or wants to be a

Sati (which was more about violence, drugging, beating the woman, making her unconscious and

murder, rather than consensual death).

The pre-Sikhism society of the Punjab has been discussed through the display of posters,

wall paintings and with small models and audio-narratives. Visitors could read the statements on

the posters at the gallery where it gives a brief detail about the history, and then narrates the

history through models and wall paintings. The visitors are also provided with an audio-device

which tells the historical story. Therefore visitors could understand the history though text,

visuals and audio narrative.

Then the mythology of Sikhism proceeds with successive Sikh Gurus, starting with Guru

Nanak and terminating with the stories of Guru Gobind Singh. In this process, Hinduism and

Islam are demonised in order to establish the novelty of Sikhism. Brahmins are projected as the

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root cause of social disparity, injustice and polytheism, while the Muslims are brutal genocidal

rulers, invaders, oppressors, mass-murderers, intoxicators and forceful converters.

.One of the walls hangings is depicting the story of Guru Nanak’s religious journey –

Udasi. It is (fig.126) hung from the ceiling. The image is stitched and painted on a white cloth.

Guru Nanak Dev is placed almost in the centre of this image. He sits on a decorated mat under

the shade of a banyan tree. He supports his back with the help of a cushion which is decorated

with repetitive circular designs. He places his left arm on the mat and holds a rosary in his right

hand. He wears a long jama, a topi or cap, four strings of pearls around his neck and a decorated

shawl with triangular designs, which covers his two shoulders. He has a white beard and a

moustache. A circular nimbus or a halo is placed behind his head, which indicates his holiness

and the enlightenment that he had achieved through meditation which spreads like sunlight. He

has a small tilak on his forehead. His face is in a three-quarter view, while the body is frontal.

His two eyes are open, and the glances in a downward direction.

On the left side of the image, is Bhai Mardana, a Muslim companion of Guruji. He sits on

a small decorated mat. He is in profile view. He plays the rabab or a string instrument. He wears

an Islamic conical pagri. He has a beard and a moustache. On the right is Bhai Bala, who stands

next to Guruji and is portrayed fanning him with his chamar or fly-whisk. A mat decorated with

string designs is placed near him, which is also placed in the same direction in which Bala’s mat

has been placed. The rocks and plants are placed at the bottom of the image. This image is

bordered with decorations and intricate floral designs like the hasia or floral designs of a Mughal

miniature painting

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 This wall hanging remind me of the oil painting of Sobha Singh (fig.2), which is

exhibited at the Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar, where Guru Nanak Dev sits beneath the shade

of a banyan tree along with his two companions – Bhai Bala and Bhai Mardana. The sitting

posture of Guru Nanak is the same – he also rests his left arm on the mat and holds a rosary in

his right hand. In this Virasat-e-Khalsa version, he holds the rosary instead of a rose. In the

Central Sikh Museum version, Guru Nanak Dev’s eyes are almost closed. He does not wear any

tilak on his forehead. He wears a pagri instead of a topi. In the Virasat-e-Khalsa version,

Guruji’s eyes are opened. He has a tilak. The two versions have the same kinds of jama and

shawl, but the only difference is that the Virasat-e-Khalsa version is decorated, and the Central

Sikh Museum version is without any decorations and designs.

In the Virasat-e-Khalsa version, Bhai Mardana and Bhai Bala are set in the upper part of

the image, like the miniature format of India where the main character is painted in the centre

and the other minor characters are placed on both sides in a diminishing scale – arranged

vertically, while in the Central Sikh Museum version, all of them sit side by side and appear to

be of the same size and level. In the Virasat-e-Khalsa version, Bhai Bala is standing and fanning

Guruji with a fly-whisk while in the Central Sikh Museum version, Bhai Bala sits on the right

side of the canvas and is drawn fanning Guruji with a peacock feathered-fan.

Two Sikh Gurus, the fifth guru, Arjan Dev and the ninth guru, Teg Bahadur along with

three companions – Bhai Dayala, Bhai Mati Das and Bhai Sati Das, were martyred by the

Mughal emperors, Jahangir and Aurangzeb respectively. These two stories of torture, sacrifice,

and the triumph of novelty over brutality have been narrated in a short movie (fig.127). After the

execution of Guru Teg Bahadur, his son Guru Gobind Rai became the successor of the Guruship.

He militarised his followers and established the Khalsa Panth. He suggested that his Sikh

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followers were to be weapon bearers and were struggling against the oppressors for religious and

political sovereignty. The short movie on the martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur is the same as the

movie on the martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur at the Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage

Multimedia Museum.

In relief, the artist narrates the story of the Birth of Khalsa (fig.128). The story of the

Birth of Khalsa has been sculpted in a big rectangular stone. The image area is divided into two

parts – a) Baptism of Panj-Pyare or the Five Beloveds by Guru Gobind Singh and b) Guru

Gobind Singh taking amrit from baptised Panj-Pyare. In the centre of the relief work, a bowl

with khanda is placed. Amrit or holy water for baptism is prepared in an iron bowl by khanda.

The circular lines create an illusion of the ground – the circle is the symbol of formlessness of

Waheguru or God and the never-ending process of creation. The chakkar and kara are the

symbols of the formlessness of God and the never-ending process of creation by God.

On the left side of this relief work, five kneeled men receive the amrit from Guru Gobind

Singh Maharaj. All of these five men have long flowing beards and moustaches, scabbard cover

sword. They wear a knee-length full sleeve jama, a tight pyjama, a kamar-kasa and a rounded

taksali-parna pagri. They kneel on the ground and their hands are in the anjali mudra. Guru

Gobind Singh holds a bowl in his left hand and gives amrit to his followers. He wears a knee-

length jama, a tight pyjama, a kamar-kasa, a pagri with a kalgi, four strings of pearls around his

neck and a kripan. He has a circular disk-like nimbus behind his head. All of them are barefoot.

On the right side of the relief, Guru Gobind Singh receives amrit from his Panj-Pyare.

These two images of baptism are similar to the two oil paintings of Kripal Singh (fig.121

and 79). These two oil canvases were painted by Kripal Singh for two different museums –

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fig.121, painted in 1981, for the Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum and fig.79, painted in 1984,

for the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee and recently exhibited at the Bhai Mati

Das Museum.

In the fig, 121, Kripal Singh shows how Guru Gobind Singh baptizes the Panj-Pyare by

giving holy water (amrit) from his bowl. He holds the bowl in his left hand. Guru Gobind Singh

wears a knee-length blue full sleeved jama, a tight white pyjama, a honey-yellow kamar-kasa, a

blue taksali-parna with chakkar, a honey-yellow cartridge of scabbard cover sword. The Panj-

Pyare kneel on the ground and are each wearing a blue knee-length bana, a white kachhera, a

blue dumala with a chakkar, a honey-yellow kamar-kasa and a honey-yellow cartridge of

scabbard cover kripan. Guru Gobind Singh has a nimbus behind the head. Mata Sahib Kaur and

other Sikhs are also present in this painting.

In the fig. 79, Guru Gobind Singh receives amrit from the Panj-Pyare. He kneels on the

ground and his hands are in the anjali mudra. All of them wear the same colour and style of

clothes except the colour of the pyjama of Guru Gobind Singh is different. It is blue not white.

To compare this relief with the two oil paintings – one can find the similarity between

them. The Kripal Singh canvases were painted in 1981 and 1984, much before the Virasat-e-

Khalsa version. The artist of the Virasat-e-Khalsa may have copied the standardised visual

element of the Birth of Khalsa by Kripal Singh with some modification, like the elimination of

the figure of Mata Sahib Kaur and other Sikhs.

After Guru Gobind Singh’s story continues with the praising of the Sikh war militias or

misls, it never utters a word against the internal rivalry between these misls. Then it displays the

grandeur of Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s court and his justice. The plunder, destruction and

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annexation of small Rajput states by the Sikh Empire are marked as signs of peace and justice of

the Khalsa Raj. The end of the Khalsa Raj is the downfall of the sovereignty of the Sikhs. The

British Colonial rule is depicted as a resistance of the Sikhs in order to protect their religion,

culture and the sovereignty of the occupied Sikh state, while ironically the Sikh principalities and

royal families like Patiala, Nabha, Jind, Faridkot and Kapurthala were proponents of the British

Raj.

Many political and religious reform movements are included selectively for the sake of

praising only the Khalsa Sikhs. The contributions of Nirankari, Namdhari or Kukas and Singh

Sabha movements are prominently projected as the late nineteenth to early twentieth century’s

only Punjabi religious movements and they remain silent about other contemporary religious

movements like the Brahma Samaj, the Arya Samaj and the Hindu Maha Sabha of the Hindus

and the Muslim reform movements like Anjuman.

Sikh Gurdwara Reform movements by the Akalis are praised as the reformation brought

about by the soldiers of heaven. The sectorial conflict between neo-Khalsa Akali armed-groups

(ironically called peaceful agitators by Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee) with Udasi

Mahantas (who were actual caretakers of all Sikh temples) in the twentieth century, are

presented as dharam-yudh or religious war between true Sikh believers and the non-Sikh

believers’ delusions. It romanticises the sectorial conflict between the Akalis and Udasis to get

control over the Gurdwara Sri Nankana Sahib as dharam-yudh, and the dead Akalis are martyrs

of the Sikh Qaum. The inter-sectorial clash between the Akalis and Udasis are recreated with the

help of videos, posters, text, statuses and audio-narration.

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 Akalis have been presented as only a political organisation that fights against the

oppressive British Raj in the Punjab. The role of the Congress is overshadowed. The story ends

with the partition and India’s independence. The Hindus and the Muslims of the Punjab are

utterly missing in about six centuries of Khalsa narratives. The last gallery ended with the colour

of the Sikh festivals and Chardikala, the last two lines of the Ardas, “Nanak Nam Chardikala/

Tere Bhane Sarbat Da Bhala” (In the name of Nanak we seek prosperity for all).

The identity of the Punjab and the Punjabi cultural uniqueness are reduced into merely

the Khalsa identity. Other religious communities are demonised, especially the Hindus, for their

strict caste hierarchy, sati or self-cremation of the widow with their dead husbands, idolatry and

polytheism. The Muslims are portrayed as bigots, tyrants, oppressors and forcible converters.

The revenge of the Sikhs at Sirhind over the Muslims is celebrated. The destruction, plunder and

the loot of the Sikhs, under the leadership of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, are justified for the

brutal killing of Baba Zorawar Singh and Baba Fateh Singh, sons of Guru Gobind Singh, by the

order of Wazir Khan, the Nawab of Sirhind. The problems of the Sikh community like female

infanticide of the Khatris in Bedis and Sodhis and Jats (Oberoi 1995, 227-230), caste

discrimination of the Upper Sikhs (Khatris and Jats) against the Mazhabi Dalit Sikhs, drugs and

alcohol consumption of the contemporary Sikhs, are not discussed. Other sects of Sikhism are

entirely omitted from this grand Sikh (propaganda) Public museum.

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 C) Reception of the Images of Sikh Museums

All of these missionary and public museums construct a narrative of courage, bravery and

the suffering of the Sikh community, through the lens of the Khalsa ideals. The five external

Khalsa symbols or the five Ks are easily identified as are all of the brave martyrs who are known

as the Sikhs. The pain and sacrifice are epitomised as excellent strength and honour. The

paintings, audio-visual narratives, and the relics are the supporting elements that establish the

ideal character of a fearless Sikh and the martial race.

During my fieldwork in Delhi and the Punjab, I had interviewed (following a structured

questionnaire) more than twenty Sikhs from different castes, sects and socio-economic sections.

Interestingly, almost all of them denied any adoration of the image of the revered gurus, martyrs

and heroes. For them, these images of the gurus are just a visual document for remembering the

Sikh history. Even the curatorial note (fig.129) of the Bhai Mati Singh Museum of Delhi

condemns any image veneration. They are cautious and ask the Sikh pilgrims to avoid image

worship – offering garland or touching the feet of the Gurus in the images.

In reality, they worshipped and garlanded all of the images of their gurus in their private

Puja room, and even they touch the feet of the Gurus in those images. I had an opportunity to

participate and observe the Bandi Chhor Divas festival27 with a Sikh family in Delhi. I observed

27
Bandi Chhor Divas – Sikhs celebrates it to remember the release of Six Sikh Guru Hargobind Singh and fifty-two
Rajput Hindu kings from the small principalities in the foothills of Punjab from the prison of Mughal Emperor
Jahangir in 1619. It was the Diwali the festival of light for Hindus. Sikhs celebrate Diwali along with Hindus for the
remembrance of Guru Hargobind’s realise.

Emperor had imprisoned Guru Hargobind and fifty-two Rajput kings. Later Emperor decided to release Guru during
the festival of Diwali. Guru Hargobind asked Emperor that he would leave if the Emperor agreed to free all Rajput
kings also. Emperor agreed but said only those who could hold the edge of the garment of Guru would be allowed

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their rituals and was allowed to enter their private Puja room where the Guru Granth Sahib was

placed. The wall of this room was covered with the pictures of Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind

Singh. They had garlanded all of those pictures of the Gurus like the Hindus garlanded the

pictures of gods and goddesses. During my fieldwork in the Punjab, I had seen that the Sikh

devotees touched the feet of their gurus in the pictures like this photograph (fig.130). I had taken

this photograph in May 2018 at Gurdwara Shahida Sahib in Amritsar. It was a poster of Baba

Dip Singh. For Sikhs, images of gurus and Shahids are holy because a sense of emotional

sentiment has been attached to these images. The characters of Gurus, Shahids and heroes are

the inspirational source of their spirituality, morality and social behaviour. Thus, the pilgrims

enter into the museums and picture galleries of Sikh history by covering their head and

remaining barefoot like entering into the premises of the gurudwara. The ambience of the

missionary museum is like that of an alternative holy space for Sikhism. The picture gallery of a

missionary museum is educational as well as religious.

to release from prison. Emperor wanted to limit the number of prisoners. However, Guru had an article of clothing
which had fifty-two pieces of tails. Therefore all the kings were able to free along with Guru.

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 III) Illuminated Magazines, Booklets and Books

The Sikh missionaries like the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and the

Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee, build Sikh Ajaibghars or museums in the

important Sikh pilgrimage centres, and in some essential historical gurdwaras. These museums

display Sikh Historical paintings. These paintings tell the Sikh history chronologically. This is

one of the strategies of the Sikh institutions to educate Sikh youths and non-Sikhs about Sikhism.

The canvases, flexes, audio-visual narratives of the museums visualise the history of Sikhism

through the blood and sacrifices of martyrs. The sacrifice and valour stories of Sikh Gurus,

heroes and martyrs make them a unique religious community. The establishment of the distinct

identity of Sikhism is the primary intention of the Sikh Visual Culture.

These Sikh institutions also run schools, colleges, seminaries and printing presses for

propagating Sikhism. The Dharam Parchar Committee of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak

Committee in Amritsar, the Dharam Parchar Committee of the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara

Management Committee in Delhi and the Sikh Itihas Research Board or the Sikh History

Research Board of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee in Amritsar, publish

booklets, posters, calendars, religious magazines, books and comics on Sikh history and

biography of gurus, shahids and heroes. These booklets, posters, calendars, magazines, books

and comics contain pictures of gurus, shahids and heroes.

The Dharam Parchar Committee of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee

Amritsar publishes a monthly magazine named the Gurmat Prakash in Punjabi and Gurmati

Gyan in Hindi. It also publishes children’s books on the Sikh martyrs. The other Sikh institutions

that publish Sikh religious texts and pictures are B.Chattar Singh Jiwan Singh of Amritsar, Gyan

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Khand Media of Sangrur in the Punjab, Guru Tegh Bahadur Educational and Charitable Society

of Delhi, Singh Brothers of Amritsar and The Sikh University Press of Belgium. These

publishers hire professional artists, graphic designers, writers, text editors and researchers for the

purpose of visualising Sikh history in an attractive way for children and others.

The Dharam Parchar Committee publishes the monthly Sikh magazines Gurmat Prakash

in Punjabi and Gurmati Gyan in Hindi. The book illustrations, book covers and book jackets of

Gurmat Prakash and Gurmati Gyan have images of Gurus, Sikh festivals, historical gurdwaras

and Sikh shahids. I mainly study the pictures of Shahids. The Dharam Parchar Committee of

Amritsar publishes booklets, comics and magazines for the sake of propagating Sikhism. The

majority of the children’s books are the stories of the valour of Sikh martyrs.

The Dharam Parchar Committee published a booklet, Ardas (fig.131), in 2010, to

commemorating Sikh martyrs. It contains fifty illustrations along with the verses of the Sikh

prayer, Ardas in English translation. The cover page of this booklet is the image of the Sri

Darbar Sahib and its reflection on the water tank at Sri Harimandir Sahib Complex in Amritsar.

This shrine is considered as the holiest among other gurdwaras. The hymns of the second stanza

of the Ardas describe the torture, death and determination of Shahid gurus and their followers.

All of these illustrations have been created by Amolak Singh. Some of these illustrations are the

exact copy of the oil canvas of Sobha Singh, Kripal Singh, Devender Singh and Master Gurdit

Singh, which were painted between the 1950s and 1980s, and are now displayed at the Central

Sikh Museum in Amritsa , Bhai Mati Das Museum in Delhi and Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh

Museum in Anandpur Sahib. (Some of the Shahidi images of this booklet have already been

explained and discussed in details in section VIII.B of Chapter 1).

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 At the beginning of the ardas, the Sikh gurus are invoked. The book devotes several

pages to their portraits. The Sikh gurus are depicted with flowing beards and moustaches. Their

eyes are half-closed like they are in a state of meditation. All of them have a halo behind the

head. Guru Nanak (fig.132) is represented as an old ascetic. He wears a white jama or dress and

a blue shawl. His head is covered with a white turban- taksali-parna. He has a big flowing grey

moustache and a beard but his eyebrows are black. His eyes are half-closed and looking

downwards towards his heart. The background of this picture is blue like the sky during the day.

It is noteworthy that the artist could try to portray Guru Nanak Dev as a divine man who

descends from heaven and appears in the air for his followers.

We could feel this portrait is an attempt to copy the visual characterisation of Guru

Nanak Dev ji from the famous Mazhabi-Tasveeran painter Sobha Singh’s portrait of Guru Nanak

(fig.5) (It has already been discussed in detail in section VIII.A of Chapter 1 when explaining the

visual characterisation of Sikh gurus by Sobha Singh in his Mazhabi-Tasveeran portraits.),

painted in 1969, now displayed at Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar. His head is a little tilted on

the left side of the canvas. In Sobha Singh’s portrait, it shows the inner tranquillity, mental

stability and spirituality of the Guru Nanak Dev. His eyes are half closed and looking downwards

toward the heart. He has a big flowing grey beard and moustache. His two eye brows are black

like Amolak Singh’s Nanak. He wears a honey-yellow taksali-parna like pagri, a honey-yellow

jama and a blue shawl. A circular light like a halo (which symbolised his holiness) is painted

behind his head. The background of this portrait is the blue like the sky. The sky-coloured

background expresses his spirituality – a heavenly figure appearing in the sky to give Darshan or

holy sight to his Sikh followers. Two versions of the Guru Nanak portrait show similarity but the

only differences are – the colour of the jama and the pagri and the position of the head. The head

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of Guru Nanak Dev in Amolak Singh’s version is straight while in Sobha Singh’s version, it is a

little tilted toward the left side of the canvas. Therefore it can be proven that Amolak Singh’s

Guru Nanak is a copied version of Sobha Singh’s Guru Nanak portrait with little modification.

Guru Angad Dev, Guru Ram Das and Guru Arjan Dev are portrayed as young men while

Amar Das is drawn as an older man with a white-beard, moustache and eyebrows. The bust of

Guru Ram Das (fig.133) shows that he is a handsome young man with a big flowing beard and a

moustache. His two eyes are looking downwards - facing the left side of the page. A white ring

of light, bordered with a blue outer ring, is painted behind his head. He wears a white taksali-

parna, a white jama and a saffron shawl. His bust is illuminated by the sun in the sky as a god-

man appears in the air for his followers.

Amolak Singh painted an oil painting of Guru Ram Das (fig.134) on canvas in 1987. It is

now displayed at the Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar. In this painting Guru Ram Das sits on a

bed in a crossed-leg or padmasana posture, facing the left side of the canvas. A mauve coloured

pillow supports his back. He holds a rose in his left hand. He wears a long white jama, a light-

yellow shawl and a white taksali-parna. He has a big flowing black beard, a moustache and a

nimbus behind his head. His half-closed glances are exchanging with the viewers – he watches

over his beloved Sikhs. The background of this painting is a mauve curtain behind his figure and

a tiny space (on the far left side of the canvas) which shows an open courtyard (signified by a

pillar, some minor architecture in the distance and the blue sky). To compare the two versions of

the Amolak Singh’s Guru Amar Das portrait, one can easily find the similarities. Both of these

figures have shown the same physiognomic analogy in their attires. The differences are – a) the

Ardas version is a bust while the Central Sikh Museum’s version is a full-body portrait, b) the

colour of the shawl of the Ardas version is saffron while the Central Sikh Museum version is

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light-yellow, c) the Ardas version is facing the right side while the Central Sikh Museum version

faces the left side of the canvas. Hence it is proved that the Ardas version is a copied version of

the Central Sikh Museum version with some modifications and changes.

Guru Hargobind and Har Rai (fig.133- second and third of right page) are portrayed as

Kings wearing royal attires, blue turbans with an aigrette or kalgi, decorated with feathers and

pearls and having flowing beards and moustaches. They wear four strings of pearl beads. Both

of them have a nimbus behind their heads. Guru Hargobind wears a blue jama whose collar is

decorated with gold brocade. He also wears two stripes of cartridge around his two shoulders –

blue and red belts bordered with gold lining. Guru Hargobind wears a pink jama and a light-

yellow long overcoat. These are decorated with gold brocade on the collar and shoulder. Guru

Hargobind faces the left side while Har Rai appears on the right side of the page. Their eyes are

half-closed.

Amolak Singh painted two portraits on oil canvases for the Central Sikh Museum – Guru

Hargobind (fig.135) (painted in 1985) and Guru Har Rai (fig.136) (painted in 1989). In his

Central Sikh Museum version, Guru Hargobind sits on a low throne or singhasana decorated

with wing handles. He has two rings of light behind his head. His eyes are half-closed and he

faces the right side of the canvas. He wears a light mauve long jama. The edges of the sleeves

and the collar are decorated with gold brocaded designs. He wears a light blue kamar-kasa or

waistband and its edge is decorated with a golden border. He also wears a blue pagri with an

aigrette or kalgi and four strings of pearls around his neck. He wears two strips of cartridge

around his two shoulders – blue and light mauve coloured belts bordered with gold line. He

supports his back and left arm on a pillow. He holds a hawk in his right hand while holding a

sword covered with blue scabbard (whose handle is golden and body is decorated with golden

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designs) in his left hand. Another sword covered with a blue scabbard, bow and small kripan are

placed on a stool. There is a quiver with arrows near his throne. The two swords symbolise his

doctrine – Miri and Piri after the brutal execution of his father and predecessor Arjan Dev by the

order of the Mughal emperor, Jahangir for not accepting Islam. Miri defines the world of

spirituality while Piri defines temporal sovereignty of Sikh Gurus. He is both spiritually and

politically the sixth king of the Sikhs.

One can see the visual resemblance between the two versions of the portraits of Guru

Hargobind, if the details are carefully observed. The similarities are – a) both of them have a

nimbus behind the heads, b) both of them are facing the right side, c) they wear similar dresses

but the colours are different and d) the physiognomy of both of the faces is same. Therefore, it is

a proven fact that Amolak Singh copied the Central Sikh Museum version of Hargobind and

used it in the Ardas booklet illustration.

Amolak Singh’s Central Sikh Museum version of Guru Har Rai is a full figured portrait

with minute details. He sits on a low throne facing the left side of the canvas. He looks upwards.

A halo is painted behind his head. He wears a pink jama, a white pyjama, a honey-yellow long

sleeved overcoat, a blue pagri with an aigrette or kalgi and four strings of pearls around his neck.

He holds a small red rose in his right hand while supporting his back and left hand on a pillow.

One can easily find out the visual similarities between the two versions of the paintings

of Guru Har Rai if the details are carefully perused. The similarities are – a) both of them have

halos behind the heads, b) they have similar dresses with some variations and c) the

physiognomy of both of the faces is the same. The dissimilarities are – a) the Ardas version’s

eyes are half-closed while the Central Sikh Museum version is looking upwards, b) the Ardas

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version is only a bust while the Central Sikh Museum version is a full figure portraiture, c) the

Ardas version is looking towards the right side of the page while the Central Sikh Museum

version looks towards the left side. Therefore, it can be concluded that the Amolak Singh

version copied the Central Sikh Museum version of Hargobind and used it in the Ardas booklet

illustration with some variation and modification.

Then the scene of the Birth of Khalsa (fig.137-first) is painted where Guru Gobind Singh

is taking amrit from the panj payare or five beloveds with Mata Saheb Kaur. All the men wear a

blue dress with saffron scarfs. They all wear chakkar or iron discs on the top of their turbans.

Guru Gobind Singh has a white halo behind his head. Mata Sahib Kaur wears a blue dress and a

blue turban. She covers her head and upper part of her body with a saffron veil. All of them wear

a kara or iron bangles on their right wrists except Mata Sahib Kaur and her opposite Singh wears

it on their left wrists.

There is an oil canvas, depicting the scene of the Birth of Khalsa (fig.79), of Kripal

Singh, painted in 1984. It is now displayed at the Bhai Mati Das Museum in Delhi. This canvas

depicts the scene with intricate details. Guru Gobind Singh Maharaj kneels on the ground and

receives amrit or holy water used in the Sikh baptism with both of his hands from the Panj

Payare or five beloveds. His hand’s posture is in the anjali mudra. His wife, Mata Sahib Kaur,

known as the mother of the Khalsa Panth, stands next to him. She closes her hand. All of these

six figures (Guru Gobind Singh, Mata Sahib Kaur and the five beloveds) wear blue dresses. Panj

Pyare or the five beloved wear a knee-length blue bana, a white kachhera or underwear, blue

taksali-parna with chakkar, saffron scarfs and swords covered by the scabbards. Guru Gobind

Singh wears a long blue jama, a blue pyjama, a blue pagri with a kalgi, a saffron kamar-kasa,

two saffron strips around his two shoulders and a scabbard covered sword. He has a nimbus

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behind his head. Mata Sahib Kaur also wears a long blue jama, a blue pyjama and a saffron veil

which covers her head and the upper part of her body. All of them wear the kara or iron bangles

on their right wrists except Mata Sahib Kaur and the Singhs standing opposite to her, wear it on

their left wrists. All of them are barefooted. Besides these seven essential figures of the Sikh

history, other minor characters are also painted as the ones witnessing this great event. On the far

left side of the canvas is the throne of Guru Granth Sahib which is attended by a Sikh who is

fanning a fly-whisk. Next to the Guru Granth Sahib is a white tent.

One can see the shared visual familiarity between the two images that are depicting the

Birth of the Khalsa. The elaborate oil canvas of Kripal Singh is cropped by Amolak Singh.

Amolak Singh copied the seven important characters of this story and deleted other minor

characters and props.

Next, is the battle of Chamkaur (fig.137-left of second row) where Ajit Singh and Jujhar

Singh were martyred. These two illustrations show the bravery of the two elder sons of Guru

Gobind Singh at Chamkaur Sahib. This illustration is the copy of the original oil canvas that

visualises the last battle of Baba Ajit Singh at Chamkaur Sahib (fig.138), and was painted by

Master Gurdit Singh in the1950s. It is now exhibited at the Central Sikh Museum. Strikingly, this

book-illustration is an exact copy of its original. Both of these images are identical, and I cannot

find any difference between them. Either Amolak Singh placed the digital representation of the

original one, or he must be a master in copying from the originals.

Baba Ajit Singh is shown leading the Sikh army and fighting with the Mughals. He rides

on a white horse and holds a talwar or a sword in his right hand. He wears a knee-length honey-

yellow jama, a white pyjama, a honey-yellow pagri with a kalgi, a pink kamar-kasa, pearl

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necklaces and a mauve cartridge belt around his right shoulder. He is depicted here as a teenage

boy without a beard and a moustache. The Sikh chronicles narrate that he was just nineteen when

he was martyred in the Chamkaur Sahib Battle.

The other Sikh soldiers wear a blue or honey-yellow coloured knee-length bana and a

taksali-parna. The Sikh soldiers are walking barefoot and are carrying swords, a kripan, spears

and round iron shields. The soldiers of the Mughal army wear a conical pagri, a full sleeve jama,

a pyjama, an armour and jutti. Their weapons are the sword and the shield. The first two rows of

the battlefield are the cavalry soldiers, and in the background all belong to the infantry. Most of

the Sikh soldiers are infantry. The differences between the Sikh soldiers and the Mughal soldiers

are - a) the Sikhs have flowing beards and moustaches while the Mughals have trimmed

moustaches or shaved upper lips along with their beard, b) most of the Sikh soldiers except Ajit

Singh walk barefooted while the Mughals wear shoes, c) the pagri of the Sikhs are round while

the Mughals have conical pagris.

The next one is the martyrdom of Baba Jujhar Singh (fig.137-righ of second row). This

illustration is also very identical to its original oil painting (fig.139) by Sardar Gurdit Singh in

1950s and the collection of the Central Sikh Museum in Amritsar. Baba Jujhar Singh was only

fourteen when he was martyred at the battle of Chamkaur. Baba Jujhar Singh led the Sikh army

the very next day after the martyrdom of Baba Ajit Singh. In this oil painting and the illustration,

he wears a knee-length full sleeved honey-yellow jama, a white pyjama, a honey-yellow pagri

with a kalgi, a pink kamar-kasa, two blue strips around his shoulders, a sword cover with

scabbard and lakhi jutti. He cuts off the head of a Mughal soldier with his sword. He holds an

iron shield in his left hand. The other Sikh soldiers are easily identified by their flowing beard,

moustaches, honey-yellow coloured round pagris and knee-length banas. They carry spears,

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swords and shields. All of them are barefooted. The Mughals wear conical iron helmets over

their pagris, heavy armour, full sleeved long jamas, pyjamas and juttis.

The next illustration is that of Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh (fig.137-third

row), the two youngest sons of Guru Gobind Singh. They were bricked alive at Fatehgarh at the

order of Wazir Khan, the Nawab of Sirhind and his Qazi. In this illustration, two Sikhs boys are

painted against the brick-walled background. These two boys wear honey-yellow jamas, pagris

and two blue strips around their shoulders. The smiles on their faces show the innocence and

purity of their characters.

Devender Singh was one of those Shahidi-Tasveeran painters who visualised the

characters of Chhote Sahibzadas or the two young sons of Guru Gobind Singh – Baba Fateh

Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh. He painted a series of oil canvases on the martyrdom of Baba

Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh for the Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum in Anandpur

Sahib. One of the oil canvases, depicting Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh (fig.119)

shows that they refused to embrace Islam by Nawab Wazir Khan’s order in Sirhind. Wazir Khan

gave them two choices- either to accept Islam or death. In this oil painting, the Chhote

Sahibzadas raise their hands and opens their mouth – which indicates their disagreement and the

fact that they were raising their voices against tyranny.

Both of them wear a honey-yellow full sleeved jama, a pagri, a blue kamar-kasa and two

strips around the shoulders. The colour and style of both of their attires are very similar to the

colour and style of the jama and pagri of Amolak Singh’s Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar

Singh. Nawab Wazir Khan sits on his throne on the extreme right corner of the canvas. He wears

a pink jama decorated with golden brocade and a blue pagri with a kalgi. His eyebrows are

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lifted, and he opens his mouth, which suggests that he is about to instruct his servants. He rests

his left hand on a pillow and raises his right hand. This body gesture shows his anger and

disappointment.

The date of the execution is not mentioned in this canvas, but his other canvases are

dated, which suggests that they were painted in1981. Therefore, I cannot determine who painted

Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh before which artist. The visual elements show

striking similarities. The only differences between the two versions are – a) Amolak Singh’s

version of Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh are smiling and looking at each other

while Devender Singh’s version is the refusal of Islam as their religious path. In Devender

Singh’s version, the boys raise their hands. They are looking towards the left side of the canvas.

Therefore, one can easily get some visual similarities between the two versions. The question is,

who made this prototype first- Amolak Singh or Devender Singh? The first edition of the Ardas

booklet was published in 1979. Its seventh edition was published in 2010. The first edition of this

booklet was published two years before Devender Singh finished painting the martyrdom of

Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh series. We do not find any oil canvases or any other

book illustrations of Amolak Singh on the martyrdom of Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar

Singh. May be, this illustration was added in the latest edition after 1981. Later, the Dharam

Parchar Committee of Amritsar published an illustrated children’s book on the martyrdom of

Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh, in Punjabi, Hindi and English in 2013. All of the

illustrations were created by Devender Singh and he was assisted by Bodh Raj. These

illustrations, especially the images on the cover page of the book (fig.140 and 141), are very

similar to the oil canvas of the Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum version.

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 In the Ardas booklets, other martyrdom scenes are –the martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das

(fig.29), Bhai Taru Singh (fig.30) and Bhai Subeg Singh (fig31). These images have already

been discussed in detail in section VIII.B in Chapter 1. In Chapter 1, I have discussed with visual

evidence how Amolak Singh used the visual language of Kripal Singh’s canvases on the

martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das (fig.9), Bhai Taru Singh (fig.16) and Bhai Subeg Singh (fig.17) in

the book illustrations.

Some of the popular biographical children’s books and illustrated books on the

biographies of Sikh Martyrs were published by the Dharam Parchar Committee. One of the

examples includes Supreme Sacrifice of Young Souls: The Martyrdom of the Younger

Sahibzadas, (fig.140) which was published in English. It also has a Hindi translation - Nanhi

Jaane Mahan Saka: Chhote Sahibzadon Ki Shahidi Ki Sachitra Sakhi (fig.141). These books

were written by Professor Jagdish Singh, on the valour story and the martyrdom of the two

young sons of Guru Gobind Singh, named Zorawar Singh and Fateh Singh. The Hindi translation

was written by Dr. Devender Singh Vidyarthi. These were published in 2013. The thirty-seven

illustrations had been painted by Devender Singh, the first generation painter of the Central Sikh

Museums. All the pictures are the same in these two versions of the books. These children books

were published for the purpose of educating Sikh children about Sikhism, its morality, customs,

and sacrifices through the examples and biographies of martyred heroes.

Sahibzada is a Persian word, which means prince. Sikhs see their guru as the king of the

spiritual and temporal world. Therefore, Chhote Sahibzadon means younger princes of the tenth

guru badshah, Sri Guru Gobind Singh Maharaj. Saka defines martyrdom in Punjabi. Another

synonym of Saka is Shahidi. Sikhs borrow many words from Persian and Sanskrit and then

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include them into their theology. These two sons of Guru Gobind Singh were bricked alive at

Sirhind for not accepting Islam, by the tyrannical order of the Nawab of Sirhind, Wazir Khan.

It is a story of the bravery and fearlessness of the two young sons of the rebellious Guru

Gobind Singh. He was regarded as a criminal by the Mughal Empire. The Mughals wanted to

capture him and ended his political aspiration. The Mughal army never caught him. His two

sons, Zorawar Singh and Fateh Singh, along with his mother, Mata Gujri Devi were arrested by

the Morinda police with the help of Gangu Pundit, who was once an employee of Guru Gobind

Singh’s langar or community kitchen. Wazir Khan, the Nawab of Sirhind, wanted to teach a

lesson to Guru Gobind Singh. He gave an offer to the captured sons of Guru Gobind Singh for

accepting Islam and receiving land grant. These children refused his proposal. They replied to

Wazir Khan with great courage that they would continue their battle against the tyrannical

Mughals. They would not give up their religion. Diwan Sucha Nand, a Khatri aristocrat, insisted

Wazir Khan to punish them for their arrogance and for supporting the rebels. Wazir Khan’s Qazi

or Islamic religious preacher gave them the death penalty of being bricked alive. Baba Zorawar

Singh was eight while Baba Fateh Singh was six when they were martyred. Gangu Pundit and

Diwan Sucha Nand became the focus for Sikh Hinduphobia. Some radical Sikhs hate Brahmins

because of the betrayal of Gangu Pundit just like some radical Catholics hate the Jews for Judas

Iscariot’s betrayal of Jesus Christ. In their world view, Brahmins and Banias are the enemies of

the Sikhs. In the 1980s, the Khalistani militants declared the Brahmins and Benias as their

enemies against their dream of building a Sikh nation. The caste and religious identities of

Gangu and Sucha Nand create a narrative of the enemies of the Sikhs.

It is interesting for a visual art student like me to look at these illustrations, which are the

extension of the oil canvases of the same artist (Devender Singh). I have selected three out of the

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thirty-seven illustrations which tell the main episodes of the story. These three illustrations have

also shown that they are the revised version the original oil canvases of Devender Singh. Three

illustrations of this book would have been discussed, analysed and compared with Devender

Singh’s Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum canvases, which narrate the martyrdom of Baba

Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh. The image of the title page of this book is a copied

version of the illustration of the booklet Ardas (fig.137-third row) which was made by Amolak

Singh. That illustration was actually influenced by a canvas painting created by Devender Singh.

I have already discussed it in details in this chapter where I have discussed in great details about

the Ardas booklet. That book was also published by the Dharam Parchar Committee of Amritsar.

The publisher might take that illustration and use it as the book’s cover (fig.140 and 141).

The first image (fig.142) is that of the imprisoned Mata Gujri Devi, the mother of Guru

Gobind Singh, and Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh, the two young sons of Guru

Gobind Singh, trapped inside the cold room in the tower of Sirhind Fort. The cold room or

thanda burj, which is an opened pillared room, was made for the summer and in the chilly

winter; it was not suitable for spending the night without any provision for warmth and comfort.

They spent the night inside the cold room in that fort.

In this image, they are portrayed sitting on the floor of the cold room. It is twilight – the

sky is red and blue. Mata Gujri Devi sits on a white mat. According to the text, she tells the story

of the martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur. Guru Teg Bahadur was the ninth human Sikh Guru. He

was her husband, Guru Gobind Singh’s father and the grandfather of Baba Zorawar Singh and

Baba Fateh Singh. In this image, Gujri Devi looks at her grandchildren. Her head is a little tilted

towards her left side. She places her two arms on her left knee. Her glances are in an upwards

direction. The two boys look at their grandmother and are listening intently to the story of their

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grandfather. The boys sit in the padmasana or in a crossed-legged position. Gujri Devi and Baba

Fateh Singh’s faces are depicted in a three-quarter profile; while Baba Zorawar Singh is painted

in profile. The two boys, Baba Zorawar Singh and Baba Fateh Singh, wear a yellow jama, a

white pyjama, a yellow pagri with a blue tail, two blue strips around the shoulders and a blue

kamar-kasa on their waist. Mata Gujri Devi wears a white salwar-kamiz and covers her head and

the upper part of her body with a white shawl.

A similar scene (fig.118) had been painted by Devender Singh in 1981 which is displayed

at the Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum in Anandpur Sahib. They are imprisoned in the

pillared cold room of the Sirhind fort. The sky is dusky grey and viewers can see the Mughal

architectural buildings in the distance. The colour of the tower is also grey. The two boys wear a

yellow jama, a white pyjama, a yellow pagri with a blue tail and their grandmother covers her

body with a white shawl. Here, Fateh Singh sits on his grandmother’s lap and Zorawar sits

beside Gujri Devi. The sitting arrangement of this canvas is slightly different from the book

illustration. They sit in a cluster and show their passion not like the one in the book illustration,

which shows only a general conversation between a grandmother and her grandchildren. They

maintain a distance. The two boys sit in a very formal posture – the padmasana, while in the

canvas painting, they look more casual and affectionate, with the display of affection and love

between grandmother and her grandchildren. Baba Fateh Singh sits on his grandmother’s lap

which is very commonly seen among six year old boys. The glances are very important in this

painting. Baba Zorawar looks at his grandmother while Fateh Singh and Gujri Devi looking

downwards towards the left side of the canvas.

Both of the scenes are arranged dramatically. In the children’s book’s illustrations,

Devender Singh viewed them from inside the room, as if the artist was present with them during

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their conversation. Devender Singh viewed them from the outside in the museum canvas. In the

book illustration he used dark red and cobalt blue while painting the sky to suggest looming

sadness and impending doom, while in the museum canvas he used limited colours – different

gradations of grey in the sky and architecture. Both of these images look like a theatrical

performance- like the historical paintings of the late nineteenth century India. The background of

the book illustrations looks like the backdrop of the stage. The painting in the museum is more

sophisticated and serene than the book illustration.

In the next scene (fig.143), Fateh Singh and Zorawar Singh were presented before the

court of Wazir Khan, the reigning Nawab of Sirhind. The Nawab offered him the choice of either

accepting Islam or to be ready for death. Devender Singh placed Fateh Singh and Zorawar Singh

almost in the centre. They wear a long, full sleeved honey-yellow jama, a honey-yellow pagri

with a blue tail, a blue kamar-kasa and two blue strips around their shoulders. They look

confident and fearless. They put one hand on their waist, and the other hand is raised as if they

are announcing something and are seeking attention. They are smiling and slightly opening their

mouth – as if they are saying something. In the right corner of the page, Nawab Wazir Khan sits

on his throne and his Qazi or religious preacher is painted on the left corner. Wazir Khan wears a

white jama, golden overcoat and a conical pagri. He has a trimmed moustache and a flowing

beard. The Qazi wears a long pink jama, an orange overcoat, a pink kamar-kasa on the waist and

a white skull cap. He has a shaved upper lip and a long grey beard. There are two armed Mughal

guards that have been painted by Devender Singh beside the Qazi and the Nawab.

According to the story, the Nawab offered to give them land and other rewards in

exchange of their will to embrace Islam. The boys refused his proposal. They declared that they

would continue fighting against tyrants and oppressors like their father, elder brothers and other

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Sikhs did. They would organise an army and forge war against the Mughals. The Nawab and his

courtiers were astonished, angry and demanded strict punishment. The Nawab requested the Qazi

to give a judgement. The Qazi declared their death sentence for disobeying the government and

Islam, and so they were bricked alive.

In this illustration, the boys are looking in the direction of the viewers’ instead of facing

the Nawab. They do not give importance to the Nawab. They are not facing the Nawab, which is

not natural for a conversation, but is usually seen during a theatrical performance. Devender

Singh painted this scene like a performance on the stage. It resembles the way actors deliver their

dialogues while facing the audience from the stage. The painter placed the Nawab, Wazir Khan

in the right corner and did not to paint his full figure for the sake of giving importance to the

Chhote Sahibzadas.

There is a similar oil painting created by Devender Singh (fig.119) which has been

displayed at the Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum in Anandpur Sahib. In this portrait, Fateh

Singh and Zorawar Singh are shown raising both of their hands in the air in disagreement.

Nawab Wazir Khan, sitting on the royal throne, is placed in the far right corner of the canvas. He

wears a full sleeved pink jama, a blue pagri with a kalgi. He rests his left hand on the pillow

while raising his right hand. His expression shows his anger, awe and hatred. His courtiers and

armed guards are placed in the far middle ground. The background shows that it is a court and

the architectural details like the pillars and the arches of the doorways, makes it evident that it is

a court of a provincial governor in the Mughal Empire. The Qazi is missing in this canvas

painting. The colour and style of the dresses of the boys in this oil painting are identical with the

attires of the boys in the book illustration. Therefore, it is proven that this book illustration is a

revised version of the Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum oil painting.

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 The last scene of this book is the martyrdom of Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar

Singh. It is painted in the four successive scenes. I have chosen one of them in this Chapter to

discuss the visual language of Sikh Shahidi-Tasveeran to create a visual drama on paper or

canvas, to highlight the transmediality of the prototypes which has been repeatedly copied by the

same artist in his later editions. In this illustration (fig.144), the execution of Baba Fateh Singh

and Baba Zorawar Singh has been actualised like a theatrical performance. Baba Fateh Singh and

Baba Zorawar Singh are placed in the middle ground. They raise their left hands in the air – they

may have been chanting the Sikh war cry “Bole Sonihal Sat Sri Akal Waheguru Ji ka Khalsa

Waheguru Ji ki Fateh.” Two masons are building a wall around them while Nawab Wazir Khan

and his Qazi supervise the task. The masons have already raised a wall as high as their shoulders.

The Nawab, wearing a light mauve jama, a pink overcoat decorated with gold brocade, a green

kamar-kasa, a red-blue pagri with a kalgi, stands on the right side of the foreground. He has a

black beard and a shaven upper lip. He points his index finger toward the boys. His left eyebrow

is lifted, and his mouth is open. It can be interpreted as him giving a last chance to the boys to

live if they embrace Islam. The Qazi stands on the left side of the illustration. He wears a grey

jama, a white pyjama, a full sleeved white overcoat, a blue kamar-kasa, a white skull cap and

black juttis. He has a long flowing white beard and a shaven upper lip. He raises his two hands

and points at Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh.

In the background, a fortified Mughal architecture is painted which represents the fort of

Sirhind. The public, the Mughal soldiers and some cluster of trees are placed between the fort

and Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh. Two Muslim guards are painted, with one of

them holding a spear, and standing behind Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh.

Interestingly, all the people standing in public are men and women are absent from the scene.

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 In 1981, Devender Singh painted an oil canvas on the execution of Baba Fateh Singh and

Baba Zorawar Singh (fig.120) which is now exhibited at the galley of Sri Guru Teg Bahadur

Sikh Museum in Anandpur Sahib. It is the main source of this illustration. The illustration is

slightly modified and revised from this original oil painting - like the Qazi wearing a small half

sleeved coat instead of a long full sleeved coat, the kamar-kasa of the Nawab being tied over his

long coat, the figures of the two masons being fully revealed instead of remaining covered by the

figure of the Nawab, both of the Mughal guards who stand behind Baba Fateh Singh and Baba

Zorawar Singh possessing spears, Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh raising their right

hands instead of their left hands, and the architecture in the background of this painting not being

the fort, but the twentieth century’s architecture of an Indian city are a few of the examples worth

noticing. Therefore, we can conclude that this oil painting was later revised and modified by the

artist in the book illustration.

All of these three scenes represent the history of the life of Baba Fateh Singh and Baba

Zorawar Singh. These illustrations and the oil paintings are nothing but the visual documentation

of the Sikh history. Devender Singh visualised history through visual drama. He copied his

paintings in a revised form on the book illustrations. He tried to re-create the past through

architectural details, different types of dresses and other visual details. He made a distinction

between the Sikhs and the Mughals (Muslims) with different forms and colours of their garments

– their jama, pagri and overcoat, weapons and different styles of beards and moustaches. He was

a colleague of Kripal Singh and they worked together at the Central Sikh Museum, the Sri Guru

Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum and the Bhai Mati Das Museum. His paintings and illustrations had a

message like Kripal Singh’s paintings – the remembrance of state brutality and the Sikhs who

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continuously resisted every tyrannical action and fought against the state. The Mughals have

been presented as the state power.

IV) Conclusion

The roles of the Sikh institutions include education, the propagation of Sikhism and

extensive social work. They run schools, colleges, seminaries, gurdwaras, publication houses and

museums. Museums and publications, administrated by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak

Committee and the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee, play a significant role in the

propagation of Sikhism and pedagogical studies. Museums are deemed to be a sacred place.

Visitors are advised to enter barefooted and are expected to cover their heads like entering into

the gurdwaras.

The Sikh museums tell the Sikh history through narrative oil canvases, murals, wall

paintings, reliefs, sculptures, posters, prints, and audio-visual clips. The Shahadat-Tasveeran is

one of the phenomena of the Sikh History Paintings. This phenomenon is a six decades old art

genre – which was born at the Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or the Central Sikh Museum in 1958

which visualises Sikh history chronologically. These museums are the inspirational sources of

the Sikh Shahadat-Tasveeran.

The main subjects of the Shahidi-Tasveeran are the narrative Shahidi images and visuals

of the Mughal and post-Mughal times in the late seventeenth to eighteenth centuries and often

the British Colonial period in the early twentieth century. A brief record of the exact date, month

and year of the deaths of the Shahids has been written meticulously in each of the oil canvases,
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sculptures, reliefs, prints and murals. Only the year of their births is noted without mentioning

the day and the month. On that note, it had also mentioned why, where, and when he was

martyred.

Some museums also displayed images of the Shahids in post-independent India. It is a

late twentieth century phenomena. The portraits of the Shahids are more popular than the painted

bleeding, tortured, and mutilated bodies. It may create a psychologically traumatising state of

mind of living heroes. They twentieth century Sikhs do not want to see their contemporary

Shahids in bleeding images. These martyrs are shown with guns, weapons and armour as great

warriors and defenders of their faith. Some martyrs’ memorials are also displayed in the press

photographs of the 1984 riots as an authentic visual testimony of genocide in modern time.

All of the Shahidi-Taveeran create a psychological binary between the self and other,

between the Sikhs and the enemies of the Sikhs, between an enemy and a friend. The visuals

create an voyeuristic pleasure to see the bodily torture of medieval Sikhs – their bleeding,

mutilated and tortured bodies. These mutilated bodies encourage Sikh youths to remember their

duties and obligations towards religion, culture and the nation of Sikhs. These visuals also create

a sense of pride that their predecessors suffered and the pain they endured only for the sake of

protecting the rights of all Sikhs. Their deaths were different from ordinary deaths. Only a true

man can bear suffering. Therefore, images have been use for padagogical studies. These images

are also used as visual documents for establishing distinct identities when compared with other

communities.

These images talk about the masculine culture. Male tortured bodies are prominent

objects of voyeuristic pleasure. Women are completely overshadowed. They do not play a

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central role in these images - only subordinate characters. The presence of women in the public

places is uncommon and is absent in a Shahidi-Tasveeran.

Transmediality and the copying of other’s visual elements are common features in

Shahadat-Tasveeran. A museum’s oil paintings become prints, book illustrations, sculptures and

reliefs. One’s standardised visual elements are copied, revised and modified by the same artist or

other artists. This Shahadat-Tasveeran phenomenon is only six decades old. The primary

medium was the oil canvas in the late 1950s. Then oil canvas were transferred into the

reproduced print medium. Most of the museum images were available as bazaar prints. In the

late 1990s, some of the oil canvases of the 1950s to 1980s were transformed into ferroconcrete

and fibreglass sculptures and then into internet memes.

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Conclusion

Shahidi-Tasveeran (Chopra 2013, 104) is the visualisation of the narratives of Shahidi or

martyrdom. They can take forms ranging from textual and mnemonic to oil paintings, prints,

book illustrations, calendars, posters, stickers, flex prints, banners and billboards. The dominant

Rasas of these images are Veer Rasa or heroic, Bibhatsa Rasa or disgust and Bhayanaka Rasa or

terror. The First wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran remembers brutality, injustice and the oppression of

the Islamic regimes, the Mughals and the Afghans, in the late seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries, while the second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran could be analysed as the representation

of state brutality by the Brahminical Imperialist Indian government – depicting three main 1984

episodes, viz. Operation Blue Star, known as Ghallughara Dihara or Fauji Hamla or Teeji

Ghallughara; the 1984 Sikh massacre of Delhi or Delhi Katleyam and the Sikh or Khalistani

militancy or Uggravad.

Initially, I had planned to survey Shahidi from the perspective of art history, art criticism

and visual culture. I had also designed my research to analyse them in the context of religion,

culture, politics, gender, class and caste. Therefore I had studied the texts which had analysed

this phenomenon from the perspective of religion, culture, sociology, anthropology, politics,

gender, class and caste. My urge was to fill the gap between visual studies and socio-

anthropological, political, religious, gender, class and caste studies on Sikh Shahidi. Therefore I

started my research based on eight research questions and objectives – who made these images?

Who gave commissions to create these images? How are these images communicating visually?

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And how do they circulate? Apart from these, I had also looked at the dissemination,

proliferation and transmediality of the Shahidi-Tasveeran. I had also tried to analyse these

images through the lens of gender, class and caste studies. I had even attempted to survey the

didactic role of these images. I had also analysed what the visual and aesthetic difference is

between images produced after 1956 on the Shahidi of the mediaeval period and images

produced on 2007 and onwards on Shahidi of the Khalistani militancy, Operation Blue Star and

the 1984 Delhi massacre.

My survey of the literature had been based on why, when and how the ideology of

Shahidi evolved, developed and then came into Sikh visual culture. In section II, III and IV of

Chapter 1, I had answered it. In section II of Chapter 1, I had discussed how the ideology of

Shahidi developed in the Sikh consciousness by the advent of the Sikh reform movement in the

late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries’ Punjab. Then in section III in Chapter 1, I had

analysed how mnemonic and folk tradition of the commemoration of Shahids entered into urban

Sikh literature, and how the Sikh reformers used this Shahidi tradition in their political agendas.

In section IV of Chapter 1, I had discussed the development of the genre of Shahidi-

Tasveeran by a group of Sikh painters, led by Kripal Singh, G.S. Sohan Singh, Devender Singh

and others in the late twentieth century. This genre had started when a Sikh institution, the

Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee commissioned artists to visualise Sikh history in oil

canvases. Sikh art of the twentieth century and then in the twenty-first century follows the

medium and techniques of Western Academic style entirely. This tendency could remind us of

the art of Raja Ravi Varma and Bamapada Bandhyapadhyaya (Early Bengal Oil) of the late

nineteenth century. Like Varma and Bandhyapadhyaya’s oil paintings, the themes of Sikh

History Painting are necessarily that of the Sikhs but visualised in a typical western style.

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 I had extended this point with visual analysis through the examples of paintings in section

VIII of Chapter 1. I had also discussed about the Shahidi prototypes, and the standardised visual

language of Shahidi by Kripal Singh and the transmediality of images from oil canvases to

popular prints, from oil canvases to sculptures and even copied, revised and modified images and

prototypes by others and even the same artists, when he repainted the same subject.

In section V in Chapter 1, I had discussed and analysed the two waves of Shahidi-

Tasveeran – the early wave which had developed in 1956 and onwards, depicting the tortured

bodied of the Sikhs in the late seventeenth to late eighteenth centuries, under the oppression of

the Mughals and the Afghans, the second wave that developed from 2007 and onwards based on

the episodes of 1984 – the army operation at the Akal Takht, the Delhi massacre and the

Khalistani militancy. This second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran had been discussed, explained and

analysed in detail in section IV chapter 2 with the examples of oil paintings, press-photographs,

posters, stickers, banners, logos and t-shirt prints.

The images produced after 2007 based on the history of 1984, have not shown the

bleeding, mutilated and tortured bodies of their Khalistani heroes like Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale. The portrait of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale at the Central Sikh Museums,

reproduced prints of calendars, posters, stickers and banners have shown him and his associates

as mighty heroes and defender of their faith. They are living heroes. Until 2003, the Damdami

Taksal refused to accept the death of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. He was formally declared as

martyred by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, during a commemorative ritual at

Sri Darbar Sahib in 2003 (Chopra 2013, 106). There are still many Sikhs believe he is an

extraordinary man who cannot die and will return and fight again for Khalistan. One finds many

popular posters, calendars, stickers and banners of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale with a written

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statement in the Gurmukhi script that he will come back. Therefore, in the popular bazaars, no

prints are available based on Raghu Rai’s photograph of the corpse of Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale. This approach may create a psychologically affected state of mind of the living

heroes and defenders of their faith.

In section VI of Chapter 1, I had discussed the patrons of the Shahidi-Tasveeran. The

Sikh museums run by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, the Delhi Sikh

Gurdwara Management Committee and the Punjab Government, are the major patrons for Sikh

Shahidi-Tasveeran. Besides them, the reproduced prints and calendar-creating markets of the

Punjab circulate the Shahidi-Tasveeran. In section VII of Chapter 1 and II.C of Chapter 3, I had

discussed how the Shahidi-Tasveeran was used for didactic purposes and in the entire span of

chapter 3; I had devoted my time in visually analysing the pedagogic strategies of Sikh

institutions by the Shahidi images. In section VIII of Chapter 1, section IV of Chapter 2 and

Section II and III of Chapter 3, I had discussed the transmediality of the Shahidi-Tasveeran, from

oil canvases to book illustrations, sculptures and reproduced prints or from press-photographs to

posters, banners and images available on the internet. In section VIII.B and IX of Chapter 1,

section V of Chapter 2 and section IV of Chapter 3 I had tried to study the Shahidi images and

then analysed them through the lens of gender analysis and the role of these images in

conditioning and creating ideal Sikhs in terms of religious, moral and social behaviours. The

initial planning of this dissertation has also included the visual analysis of these images through

the lens of class and caste. Later, I dropped this point due to that lack of sufficient time for

fieldwork. I will work on this issue in my research while I pursue my PhD.

Sikh institutions encourage their youth to be weapon-bearers like their heroes. Sikh Men

are trained to be more muscular, violent and virile, while women are suggested to be modest and

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to passively follow their men and the path shown by the Sikh religion. The popular images of

anonymous Sikh militants in posters, calendars, banners and t-shirt prints have been portrayed as

handsome muscular men with swelling muscles, big mustaches, beards and pagris, holding the

AK 47 riffles. The fashion of Sikh men has also changed post-1984. The flowing beards,

moustaches and turbans are the trend of the masculine Sikh culture. Previously, these were not

popular till the army operation at Akal Takht, the massacre in 1984 and the militancy.

The role and presence of women in the Shahidi-Tasveeran is very limited. They do not

actively participate or engage in the public sphere during the execution of the Shahids or during

war against oppressors. Women are mostly viewed as the victims of genocide and massacre but

not as active participants in war except Mai Bhago. She was an exceptional woman in the Sikh

history. She was a Sikh female-warrior. Her portraits are displayed at the Central Sikh Museum

and Bhai Mati Das Museum. The women of the Shahidi-Tasveeran were portrayed as either

suffering due to the death of their fathers, brothers, husbands and sons or after being captured by

the Mughals (pre-1984 visual culture) or as victims of riots and victims of mob violence (post-

1984 visual culture). Their sufferings were not shown as bodily torture. Rather they experienced

mental anguish as they lost their fathers, brothers, husbands and children. Their identities were

overshadowed by their social duties as daughters, sisters, wives and mothers of martyrs. The

male ego and misogynistic psychology had been reflected in Shahidi-Tasveeran.

These visual images dictate the mindset of the Sikhs which encourages them to imagine

the contemporary enemy of the Sikhs and to create a sharp binary between the Self and others

(Das 1995, 121-122) or the Sikhs versus the Muslims (in the first wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran)

and the Sikhs verses the Hindus (in the second wave of Shahidi-Tasveeran). The ideology of the

173
pride of a superior race is the leading cause of alienation. It creates an incredible and imagined

religious, cultural and political (ethnonational) difference.

174
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List of Illustrations

fig.1. Shahid Gallery, Photograph by author on Jun 6, 2018, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central

Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.2. Guru Nanak Dev (Centre) with Bhai Mardana (left) and Bhai Bala (right), Sobha Singh,

Oil on Canvas, 1969, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri

Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.3. Ten Gurus, Opaque watercolor on Paper, Pahari, from the Workshop of Purkhu of Kangra,

early Nineteenth Century, Collection of Satinder and Narinder Kapany.

fig.4. The Portrait of Guru Nanak Dev 1, Sobha Singh, Oil on canvas, 1969, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.5. The Portrait of Guru Nanak Dev 2, Sobha Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1969, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.6. The Portraiture of Guru Gobind Singh 1, Sobha Singh, Oil on Canvas, Sobha Singh's

Studio, at Andretta in Himachal Pradesh.

fig.7. The Portraiture of Guru Gobind Sing 2, Sobha Singh, Oil on Canvas, Sobha Singh's Studio

at Andretta in Himachal Pradesh.

fig.8. Martyrdom of Bhai Dayala, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai Mati Das Museum

opposite Gurdwara Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

189
fig.9. Martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1957, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar

or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.10. Martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai Mati Das

Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.11. Martyrdom of Bhai Sati Das, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai Mati Das Museum

opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.12. Martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur 1, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai Mati Das

Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.13. Martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur 2, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai Mati Das

Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.14. Martyrdom of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur , Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai

Mati Das Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.15. Martyrdom of Bhai Mani Singh, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1957, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.16. Martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1956, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.17. Martyrdom of Bhai Subeg Singh, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1957, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.18. Chhota or Nikka Ghallughara 1, Kripal Singh , Oil on Canvas, 1957, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

190
fig.19. Chhota or Nikka Ghallughara 2, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas,1984, Bhai Mati Das

Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.20. Chhota or Nikka Ghallughara 3, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas,1984, Bhai Mati Das

Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.21. Vadda Ghallughara, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1956, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or

Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.22. Captive Women, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1959, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central

Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.23. Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1958, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.24. Baba Dip Singh, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1958, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central

Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.25. Martyrdom of Bhai Dayala, Devender Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg Bahadur

Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.26. Martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, Devender Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg

Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.27. Martyrdom of Bhai Sati Das, Devender Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg

Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.28. Imprisoned Guru Teg Bahadur, Jaswant Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg

Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

191
fig.29. Martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, Amolak Singh, 2010, Book illustration in Ardas Booklet,

Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

fig.30. Martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh, Amolak Singh, 2010 , Book illustration in Ardas Booklet,

Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

fig.31. Martyrdom of Bhai Subeg Singh, Amolak Singh, 2010 , Book illustration in Ardas

Booklet, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

fig.32. Martyrdom of Bhai Mani Singh ,Tara Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.33. Martyrdom of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, his son and Nikka Ghallughara, Tara Singh

Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.34. Martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh, Tara Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.35. Captive Sikh women, Tara Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri Mehdiana

Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.36. Martyrdom of Bhai Dayala, Banda Singh Ludhiana, Ferroconcrete, 1990s, Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.37. Martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, Banda Singh Ludhiana, Ferroconcrete, 1990s, Gurdwara

Sri Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.38. Baba Dip Singh Shahid, G.S. Sohan Singh, Print of his Oil Painting, 1950's, Download by

author on Jun 20, 2019.

192
fig.39. Baba Dip Singh Shahid, Gursharan Singh, Oil on Canvas, 2005, Gurdwara Sri Shahida

Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.40. Photograph of the dead body of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, Raghu Rai, June 1984,

downloaded by author on May 18, 2019.

fig.41. Portrait of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale , Gurvinderpal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 2007,

Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in

Amritsar.

fig.42. Photograph of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale 1, Download by author on May 18, 2019.

fig.43. Photograph of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale 2, Download by author on May 18, 2019.

fig.44. Photograph of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale 3, Download by author on May 18, 2019.

fig.45. Photograph of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale 4, Download by on May 18, 2019.

fig.46. Photograph of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale 5, Download by author on May 18, 2019.

fig.47. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Billboard with Bhagat Singh, Udham Singh and Kartar

Singh Sarabha at Ranbirpura village in Patiala, Billboard in 2009, Download by author on

May 18, 2019.

fig.48. Bhagat Singh Photograph (cropped from a Group Photo), Download by author on Jun 25,

2019.

fig.49. Portrait of Udham Singh, Master Gurdit Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1970, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

193
fig.50. Portrait of Kartar Singh Sarabha, Amolak Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1978, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.51. Gurdwara Sri Yadgar Shahidan Sahib 1984 at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib Complex

in Amritsar, download by author on Jun 25, 2019.

fig.52. Inscription on the architrave of Gurdwara Sri Yadgar Shahidan Sahib 1984 at Gurdwara

Sri Harimandir Sahib Complex in Amritsar, download by author on Jun 25, 2019.

fig.53. Carnage of Akal Takht, Amolak Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1987, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or

Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.54. Sikh Massacre 1, Jarnail Singh, Oil on Canvas, 2000, Gurdwara Toronto in Canada.

fig.55. Sikh Massacre 2, Jarnail Singh, Oil on Canvas, 2000, Gurdwara Toronto in Canada.

fig.56. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Poster 1, Photographed by author on March 21 2019,

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.57. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale 2, Photographed by author on March 21 2019, Gurdwara

Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.58. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Posters 3, Photographed by author on March 21 2019,

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.59. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Posters and Stickers, Photographed by author on March 21

2019, Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.60. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Poster, Photographed by author on September 2, 2018 , Miri

Piri Gatka Academy in Delhi.

194
fig.61. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Sticker 1, Photographed by author on March 21 2019,

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.62. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Sticker 2, Photographed by author on March 21 2019,

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

Fig.63. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (from left 1st and 7th), Lion (2nd), Bhagat Singh (3rd) and

Anonymous Sikh Militants (4th, 5th, 6th and 8th) Printed T shirt 1, Photographed by author on May

16, 2018, Amritsar.

fig.64. Lion (from left 1st), Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (2nd), Khalsa (3rd), Singh (4th), King (5th)

and Sardarji (6th) Printed T-shirts 2, Photographed by author on May 14, 2018, near Bazar at

Langar Hall of Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.65. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (from left 1st) and Khalsa Insignia (2nd and 3rd) Printed t-

Shirts 3, Photographed by author on March 21, 2019, Bazar near Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh

Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.66. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Printed T-shirt Gang , Photographed by author on March 21,

2019, Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.67. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Calendar, Photographed by author on Jun 2017, Kar Seva

office of Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

fig.68. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale with Guru Gobind Singh Banner at Police watch tower,

Photographed by author on March 21 2019, Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur

Sahib.

195
fig.69. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Banner, Photographed by author on March 21 2019,

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.70. Poster of Punjabi movie – ‘kaum de Heera’, Downloaded by author on May 20 , 2019.

fig.71. Poster of Punjabi movie – ‘Dharam Yudh Morcha’, Downloaded by author on May 20,

2019.

fig.72. Khalistan Liberation Force Logo, Downloaded by author on May 20, 2019.

fig.73. Babbar Khalsa International Logo, Downloaded by author on May 20, 2019.

fig.74. Republic of Khalistan Logo, Download by author on May 20, 2019.

fig.75. Flag of Khalistan, Download by author on May 20, 2019.

fig.76. Referendum Khalistan 2020, Downloaded by author on May 20, 2019.

fig.77. Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum, Photographed by author on May 3,

2019, Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.78. Bhai Mati Das Museum, Photographed by author on August 4, 2018, opposite Gurdwara

Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.79. Birth of Khalsa 2, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai Mati Das Museum opposite

Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.80. Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum, Photographed by author on

September 9, 2018, Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

196
fig.81. Martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev, Print on Flex from original Oil painting of Amolak Singh,

Photograph by author on August 4, 2018, Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum

at Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

fig.82. Martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev, Gurvinderpal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 2007, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.83. Martyrdom of Bhai Sati Das (1st), Bhai Mati Das (2nd) and Bhai Dayala (3rd), Print on

Flex from original Oil painting of Kripal Singh’s Bhai Sati Das in 1984, Bhai Mati Das in 1957

and Master Gurdit Singh’s Bhai Dayala in 1950s, 2014, Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage

Multimedia Museum at Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

fig.84. Martyrdom of Bhai Dayala, Master Gurdit Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1950s, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.85. Martyrdom of Bhai Mani Singh, Print on Flex with modification from original Oil

Painting of Kripal Singh in 1957, 2014, Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum

at Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

fig.86. Martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh (1st) and Bhai Subeg Singh (2nd), Print on Flex with

modification from original Oil Painting of Kripal Singh in 1956 and 1957, 2014, Baba Baghel

Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum at Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

fig.87. Martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur, Short Movie Clip, 2014, 2018, Baba Baghel Singh

Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum at Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

197
fig.88. Martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh, short

movie clip, 2014, Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum at Gurdwara Sri

Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

fig.89. 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or 1984 Martyrs’ Memorial, Photographed by author on February 2,

2018, Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.90. Press-Photograph on 1984 Delhi Massacre 1, Print on Flex, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar

or 1984 Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.91. Press-Photograph on 1984 Delhi Massacre 2, Print on Flex, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar

or 1984 Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.92. Name of Victims in 1984 Delhi Massacre 1, Print on Flex, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or

1984 Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.93. Name of Victims in 1984 Delhi Massacre 1, Print on Flex, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or

1984 Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.94. Humanity 1, Installation-Sculpture on Metal, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or 1984

Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.95. Equality, Installation-Sculpture on Metal, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or 1984 Martyrs’

Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.96. Humanity 2, Installation-Sculpture on Metal, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or 1984

Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

198
fig.97. Tolerance, Installation-Sculpture on Metal, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or 1984 Martyrs’

Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

fig.98. Open-Air Sculptures’ Gallery, Photographed by author on October 14, 2018, Gurdwara

Sri Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.99. Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum, Photographed by author on October 14, 2018, Gurdwara

Sri Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.100. Baba Dip Singh in battlefield, Jarnail Singh, 1985, Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.101. Martyrdom of Bhai Subeg Singh, Tara Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.102. Martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas –Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh, Tara

Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.103. Statue of Udham Singh, Tara Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.104. Sculpture of Bhagat Singh, Tara Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

fig.105. Imprisoned Bhagat Singh, Master Gurdit Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1966, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.106. Sikh Ajaibghar, Photographed by author on April 17, 2019, Mohali.

199
fig.107. Martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, Parwinder Singh, Fiberglass, 2005, Sikh Ajaibghar or

Sikh Museum in Mohali.

fig.108. Martyrdom Of Bhai Mani Singh, Parwinder Singh, Fiberglass, 2005, Sikh Ajaibghar or

Sikh Museum in Mohali.

fig.109. Martyrdom Of Bhai Taru Singh, Parwinder Singh, Fiberglass, 2005, Sikh Ajaibghar or

Sikh Museum in Mohali.

fig.110. Martyrdom Of Bhai Subeg Singh, Parwinder Singh , Fiberglass, 2005, Sikh Ajaibghar or

Sikh Museum in Mohali.

fig.111. Martyrdom Of Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh,

Parwinder Singh , Fiberglass, 2005, Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum in Mohali.

fig.112. Martyrdom Of Baba Dip Singh, Parwinder Singh , Fiberglass, 2005, Sikh Ajaibghar or

Sikh Museum in Mohali.

fig.113. Sikhi Siddhanta de Adharit Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum based on the Teaching of

Sikhism, Photographed by author on March 21, 2019, Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in

Anandpur Sahib.

fig.114. Sikh Men Lured by Lustful Non-Sikh Women, Veer Devinder Singh, Oil on Canvas,

2002, Sikhi Siddhanta de Adharit Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum based on the Teaching of

Sikhism at Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.115. Brahmins and Benias Exploit Sikhs, Veer Devinder Singh, Oil on Canvas, 2002, Sikhi

Siddhanta de Adharit Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum based on the Teaching of Sikhism at

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

200
fig.116. Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum, Photographed by author on March 20, 2019,

opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib

fig.117. Martyrdom Of Guru Arjan Dev, Jaswant Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg

Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.118. Imprisoned Mata Gujri Devi and Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba

Zorawar Singh at Cold room of Sirhind Fort, Devender Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru

Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.119. Chhote Sahibzadas - Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh at the Court of Wazir

Khan - Nawab of Sirhind, Devender Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh

Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.120. Martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas - Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh,

Devender Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara

Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.121. Birth of Khalsa 1, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh

Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.122. Virasat-e-Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre, Photographed by author on March 23,

2019, near the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.123. Pre-Sikh Punjabi society in the Lodhi period in the Fifteenth Century, Poster with Ttext

and Printed Image, 1999, Virasat-e-Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara Takht

Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

201
fig.124. Orthodoxy and Religious Dogma in Hindus in Pre-Sikh Punjabi society in the Lodhi

period in the Fifteenth Century, Wall Painting and Sculptures, 1999, Virasat-e-Khalsa or Khalsa

Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.125. Sati Custom or Burning with Corpse of her Husband in Hindus in Pre-Sikh Punjabi

society in the Lodhi period in the Fifteenth Century, Wall Painting and Sculptures, 1999, Virasat-

e-Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur

Sahib.

fig.126. Guru Nanak Dev (Centre), Bhai Mardana (Left) and Bhai Mardana (Right), Wall

Hanging – Panting and Stitching on Cloth Painting and Sculptures, 1999, Virasat-e-Khalsa or

Khalsa Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.127. Movie Clip on Martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur, Audio-Visual Clip, 1999, Virasat-e-

Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur

Sahib.

fig.127. Movie Clip on Martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur, Audio-Visual Clip, 1999, Virasat-e-

Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur

Sahib.

fig.128. Birth of Khalsa, Relief, 1999, Virasat-e-Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre near the

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

fig.129. Curatorial Note – About the Paintings, Printed Poster, 2001, Bhai Mati Das Museum

opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

202
fig.130. A Sikh Devotee Touched the Feet of Baba Dip Singh’s Poster, Printed Poster with Text

and Image, Photographed by author on May 2018, Gurdwara Sri Shahida Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.131. Book Cover of Ardas Booklet, Print on Paper, 2010 , Ardas Booklet, Published by

Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

fig.132. Portrait of Guru Nanak Dev, Amolak Singh, 2010 , Book illustration in Ardas booklet,

Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

fig.133. Portraits of Guru Ram Das (3rd figure on left page), Guru Hargobind (2nd figure on

right page) and Guru Har Rai (3rd figure on right page), Amolak Singh, 2010 , Book illustration

in Ardas booklet, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

fig.134. Portraiture of Guru Ram Das, Amolak Singh, Oil in Canvas, 1987, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.135. Portraiture of Guru Hargobind, Amolak Singh, Oil in Canvas, 1985, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.136. Portraiture of Guru Har Rai, Amolak Singh, Oil in Canvas, 1989, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.137. Birth of Khalsa (1st row), Baba Ajit Singh (left of 2nd row), Baba Jujhar Singh (right of

2nd row) and Chhote Sahibzadas -Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh (3rd row), Amolak

Singh, 2010 , Book illustration in Ardas booklet, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in

Amritsar.

203
fig.138. Baba Ajit Singh at the Battlefield in Chamkaur Sahib, Master Gurdit Singh, Oil in

Canvas, 1950s, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir

Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.139. Baba Jujhar Singh at the Battlefield in Chamkaur Sahib, Master Gurdit Singh, Oil in

Canvas, 1950s, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir

Sahib in Amritsar.

fig.140. Book Cover of Supreme Sacrifice of Young Souls: The Martyrdom of the Younger

Sahibzadas, Devender Singh, Print on Paper, 2013, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in

Amritsar.

fig.141. Book Cover of Nanhi Jaane Mahan Saka: Chhote Sahibzadon Ki Shahidi Ki Sachitra

Sakhi, Devender Singh, Print on Paper, 2013, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in

Amritsar.

fig.142. Imprisoned Gujri Devi and Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar

Singh at the Cold room of Sirhind Fort, Devender Singh, Book illustration, 2013, ‘Supreme

Sacrifice of Young Souls: The Martyrdom of the Younger Sahibzadas’ and ‘Nanhi Jaane Mahan

Saka: Chhote Sahibzadon Ki Shahidi Ki Sachitra Sakhi’, Published by Dharam Parchar

Committee in Amritsar.

fig.143. Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh at the Court of Wazir

Khan –Nawab of Sirhind, Devender Singh, Book illustration, 2013, ‘Supreme Sacrifice of Young

Souls: The Martyrdom of the Younger Sahibzadas’ and ‘Nanhi Jaane Mahan Saka: Chhote

Sahibzadon Ki Shahidi Ki Sachitra Sakhi’, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in

Amritsar.

204
fig.144. Martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh,

Devender Singh, Book illustration, 2013, ‘Supreme Sacrifice of Young Souls: The Martyrdom of

the Younger Sahibzadas’ and ‘Nanhi Jaane Mahan Saka: Chhote Sahibzadon Ki Shahidi Ki

Sachitra Sakhi’, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

205
Illustrations

fig.1. Shahid Gallery, photograph by author on Jun 6, 2018, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central

Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

I
fig.2. Guru Nanak Dev (Centre) with Bhai Mardana (left) and Bhai Bala (right), Sobha Singh,

Oil on Canvas, 1969, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri

Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

II
fig.3. Ten Gurus, Opaque watercolor on Paper, Pahari, from the Workshop of Purkhu of Kangra,

early Nineteenth Century, Collection of Satinder and Narinder Kapany.

III
fig.4. The Portrait of Guru Nanak Dev 1, Sobha Singh, Oil on canvas, 1969, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

IV
fig.5. The Portrait of Guru Nanak Dev 2, Sobha Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1969, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

V
fig.6. The Portraiture of Guru Gobind Singh 1 , Sobha Singh, Oil on Canvas, Sobha Singh's

Studio at Andretta in Himachal Pradesh.

VI
fig.7. The Portraiture of Guru Gobind Sing 2, Sobha Singh, Oil on Canvas, Sobha Singh's Studio

at Andretta in Himachal Pradesh.

VII
fig.8. Martyrdom of Bhai Dayala, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai Mati Das Museum

opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

VIII
fig.9. Martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1957, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar

or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

IX
fig.10. Martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai Mati Das

Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

X
fig.11. Martyrdom of Bhai Sati Das, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai Mati Das Museum

opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

XI
fig.12. Martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur 1, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai Mati Das

Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

XII
fig.13. Martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur 2, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai Mati Das

Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

XIII
fig.14. Martyrdom of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur , Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai

Mati Das Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

XIV
fig.15. Martyrdom of Bhai Mani Singh, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1957, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

XV
fig.16. Martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1956, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

XVI
fig.17. Martyrdom of Bhai Subeg Singh, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1957, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

XVII
fig.18. Chhota or Nikka Ghallughara 1, Kripal Singh , Oil on Canvas, 1957, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

XVIII
fig.19. Chhota or Nikka Ghallughara 2, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas,1984, Bhai Mati Das

Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

XIX
fig.20. Chhota or Nikka Ghallughara 3, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas,1984, Bhai Mati Das

Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

XX
fig.21. Vadda Ghallughara, Kripal Singh , Oil on Canvas, 1956, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or

Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

XXI
fig.22. Captive Women, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1959, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central

Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

XXII
fig.23. Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1958, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

XXIII
fig.24. Baba Dip Singh, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1958, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central

Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

XXIV
fig.25. Martyrdom of Bhai Dayala, Devender Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg Bahadur

Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

XXV
fig.26. Martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, Devender Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg

Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

XXVI
fig.27. Martyrdom of Bhai Sati Das, Devender Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg

Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

XXVII
fig.28. Imprisoned Guru Teg Bahadur, Jaswant Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg

Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

XXVIII
fig.29. Martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, Amolak Singh, 2010, Book illustration in Ardas Booklet,

Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

XXIX
fig.30. Martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh, Amolak Singh, 2010, Book illustration in Ardas Booklet,

Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

XXX
fig.31. Martyrdom of Bhai Subeg Singh, Amolak Singh, 2010, Book illustration in Ardas

Booklet, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

XXXI
fig.32. Martyrdom of Bhai Mani Singh ,Tara Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

XXXII
fig.33. Martyrdom of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, his son and Nikka Ghallughara, Tara Singh

Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri Mahdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

XXXIII
fig.34. Martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh, Tara Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

XXXIV
fig.35. Captive Sikh women, Tara Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri Mehdiana

Sahib in Ludhiana.

XXXV
fig.36. Martyrdom of Bhai Dayala, Banda Singh Ludhiana, Ferroconcrete, 1990s, Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

XXXVI
fig.37. Martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, Banda Singh Ludhiana, Ferroconcrete, 1990s, Gurdwara

Sri Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

XXXVII
fig.38. Baba Dip Singh Shahid, G.S. Sohan Singh, Print of his Oil Painting, 1950's, Download by

author on Jun 20, 2019.

XXXVIII
fig.39. Baba Dip Singh Shahid, Gursharan Singh, Oil on Canvas, 2005, Gurdwara Sri Shahida

Sahib in Amritsar.

XXXIX
fig.40. Photograph of the dead body of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale , Raghu Rai, June 1984,

downloaded by author on May 18, 2019.

XL
fig.41. Portrait of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale , Gurvinderpal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 2007,

Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in

Amritsar.

XLI
fig.42. Photograph of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale 1, Download by author on May 18, 2019.

XLII
fig.43. Photograph of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale 2, Download by author on May 18, 2019.

XLIII
fig.44. Photograph of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale 3, Download by author on May 18, 2019.

XLIV
fig.45. Photograph of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale 4, Download by on May 18, 2019.

XLV
fig.46. Photograph of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale 5, Download by author on May 18, 2019.

fig.47. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Billboard with Bhagat Singh, Udham Singh and Kartar

Singh Sarabha at Ranbirpura village in Patiala, Billboard in 2009, Download by author on

May 18, 2019.

XLVI
fig.48. Bhagat Singh Photograph (cropped from a Group Photo), Download by author on Jun 25,

2019.

XLVII
fig.49. Portrait of Udham Singh, Master Gurdit Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1970, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

XLVIII
fig.50. Portrait of Kartar Singh Sarabha, Amolak Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1978, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

XLIX
fig.51. Gurdwara Sri Yadgar Shahidan Sahib 1984 at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib Complex

in Amritsar, Download by author on Jun 25, 2019.

fig.52. Inscription on the architrave of Gurdwara Sri Yadgar Shahidan Sahib 1984 at Gurdwara

Sri Harimandir Sahib Complex in Amritsar, Download by author on Jun 25, 2019.

L
fig.53. Carnage of Akal Takht, Amolak Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1987, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or

Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

LI
fig.54. Sikh Massacre 1, Jarnail Singh, Oil on Canvas, 2000, Gurdwara Toronto in Canada.

LII
fig.55. Sikh Massacre 2, Jarnail Singh, Oil on Canvas, 2000, Gurdwara Toronto in Canada.

LIII
fig.56. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Poster 1, Photographed by author on March 21 2019,

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

LIV
fig.57. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Poster 2, Photographed by author on March 21 2019,

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

LV
fig.58. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Posters 3, Photographed by author on March 21 2019,

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

LVI
fig.59. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Posters and Stickers, Photographed by author on March 21

2019, Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

LVII
fig.60. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Poster, Photographed by author on September 2, 2018 , Miri

Piri Gatka Academy in Delhi.

LVIII
fig.61. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Sticker 1, Photographed by author on March 21 2019,

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

LIX
fig.62. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Sticker 2, Photographed by author on March 21 2019,

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

LX
Fig.63. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (from left 1st and 7th), Lion (2nd), Bhagat Singh (3rd) and

Anonymous Sikh Militants (4th, 5th, 6th and 8th) Printed T shirt, Photographed by author on May

16, 2018, Amritsar.

LXI
fig.64. Lion (from left 1st), Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (2nd), Khalsa (3rd), Singh (4th), King (5th)

and Sardarji (6th) Printed T-shirts 2, Photographed by author on May 14 2018, near Bazar at

Langar Hall of Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

LXII
fig.65. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (from left 1st) and Khalsa Insignia (2nd and 3rd) Printed t-

Shirts 3, Photographed by author on March 21, 2019, Bazar near Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh

Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

LXIII
fig.66. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Printed T-shirt Gang , Photographed by author on March 21,

2019, Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

LXIV
fig.67. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Calendar, Photographed by author on Jun 2017, Kar Seva

office of Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

LXV
fig.68. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale with Guru Gobind Singh Banner at Police watch tower,

Photographed by author on March 21 2019, Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur

Sahib.

LXVI
fig.69. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Banner, Photographed by author on March 21 2019,

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

LXVII
fig.70. Poster of Punjabi movie – ‘kaum de Heera’, Downloaded by author on May 20 , 2019.

fig.71. Poster of Punjabi movie – ‘Dharam Yudh Morcha’ , Downloaded by author on May 20,

2019.

LXVIII
 fig.72. Khalistan Liberation Force Logo, Downloaded by author on May 20, 2019.

fig.73. Babbar Khalsa International Logo, Downloaded by author on May 20, 2019.

LXIX
fig.74. Republic of Khalistan Logo, Download by author on May 20, 2019.

fig.75. Flag of Khalistan, Download by author on May 20, 2019.

LXX
 fig.76. Referendum Khalistan 2020, downloaded by author on May 20, 2019.

fig.77. Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum, Photographed by author on May 3,

2019, Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

LXXI
fig.78. Bhai Mati Das Museum, Photographed by author on August 4, 2018, opposite Gurdwara

Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

LXXII
fig.79. Birth of Khalsa 2, Oil on Canvas, 1984, Bhai Mati Das Museum opposite Gurdwara Sri

Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

LXXIII
fig.80. Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum, Photographed by author on

September 9, 2018, Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

LXXIV
fig.81. Martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev, Print on Flex from original Oil painting of Amolak Singh,

2014, Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum at Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in

Delhi.

LXXV
fig.82. Martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev, Gurvinderpal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 2007, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

LXXVI
 fig.83. Martyrdom of Bhai Sati Das (1st), Bhai Mati Das (2nd) and Bhai Dayala (3rd), Print on

Flex from original Oil painting of Kripal Singh’s Bhai Sati Das in 1984, Bhai Mati Das in 1957

and Master Gurdit Singh’s Bhai Dayala in 1950s, 2014, Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage

Multimedia Museum at Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

LXXVII
fig.84. Martyrdom of Bhai Dayala, Master Gurdit Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1950s, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

LXXVIII
 fig.85. Martyrdom of Bhai Mani Singh, Print on Flex with modification from original Oil

Painting of Kripal Singh in 1957, 2014, Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum

at Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

LXXIX
 fig.86. Martyrdom of Bhai Taru Singh (1st) and Bhai Subeg Singh (2nd), Print on Flex with

modification from original Oil Painting of Kripal Singh in 1956 and 1957, 2014, Baba Baghel

Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum at Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

LXXX
fig.87. Martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur, Short Movie Clip, 2014, Baba Baghel Singh Sikh

Heritage Multimedia Museum at Gurdwara Sri Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

LXXXI
fig.88. Martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh, Short

Movie Clip, 2014, Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum at Gurdwara Sri

Bangla Sahib in Delhi.

LXXXII
fig.89. 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or 1984 Martyrs’ Memorial, Photographed by author on February 2,

2018, Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

LXXXIII
fig.90. Press-Photograph on 1984 Delhi Massacre 1, Print on Flex, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar

or 1984 Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

LXXXIV
fig.91. Press-Photograph on 1984 Delhi Massacre 2, Print on Flex, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar

or 1984 Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

LXXXV
fig.92. Name of Victims in 1984 Delhi Massacre 1, Print on Flex, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or

1984 Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

LXXXVI
fig.93. Name of Victims in 1984 Delhi Massacre 1, Print on Flex, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or

1984 Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

LXXXVII
fig.94. Humanity 1, Installation-Sculpture on Metal, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or 1984

Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

LXXXVIII
fig.95. Equality, Installation-Sculpture on Metal, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or 1984 Martyrs’

Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

LXXXIX
fig.96. Humanity 2, Installation-Sculpture on Metal, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or 1984

Martyrs’ Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

XC
fig.97. Tolerance, Installation-Sculpture on Metal, 2017, 1984 Shahidi Yadgar or 1984 Martyrs’

Memorial at Gurdwara Sri Rakabganj Sahib in Delhi.

XCI
fig.98. Open-Air Sculptures’ Gallery, Photographed by author on October 14, 2018, Gurdwara

Sri Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

XCII
fig.99. Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum, Photographed by author on October 14, 2018, Gurdwara

Sri Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

XCIII
fig.100. Baba Dip Singh in battlefield, Jarnail Singh, 1985, Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

XCIV
fig.101. Martyrdom of Bhai Subeg Singh, Tara Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

XCV
fig.102. Martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas –Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh, Tara

Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1997, Gurdwara Sri Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

XCVI
fig.103. Statue of Udham Singh, Tara Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

XCVII
fig.104. Imprisoned Bhagat Singh, Tara Singh Raikot, Ferroconcrete, 1994, Gurdwara Sri

Mehdiana Sahib in Ludhiana.

XCVIII
fig.105. Imprisoned Bhagat Singh, Master Gurdit Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1966, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

XCIX
fig.106. Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum, Photographed by author on April 17, 2019, Mohali.

C
fig.107. Martyrdom of Bhai Mati Das, Parwinder Singh , Fiberglass, 2005, Sikh Ajaibghar or

Sikh Museum in Mohali.

CI
fig.108. Martyrdom Of Bhai Mani Singh, Parwinder Singh , Fiberglass, 2005, Sikh Ajaibghar or

Sikh Museum in Mohali.

CII
fig.109. Martyrdom Of Bhai Taru Singh, Parwinder Singh, Fiberglass, 2005, Sikh Ajaibghar or

Sikh Museum in Mohali.

CIII
fig.110. Martyrdom Of Bhai Subeg Singh, Parwinder Singh , Fiberglass, 2005, Sikh Ajaibghar or

Sikh Museum in Mohali.

CIV
fig.111. Martyrdom Of Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh,

Parwinder Singh , Fiberglass, 2005, Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum in Mohali.

CV
fig.112. Martyrdom Of Baba Dip Singh, Parwinder Singh , Fiberglass, 2005, Sikh Ajaibghar or

Sikh Museum in Mohali.

CVI
fig.113. Sikhi Siddhanta de Adharit Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum based on the Teaching of

Sikhism, Photographed by author on March 21, 2019, Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in

Anandpur Sahib.

CVII
fig.114. Sikh Men Lured by Lustful Non-Sikh Women, Veer Devinder Singh, Oil on Canvas,

2002, Sikhi Siddhanta de Adharit Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum based on the Teaching of

Sikhism at Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CVIII
fig.115. Brahmins and Benias exploit Sikhs, Veer Devinder Singh, Oil on Canvas, 2002, Sikhi

Siddhanta de Adharit Sikh Ajaibghar or Sikh Museum based on the Teaching of Sikhism at

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CIX
fig.116. Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum, Photographed by author on March 20, 2019,

opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CX
fig.117. Martyrdom Of Guru Arjan Dev, Jaswant Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg

Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CXI
fig.118. Imprisoned Mata Gujri Devi and Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba

Zorawar Singh at Cold room of Sirhind Fort, Devender Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru

Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CXII
fig.119. Chhote Sahibzadas - Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh at the Court of Wazir

Khan - Nawab of Sirhind, Devender Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh

Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CXIII
 fig.120. Martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas - Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh,

Devender Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh Museum opposite Gurdwara

Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CXIV
fig.121. Birth of Khalsa 1, Kripal Singh, Oil on Canvas, 1981, Sri Guru Teg Bahadur Sikh

Museum opposite Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CXV
fig.122. Virasat-e-Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre, Photographed by author on March 23,

2019, near the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CXVI
fig.123. Pre-Sikh Punjabi society in the Lodhi period in the Fifteenth Century, Poster with text

and image, 1999, Virasat-e-Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara Takht Sri

Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CXVII
 fig.124. Orthodoxy and Religious Dogma in Hindus in Pre-Sikh Punjabi society in the Lodhi

period in the Fifteenth Century, Wall Painting and Sculptures, 1999, Virasat-e-Khalsa or Khalsa

Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CXVIII
 fig.125. Sati Custom or Burning with Corpse of her Husband in Hindus in Pre-Sikh Punjabi

society in the Lodhi period in the Fifteenth Century, Wall Painting and Sculptures, 1999, Virasat-

e-Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur

Sahib.

CXIX
 fig.126. Guru Nanak Dev (Centre), Bhai Mardana (Left) and Bhai Mardana (Right), Wall

Hanging – Panting and Stitching on Cloth Painting and Sculptures, 1999, Virasat-e-Khalsa or

Khalsa Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CXX
fig.127. Movie Clip on Martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur, Audio-Visual Clip, 1999, Virasat-e-

Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre near the Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur

Sahib.

CXXI
fig.128. Birth of Khalsa, Relief, 1999, Virasat-e-Khalsa or Khalsa Heritage Centre near the

Gurdwara Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib.

CXXII
fig.129. Curatorial Note – About the Paintings, Printed Poster, 2001, Bhai Mati Das Museum

opposite Gurdwara Sri Sis Ganj Sahib in Delhi.

CXXIII
fig.130. A Sikh Devotee Touched the Feet of Baba Dip Singh’s Poster, Printed Poster with Text

and Image, Photographed by author on May 2018, Gurdwara Sri Shahida Sahib in Amritsar.

CXXIV
fig.131. Book Cover of Ardas Booklet, Print on Paper, 2010 , Ardas Booklet, Published by

Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

CXXV
fig.132. Portrait of Guru Nanak Dev, Amolak Singh, 2010 , Book illustration in Ardas booklet,

Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

CXXVI
 fig.133. Portraits of Guru Ram Das (3rd figure on left page), Guru Hargobind (2nd figure on

right page) and Guru Har Rai (3rd figure on right page), Amolak Singh, 2010 , Book illustration

in Ardas booklet, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

CXXVII
fig.134. Portraiture of Guru Ram Das, Amolak Singh, Oil in Canvas, 1987, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

CXXVIII
fig.135. Portraiture of Guru Hargobind, Amolak Singh, Oil in Canvas, 1985, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

CXXIX
fig.136. Portraiture of Guru Har Rai, Amolak Singh, Oil in Canvas, 1989, Kendriya Sikh

Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir Sahib in Amritsar.

CXXX
fig.137. Birth of Khalsa (1st row), Baba Ajit Singh (left of 2nd row), Baba Jujhar Singh (right of

2nd row) and Chhote Sahibzadas - Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh (3rd row), Amolak

Singh, 2010 , Book illustration in Ardas booklet, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in

Amritsar.

CXXXI
 fig.138. Baba Ajit Singh at the Battlefield in Chamkaur Sahib, Master Gurdit Singh, Oil in

Canvas, 1950s, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir

Sahib in Amritsar.

CXXXII
fig.139. Baba Jujhar Singh at the Battlefield in Chamkaur Sahib, Master Gurdit Singh, Oil in

Canvas, 1950s, Kendriya Sikh Ajaibghar or Central Sikh Museum at Gurdwara Sri Harimandir

Sahib in Amritsar.

CXXXIII
 fig.140. Book Cover of Supreme Sacrifice of Young Souls: The Martyrdom of the Younger

Sahibzadas, Devender Singh, Print on Paper, 2013, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in

Amritsar.

CXXXIV
fig.141. Book Cover of Nanhi Jaane Mahan Saka: Chhote Sahibzadon Ki Shahidi Ki Sachitra

Sakhi, Devender Singh, Print on Paper, 2013, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in

Amritsar.

CXXXV
fig.142. Imprisoned Mata Gujri Devi and Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba

Zorawar Singh at the Cold room of Sirhind Fort, Devender Singh, Book illustration, 2013,

‘Supreme Sacrifice of Young Souls: The Martyrdom of the Younger Sahibzadas’ and ‘Nanhi

Jaane Mahan Saka: Chhote Sahibzadon Ki Shahidi Ki Sachitra Sakhi’, Published by Dharam

Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

CXXXVI
fig.143. Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh at the Court of Wazir

Khan –Nawab of Sirhind, Devender Singh, Book illustration, 2013, ‘Supreme Sacrifice of Young

Souls: The Martyrdom of the Younger Sahibzadas’ and ‘Nanhi Jaane Mahan Saka: Chhote

Sahibzadon Ki Shahidi Ki Sachitra Sakhi’, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in

Amritsar.

CXXXVII
 fig.144. Martyrdom of Chhote Sahibzadas – Baba Fateh Singh and Baba Zorawar Singh,

Devender Singh, Book illustration, 2013, ‘Supreme Sacrifice of Young Souls: The Martyrdom of

the Younger Sahibzadas’ and ‘Nanhi Jaane Mahan Saka: Chhote Sahibzadon Ki Shahidi Ki

Sachitra Sakhi’, Published by Dharam Parchar Committee in Amritsar.

CXXXVIII