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Routledge Studies in Ethics and Moral Theory
PHILOSOPHICAL PERSPECTIVES
ON MORAL CERTAINTY
Edited by Cecilie Eriksen, Julia Hermann,
Neil O’Hara, and Nigel Pleasants
Philosophical Perspectives
on Moral Certainty
Desert Collapses
Why No One Deserves Anything
Stephen Kershnar
Neglected Virtues
Edited by Glen Pettigrove and Christine Swanton
Incomparable Values
Analysis, Axiomatics and Applications
John Nolt
Value Incommensurability
Ethics, Risk, and Decision-Making
Edited by Henrik Andersson and Anders Herlitz
Typeset in Sabon
by KnowledgeWorks Global Ltd.
Contents
Contributorsix
Acknowledgementsxii
Abbreviationsxiii
3 Bedrock Gender 35
DANIELE MOYAL-SHARROCK AND CONSTANTINE SANDIS
5 Unbearable Certainties 76
JOEL BACKSTRÖM
6 Wrong Hinges 98
ANNA BONCOMPAGNI
Index 229
Contributors
1 The theme of certainty appears elsewhere in his work but is most fully discussed in
On Certainty. Another less influential source for work on moral certainty has been
K.E. Løgstrup’s work (see, for example, Lagerspetz [1998]; O’Hara [2018]; Eriksen
[2020a]).
2 In the original German the term for certainty is “Gewißheit”, and the phrase is “es
steht (für mich) fest”. See for example, OC, §425, §620, §194, §86, §308, §337, §253
and §116, §125, §144, §151, §152, §234, §235; cf. Moyal-Sharrock (2005, 208).
DOI: 10.4324/9781003178927-1
2 Neil O’Hara, Cecilie Eriksen, Julia Hermann, and Nigel Pleasants
But what would we take as evidence, how might we conclusively verify
the existence of our own hands?
If a blind man were to ask me “Have you got two hands?” I should
not make sure by looking. If I were to have any doubt of it, then I
don’t know why I should trust my eyes. For why shouldn’t I test my
eyes by looking to find out whether I see my two hands? What is to
be tested by what?
(OC, §163)
3 Kim van Gennip (2008, 124) points out that this distinction dates back to
Wittgenstein’s work in the 1930s.
4 Though Pleasants would now acknowledge that if the latter is moral certainty at all,
it is so in a different way to the former, that is, it is morally bad, but not wrong. Nor
would he proffer it as an instance of moral certainty. That said, it is, in Pleasants’
view, the bad-making fact that makes killing wrong.
Introduction 3
1.1 Justifying our most basic moral beliefs
Consider the following imaginary conversation:
5 Also, something being unjust or unfair can, like theft, sometimes be a very mild
wrong; these descriptors no more capture the essence of the wrongness of killing than
does theft.
4 Neil O’Hara, Cecilie Eriksen, Julia Hermann, and Nigel Pleasants
So we seem to have a philosophical impasse: Our most deeply
held moral beliefs (surely the wrongness of killing is such) cannot be
explained or justified. We cannot give reasons for holding them; so we
cannot give reasons to act on them. This result seems to be of more
than purely philosophical import. To be sure, we can, and do, get along
morally without posing or answering these difficulties about explana-
tion and justification. But it does seem, to invoke Kant’s phrase on the
knowability of the external world, something of a scandal.6 The notion
of basic moral certainty, for some of those who write on it, provides an
explanation or dissolution of the seeming paradox between the unjus-
tifiability of our basic moral beliefs and their unshakeable certainty. It
does so in a way that does not depict “basic moral certainty” as words
that have mere psychological force but by showing that our practices and
language-games in which we talk about and react to wrongful killings
are beyond the possibility of doubt.
6 In the Critique of Pure Reason, Kant (2007, Bxxxix) writes that it “remains a scandal
to philosophy and to human reason in general that the existence of things outside
us … must be accepted merely on faith”, which is Moore’s motivation for seeking
empirical certainty.
7 One central debate not dealt with here is the one that centres around the nature of
“the moral” (see, for example, Crary [2005, 275–6, 285–7]; Pleasants [2008, 242];
Manhire [2022, 47–52]).
Introduction 5
which galvanised the debate, defended this example. Since then, many
have responded directly to his presentation of the issues (for example,
Burley [2010]; Brice [2013]; Rummens [2013]; Fairhurst [2019]; Ariso
[2020]; Laves [2021]; and Martin Kusch’s and Hans-Johann Glock’s
contributions to this volume). These responses (except perhaps Burley’s)
have focused on doubt about the scope of this certainty (do all humans/
societies share this moral certainty?) and its generality (is it right to say
that killing as such is wrong?). That is to say, both the extension and the
content of this putative basic moral certainty are debated.
Yet this uncertainty about boundaries and possible outliers should
not draw our attention away from two fundamental facts – unshakeable
certainty over the wrongness of killing is core to our moral selves, and
most humans take it, in some form, for granted. There is no culture in
human history that has not had some prohibitions around killing and
has not taken it seriously.8
8 Even in non-human animals that share our social proclivities we see a concern for
who may or may not be killed and when – out and out psychopathy is just as out
of place in a wolf-pack as in any human community. We are not making the claim
that non-human animals have moral certainties but simply pointing out that even
some non-human animals share an aversion to killing members of their own species.
See Midgley (1991, 7), where she points out that “social traits like parental care,
co-operative foraging and reciprocal kindness show plainly that such creatures [social
birds and mammals – authors’ insertion] are not in fact crude, exclusive egoists, but
beings who have evolved the strong and special motivations needed to form and main-
tain a simple society”.
9 Stefan Rummens (2013, 137–41) notes and critically discusses some relativistic read-
ings of On Certainty in general, such as Kober (1997) and Colby (1999).
6 Neil O’Hara, Cecilie Eriksen, Julia Hermann, and Nigel Pleasants
For Rummens, moral certainty must be limited in extension because
doubt can only arise within practices. In explaining this distinction, he
says,
10 The precise meaning of the basic terms is still a matter for debate, which adds to the
difficulty of the discussion. We make no effort here, though, to standardise the terms.
11 “Hinge” here refers to what we generally call “certainty”.
12 See O’Hara (2018, chaps 4 & 5 and 173–80).
Introduction 7
this leads some to affirm (cultural) moral relativism. But the mixed
model of local and universal moral certainties gives a way, so he argues,
of understanding “deep disagreement” about morality without taking
this step into relativism.13
Getting a sense of the scope of positions on this can help us see the
potential, and potential limitations, the concept of moral certainty has
for tackling some difficult problems in moral philosophy. Can it help us
tackle global moral scepticism? Can it help us deal with moral relativism?
15 Cf. for example, “Senilicide and Invalidicide among the Eskimos” by Rolf Kjellström
(1974–5). Cf. also Rachels (2009).
16 Contextual epistemologists would go further than this though and affirm that the
same belief can sometimes act as a basic certainty, sometimes not, even within the
same culture. We return to this briefly below.
Introduction 9
On foundationalist readings, however, basic certainties (or hinges) are
not beliefs like any other, beliefs whose logical status may change with
context. Basic certainties are, for the foundationalist, a discrete collec-
tion of beliefs, or belief-like states, of a particular logical status. This
may seem to be un-Wittgensteinian in spirit, positing as it does a special
kind of something. But Wittgenstein himself seemingly uses foundation-
alist language in On Certainty in several places, for example, at OC,
§246, §248, and §§401–3. He expresses a foundationalist perspective
most concisely at OC, §253 – “At the foundation of well-founded belief
lies belief that is not founded”.17
One reason for positing a special class of belief, rather than a special
kind of treatment of ordinary beliefs, is that there are in fact some (moral)
beliefs that appear to be exceptionlessly indubitable. This possibility is
usefully discussed, for our purposes, by Jonathan Dancy (2007) in his
defence of moral particularism (though he did not write on the topic of
“moral certainty”). Dancy wants to show that there are no necessary
moral principles. In order to do this, he argues that all moral reasons
can shift valence – a wrong-making reason in one context may become
morally neutral or right-making in another. A nice example Dancy gives
is about an action’s lawfulness:
But despite the fact that moral reasons can almost always shift valence
(that is, moral atomism is false), there remain examples of what Dancy
calls “invariant reasons” (ibid.). These are moral reasons that always
count either for or against a certain action. So Dancy concedes that,
This is not the place to rehearse the more general debate any further.
But in speaking of moral certainty, the issue of the propositionality or
otherwise of certainties takes on some characteristic features.
One place where this is so is the allegedly highly conceptual nature of
our moral thinking. This tells against a purely enactive understanding
of hinges. Brice’s critique of Pleasants is relevant here. While Brice is
criticising the view that hinge beliefs are “natural” as opposed to cul-
turally inculcated, his arguments are also relevant for discussing the
propositional/non-propositional nature of hinges, which he does not
address. We are here using his arguments in service of the latter purpose.
Moral certainties, says Brice, and particularly our certainties around the
wrongness of killing, rely on some pretty thick concepts. This includes
concepts such as “innocence” and “person” (presuming our certainty is
something like “It is wrong to kill innocent persons”). However,
21 See José Ariso’s contribution to this volume for further discussion of this topic, where
he criticises O’Hara’s view that basic moral certainty is natural rather than purely
inculcated.
Introduction 13
conceptual nature of human moral thinking, we could point to examples
of instinctive human behaviour. Eriksen suggests the following case:
A small child trips, falls from the sidewalk and is hit by a car. His
father runs to him, attends to his wounds, calms him and calls an
ambulance. In this situation there is certainty and blind, instinctive
reaction. Certainty that there is pain. Certainty that the right thing
to do is to tend to the person in pain.
(Eriksen 2020b, 105)
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2 Socially Disruptive Technologies
and Moral Certainty
Julia Hermann
2.1 Introduction
The work of Wittgenstein has so far received little attention from schol-
ars working in the philosophy of technology, a lacuna recently pointed
out by Mark Coeckelbergh and Michael Funk (Coeckelbergh 2018;
Coeckelbergh and Funk 2018). An exception is Langdon Winner, who
is inspired by Wittgenstein and, borrowing his notion of a form of life,
speaks about “technologies as forms of life” (Winner 1989, 11). In this
chapter, I relate a Wittgenstein-inspired account of moral certainty to
recent scholarship in the philosophy and ethics of technology that stud-
ies the phenomenon of “technosocial disruption”, that is, the disruption
by technology of “social relations, institutions, epistemic paradigms,
foundational concepts, values, and the very nature of human cogni-
tion and experience” (Hopster 2021, 1). Developments in, for instance,
robotics, artificial intelligence, and gene-editing technologies might cre-
ate conditions in which some certainties, both moral and non-moral,
will be challenged and new certainties will emerge. Such technological
developments could affect “our fundamental ways of being and acting
in the world” (Pleasants 2009, 670), which underlie our epistemic and
moral practices and reflect various certainties.
I shall explore ways in which what have been called “socially disrup-
tive technologies” (Hopster 2021) could affect moral agency at its most
fundamental level, the level of moral certainty,1 by considering two dif-
ferent contexts in which technology disrupts moral practices: the intro-
duction of robots in elderly care practices and, at a more speculative
level, the use of ectogestative technology for foetal development. As I
shall argue, those technologies disrupt moral routines, thereby affecting
what moral competence involves in the respective practices and challeng-
ing some of the things that “stand fast” for morally competent agents.
Furthermore, the possibility of moral disruption suggests a refinement
DOI: 10.4324/9781003178927-2
20 Julia Hermann
of Wittgenstein-inspired accounts of moral certainty: moral certainty
should be understood as being susceptible to technological mediation.
Integrating the idea of the technological mediation of morality into
an account of moral certainty expands the idea of moral certainty by
explicitly situating it in our technological world. The notion of moral
certainty, in turn, can inform accounts of “technosocial disruption”.
In the next section, I briefly present the relationship between moral
certainty and moral competence (Section 2.2). I then introduce the
notions of “socially disruptive technologies” and “technosocial disrup-
tion” as well as the idea that this disruption can go as deep as the level
of moral certainty (Section 2.3). I explore this idea by looking at the
ways in which two different technologies might be technosocially dis-
ruptive in specific contexts: care robots in the context of elderly care and
ectogestative technology in the context of becoming and being a parent.
After briefly explicating the idea that moral certainty should be con-
ceived of as being susceptible to technological mediation (Section 2.4), I
conclude by summarising the main insights of my analysis (Section 2.5).
2 “Giving grounds, however, justifying the evidence, comes to an end; - but the end is
not certain propositions’ striking us immediately as true, i.e. it is not a kind of seeing
on our part; it is our acting, which lies at the bottom of the language-game” (OC,
§204). I speak about moral language games in the plural to avoid the idea that there
is only one moral language game.
3 It is a “fact of human life” that children can be a nuisance, a fact to which parents
naturally react by expressing displeasure. When their children behave well, parents
naturally express pleasure (Hanfling 2003, 30; see Hermann 2015, 153).
22 Julia Hermann
itself in different contexts or domains. At the most general level, moral
competence is the mastery of moral practices, ranging from treating oth-
ers with respect to justifying an action by reference to moral reasons.
Morally competent agents have mastered numerous overlapping moral
practices, such as the practice of promising and the practice of helping
someone. Moral competence resembles certain practical skills in the way
in which it is acquired: “We become morally competent through moral
training, that is we learn how to act, feel and think morally through
practice” (Hermann 2015, 195).
In concrete contexts, moral competence takes on a more specific form.
For instance, in the context of education, it manifests itself in qualities
such as patience, empathy, and consistency. A morally competent teacher
attends to the individual needs of her pupils, treats her pupils justly, is
patient when a pupil needs more time to understand what she is trying
to teach him, does not favour one pupil over another based on personal
preferences, and so forth. Although not everyone would agree with this
description, I expect it to be widely shared by members of contemporary
Western societies.
4 See https://www.esdit.nl/
Socially Disruptive Technologies and Moral Certainty 23
(4) ethical salience of impact, (5) extent of uncertainty, (6) pace of
change, and (7) reversibility of impact. For the purposes of this chapter,
the first and the fifth criterion are the most relevant.
The first criterion – depth of impacts – concerns the impact on “deeply
held beliefs, values, social norms, and basic human capacities” (ibid., 6).
Socially disruptive technologies “affect basic human practices, fundamen-
tal concepts, ontological distinctions, and go to the heart of our human
self-understanding” (ibid.). They provoke different kinds of uncertainty
(fifth criterion): predictive uncertainty, “conceptual ambiguity and contes-
tation, moral confusion, and moral disagreement” (ibid., 7). Below I shall
consider these criteria in relation to care robots and ectogestative technology.
Ectogestative technology
The second example of a socially disruptive technology that I want to
discuss is ectogestative technology (more commonly known as artifi-
cial womb technology), which can potentially disrupt norms, values,
and practices related to the beginning of human life. The term “ecto-
genesis” refers to the “development of placental mammals – specifically
humans – outside the maternal body, where this development would
normally happen inside” (Kingma and Finn 2020, 356). Ectogestative
technology is a technology that facilitates gestation ex utero by “re-
plicating and replacing a biological process” (Romanis 2018, 753).
Scientists are working on such an artificial womb, which would enable
gestation outside of the body of the mother in an environment that
closely resembles the natural womb. At the University of Eindhoven in
the Netherlands, they are developing a first prototype, intended for use
in neonatal intensive care units.9 They expect to have their prototype
ready by the end of this decade, meaning that soon, the first human
embryo might be transferred to an artificial womb. While the scien-
tists involved in that research emphasise that the technology is only
intended as a replacement for the current incubator and will merely be
used for pre-term babies, philosophers, designers, and artists already
contemplate more far-reaching uses of the technology. Though full
ectogenesis,10 that is, the development of a placental mammal happen-
ing entirely outside the maternal womb, might never be possible, we
should use our “technomoral imagination” (Swierstra 2013, 216) to
9 https://www.tue.nl/en/our-university/departments/biomedical-engineering/the-
department/news/news-overview/08-10-2019-multimillion-grant-brings-artificial-
womb-one-step-closer/.
10 We can distinguish full ectogenesis from partial ectogenesis, where the latter refers to
cases where part of the development happens outside the maternal womb, for exam-
ple, if a human foetus were to be transferred into an artificial womb at 24 weeks of
gestation.
Socially Disruptive Technologies and Moral Certainty 29
reflect upon ways in which ectogenesis, partial or full, could disrupt
fundamental norms, practices, and beliefs.
In the context of becoming and being a parent, moral competence
involves acting in the best interest of the child, providing the care that
a child needs at a particular stage of development, ensuring the child’s
safety, attending to its emotional needs, and so forth. A morally compe-
tent parent doesn’t take his eyes off a child that is playing in the water
and doesn’t yet know how to swim. He makes sure his child eats enough
healthy food, consoles the child when it is hurt, and takes it to the doctor
when the situation requires it, assuming that it is possible for him to do
so. For a morally competent parent, some things are certain. It is certain
for her that she is morally responsible for her child’s well-being and that
neglecting a child is morally wrong. It stands fast for her that she has
the duty to protect her child and ensure that its basic needs are met. In
many societies, one parent, the mother, is taken to have a special rela-
tionship with the child, which gives rise to special rights and duties. An
important theory that defined the institution of motherhood as we know
it in Western societies today is the theory of attachment developed pri-
marily by British psychiatrist John Bowlby in the 1950s. Although faced
with various criticisms over time, many elements of Bowlby’s attachment
theory are still prominent in current Western understandings of what it
means to be a good mother (Ross 2016, 20f.). The theory contributed
significantly to the “now almost commonplace view that good mother-
ing involves selfless, consistent, and continuous care and that adherence
to these prescriptions will lead to children’s healthy personality develop-
ment” (ibid., 18).
Pregnant women and mothers are judged by reference to high stand-
ards. A good mother is expected to make large sacrifices of her own
interests for the sake of her children. What exactly is expected from
mothers differs among and within societies. A widespread expectation
in countries like the UK, the Netherlands, and Germany, for example, is
that mothers breastfeed for at least a certain number of months. Due to
this societal expectation, women put themselves under a lot of pressure
to breastfeed and feel guilty when they are for some reason unable to,
experience it as too burdensome, or do not consider it to be best for the
child. During pregnancy, women are expected to refrain from smoking
and drinking alcohol, to avoid certain foods, such as raw fish and raw
milk cheese, and not to engage in high-risk sports. If a visibly pregnant
woman drinks alcohol in public, she can expect to be openly blamed and
chastised for it. Exactly what pregnant women are supposed to do and
to refrain from differs among societies, but the existence of behavioural
rules related to pregnancy is probably universal.
In relation to the beginning of human life, several things are certain.
It is certain that for each human being, independent life begins at birth,
that the gestation of human foetuses requires a maternal womb, and
30 Julia Hermann
that every human person has once been in her mother’s womb.11 “I have
once been in my mother’s womb” is comparable to “I have never been
far away from the earth” (see OC, §93). As Lynda Ross writes in the
introduction to her book Interrogating Motherhood, “we were all born
of mothers” (2016, 1). Practices and norms around pregnancy and par-
enting also reveal moral certainties, such as certainty over the mother
being the most important person during the first years of a child’s life or
her having the moral duty to be the primary caretaker of her child. These
certainties are not universal but manifest themselves in the practices,
rules, and regulations of many human societies. In the Netherlands, for
instance, women get 16 weeks of fully paid maternity leave, while men
get two weeks of fully paid leave at most. If it were possible for human
babies to develop entirely outside of the maternal body, in a technolog-
ical device, this could disrupt established gender roles, parenting prac-
tices, the parent-child relationship, and fundamental concepts such as
BIRTH or MOTHER.12
Inequalities between mothers and fathers can be traced back at least
in part to facts about pregnancy and lactation. The special expectations
related to mothers and their role as primary caregiver are related to the
fact that usually a child develops in its mother’s body for nine months
before it is born. In the womb, the foetus can feel the movements and
heartbeat of the mother and hear her voice. The mother’s behaviour and
moods affect the foetus. While women experience bodily changes during
pregnancy, including hormonal changes, and can feel the movements of
the baby from a certain stage onwards, for men, the fact that they are
becoming fathers usually remains rather abstract. Not having this close
physical connection to the foetus, they experience pregnancy differently
than women. After the child is born, it is assumed that the mother is
particularly capable of making the baby calm when it is upset, because
it is used to her heartbeat.
Let us return to the first criterion for technosocial disruptiveness
mentioned above, depth of impacts, which concerns the impact on
“deeply held beliefs, values, social norms, and basic human capacities”
(ibid., 6). As mentioned above, socially disruptive technologies “affect
basic human practices, fundamental concepts, ontological distinctions,
and go to the heart of our human self-understanding” (ibid.). The arti-
ficial womb, which should be seen in continuity with other reproductive
11 It might be more accurate to say that the requirement of a maternal womb for the
gestation of human foetuses is losing its status of certainty as the development of
ectogestative technology is progressing.
12 I will address the fact that to a certain extent traditional gender roles have already
been disrupted by, for instance, modern employment needs and ideas of equality at
the end of this section.
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agriculture their sole resource, 138.
Volney describes the American habits of diet, i. 44.
Voltaire, i. 161.
Transcriber’s Notes:
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.