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BAR S933
Vici in Roman Gaul

2001
RORISON
Monica Rorison

VICI IN ROMAN GAUL

BAR International Series 933

B
A
R 2001
Vici in Roman Gaul

Monica Rorison

BAR International Series 933

2001
Published in 2016 by
BAR Publishing, Oxford

BAR International Series 933

Vici in Roman Gaul

© M Rorison and the Publisher 2001

The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright,

Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted.

All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced,

stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or
transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the
Publisher.

ISBN 9781841712277 paperback

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DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841712277
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 Introduction

The subject of this work is the 'vici' of Gaul, or more precisely of the Three Gauls; Aquitania,
Lugdunensis and Belgica. It is the publication of my thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the
Department of Archaeology and Prehistory of the University of Sheffield, March 1996.

How the vici were selected is described in the first chapter (section 1.1). The time span covered is
approximately from the conquest culminating in the victory of Caesar at Alesia in 52 BC, to the loss of
Roman control at the beginning of the fifth century. The first aim (in 1996) was to catalogue the vici, as
there was no existing list, except for the area of Franche-Comte where Mangin had made a systematic
survey of the agglomerations secondaires (Mangin et al. 1986). The second aim was to provide an
overview of the origins and development, structural complexity and character, and the functions of these
settlements. The main sources for my search (Rorison M. 1996), were the archaeological reports of the
major French journal Gallia from 1964 onwards and Grenier's Manuel d'Archeologie (1931-1960, 4
vols.). After three years it transpired that it would be too ambitious to include all of the Three Gauls,
because of the large number of sites. It was decided that ten areas, preferably taking in some of the north-
west, south-west, centre and east of Gaul would have to suffice. At the same time a new generation of
publications of Carte Archeologique de la Gaule was appearing, adding valuable information where there
had been little or none before. Problem areas with little available information remain, as for instance the
departement of Sarthe, which so far is not covered by a publication of Carte Archeologique de la Gaule.

During the summers of these years of study it was possible to visit many vici sites and appreciate their
remains and their topographical and environmental characteristics at first hand (Burgundy: one week tour
in 1986; Aquitaine and Poitou-Charentes: three week tour in 1989; Brittany and Bordeaux: two week
tour in 1990; Limousin and Auvergne: two week tour in 1992; Loire valley and central France: two
weeks in 1993). The publication of the proceedings of the conference on urbanisation in the south-west of
Gaul was very helpful, although it focused mainly on civitas-capitals (Aquitania, supplement 6, 1990, eds.
Maurin, L. et al). The conference at Bitche in 1992 gave me an opportunity to take part in dicussions on
the vici of Gallia Belgica and the Germanies (Germania inferior and superior). It impressed upon me
forcibly that the vici were important and that Bliesbruck in particular was a prime source of information.
The Atlas, prepared for the conference, produced valuable information and extended my own collection
of vici by adding many more (Atlas, Colloque Bliesbruck-Reinheim - Bitche, Oct.1992). In 1994 the
proceedings of this conference were published in two volumes (eds. Petit, J.-P., Mangin, M. , Brunella,
Ph.)

Information culled from all these sources made possible the discussion which was tackled in the following
sequence; definition and selection (chapter 1), location and distribution (chapter 2), settlement and
building layout (chapter 3), function (chapter 4), chronology (chapter 5) and society (chapter 6).

11
 Acknowledgements

First of all I wish to thank my former supervisors, Professor John Collis, who helped me with the initial
thesis and Professor John Drinkwater who has continued to help and encourage me. Acknowledgements
are also due to scholars abroad who helped me. I am particularly grateful to Dr. Patrick Galliou of the
University of Brest and Professor Louis Maurin (Universite de Bordeaux III). Kind help was also received
from Jean-Pierre Bost (Universite de Bordeaux III), Jean Michel Desbordes (Directeur des Antiquites
Historiques du Limousin), Dr. Jean Krier (Staatsmuseum, Luxemburg) and Madame Sauget-Fizelier
(Antiquites Historiques et Prehistoriques d' Auvergne) at Clermont-Ferrand. Dr. Barry Burnham of the
University of Wales, Lampeter, kindly gave me advice on key characteristics of Roman small towns. My
thanks are also due to him for encouragement with this work.

Abbreviations and Definitions

c. circa ch. chapter

m metre km kilometre
p. page vol. volume

Abbreviations of ancient and modern works:

Ant.It. Antonine Itinerary

Peut.Tab. Peutinger Table
BAR British Archaeological Reports, Oxford
B.G. De Bello Gallico, Caesar
CAG Carte Archeologique de la Gaule, Paris 1981-
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin 1893-
G Gazetteer, Part II of this work
ILTG Inscriptions Latines des Trois Gaules, Paris 1963
RIG Receuil des Inscriptions Gauloises, Gallia 1988

Definitions

All dates before the Birth of Christ are marked BC.

Dates after the Birth of Christ are only marked AD when there is a danger of confusion.
Foreign words are in italics except place names.
The word 'vicus' is used without italics throughout this work.
The circumflex accent is not used, because it is no longer a legal requirement in France.

111
iv
 Contents

Chapter 1
The vici; selection, definition, self-awareness, classification 1

Chapter 2
Location and distribution ofvici 17

Chapter 3
Settlement and building layout 33

Chapter 4
The function of the vici 51

Chapter 5
The chronology of the vici 64

Chapter 6
The society of the vici 80

Conclusions 90

Gazetteer 95
Aquitaine 98
Auvergne 111
Bourgogne 123
Bretagne 145
Centre 159
Franche-Comte 180
Limousin 196
Lorraine 206
Pays-de-la-Loire 229
Poitou-Charentes 237

Bibliography 257

Index 267

V
Vl
 Chapter 1
The vici; selection, definition, self-awareness, classification
1.1 Selection and definition of areas and sites.
For the purpose of archaeological research, modem France
is divided into twenty two administrative areas, the
circonscriptions archeologiques (Fig. 1.1). Provence and
Languedoc-Roussillon experienced an earlier conquest and
different history from 'Northern Gaul' and have therefore
been excluded from this study. Ten areas were chosen to
represent a sample of 'Northern Gaul': Aquitaine,
Auvergne, Bourgogne, Bretagne, Centre, Franche-Comte,
Limousin, Lorraine, Pays-de-la-Loire and Poitou-Charentes
(Fig. 1.1). In order to avoid confusion the French name of
an administrative area is used in preference to the English,
e.g. Bourgogne - not Burgundy, Bretagne - not Brittany.
The aim of this book is to make available information
about the settlements (vici), which were in status,
magnitude and importance less than the official cities at
one end of the spectrum and more than the farms or villas
at the other. Such settlements are called by French scholars
agglomerations secondaires, which can be translated as
'secondary grouped setlements'. They were secondary to
the primary urban sites, that is the civitas-capitals which
might have had the status of municipium or civitas, and the
coloniae like LUGDUNUM, the federal capital of the
'Three Gauls' at Lyon. Details concerning a great variety
of settlements are presented in the Gazetteer (see pp 000-
000). Sites which lacked archaeological documentation
(for instance stations only known from the ancient
itineraries), have been excluded. At the upper end of the
scale were places which in many respects resembled
capitals. The outstanding example of such a case is
ALESIA, Alise-Ste.-Reine (Cote-d'Or), in Burgundy (G
3.1).
Other places, either because of their strategic position, or
because of historical developments, became capitals during
the Late Empire. St.-Malo (site: Alet), in Bretagne is a
good example (G 4.15). It replaced Corseul, the earlier
capital of the Coriosolites probably from the second part of
the third century onward. It has been included as a vicus,
because of its importance as a port preceding its role as
civitas-capital. In all 192 sites are described at some
length in the Gazetteer. At the other end of the range is a
great number of places which are difficult to define.
Settlements with very poor archaeological documentation
have been gathered in an appendix to each research area as
'further possible sites'. Information on these was so poor
that it would not have been fruitful to include them for an
analysis in the tables of characteristics of the vici.
However, they are marked on the distribution maps and
1
also included in the discussion of the location and
distribution of the vici (ch. 2).
1.2 The term 'vicus', its definition and use, the ancient
sources and contemporary use of the term.
Caesar used the term vici for the settlements of the Helvetii
which were in rank and magnitude below oppida, usually
translated as 'towns' and on the other hand above
aedificia, usually translated as 'private dwellings', or
'farmsteads' (B.G. I, 5, 24). There is other literary
evidence for the use of the term (e.g. Varro, Festus and
Isidore of Seville). Varro, a contemporary of Caesar,
wrote that a vicus was a group of houses, which depended
on a street for communication (Varro LL, V, 160 and
Curchin 1985:328-9). Festus, writing during the late
second century, when the Empire had developed and
expanded considerably, gave three definitions for the word
'vicus': 1) a rural settlement which acted as a market place
and had annually elected magistrates, 2) part or suburb of a
town with its distinct topography and name, 3) a block of
flats whose tenants however did not call themselves vicani
(Festus L, 502-8 and Curchin 1985:328). Isidore of
Seville, writing in the early seventh century, seems largely
to agree with what Festus says about the vici. However, he
does not mention the third option, a block of flats. It has
been suggested that this particular interpretation does not
need serious consideration (Curchin 1985:328). Isidore of
Seville aligns vici with pagi and castelli, stressing their
subordination to civitas-capitals (Isidore, Etym. XV, 2, 11-
12). The literary sources appear to tell us that people
living in a vicus called themselves vicani and that these
vici may have had a local administration, though they were
always subordinate to their civitas-capital. Wightman
insisted in fact that a major criterion for a vicus was that it
should yield evidnce of some degree of local autonomy
(Wightman 1976:59-64).
Unfortunately only a very small number of vici have
produced inscriptions mentioning an administrative body
or magistrates. There are only three examples, two from
Burgundy and one from Lorraine. At Alise-Ste.-Reine
inscriptions refer to a decree of an ordo, a council of
magistrates and a priest (CIL XIII, 2877; cf Benard and
Mangin 1992:87). At Dijon a second-century inscription
mentions decuriones (CIL XIII, 2, 5488). At St.-Amand-
sur-Omain in Lorraine an undated inscription refers to a
council of the pagus of NASIUM and to the Augusta/es,
priests of the imperial cult (CIL XIII, 4636). These few
inscriptions are not sufficient evidence of an administrative
function of the vici in general. The problem of an
administrative function of the vici is discussed in chapter 4.
 Monica Rorison

Fig. 1.1 Administrative areas for archaeology in France (circonscriptions archeologique).

The ten areas of this study are shaded.

1.3 Evidence of self-awareness, inscriptions referring to
the vicus or the vicani.
Inscriptions which mention a vicus and vicani are more
common, though it has to be borne in mind that they only
supply evidence of self awareness on the part of the
inhabitants and the dedicants, i.e. they are not evidence for
an externally acknowledged status. In the Gazetteer's 192
sites, only eleven inscriptions from nine locations refer to a
vicus, or vicani, or both. The area of Lorraine has
produced three inscriptions mentioning a vicus or vicani.
Two originate from the region of the Moselle and one from
the Vosges.
The inscription found at Cocheren (Moselle), is a
dedication to the Emperor Tiberius mentioning the vicus
and the dedicants possibly as the 'merchants' of the vicus
(CIL XIII, 4481). The archaeological evidence at Cocheren
(site: Le Herapel), suggests that it was a small vicus on the
Roman road from Metz, the civitas-capital of the
Mediomatrici, via Saarbrucken to the Rhine. There is
evidence of Late Empire fortifications, although it is not a
road station known from the itineraries and its Latin name
is unknown (G 8.4). At Marsal (Moselle), a dedication to
the Emperor Claudius mentions the vicani of
MAROSALLUM (CIL XIII, 4565). This was a small vicus
situated at the river crossing of the Seille by the Roman

2
 Vici in Roman Gaul
road from Metz to Strasbourg. It is not known from the
itineraries, but seems to have been involved in salt
production, a valuable commodity (G 8.13). At Soulosse
(Vosges), a road station of the Ant.It., two inscriptions are
of interest. One, dated to the first century, is a dedication
to Jupiter, mentioning the vicani of Solimariaca (CIL XIII,
4681). The other, dated to AD 232, is a dedication to the
'genius' of the pagus of DERVETUM. The last line
mentions the vicus SOLICIA (CIL XIII, 4679). The two
vicus names have caused some confusion. Grenier
postulated that the vicus had two names, referring to two
different parts of the settlement (Grenier 1934:696-702).
Thus the SOLIMARIACA of the itineraries refer to the
place on the hill, the older part of the vicus. SOLICIA, on
the other hand, was the more recent part by the river, at the
foot of the hill.
In Bourgogne two references have been found, one in the
region of Cote d'Or, the other one in Nievre. At Vertault
(Cote d'Or) an undated inscription mentions the vicani of
VERTILLUM (CIL XIII, 2, 5661). Vertault was a major
settlement, laid out with a street grid and central core of
public buildings, including two temples, possibly a basilica
and a bath complex (G 3.25). At Mesves-sur-Loire
(Nievre ), a religious dedication to the divinity of a spring,
dated to the first century, mentions the vicani of
MASA VA, (CIL XIII, 2895). This was a road station
known from the itineraries on the road from Nevers to
Orleans on the right bank of the Loire. Very little is known
of its interior organisation (G 3.17). The settlement was
probably modest and its function was to serve road and
river transport.
In Franche-Comte one inscnpt10n is known ongmating
from Villards d'Heria (Jura). It is a dedication to Mars
and Bellona by the inhabitants of the vicus (CIL XIII, 2,
5352). Villards d'Heria was a water sanctuary situated by
a lake and in the vicinity of subterranean water courses. Its
buildings were beautifully designed, partially on arches
across the waters and generously laid out with terraces and
a fountain (G 6.18).
In Auvergne two religious dedications mentioning the
vicani ofNERIOMAGUS were found at Neris near the hot
springs and Roman baths. One of them, dated to the
second century, is very fragmented (CIL XIII, 1374). The
other inscription, also dated to the second century, is well
preserved (CIL XIII, 1376, 1377). According to it, the
donor, a priest of the imperial cult and a magistrate
(duumvir), together with two other noblemen, "offers for
the benefit of the vicani ofNERIOMAGUS and the whole
civitas of the Bituriges Cubi, shops and porticos for the
vicinity of the baths" (Dumasy 1990:459). Neris was
probably a flourishing town centred on the hot springs and
the busy road from Clermont to Bourges. A theatre and
other public buildings, as well as workshop zones have
been found and it is known as a road station and spa from
3
the Peut.Tab. (G 2.7). At Vendoeuvres-en-Brenne (Cher),
in the administrative area of Centre, a religious dedication
mentions the vicani, who as in the inscription from Neris,
are offered certain public buildings by a donor who is also
a priest and duumvir (CIL XIII, 11151). These buildings
include a basilica, offices (diribitoria), and porticos to lead
from the forum to the baths. Unfortunately this great
sanctuary is lost to us (G 5.32). At Vendeuvre-du-Poitou
(Vienne ), a civic dedication also 'offers the vicani' public
buildings (Gallia 31, 1973:392). This site in Poitou-
Charentes has been comparatively recently excavated. It
proved to be the location of a great sanctuary with theatre.
The monumental centre of public buildings around a forum
of considerable size has been compared with the urban
fora of civitas-capitals. In contrast with the monumental
core, the settlement discovered so far is small and
dispersed (G 10.22).
In conclusion it appears that in the sample area inscriptions
mentioning a vicus, or vicani have been found at: 1) major
settlements which were probably towns, like Neris and
Vertault; 2) great sanctuaries and water sanctuaries, like
Vendoeuvres-en-Brenne (Cher), Vendeuvre-du-Poitou
(Vienne) and Villards d'Heria (Jura); 3) modest
settlements on major Roman roads, like Cocheren (site: Le
Herapel) and Marsal (both: Moselle), Soulosse (Vosges)
and Mesves-sur-Loire (Nievre). The vici at Cocheren and
Marsal are not known as road stations from the itineraries.
It is possible to deduce from these findings that some
centres of population secondary to the civitas-capitals were
called vicus and their inhabitants called themselves vicani.
One may even suggest that there is a high likelyhood that
most of these centres called themselves vici. In this study
the term vicus is therefore used generally to denote
'secondary grouped settlements', whether or not there is
contemporary evidence for the application of the term to a
particular site.
1.4 Classification ofvici (see Tables 1-10).
The 192 vici referred to above clearly show significant
variation in their organisation, building types and
functions. They are described in the Gazetteer, but for ease
of comparison I also present them in Tables 1-10, by area
and ranked as "towns", "settlements which were not towns"
and "intermediate sites". The criteria used in the tables
are adapted from those used by Burnham and Wacher for
the subdivision of small towns in Roman Britain (Burnham
and Wacher 1990:(325)). In the absence of a town charter
or the evidence of juridical status, it is not possible to rank
a Roman settlement by one criterion. Therefore five
criteria have been chosen (A-E), each consisting of one or
more points. These are shown in the first colunm on the
left of the tables. Category A is concerned with the interior
organisation or street plan of a settlement. The presence of
a regular street grid is usually a sign of urban development.
 Monica Rorison
In category B the focus, or central core of a settlement is
considered. This might be a forum, or simply a public
square. Category C is concerned with the diversity and
range of building types. This category has nine
subdivisions, as indicated. In category D the range of
economic activity is considered. Pottery and metalwork
are the best known kinds of industry in Roman Gaul,
because of the ease of detection in the archaeological
record, but other industries were important and deserve
recogmt10n. These included for instance, mining and
quarrying, food processing, salt production, stone and
wood working and textile manufacture. Commerce is often
difficult to define, but any kind of evidence for trade like
harbour installations and images of shops and vehicles for
transport on funerary reliefs, have been used in conjunction
with the observations contained in archaeological reports.
In category E, evidence of specialised and official
functions, as well as culture is considered. "Status", refers
to a documented status of the settlement, either from
epigraphic or literary sources. A question mark by status
indicates that our evidence is incomplete. For instance
Reze was known to Ptolemy as a port of the Pictavi, but he
does not mention that it had any recognisable status (Ptol.
II, 7, 6; G 9 .11). Its name also occurs on a Merovingian
coin, and in medieval literature as a vicus, but by then the
meaning of 'vicus' had again undergone a profound
change.
Three categories of criteria (C, D, E), are thus assessed by
a range of points . As far as C and E are concerned, I have
decided arbitrarily that a count of 4 out of 9 points allows a
settlement to qualify as having demonstrated range and
diversity of building types, or specialised and official
functions and culture. With regard to D a count of 2 out of
4 points allows a settlement to qualify as showing a range
of economic activity.
The vici, which qualified in at least 4 categories, were
probably small towns. Sites which qualified in one or no
categories were clearly not towns. Between these two
types of settlements were intermediate sites. In the tables
the settlements of each administrative area are not shown in
alphabetical order, but according to their proposed ranking
order from left to right in the charts.
One criterion for Roman towns which has not been
included in the tables is fortification. There is evidence of
defences inside some vici, usually called burgus, or
castrum in archaeological reports or historical documents
and also rarely for exterior fortifications. However, the
evidence of such fortifications is limited to eastern Gaul, to
a few places in the administrative area of Centre and the
coasts of Brittany and Aquitaine. In addition most of the
fortifications date from the Late Empire only. Evidently
fortifications appeared where there was a danger of
barbarian attack. As large areas of Gaul were not so
threatened, it seemed prudent not to include fortifications
as a general criterion.
4
A useful confirmation of the validity of my ranking
objective may be found in the high number ofvici ranking
as towns in the table for Bourgogne ( 9 towns, table 3).
Leday already referred to the great number of large and
important vici in Burgundy, which were not comparable to
the much more humble ones he was researching in the
Berry (Leday 1980: 277). Mackendrick in his contribution
to the regional analysis of Burgundy has also referred to
the advanced urbanisation of that region in particular and
eastern Gaul in general (Mackendrick 1987: 439-41). By
contrast the neighbouring administrative area of
Bourgogne, namely Lorraine, has in our table 1 town and
15 intermediate sites, while only 10 sites form the group of
settlements which were clearly not towns (table 8). The
tables also show that an exceptionally well surveyed site
like Bliesbruck seems to be ranked correctly as an
intermediate site in the table for Lorraine (table 8 and G
8.3). Thus in the tables well known sites are probably
correctly grouped in the ranking order of settlements.
However, poorly known sites may not be grouped
correctly. The danger of this happening is not very great in
eastern Gaul (e.g. Bourgogne, Franche-Comte, Lorraine),
where the vici are well researched, but is more likely in the
central and western regions of Gaul. The rarity or even
absence of systematic surveys of the vici in greater
Aquitaine has recently been underlined by Tassaux at the
Bliesbruck Conference (Tassaux 1992:114, Pre-Actes). As
an example of the problems that occur when an attempt is
made to order the vici according to magnitude or
importance, it is helpful to check the table for Aquitaine
(table 1).
Here Villeneuve-sur-Lot ranks as the only town in
Aquitaine and there is indeed considerable evidence for its
position as a town (G 1.13). Then follow five intermediate
sites (Sanguinet, St-Jean-le-Vieux, Brion, Aiguillon,
Biganos). Only St-Jean-le-Vieux and Brion are fairly
well researched. St-Jean-le-Vieux, the IMUS
PYRENAEUS of the itineraries, was a station on a pass in
the foothills of the Pyrenees. It probably originated from
the site of a military camp which was replaced by the vicus
as early as the end of the first century BC. The settlement
had spread beyond the boundaries of the camp by the
second century and probably functioned as a road station
(G 1.11). Its position as an intermediate site in the chart
seems reasonable. Brion (site: St-Germain d'Esteuil) was
a great sanctuary with theatre and settlement and seems
also well placed as an intermediate site (G 1.5). Sanguinet
is not very well known and now partially submerged under
a lake. However, there is evidence for its having had a
temple and settlement. It had diverse functions as a road
station combined with river or sea going traffic on the bay
of Arcachon and there was evidence for the manufacture of
pitch (G 1.10). Its position as an intermediate site seems
reasonable. Aiguillon has produced evidence for an early,
prosperous vicus by the confluence of Lot and Garonne.
The Gallo-Roman street plan has been traced in the modem
town and the settlement seems to have been dense in the
 Vici in Roman Gaul
centre of the vicus with the buildings aligned to a regular
street grid (G 1.1). Aiguillon was probably situated on or
at least near an important Roman road, although it is
unknown from the itineraries. The foundations of walls and
houses have been discovered, as well as warehouses
(horrea). Its position as an intermediate site in the chart
seems reasonable. Biganos is not well known, but
documented as a possible road station of the Ant.It. and the
one time capital of the minor Gallic civitas of the Boii,
although this is not established beyond doubt (Moreau
1983 :43). In the case of Biganos there is simply too little
information to judge if it is fairly ranked as an
intermediate site (G 1.3). The last group contains seven
settlements which were not towns according to the criteria
of the chart. Blaye, Coutras and Vayres were road stations
known from the itineraries (G 1.4, G 1.6, G 1.12). Blaye is
in addition documented as a garrisoned castrum (Moreau
1983:42). However, the archaeological record for all three
sites is very poor and it is at this stage of our knowledge
impossible to decide if they are ranked correctly in this
group of places which were certainly not towns. Bayonne
has also very little archaeological evidence as a settlement,
but is documented as a garrisoned castrum like Blaye and
there is some evidence of the Late Empire fortifications (G
1.2). It might have been higher in rank than the charts
show. Le Mas d' Agenais is a site which is difficult to
judge. It is known as the USSUBIUM, or VESUBIUM of
5
the itineraries. The Latin name is confirmed by an
inscription discovered re-used in the parish church and
now believed to be genuine (CIL XIII, 919). Unfortunately
only the cemetery of the vicus is known, but this was a very
extensive one and it was in use for the first 300 years of our
era. It is likely that future discoveries will place this vicus
into a higher ranked group of settlements (G 1.8). Mezin
was a specialised religious site of which only three temples
are known (G 1.9). Isle-St-Georges was probably a small
vicus and has been correctly ranked in the last category of
settlements which were not towns (G 1.7).
In conclusion the tables shall be seen as only a first attempt
at a subdivision of the vici into groups of urban,
intermediate and non urban sites. Well researched towns,
intermediate and 'not town' settlements will probably fall
into their correct divisions. On the other hand it should be
understood that sites which are poorly known cannot be
conclusively graded. However there is sufficient
confirmatory evidence to suggest that the tables may be
regarded as a useful working tool. They are followed by a
summary list of the vici in order ofrank. Major specialised
religious sites and spas are marked with an asterisk and will
be discussed in ch. 4 , section 4.5. Having defined an
outline of the selection of the vici, I will deal with their
location and and distribution in the next chapter.
 Monica Rorison

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Key: ■ Town • Intermediate Settlement "' 'Not Town' Settlement

Table 1

6
 Vici in Roman Gaul

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Key: ■ Town • Intermediate Settlement _.. 'Not Town' Settlement

Table 2

7
 Monica Rorison

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Key: ■ Town • Intermediate Settlement .._ 'Not Town' Settlement

Table 3

8
 Vici in Roman Gaul

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Key: ■ Town • Intermediate Settlement _.. 'Not Town' Settlement

Table 4

9
 Monica Rorison

CENTRE

Key: ■ Town • Intermediate Settlement "' 'Not Town' Settlement

Table 5

10
 Vici in Roman Gaul

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Key: ■ Town • Intermediate Settlement .._ 'Not Town' Settlement

Table 6

11
 Monica Rorison

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Key: ■ Town • Intermediate Settlement • 'Not Town' Settlement

Table 7

12
 Vici in Roman Gaul

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Key: ■ Town • Intermediate Settlement .._ 'Not Town' Settlement

Table 8

13
 Monica Rorison

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Key: ■ Town • Intermediate Settlement • 'Not Town' Settlement

Table 9

14
 Vici in Roman Gaul

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Key: ■ Town • Intermediate Settlement • 'Not Town' Settlement

Table 10

15
 Monica Rorison
Summary ofranked vici derived from the tables 1-10
(an asterisk*, marks a major specialised religious site).
AQUITAINE, (13 vici)
Towns (1): Villeneuve-sur-Lot
Intermediate settlements (5): Sanguinet,
St.-Jean-le-Vieux, Brion*, Aiguillon, Biganos
'Not town' settlements (7): Blaye, Bayonne, Le Mas
d'Agenais, Mezin*, Coutras, Isle-St-Georges, Vayres
AUVERGNE, (14 vici)
Towns (2): Neris*, Vichy*
Intermediate settlements (3): Voingt, Lezoux, Varennes
'Not town' settlements (9): Martres-de-Veyre, Yzeure,
Bourbon l 'Archamboult*, Ambert, Mont Dore*,
Puy-de-Dome*, Bellerive, Toulon, Royat*
BOURGOGNE, (25 vici)
Towns (9): Alise-Ste.-Reine, Vertault, Macon,
Chalon-sur-Saone, Malain, Nuits-St.-Georges, Mirebeau,
Entrains-sur-N ohain, Champallement,
Intermediate settlements (5): Dijon, Escolives, Nevers,
Bourbon-Laney*, Cosne-sur-Loire,
'Not town' settlements (11): Tournus, Avrolles,
Pont-sur-Yonne, Beaune, Gueugnon, Saulieu, Mesves-sur-
Loire, Jaulges-V.-V., Sombemon, Arleuf, Dienay
BRETAGNE, (17 vici)
Towns (1): St.-Malo (site: Alet)
Intermediate settlements (3): Quimper, Douamenez,
Locmariaquer
'Not town' settlements (13): Brest, Chapelle-des-
Fougeretz, Taden, Coz-Yaudet, Combourg, Castennec*,
Kerilien, Erquy, Rieux, St.-Brandan, St.-Brieuc, Visseiche,
Iffendic
CENTRE, (31 vici)
Towns (3): Argenton-sur-Creuse*, Verdes*, Blois
Intermediate settlements (8): Sceau-du-Gatinais*,
Montbuoy*, Alleans-Baugy*, St.-Ambroix, Allichamps-
Bruere, Drevant*, Pouille, Gievres
'Not town' settlements (20): Amboise, Mougon,
Trigueres*, Villeneuve-sur-Cher, Chinon/Cravant,
Areines*, Bonnee*, Neung-sur-Beuvron, Pithiviers-le-
Vieil,
Clion*, Levroux, Nouatre, St.-Satur, Langeais, Luynes,
Bouzy-le-Foret*, Briou, Chateaumeillant, Vienne-en-Val,
Deols
16
FRANCHE -COMTE (19 vici)
Towns (3): Mandeure*, Luxeuil*, Lons-le-Saunier
Intermediate settlements (8): Mathay, Seveux,
Dammartin,
Equevillon, Grozon, Chassey-les-Montbozon,
Villards-d'Heria*, St-Germain-en-Montagne
'Not town' settlements (8): Mantoche, St.-Aubin, Arlay,
Offemont, Pontarlier, Vincelles, Domblans, Luxiol
LIMOUSIN (13 vici,)
Towns (0)
Intermediate settlements (2): Evaux*, Brive,
'Not town' settlements (11): Ahun, Tintignac*, Ussel,
La Souterraine*, St.-Goussaud*, St.-Merd*, Toulx-Ste.-
Croix*, Blond, Chateau-Chervix, Margerides*, Uzerche
LORRAINE (26 vici)
Towns (1): Grand*
Intermediate settlements (15): Cocheren, Dieulouard,
Tarquimpol*, St.-Amand-sur-Omain, Soulosse, Bliesbruck,
Hettange-Grande, Deneuvre, Baalon, Nomeny, Corny, St.-
Die, Laneuveville, Bar-le-Due, Marsal
'Not town' settlements (10): Sarrebourg, Senon,
Florange-D.-E., Sion, Sorcy-St.-Martin, Liffol-le-Grand,
Yutz, St-Laurent, Ste.-Ruffine, Pannes
PAYS-DE-LA-LOIRE (12 vici)
Towns (0)
Intermediate settlements (3): Aubigne-Racan*, Reze,
Le Langon
'Not town' settlements (9): St.-Gemmes*, Oisseau-le-
Petit*,
Allonnes*, Chenehutte, Le Fief-Sauvin, Andard, Mauves*,
Coussol*, Blain
POITOU-CHARENTES (22 vici)
Towns (0)
Intermediate settlements (7): Naintre*, Antigny*,
Barzan-Talmont*, Sanxay*, Niort, Vendeuvre-du-Poitou*,
Chassenon*
'Not town' settlements (15): Civaux*, Aulnay,
Chauvigny,
Perigne, St.-Cybardeaux*, Thenac*, Pons, Mansle, Luxe*,
St.-Jean-de-Sauves, Rom, St.-Leomer*, Chavagne, St.-
Agnant*, Beruges
 Chapter 2
Location and distribution of vici
Initially a major factor of site location was probably the
distribution of indigenous centres of population which
continued either in the same place or moved to a position
nearer lines of communication. This is discussed in section
2.1 below. A number of vici developed near water ways
and these are discussed in section 2.2. Such sites were
usually also linked to the road network. Several of these
sites are known to have been preceded by Late La Tene
settlements as for instance Naintre (G 10.11) and Chalon-
sur-Saone (G 3.6). The greatest increase and growth of
vici probably happened along the road network and this is
discussed in section 2.3. Vici also grew up near sacred
sites and although the sanctuary or sacred spring has often
produced evidence of Late La Tene use, the vici seem to
have been in many cases new developments. The location
of major specialised religious sites is discussed in section
2.5.
2.1 pre-existing centres of population
Before the conquest, Gaul had already enjoyed a
civilisation advanced beyond a subsistence economy. The
Late La Tene culture in Gaul has produced evidence for
settlements dated from the second century BC onwards
with functions beyond those of basic agricultural activities.
These settlements comprised workshops for metal and bone
work, the manufacture of textiles and glass and there was
evidence for the use of coins and long distance trade
(Audouze and Buchsenschutz 1989:306). At the same time
or later, settlements with urban features appeared, often but
not always in defensive hill-top positions and guarded by
strong earth walls. Such sites were called by Caesar
oppida, usually translated as 'towns'. Bibracte, situated on
the Mount Beuvray near Autun, is a good example (Collis
1984:6).
Many sites in Roman Gaul are claimed to have been
preceded by a Late La Tene site, be it an oppidum, hillfort,
defended hillsite, or open site. In such instances one may
argue that the siting took place following the impetus of a
different culture and socio-political system. This will be
discussed in chapter 5 (origins and development, decline or
continuation of vici). Sometimes literary evidence throws
light onto the history of a site. Chalon-sur-Saone for
instance is attested by Caesar who described it as an
oppidum of the Aedui (B.G. VII, 42; G3.6). Technically
archaeologists define it as an open Late La Tene site.
Macon, also situated in Bourgogne, was mentioned by
Caesar as a port of the Aedui (B.G. VII, 90; G3.15).
There is evidence for both to have continued as secondary
centres of considerable importance during the Gallo-
Roman period. They were situated on an old trade route
running north-east along the Rhone and Saone, both
navigable rivers in the period. This highway for shipping
17
and road traffic became even more important when the
frontier armies were installed on the Rhine. Their example
shows how sites of the Gallic independence period
survived and flourished, although a centralising system
reduced them to a position of secondary centres, the
primary centres being Lyon and Autun. Sites like Chalon-
sur-Saone and Macon held on to their prosperity and
importance thanks to favourable economic conditions
which continued into the Roman period.
Sites also profited from the additional attraction of a
sanctuary. This is true for Argenton-sur-Creuse in Centre
(G 5.5). Once a major hillfort at a river crossing, it
expanded to become an important vicus with a great
sanctuary and theatre. There is some evidence that the
temples and the great fountain were preceded by a Late La
Tene sanctuary (Dumasy 1990:28). Similarly Mandeure
(Doubs, G6.10), situated in Franche-Comte, very probably
developed from an open Late La Tene settlement with a
temple dating to the pre-conquest period (Mougin
1992:15). It became a major vicus, with sanctuary and
theatre in size and rank second only to its civitas-capital,
VESONTIO, Besan9on.
A number of secondary centres which show evidence of an
origin in the Late La Tene period, experienced a shift after
the conquest. This is known for some of the civitas-
capitals as for instance Autun, where the population moved
down into the valley from Mount Beuvray, or Clermont
which was probably settled from the hill-top site of
Gergovie (pers. com. Collis, 1994). An interesting double
shift is demonstrated in the case ofLevroux (G5.17). The
settlement moved from an early Late La T ene site in the
valley to a nearby hill-top site, which was defended with
ramparts of the murus gallicus type during the Late La
Tene period (Fig. 2.1 ). The majority of finds inside the
ramparts demonstrated that the Augustan settlement which
followed, developed within the major hillfort itself and
then progressively descended into the valley below, where
the Roman town was later situated (Collis 1984:77-8).
Simple shifts from a defended site to a position in the
valley were probably quite common, as for instance at St.-
Amand-sur-Omain in Lorraine which developed from the
oppidum of Boviolles nearby (G 8.16). St.-Amand was
situated on an important land route marking the watershed
between the major river basins of the Meuse/Moselle and
the Loire (Collis 1984:171). Places as as far apart as Ussel
in Limousin, or Fief Sauvin in Pays-de-la-Loire are
examples of a similar shift (G 7.12; G9.7). Neris in
Auvergne was probably preceded by a defended Late La
Tene site on a spur (Ralston and Buchsenschutz 1975:8-18;
G2.7).
 Monica Rorison

"

X
2

.◄ 8
.. ~

◄
~

II
//
I/

0 500m
11,
/( ~...,"-.J.
II ~.._'<I'~

Fig. 2.1 Plan ofLevroux (after Buchsenschutz in Dumasy, 1990:444)

A= known Gallo-Roman occupation 5 = medieval town wall

B = Gallic open settlement 6 = cemetery
1 = road: Argenton - Orleans 7 = theatre
2 = road: Tours - St.-Ambroix 8 = Gallic settlement
3 = Oppidum de Tours 9 = Gallo-Roman foundations
4 = medieval town centre (collegiate site)

18
 Vici in Roman Gaul
Open Gallic settlements also sometimes experienced a
shift, like Marsal in Lorraine, where the settlement moved
from the Cote-de-St.-Jean down to the bank of the river
Seille (G 8.13). At Quimper in Brittany the important river
and estuary port of the Osismii on the Odet was preceded
by agricultural settlements on the heights, the villages of
Braden I and II (G 4.11). In this case the nature of the
original settlement is possibly different from our other
examples. Here we have agricultural villages as the origin
for a trading settlement The other examples (Levroux,
St.-Amand-s.-Ornain, Ussel, Fief-Sauvin, Marsal),
describe a shift from a more homogeneous origin. Some
vici just like civitas-capitals appear to be sited where there
were previous centres of population (Alise-Ste.-Reine,
Chalon-s.-Saone and Macon). Other vici occupied the
original site while extending beyond its former boundaries,
as for instance Argenton-sur-Creuse and Mandeure (G 5.5,
G 6.10, plans). Yet others experienced a shift away from a
defensive site which had outlived its usefulness under the
Roman peace to a site closer to the lines of communication
(Le-Fief-Sauvin, Ussel and possibly Neris).
Important factors for oppida location in Gaul were the
control of long distance trade routes and the proximity of
an area rich in raw materials, in particular iron ore. The
specific choice of the location for such sites was guided by
a concern for defence (Collis 1984:176). This last concern
for defence became obsolete in the Roman period, but the
former criteria of long distance trade and the supply of iron
ore probably remained critical. The importance of the
location of sites on trade routes is confirmed by the
continuity and success ofvici like Alise-Ste-Reine, Macon,
Chalon-sur-Saone and Ussel. The importance oflocal iron
ore production has been cited for the ongoing success of
the vicus of Argenton-sur-Creuse into the Late Empire
(Dumasy 1990:456-457). However, other raw materials
and resources gained importance alongside iron ore during
the Roman period. The processing of such materials
characterised the economic role of the majority of the vici
and this will be discussed in chapter 4.
The great trade routes, many of which became major roads,
were supplemented with new roads and this road network
became the main factor for the location of vici. The
development of settlements along the lines of
communication will be discussed in the following sections.
2.2 Sites near waterways.
a) coastal
Coastal shipping and sailing routes across the Channel
were used to trade Mediterranean luxury goods like wine
with markets in Britain providing raw materials, possibly
metals, hides and slaves. This trade preceded the Roman
conquest and continued into the Roman period (Cunliffe
1984:3-5). The goods traded along the main rivers
crossing Gaul could be reloaded at the estuary ports of the
Seine, Rance, Loire and Garonne and be sent on their
journey across the Atlantic and the Channel. Smaller
19
harbours and coastal stations could support this main traffic
and also add their own manufactures of salt and fish
products to the trade. Around the much indented coast of
Brittany there were at least 14 coastal stations, or ports,
starting with St.-Malo (site: Alet) and following the coast
in an anti-clockwise direction until Vannes,
DARIORITUM, the capital of the Venetes is reached (Map
IV, Bretagne). St.-Malo (site: Alet), situated at the mouth
of the river Rance, was a seaport which supplied sea going
ships with fresh water by means of an ingenious pumping
engine at the Bastion Solidor. It became the capital of the
Coriosolites during the Late Empire (G 4.15). The ports of
St.-Brieuc, Brest, Coz-Yaudet and St.-Malo (site: Alet)
were found sufficiently important to be fortified against the
Saxon invasions of the Late Empire. Very little is known of
Erquy, Treguier, Morlaix and Landernau (G4.7, 4.18).
Douarnenez had an impressive sanctuary situated inland by
a cross roads (G 4.6). The settlement along the shore was a
producer of fish sauce (garum) and we have evidence of
foreign traders thanks to an inscription found here (IL TG
338). Tronoen-en-St.-Jean-Trolimon, now covered by sand
dunes, was a coastal station with a sanctuary (G 4.18). A
dedication to the "numen " of Augustus was found here,
underlining its importance in a peripheral part of the
province, where inscriptions are comparatively rare (CIL
XIII, 3142). Quimper, by the bank of the Odet estuary was
like Locmariaquer near V annes a flourishing port; the
former with distinct urban quarters and sanctuaries, the
latter with an aqueduct and baths, temples and a theatre (G
4.11, G 4.10). Port Louis of which we know very little,
completes the fourteen ports and coastal stations of
Bretagne. Amazingly the coastline to the south, once the
territory of the Pictones, has produced only one great port;
Reze opposite Nantes on the left bank of the Loire (G
9 .11). Further south there were three important
settlements on the Gironde, Barzan-Talmont, Blaye and
Brion (Map I, Aquitaine and X; Poitou-Charentes, Gl0.3,
Gl.4; 1.5). The port and sanctuary at Barzan-Talmont and
the castrum of Blaye are known as road stations from the
ancient itineraries between Saintes and Bordeaux (Walser
1986:155-7). All three were involved in shipping on the
estuary and Brion seems to have been solely reliant on the
waterway as no road leading to it has been found (Gl.5).
The Atlantic coast of the Landes region seemingly had no
harbours except the sites around the bay of Arcachon at
Biganos and Audenge (Map l; G 1.3, G 1.14). These sites
were probably focused inland on road and river transport to
the port of Sanguinet (G 1.11). Both Sanguinet and
Biganos are known as road stations from the ancient
itineraries (Walser 1986: 155-7).
Rivers also played an important role in the siting of vici
and this is discussed in the following section.
b) riverside
Transport by water was very important and Strabo
considered Gaul particularly favoured by its rivers which
weave their course across the land mass (Geography IV, 1,
 Monica Rorison
2 and 14). With the help of the 'Maximum Price' edicts a
persuasive case has been made for the economic value of
transport by water (Lewis and Meyer-Reinhold 1966: 464-
73). Sillieres has calculated that assuming a maximum
price for wheat of 100 denarii (per army modius), the
transport of a wagon load by boat would have been eight
times cheaper downstream and four times cheaper
upstream than by road (Sillieres 1990:431-8). Both
references, Meyer-Reinhold and Sillieres, demonstrate how
very much cheaper transport by water was, particularly
downstream.
Sillieres has suggested that even small streams were used
for shipping in the Roman period, as for instance the
Ouveze, tributary of the Rhone, for which inscriptions of
shippers (navigatores), are known (found at Nimes and
St.-Gilles,
CIL XII, 3316, 2313, 4107). Comparing measured flow
rates, he argues that many more river stretches than so far
believed, were exploited for shipping in the Roman period
(Sillieres 1990:431 ).
However, it has been rightly objected that flow rates
observable now might have changed during the last 2000
years and Sillieres himself admits that his work concerning
the rivers of Gaul is still only hypothetical. It would be
valuable if the part fluvial transport played, even if only
seasonal and on certain stretches of rivers, becomes better
known in the future. Sillieres suggests for instance that
capitals or other, secondary sites by rivers were often
located where water transport became possible. This
would for instance explain why Naintre flourished all
through the Roman period so near its capital at Poitiers, not
only as a great sanctuary, but as a vicus with multiple
functions (G 10.11). The river Clain, too small at Poitiers
itself, probably became navigable at the confluence with
the Vienne near Naintre. Barzan-Talmont, a great
sanctuary with theatre inland from the Gironde, had storage
and port facilities which were possibly valuable to the
capital at Saintes, connecting it to the Garonne-Gironde-
Atlantic trade. It was situated c.30km from Saintes on a
road which is known from the ancient itineraries. Saintes,
situated by the Charente river, was probably involved in
shipping on the middle Charente, but as a shipping route to
the sea the Charente, taking a winding course in a north-
west direction, was possibly not as attractive as a shortcut
by road to the Gironde.
It is interesting to recall that Taden (Cotes-du-Nord) was
situated on the river Rance at a point where sea going ships
sailing from St.-Malo (site: Alet), could be reloaded for
20
river transport. The river was probably tidal up to here
(Langouet 1985: 73-82; G4.16).
Of the sample of 192 vici here under discussion, 49 were
situated by navigable rivers and these included 19 river
ports. This is roughly a quarter of the sites. Possibly, as
Sillieres has suggested, more rivers were navigable than
archaeologists have believed so far and with closer
investigation more river ports might be discovered in the
future.
2.3 Sites in relation to the road network,
a) origins
The importance of the road network should however not be
undervalued. In the first instance it was created by the
conquering imperial power to subdue and then to
administrate and exploit the new province. A network of
tracks, among them long distance routes, were in use
before the Roman period in northern Gaul and it is likely
that routes along the major rivers were of a very early date
(Chevallier 1976:124). Such a network of tracks and
routes would need to be transformed into a system of
servicable roads in accordance with the superior
technology of the Roman Empire. It was probably one of
the most important tasks for the Roman administration to
provide a basic road network to secure and control the new
provinces. The design of the basic communications
network in Gaul has been attributed to Agrippa, who
devised a system of long distance roads centred on Lyon
(Strabo, IV, 6, 11, see Fig. 2.2 below).
Whereas the routes along the Rhone and Saone probably
followed well established Gallic tracks, it is likely that at
least parts of the route from Lyon via Clermont and
Limoges to Saintes were a new creation. Clermont,
(AUGUSTONEMETUM), the civitas-capital of the
Arverni, was a new foundation in the valley below the
former oppidum of Gergovie and Limoges
(AUGUSTORITUM), the civitas-capital of the Lemovices
was probably erected on a virgin site by the river Vienne.
Saintes, the MEDIOLANUM of the Santones, was also an
Augustan creation (Sillieres 1990:434). It had the
additional role of provincial capital of Greater Aquitaine.
These three major sites were linked by a new road
probably around the years AD 15-19, when the
monumental arch dedicated to Tiberius, Drusus and
Germanicus was erected at Saintes (Maurin 1978: 81). It
appears that east of Limoges this road has been traced by
aerial survey between Saint-Priest-Taurion and Sauviat
(Desbordes and Perrin 1989:14).
 Vici in Roman Gaul

ROU ES
--- Pre-Augustan
--- A9rippan
•• • •• Other Augustan
•5

21

0 ,oo 300 kms

w-il CH

Fig. 2.2 Road network in Gaul (Drinkwater, 1983:238). Key to relevant numbers: 6 = Langres, 19 = Soissons,
21 = Trier, 27 = Clermont, 28 = Limoges, 39 = Chalon- s.-Saone, 45 = Cologne, 51 = Dijon, 52 = Metz,
61 = Boulogne, 79 = Saintes, 100 = Amiens, 112 = Lyon.

Fig. 2.3 Major Roman roads in Gaul (Drinkwater, 1983:239)

Key to relevant numbers: 5 = Alise-Ste.-Reine, 16 = Strasbourg, 24 = Autun, 27 = Clermont, 28 = Limoges, 30 = Bourges,
39 = Chalon-s.-Saone, 40 = Tours, 44 = Orleans, 47 = Rennes, 49 = Bazas, 51 = Dijon, 52 = Metz, 61 = Boulogne, 67 =
Angers, 70 = Lezoux, 72 = Poitiers, 79 = Saintes, 96 = Nantes, 109 = Besancon, 110 = Perigueux, 113 = Le Mans.

21
 Monica Rorison
There were important advantages for the development of
Gaul inherent in the new road system. The roads were
stratified and supplied with drainage ditches which made
them weather resistant. They were supplied with
milestones indicating destination and distances, as well as
hostels and relay stations to organise a journey
(mansiones). They were planned and mapped as we know
from the ancient itineraries and they were maintained as
the milestones testify, set up to honour the emperors
responsible for that work (Drinkwater 1983:124).
Agrippa's system of great imperial roads was probably
augmented in the period following the reign of Augustus
until all the civitas-capitals were linked by major roads
(Drinkwater 1983:126, see Fig.2.3 above).
Usually roads leaving a capital are known, not least
because of the cemeteries stretching along their way just
beyond the boundaries of the town. The vici situated
between the capitals are a useful guide to the course of the
major road, as it is likely that the population of an area
tended to be distributed in settlements along the new roads
(Chevallier 1976:117). However, in some cases a major
road might have been attracted towards a vicus, be it a
market or religious centre already in existence, before the
creation of the road. If the major road skirted the vicus it
was probably subsequently linked to it by a secondary
road. Such a development has been suggested for the great
sanctuaries at Chassenon and St.-Cybardeaux in Poitou-
Charentes (Nicolini 1976:262). During a second phase of
demographic development and with more intense
exploitation of resources, settlements probably grew up in
remoter areas and were linked by secondary roads to the
major roads (Chevallier 1976:116-117). An example of
such a settlement by a minor road is Bliesbruck in Lorraine
which was situated on a secondary road, so far without a
known link to the nearest major road (G 8.3). However,
there are only a few regions of Roman Gaul where a
hierarchy of roads can be determined. More usually
secondary or minor roads are not clearly identified. This is
reflected in the way the road network is treated in the
otherwise excellent publications of the series of the "Carte
Archeologique de la Gaule", which present one
"departement" of France per volume. Some do not
contain a map of Roman roads at all (CAG 41, 1988, Le
Loir et Cher; CAG 45, 1988, Le Loiret). The volume for
the region of the Allier contains an old map (1921), on
which most routes are presumed and no difference between
major and minor roads is indicated (CAG 03, 1989:29). In
the case of Ille-et-Vilaine (CAG 35), a road map of
suggested routes is provided and the authors point out that
there is no secure knowledge of the road network yet
(Provost A and Leroux 1990:32-3).
However, even if it is not possible at this stage to present a
road map of all the administrative areas treated in this
thesis, it is possible to present a road map of the major
routes of a section of western Gaul. This will be introduced
in the next section.
22
2.3 b) An example of the relationship of the vici to the
road network in Poitou-Charentes and neighbouring areas.
The map, Fig.2.4, shows the the known routes and the vici
and civitas-capitals associated with this network. Some of
the major routes are known from the ancient itineraries
(Peut.Tab., Ant.It, It. Burdig.) For their interpretation and
the inscribed milestones along them, the work on Latin
inscriptions by G. Walser has been used (Walser, 1986). A
list of known stations of the itineraries appears opposite the
road plan, Fig.2.4. A detailed description of the known
routes and the milestones found along them can be found in
my thesis (Rorison 1996).
Maps of the Saintonge by Maurin and of the area of
Bordeaux by Etienne and the more general map of lines of
communication by Sillieres of the greater Aquitaine have
been my guides (Maurin 1978: 453-455; Etienne 1962:
133 and 137; Sillieres 1990: 435).
The map (Fig. 2.4), shows as red lines the routes known
from the ancient itineraries. Roads known from other
sources are shown as black lines. The vici situated on the
roads and known from archaeological sources are
represented by blank circles, or in the case of vici known
from both, archaeology and ancient itineraries, by solid
circles. Stations only known from the itineraries have not
been included, because firstly, they would have
overcrowded the map and secondly, their geographical
location is either not known or still debated. Milestones,
usually found by the sides of major routes, are shown as
black triangles.
Strategic points for the location of vici were at cross roads
and in particular where rivers had to be negotiated by fords
or bridges: e.g. on our road plan vici like: Antigny,
Chassenon, Chauvigny, Naintre, Niort and Pons in Poitou-
Charentes; Argenton-sur-Creuse, Blois, Gievres, Levroux,
Neung-s.-Beuvron, St.-Ambroix and possibly Nouatre in
the region of Centre; Ahun, Brive and Uzerche in
Limousin; Aiguillon and particularly Villeneuve-sur-Lot
(site: Eysses), in Aquitaine.
Some vici at such strategic points were situated along roads
which are not known from the itineraries, as for instance
the road from Saintes north to Angers (Fig. 2.4). This
route is not very well known, but it seems to have been a
major road which crossed the river Sevre at Niort (G
10.12). Niort was a river port of some importance with
evidence of dense settlement, a street grid and a sanctuary.
Another instance of an important settlement situated on
what appears to have been in this case a major cross roads,
was the vicus of Levroux situated on a detour between
Bourges and Argenton-sur-Creuse, unknown to us from the
itineraries. Levroux grew out of a major Late La Tene
hillfort and it is likely that it controlled an important trade
route used before the Roman road network was established
(G 5.17). Its success as a vicus probably reflects the
 Vici in Roman Gaul
ongoing importance of the roads which met here. Neung-
s.-Beuvron between Orleans and Gievres had similarly
developed from a Late La Tene defended site (G 5.21). It
held an important position at a river crossing of a route
which linked Gievres in the Cher valley to Orleans on the
Loire. Again the route is not known from the itineraries,
but could be considered as a major route. In Limousin,
south of Limoges, the vici of Brive and Uzerche were
situated at crossroads of routes not known from the
itineraries. In particular Brive, at the river crossing of the
Correze by a major road from Cahors in the south, has
produced evidence for an important vicus (G 7.3).
One may envisage then that a number of major roads
complemented the official road network known to us from
the itineraries. They were probably lower in priority and
we do not know if they did get the official attention or
standard of maintenance given to the most important
routes. The priority of routes is possibly reflected in the
number of milestones which lined their course and bear
witness to their eminence. The different classes of major
roads and the number of less well known secondary and
minor roads probably comprised a dense network of land
communications. Roads, in particular minor roads, were
probably much more numerous than the road plan shows
(Fig. 2.4). A number of vici did probably exist on minor
roads, away from the major road system, but they were in
the minority. In such cases their role was possibly
weighted more towards a specialised religious function, or
market activity for a surrounding rural area. On the road
plan an example is the great sanctuary with theatre and
settlement at Sanxay, situated c. 35km south-west of
Poitiers (G 10.20). The site is reported to have been
remote and only linked by a minor road to the major road
network of the Roman period (Herring 1986:383). The
near site of Beruges, about 25km north-east of Sanxay, was
also off the major road network (G 10.4). It was a modest
vicus, but it has produced evidence of a settlement with a
small temple amd bath house. Perigne, shown on the road
plan west of Rom and north of Aulnay was a frontier site.
It was probably a flourishing vicus with sanctuary on a
minor road linking it to the major road from Poitiers to
Saintes (G 10.13). It has been described as lying on the
edge of the plateau ofMellois. This edge is a border of two
geographical regions, the fertile lowlands at the foot of the
plateau before it and the hills, once forested and rich in
mineral resources like iron ore, behind it (Herring 1986:
209). Le Langon, a small vicus trading pottery in the area
of the Poitevin marshes, can be found on the road plan west
of Poitiers near the Atlantic coast (Fig. 2.4). It probably
relied for its trade mainly on water courses in the marshes
and perhaps on secondary roads (G 9.8).
Brion (site: St-Germain d'Esteuil), shown on the map
north-west of Bordeaux is an extreme case concerning the
23
road network, because no Roman road has been found near
the site (G 1.5 ). It has been suggested that it was
surrounded by a branch of the Gironde during the Roman
period (Garmi 1990:146). St.-Leomer, situated to the
south-east of Poitiers and on the border of the civitates of
the Pictones and Lemovices has produced evidence for a
double sanctuary probably linked with a settlement (G
10.18). The site is remote from the known major road
network. Clion, shown on the road plan north of Argenton-
s.-Creuse, was probably a sanctuary vicus with a market
function for the surrounding region (G 5.12). It is not
known as a road station on a major road, although it is
likely that a minor road accompanied the river Indre and
passed through this vicus which was discovered by aerial
survey. None of the vici situated off the major road
network discussed above, was a major site as far as we
know.
In our tables listing the vici according to their rank as
urban or not-urban sites, they fall into the last vcategory of
'not town' settlements excepting Sanxay which ranks as an
intermediate settlement (ch.I, sectionl.4, tables 1-10). It is
likely that only 'not town', or exceptionally, intermediate
settlements, were situated off the major road network.
However even such settlements performed a function of
some importance , either as religious centres or markets.
sixty one vici appear on the road plan (Fig.2.4). Out of this
total 47 vici (77 per cent), were probably situated on major
roads and 12 (20 per cent), on minor roads. Two vici (3 per
cent) were probably not linked to the road network (Brion
and Isle-St-Georges, both in Aquitaine).
A number of vici were frontier sites of of Gallic civitates.
The possible role of such frontier sites, which are usually
distinct from the FINES stations of the itineraries , will be
discussed next.
2.4 The frontier sites.
Frontier sites were situated near the border of two or more
Gallic civitates. Such frontiers are allegedly known
because they have often been preserved in Gaul through the
organisation of medieval diocesan borders, as for instance
in Limousin. Here it is claimed, the diocese became almost
identical with the former Gallic civitas (Desbordes
1989:33). Similarly the territory of the Bituriges Cubi
became known as the 'Berry' and its borders were
preserved in the Frankonian pagus, or pays of Berry and
later in the diocese of Bourges (Moreau 1972:48, cartes
No. 1 and 2). There is however no certain proof for this
hypothesis. The location of FINES stations, known from
the ancient itineraries, may in some cases help to identify
civitas borders.
 Monica Rorison

I
I
1
I

PAYS-DE-LA-LOIRJ;;

/
_£_~ /
\
V U ..1-en~u ve- s u r- Lot
I
AQUITAINE I

Fig. 2.4
Road Plan of the south-west
and centre of Gaul

■ civitas-capital
• vicus and itinerary station
0 vicus
'I .&. milestone -- road
- road known from itineraries
--- - boundary of circonscription

24
 Vici in Roman Gaul

Lyon-Saintes via Ahun Agen-Limoges via Perigueux

(Walser 1986: 131) (Walser 1986: 131)

ACITODUNUM - Ahun EXCISUM - Eysses ~

PRETORIUM- near St.Goussaud Villeneuve-sur-Lot
AUGUSTORITUM* - Limoges VESUNNA*- Perigueux
CASSINOMAGUS - Chassenon FINES - Thiviers
SERMANICOMAGUS - AUGUSTORITUM* - Limoges
near St.-Cybardeaux
AUNEDONNACUM - Aulnay Perigueux-Saintes
MEDIOLANUM SANTONUcl*-Saintes (Walser 1986: 131)

Cherbourg-Bordeaux via Tours SARRUM- Charmant

(Walser 1986: 157) CONDATE- Cognac

CAESARODUNUM* - Tours Perigueux-Bordeaux

LIMONU!1*- Poitiers (Walser 1986: 131)
RAURANUM - Rom
BRIGIOSUM- Brioux CALONHELO? - Douzillac
AUNEDONNACUM - Aulnay CORTERATE- Coutras
MEDIOLANUM SANTONUM* -Saintes VARATEDUM- Vayres
NOVIOREGUM - Royan
TAMNUM - B.-Talmont Cherbourg-Kembs (Rhineland)
BLAVIA - Blaye via Angers and Bourges
BURDIGALA*- Bordeaux (Walser 1986: 171)
Bordeaux-Pyrenees via Dax JULIOMAGUS*- Angers
(Walser 1986: 157) ROBRICA - Longue
CAESARODUNUM* - Tours
BOI- (Lamothe)-Biganos TASCIACA - Thesee
LOSA -Sanguinet GABRIS - probably Gievres
SEGOSA - Aureilhan? (Dumasy 1990: 440)
MOSCONNilll -St. -Girons AVARICUM*- Bourges
AQUAETEREBELLICAE* - Dax
alternative to Dax: Bourges-Argenton-sur-Creuse
SALOMACUS - Salles (Walser 1986: 129-31
TELONNUM - Liposthey? and Dumasy 1990: 440)
COQUOSA- (between Lesperon ERNODURUM - St.-Ambroix
and Sinderes) ALERTA - Ardentes
Bordeaux-Agen ARGENTOMAGUS - Argenton
(Walser 1986: 108).
SERIO - Cerons Argenton-Nantes
VESUBIO or USSUBIUM- (Walser 1986: 142)
near Montpouillan,
probably Le Mas d'Agenais FINES - Ingrandes
FINES - near Buzet LIMONUM*- Poitiers
AGINNUM*- Agen SECORA- near Voultegon,
probably Le Fief-Sauvin
PORTUS NAMNETUM*-Nantes

Fig. 2.5 List of mansiones relevant to the road plan, see Fig. 2.4 (after Walser 1986)
(civitas - capitals have an asterisk: *)

Frontier sites often have Late la Tene origins. In some
cases they appear to have been strongholds positioned
along borders with potential enemies. This has been
suggested in the case of Argenton-sur-Creuse,
Chateaumeillant and Neris, which were situated along the
border of the territory of the Bituriges Cubi, facing the
territory of the Arvemi (Dumasy 1990:442). All three sites
continued as vici of importance into the Roman period.
Their success was then probably due to their location on
major roads and in the case of Argenton-sur-Creuse and
Neris they had an added function as specialised religious
sites (G 5.5, G 2.7).
It has been suggested that at frontier sites tolls might have
been levied (Mangin and Tassaux 1990:466). Indeed
according to Strabo tolls were levied along the provincial
border of Gaul, namely at the Channel and Atlantic coast
(Strabo, IV, 5, 3). It is however not easy to find evidence
for the collection of such tolls in the archaeological record
of the vici. Some frontier sites have produced evidence of
a military presence, as for instance Aulnay in Poitou-
Charentes,
St-Jean-le-Vieux and Villeneuve-sur-Lot in Aquitaine and
Mirebeau in Bourgogne. However, the military presence at
these sites was only very short term. The camp at the
Pyrenean pass of St-Jean-le-Vieux was abandoned during
the last decade of the first century BC. (G 1.10). At
Villeneuve-sur-Lot the camp was dated to the reign of
Tiberius (G 1.13). At Aulnay the military occupation of
the legionary camp was dated to a short period during the
late Augustan and early Tiberian period (G 10.2). At
Mirebeau the legionary camp was in use at the time of the
conquest and later occupied on and off by legionary
detachments during the second and third century (G 3.18).
Although the choice of a frontier site was very probably
important for military strategy in these cases, the military
presence was not essential for the ongoing life of the vicus,

25
 Monica Rorison
apart from the case of Mirebeau. Vici it seems, did not
benefit greatly from a military presence and it is likely that
increased trade and other privileges of a frontier site,
namely the attention of the civitas for the purpose of
advertising rank and power, were more important.
Specialised religious sites were often also frontier sites.
Out of the thirty nine frontier sites known in our selected
areas, fifteen were major specialised religious sites. Such
sites are sometimes associated with religious festivals,
fairs and markets (Mangin and Tassaux 1990:466). Three
of the fifteen specialised religious sites were spas, another
three were sanctuary-vici and the remaining nine sites fall
into two categories; eight great sanctuaries with theatres
and one great sanctuary without a theatre. Evidence for
shops and workshops is more readily found at such sites,
than evidence for a market, but at the great sanctuary with
theatre of Aubigne-Racan the foundations of a large market
hall have been discovered with plenty of evidence of trade
in foodstuffs and other articles of every day use (G 9.3). A
market at a border of two or more civitates might have
offered the opportunity to buy and sell the specialities of
two or more different tribes. The celebration of religious
festivals at great sanctuaries with theatres which were
frontier sites is more difficult to prove, but there is some
evidence of a pronounced difference between the plans of
the theatres of the great sanctuaries and the plans of civic
theatres in the capitals. Modifications to their orchestra
and stage gave the sanctuary-theatres a large level space to
perform processions, possibly with music, chants and
dance against a backdrop of a stage which for instance at
Argenton-sur-Creuse seems to have represented a temple
facade (Dumasy and Pinker 1990:299). This discovery
acts as some confirmation for the belief that the great
sanctuaries with theatres were places of religious festivals.
The element of advertising the wealth and power of a
civitas at its borders is certainly relevant in the case of
frontier sites and the monumental buildings of a sanctuary
or spa are a good means of fulfilling such an ambition
(Dumasy 1990:459). There is also the possibility that a
frontier site was far removed from the capital which was
usually positioned as central to the territory as possible.
Such a distance might put a site beyond the usual
competition with the capital site and its mercantile and
religious attraction symbolised by the forum, baths and
temples of the city. Development at a considerable
distance from the capital might have been beneficial for
sites like Niort and Reze of the Pictones and possibly
Grand of the Leuci (G 10.12, G 9.11, G 8.9 ). Grand was a
specialised religious site, being host to a famous Apollo
sanctuary with evidence of a healing function. It developed
into an important town of the civitas of the Leuci and was
given a town wall during the Late Empire.
In conclusion several factors seem to come into play in the
development of frontier sites. In some cases the site
developed before the conquest in a defensive position at
26
the border with a possible enemy. In other cases the
location of settlements by a border was of a more peaceful
nature and provided an opportunity for cross border
markets. Sanctuaries were of importance in such border
positions and provided places for religious festivals and
with their monumental buildings opportunities to advertise
the prowess and wealth of the native civitas. Frontier sites
might also have flourished, because they were situated at a
considerable distance from the capital and therefore
beyond immediate competition with a city. The raising of
border tolls was also a possible function. The question of
the location of specialised religious sites will be discussed
in the next section.
2.5 Distribution of the major specialised religious sites.
It seems reasonable to assume that religious centres like
these were linked in their location to sacred places or in the
case of water sanctuaries and spas to the element of water
in different forms like springs, ponds, or lakes. Spas in
particular are linked to mineral or thermal springs. The
Gallo-Roman spas of northern and central Auvergne are
well known and many are used to this day: Bourbon-
L' Archamboult, Mont Dore, Neris, Royat and Vichy. The
divinity of the spring was often personalised and gave the
place its name. The efficacy of the waters gave to the vicus
the reason for its existence. Evaux with its divinity of Ivao
evidenced by an inscription is a good example (CIL XIII,
1368, G 7.5).
Similarly in the case of hill top sanctuaries, the mountain
was dedicated to a divinity and the sanctuary grew up on or
around the mountain top. The Puy-de-Dome in Auvergne
for instance was known as DUMIAS (MONS), its divinity
the Mercury-Dumias of the Arverni (G 2.8). At St.-
Goussaud in Limousin, the dedication was probably to
Jupiter and the hill has retained the derived name ofMont-
Jouer to this day (G 7.8). Hill top sanctuaries are also
known in Poitou-Charentes at St.-Cybardeaux and there is
one example in Bretagne, where the sanctuary of Castennec
probably covered a hillside (G 4.2). Sanctuaries are
sometimes situated at the confluence of rivers, like Naintre
in Poitou-Charentes and St.-Gemmes in Pays-de-la-Loire
(G 10.11, G 9.12). Two sanctuaries, one in the region of
Centre, the other in Franche-Comte were situated by lakes
and ponds which were possibly considered sacred: Bouzy-
la-F oret and Villards d'Heria (G 5.8, G 6.18). A
combination of factors probably played a role in the siting
of the great sanctuary with theatre of Chassenon (G 10.5).
It is known as the CASSINOMAGUS of the Peut.Tab. and
also as a frontier site of the Lemovices at the border with
the Santones. The combination might have been a
sufficient reason for the siting of the vicus. However, the
discovery by scientists that the rock of this area, the breche
de Chassenon is a vitrification caused by the impact of a
meteor, has added a new dimension to the siting of this
place.
 Vici in Roman Gaul

Fig. 2.6 Distribution of major specialised religious sites in the ten areas of Gaul.

T sanctuary with theatre

V sanctuary without theatre
• sanctuary-vicus
♦ spa

Great sanctuaries may also be sited for historical reasons,
for instance when they were associated with a heroic or at
least venerable past. This is claimed for the site at
Aubigne-Racan (G 9.3). The so called 'Camp de Vaux',
situated on a plateau above the river Loir, was once
probably the site of an early Iron Age fort. The spur
dominates the valley where a large Iron Age cemetery with
tumuli was discovered. The monuments of the Gallo-
Roman sanctuary, in particular the theatre, partially
covered the burials of the fourth and fifth century BC.
When excavating the site, archaeologists found that the
theatre was constructed in such a way that it respected the
finds of megaliths which were part of the prehistoric burial
ground (Gallia 40, 1982:345). An ancient Gallic past is
also claimed for the beautifully preserved great sanctuary
at Sanxay (G 10.20). Here it was the discovery of the so-
called tholos, a round feature central to the second terrace
which was believed to have been an ancestral tomb of
heroes. However, not much is known about these burials
which lack proper documentation (Aupert 1990:163). An
example of a mausoleum containing the tomb of what has
been described as an important person, has been found
associated with the sanctuary at St.-Merd in Limousin (G
7.9).

27
 Monica Rorison
The distribution of major specialised religious sites is not
even throughout Gaul. Their distribution is shown in Fig.
2.6. The great sanctuaries with theatres are limited to the
west and centre of Gaul. The great sanctuaries without
theatres are similarly distributed. The spas dominate in
central France. Sanctuary-vici are more numerous in the
west and centre of France, but are also represented in two
eastern areas, similar to the distribution of the spas.
However, in both cases of these sanctuary-vici, namely
Mandeure in Franche-Comte and Grand in Lorraine, the
original great sanctuary became associated with a vicus
which developed into a town (G 6.10, G 8.9 and ch.I,
tables 6 and 8). Bourgogne, which had only one major
spa, had as we know from the tables in chapter 1, at least
nine vici which ranked as towns with one or more
sanctuaries (ch.I, section 1.4, table 3). Of these nine vici
at least five had theatres. It appears then that Bourgogne
could offer cult facilities which were comparable to those
of western and central Gaul, but they were differently
organised. Bretagne had only one major specialised
religious site. Aquitaine had two, namely one sanctuary-
vicus and one great sanctuary without theatre, but the
southern part of Aquitaine had several civitas-capitals in
close proximity (Agen, Aire-sur-l'Adour, Dax, Lescar and
Oloron-Ste.-Marie (Map I, Aquitaine). Each of these
civitas-capitals would have had a monumental centre with
public buildings including sanctuaries. It is possible that
advanced urbanisation, as in the case of southern
Aquitaine, or Bourgogne, compensates for major
specialised religious sites in the country.
2.6 Distribution patterns of sites; e.g. density, scarcity
and even distribution.
In order to pick out visually the most obvious patterns of
distribution it is worth looking at the distribution maps of
the vici in our ten areas (Maps I-X). The pattern which
presents itself is mainly an uneven one. There is on the one
hand a dense distribution of sites in some places and on
the other a scarcity of sites or even voids. In only one case
the distribution appears even, namely in Limousin. As it is
the more unusual pattern, it will be discussed last. Areas of
dense distribution will be discussed first and the voids
second.
2.6 a) concentration of sites along river valleys.
Several of the maps show distinctly a dense succession of
vici along river valleys. This is particularly obvious in
Auvergne (river: Allier), in Bourgogne (rivers: Yonne and
Cure, as well as Saone) and in Lorraine (river: Moselle).
The vici of Auvergne can be found on Map II and in the
Gazetteer (G 2.1-15). The river valleys of the Allier with
the tributary rivers Besbre and Dore produced ten sites,
roughly in a sequence from south to north: Martres-de-
Veyre, Lezoux, Bellerive, Gannat, Vichy, Lapalisse,
28
Varennes, Chatel-de-Neuvre, Toulon and Yzeure. There is
good evidence that all the sites made use of the fine clays
of local alluvial deposits to produce pottery, that is vessels,
lamps and figurines mainly intended for export. The rivers
provided a convenient way of transport. At Vichy there is
some evidence of quayside installations. Transport by
water is an efficient and cheap way to convey bulky, heavy
and fragile goods (ch.2, section 2.2 b). The attraction of
the river Allier for these sites was undoubtedly increased
by the course of a major Roman road known from the
Peut.Tab. and evidenced by milestones. This road
connected Clermont with Autun via the road stations of
Vichy and Varennes and ran along the right bank of the
river (Walser 1986:128-31; Sillieres 1990:435). Vichy
combined the functions of road station, spa, pottery centre
and river port and was perhaps the most important vicus.
Lezoux is best known from its amazing production of
samian ware, but the settlement is poorly known. Varennes,
probably next in importance, is also not very well
documented. However, there is evidence for its function
as a road station, pottery centre and the wealth of its
settlement. In conclusion it seems that the two vici known
from the itineraries (Vichy and Varennes) combined the
functions of road station, sanctuary or spa and
manufacturing centre. The other sites combined
manufacturing and transport functions using the river and
road system.
Bourgogne is represented on Map III and can be found in
the gazetteer (G 3.1-26). The major Roman road from
Lyon via Paris to the Channel led from Autun, the civitas-
capital of the Aedui, in a north-west direction along the
river valleys of the Cure and Yonne to Sens, the civitas-
capital of the Senones. The first vicus in the Cure valley is
situated at St.-Pere-sous-Vezelay, c. 9km south-west of
Avallon, a road station known from the ancient itineraries.
St.-Pere was a complex site consisting of a well known
water sanctuary at Fontaines- Sales and an actual
settlement by a ford at Corvee-St.-Jean (distance: 1.5 km).
A minor Roman road seems to have crossed the Cure here
to link places west of the river with the major road at
Avallon. The next site downstream at Arcy-sur-Cure on
the left bank of the river seemed to have grown up by a
ford which took the major Roman road across the Cure to
reach the river valley of the Yonne west of it. This major
ford with a ramp leading to the water's edge and its under
water installations have been surveyed. A military
fortification, the camp of Cora, situated on a hill above the
river, possibly guarded the river crossing. There was
evidence of a quay by the riverside which seems to have
been used to transport quarried stone. The next vicus
(Cravant) occupied a position at the confluence of Yonne
and Cure. It probably served as a road station on the major
road, although it is not known from the itineraries. Again
there is evidence for the transport of quarried stone along
the river, as stone from this area has been found at
Bonnard-Bassou north of Auxerre.
 Vici in Roman Gaul
The environs of Cravant have produced no evidence for a
great deal of agricultural activity and the functions of the
site were probably restricted to serving transport by river
and road. The vicus of Esco lives was situated not far from
Cravant on the left bank of the river Yonne. The remains
of a luxurious water sanctuary have been found on the
hillside with the remainder of the vicus stretching to the
river bank. The next site beyond Auxerre, the capital of
AUTESSIODURUM, was at Bonnard-Bassou, situated on
both banks of the river Yonne. Its name, BANDRITUM,
or BONORITUM, is known to us from the Peut.Tab.
(Moreau 1972:315; 1983:44). Again, as at Arcy-sur-Cure,
the major road crossed the river here via a ford and also
branched out in an eastern direction to lead to Avrolles by
the river Arma9on. The next site at Senan was situated c.
5km south of the river by a tributary, the Tholon. This site
is not yet well understood. It had a theatre and evidence of
pottery manufacture and iron working. Only minor roads
seemed to have crossed here and it has been suggested that
this was a regional centre in an agriculturally well
exploited region with important iron smelting activity in
the surrounding woods. The next site by the river Yonne
was at Chamures-Joigny. The major Roman road crossed
the Tholon, a tributary of the Y onne by a ford and the site
has produced evidence of iron processing and pottery
production. However, so far very few permanent buildings
have been found. It is the last of the dense succession of
vici along the Y onne and Cure river valleys.
In conclusion it seems that the majority ofvici (5) had the
function of road station on the major road (Arey, Avallon,
Bonnard-Bassou, Chamures and Cravant). St.-Pere and
Escolives were important sanctuaries, but also quite near
the major road. Four of the sites made use of the river for
transport (Arcy-sur-Cure, Bonnard-Bassou, Cravant and
St.- Pere) and two of these were the location of important
river crossings (Arcy-sur-Cure and Bonnard-Bassou).
Senan served probably as a regional market for industrial
and agricultural goods, but was also linked by minor roads
to the major road and river system. In this case of
crowding of sites along a river the major road plays an
important part. Only two of the sites are listed as main
sites in the Gazetteer (Avallon and Escolives), whereas the
remaining six sites are listed as 'further possible sites'.
A different case is demonstrated by the settlements along
the river Saone, also in Bourgogne (Map III and G 3.1-26).
The first site which meets the eye just inside the southern
tip of the region and situated on the Saone is Macon.
Chalon-sur-Saone, as well as Macon and Tournus halfway
between them are known as road stations from the ancient
itineraries on the way from Lyon to Langres (Walser
1986:201-203). North of Chalon-sur-Saone the route
seems to have divided into two branches, one following the
heights to the north-west of the Saone via Beaune, Nuits-
St.-George, Malain or Dijon and Lux or Dienay. The other
route followed the river banks, via Verdun-s.-Doubs,
Seurre, St.-Usage, Auxonne and Pontailler. These sites by
29
the river banks are listed in the Gazetteer as 'further
possible sites' and they probably could not be compared
with the grand vici along the other route. In this instance it
might mean that they are not only little known, but were of
lesser importance, serving the trade along a minor road,
whereas the route along the heights was a strategic imperial
road, serving military and administrative aims.
The last example of a dense succession of sites along a
river valley is taken from Lorraine (Map VIII and G 8.1-
27). There are four sites between Toul (TULLUM), the
civitas-capital of the Leuci and Metz (DIVODURUM), the
capital of the Mediomatrici. The first site, Laneuveville/L.
is actually situated at the confluence of Meurthe and
Moselle. The other three sites are at Dieulouard, Nomeny
and Corny. There are three more sites in the Moselle
valley, north of Metz: Florange-D.-E., Yutz and Hettange-
Grande. In this case, similar to the other examples, a major
Roman road led along the river valley. Its first well known
road station was at Dieulouard, the SCARPONNA of the
Ant.It. and Peut. Tab. At Hettange-Grande, north of Metz,
this route divided into two important branches, one leading
to Reims via Arlon and the other along the Moselle to Trier
and the Rhine. The function of the seven vici along this
part of the Moselle valley was very similar to that of the
sites along the Y onne and Cure in Bourgogne. They are
however all listed in the main Gazetteer as vici and not as
'further possible sites'. This might reflect mainly that the
sites are much better known, but there are indications that
they had more amenities, workshops and sanctuaries. There
is evidence for a temple at Laneuveville/La Madeleine and
Nomeny, porticos at Dieulouard and Hettange-Grande,
workshops at Florange-Daspich-Ebange, Hettange-Grande,
Laneuveville /La Madeleine, Nomeny and Yutz. These
sites were possibly more developed and wealthier than
those along the river Y onne and Cure.
There is an even more striking contrast between the
Moselle valley and the valley of the Meuse running nearly
parallel to it in Lorraine. The Meuse shows a conspicuous
absence of sites along its course. This phenomenon is not
yet understood. It might be due to our lack of knowledge,
or if this void really existed, it might be due to the
advantage the Moselle had over the Meuse by leading to
the Rhine frontier.
2.6 b) concentration of sites around civitas-capitals.
The concentration of vici around the capital can be
observed in several regions and is for instance obvious
around Clermont in Auvergne (Map II and G 2.1-15). The
distance of these sites ranges from c. 5-15km from the
capital (Martres-de-Veyre: c. 12km, Puy-de-Dome c.
10km, Royat: c. 5km). Royat was a spa situated on the
slopes of a hillside west of Clermont. The Puy-de-Dome
was the site of a hill sanctuary crowned by a temple in the
classical Greco-Roman style, dedicated to Mercury, a
divinity especially revered by the Arverni. There has been
 Monica Rorison
some evidence for a settlement at the foot of the hill.
It seems that the crowding of sites around Clermont was
partially due to the presence of sacred sites being necessary
for the religious practices of a Gallic tribe in the vicinity of
a primary site. Other examples are known in Poitou-
Charentes where Thenac is situated just a few miles south
of Saintes, or in Sarthe, where Allonnes is situated at a
similar distance outside the capital of the Aulerci-
Cenomani at modem Le Mans (Map X - Poitou-Charentes,
Map IX - Pays-de-la-Loire). Nantes had also two religious
sites in its vicinity, Coussol and Mauves (Map IX - Pays-
de-la-Loire ).
Poitiers is another capital displaying a concentration of
sites in its vicinity (Map X and G 10.1-23). They are
situated further apart and are larger and more diversified
than the ones around Clermont. They consist of: Beruges
(c. 11km east), Vendeuvre-du-Poitou (c. 18km north-
west), Jaunay-Clan (c. 14km north-east), Chauvigny (c.
22km east) and Naintre (c. 26km north-east). Two of the
vici were major specialised religious sites (Naintre and
Vendeuvre-du-Poitou). Two others were probably road
stations (Jaunay-Clan and Chauvigny) and the last,
Beruges, was possibly a market and regional centre.
In conclusion a distinct crowding of sites occurred around
some capitals. It has been shown that on the one hand
major specialised religious sites were often located near
capitals, but not all surrounding sites had this function.
Possibly the sheer pace and volume of trade increased near
a capital. Therefore vici near the cities profited from being
the middleman between town and country (Mangin and
Tassaux 1990:466). However, this crowding of sites is not
observed in the case of all capitals. In Limousin for
instance not a single site has been found as close to the
capital as the ones observed around Clermont and Poitiers.
It seems that such settlement patterns are neither universal
nor yet fully understood.
2.6 c) Scarcity and absence of sites.
Looking at the distribution maps (Maps I-X), one is struck
by the absence of vici in some areas. This has been
attributed to insufficient exploration on the one hand and
on the other hand to the inhospitable character of the
landscape and climate. On the distribution maps these
voids are conspicious in the south-west of Auvergne and in
the area around Perigueux in Aquitaine (Maps II and I).
Mangin and Tassaux have confirmed this observation and
explained it by pointing out that the areas around
Perigueux and in the south-west of the Auvergne are parts
of the Massif Central, a barren region with few settlements
(Mangin and Tassaux 1990:465-6). There is also an
absence of settlements in the Vendee, which is part of the
Pays-de-la-Loire (Map IX). This is partially a region of
low lying marshland, but some areas were probably well
settled in Roman times and it has been suggested that with
30
more intense surveying sites will be found, which are now
lying undetected under modem towns and villages (Herring
1986:179-82). However there are regions which although
considered fertile and well cultivated during the Roman
period and carefully surveyed in our time, nevertheless
display a lack of vici. We have already mentioned the
Meuse valley in Lorraine, where the lack of settlements has
been found difficult to explain.
Another example of scarcity of vici is the region of Ille-et-
Vilaine in Bretagne. Since it is difficult to appreciate the
distribution of vici in Ille-et-Vilaine by referring to the
map of the whole of Brittany, a supplementary map
showing the region, albeit without naming the vici, is
shown below (Fig. 2. 7). The names of the sites are given
on the distribution map (Map IV). Leroux and Provost
have found neither a single great rural sanctuary, nor many
settlements of importance in that region in spite of aerial
survey (Leroux and Provost A. 1990:28-9). The region of
Ille-et-Vilaine was traversed by two major Roman roads,
one passing Visseiche, a station marked on the Peut.Tab.
and the capital Rennes, to reach St.-Malo and the other
linking Rennes with Brest on the western Atlantic coast.
The distribution map shows four vici: Chapelle-Fougeretz,
Combourg, Iffendic and Visseiche and five 'further
possible sites': Baguer-Morvan, Feins, St.-Meloir-des-
Ondes, Breteil and Chartres-de-Bretagne. These were all
small sites with the exception of St.-Meloir, which has
been recently discovered and although not yet excavated,
seems to cover an area of c. 45 ha. Five sites seemed to
have served as road stations (Chapelle, Combourg, Breteil,
Iffendic and Visseiche). All the vici and 'further possible
sites' seem to be arranged along the course of the two
routes passing through Rennes , the capital, leaving
considerable areas ofland without vici.
In conclusion scarcity or absence of vici might be due to
inhospitable conditions and therefore lack of settlement.
Another reason is simply our lack of knowledge. On the
other hand well settled and even well researched areas may
demonstrate a scarcity of settlements, like L' Ille-et-
Vilaine. This is a problem which is still unresolved. It
might have to do with an area being peripheral to a
transport system, or reasons should perhaps be sought in
the character and history of the Gallic tribe occupying the
region. The Bituriges Cubi, occupying the area around
Bourges, strike one as having been a strong, ebulliant tribe
with apparently five former oppida surviving as secondary
centres into the Roman period (Argenton, Levroux,
Chateaumeillant, Neris and Drevant (Late La Tene site: La
Groutte). The Riedones with their fine capital CONDATE,
Rennes, admittedly surrounded by a ring of rural temples,
did not have a comparable array of great sanctuaries with
theatre or secondary sites of some size or importance in
their territory.
 Vici in Roman Gaul

a ,,..--.......
..... ,.._.-......
I ,_, ,,,,,.,.•-
.,."'\
,, -,-._
' \ ,' \

-----\.·
·r
• )
1
1,-\.,, I ~
.......

"---,
,.,
' .......
,,
I

'
,
, ' ,,
I " ... --.:- - .. -
, ,'
'I
I I ,
I
',_ ,,'
'
' ,,,'
r
,,

Fig. 2.7 Distribution ofvici in the departement ofL'Ille-et-Vilaine. Place names can be found on the distribution map of
Bretagne (MAP IV).

Key to relevant symbols: 111civitas-capital, • vicus, ♦ 'further possible site',

- ---- boundary of departement

2.6 d) An even pattern of distribution; the example of the
Limousin
The Limousin with its three departements of Correze,
Creuse and Haute Vienne, is an area of comparatively few,
but evenly distributed vici (13 vici and 2 'further possible
sites', G 7.1-4). During the Roman period it was the
territory of the Gallic tribe of the Lemovices with their
civitas-capital, AUGUSTORITUM, Limoges. The
boundary of modem Limousin is claimed to correspond
closely with the former territory of the Lemovices which
was preserved during the Middle Ages by the limits of the
diocese of Limoges (see section 2.4 above). Only one
vicus, Chassenon, is outside the modem boundary west of
Limoges and now belongs to the administrative area of
Poitou-Charentes, see Map: VII (Limousin) and Map X
(Poitou-Charentes). AUGUSTORITUM was situated off
centre in the western part of its territory and there is good
evidence for it having been founded on a virgin site in the
Augustan period. Limousin is a hilly region and the lack
of vici directly east of Limoges might be explained by the
barrier of mountains and precipitous river valleys of that
region. Its rivers were probably not navigable and nowhere
along their course does there occur a succession of vici as
discussed for instance for the river Allier in Auvergne
(section 2.6 a, above). However, the vici of Ahun, Brive,
Uzerche and Argentat mark the points of major roads
crossing the rivers Creuse, Correze, V ezere and Dordogne
respectively. Ahun and Chassenon were road stations
known from the itineraries on the major road from Lyon to
Saintes. None of the sites in Limousin reached anywhere
near the importance and size of the capital, with its full
complement of monumental buildings, forum, baths,
theatre, amphitheatre and sanctuaries, all organised inside
the mesh of an orthogonal street grid. AUGUSTORITUM,
Limoges was indeed the unrivalled primary centre. It
possibly covered a surface area of 90 ha, whereas the vici
of the Limousin reached a surface area of 10 to possibly
60 ha only. The sixteen vici of the Lemovices (including
Chassenon), were indeed lower level centres. The tables in
chapter 1, designed to list the vici according to their
ranking as, 1) towns, 2) intermediate sites and 3)
settlements which were not towns, show that three of the
vici of the Lemovices were intermediate sites, Evaux, Brive
and Chassenon (ch. 1, section 1.4, tables 7 and 10). The
remainder were settlements below the rank of towns and
intermediate settlements. However, the vici in the
Limousin are not nearly as well known as similar
secondary sites in eastern Gaul. It is therefore likely that
with increasing knowledge of their function and internal
organisation more vici will be reclassified into the category
of intermediate sites. For instance Ahun, Tintignac and
Ussel are possible candidates (G 7.1, G 7.10, G 7.12).
Eight of the sixteen sites were in a special category,
namely associated with great sanctuaries, or spas

31
 Monica Rorison
(Chassenon, Evaux, La Souterraine, Margerides, St.-
Goussaud, St.-Merd, Tintignac and Toulx-Ste.-Croix).
That is half of all known sites. These major specialised
religious sites had monumental buildings and two of them
had theatres. This confirms their importance for the life of
the whole civitas. Chassenon for instance consisted of an
impressive sanctuary with theatre, temple, luxurious double
baths complex and settlement. It was also a frontier site of
32
the Lemovices with the Santones, a site where the civitas
advertised its wealth and importance, as has been argued
above (section 2.4).
The question of the relationship of the vici to each other
and to their civitas-capital will be discussed in chapter 4,
which is about the functions of the vici.
 Chapter 3
Settlement and building layout
3 .1 Settlement layout.
No settlement plans representing the layout of entire vici
are known. At best partial layouts are recorded. However,
distinct patterns can be observed. They are similar to those
found by Burnham and Wacher for the 'small towns' of
Roman Britain (Burnham and Wacher 1990:23-250). In
our case the types of settlement have been divided into six
groups (a-f), three of these comprise settlements which are
focused on arteries or through routes as follows:
a) plans focused on one or more junctions of through
routes
b) linear or ribbon development
c) extended ribbon development (street network beyond
the initial road or road junction)
The next two groups of settlement plans are independent
of arteries or through routes:
d) plans independent of through routes (often irregular or
haphazard street networks)
e) plans focused on a public centre (often recognisable
street grid, e.g. main and side streets meet at right
angles, forming insulae).
The last group comprises settlements with plans combining
features of the above schemes:
f) complex settlement layouts
In the following section examples of these groups are
discussed in the same order (place names are printed in
bold type for ease of reference).
3 .1 a) plans focused on one or more junctions of through
routes.
A table of settlement patterns is appended at the end of
this chapter (ch.3, Table A).
The plan of Sombernon in Burgundy is an example of a
settlement focused on one junction, in this case the major
roads linking Autun with Langres, and Sens with Paris
(Fig.3.1). The plan shows the buildings at 'I' facing the
road junction without an intervening space, while the other
buildings are slightly set back from the main artery.
Building 'II' is presumed to have been a hostel or mansio.
It faces the road via a set of porticos. Considerable space
is left open between the buildings which does not suggest
dense settlement. The vicus is estimated to have covered 10
ha (G 3.23).
St.-Ambroix in the region of Centre, a road station on the
way from Bourges to Argenton-sur-Creuse and known from
the ancient itineraries, was situated at a complex junction
of through routes (Gaz. Fig. 27). The major road (No. I),
was met by a road from Chateaumeillant (No.2), crossed
the river Amon and was met by two further roads, one from
33
Gievres (No.3) and one from Levroux (No.4). The
settlement extended on both sides of the road for about
700m. Possible public buildings were found north of the
road and a workshop area south of the road. A cemetery
was discoverd at one exit of the vicus. No street system
beyond the through routes is documented. The vicus
covered a surface area of c. 20 ha (G 5.25). Both
settlements discussed so far were either concentrated on a
simple road junction (Sombemon), or on a complex
junction (.St.-Ambroix).
3 .1 b) linear or ribbon development
In this group of settlement plans, the buildings are strung
along a stretch of a through route without developing a
network of side streets. Florange-Daspich-Ebange in
Lorraine is a good example of such a plan (Gaz. Fig. 44).
The remains of buildings (shops/workshops) were found
extending for c.700m along both sides of a major artery
linking Trier and Metz. The settlement seems to have
nowhere exceeded a width of 150m. No public buildings
are known so far. One side-street seems to have given
access to one of the two cemeteries. The vicus covered an
area of c. 12 ha (G 8.8). It is likely that ribbon
development was quite common also in western and central
regions of Gaul, but we lack settlement plans to furnish
examples.
3.1 c) extended ribbon development (a street system
beyond the initial road or road junction).
This type of plan is frequently found in Gaul and
particularly in the three eastern administrative areas of
Bourgogne, Franche-Comte and Lorraine. Bliesbruck in
Lorraine is a good example of the earlier stages of such an
arrangement (Fig.3.2 and Gaz. Fig.41). The first plan
shows an overview of the settlement and its suroundings
(Fig.3.2). The second plan shows the remains of the vicus
organised on both sides of the through route, probably a
secondary road, which runs in a north - south direction
(Gaz. Fig.41). A zone of ritual pits with a cult pool
extends behind the row of houses west of the through route.
The baths are set back from the road across an open space.
A modem gravel pit, now filled with water, obscures the
area west of the sacred zone. To the south the modem
village covers the site and makes investigation impossible.
The settlement at Bliesbruck might indeed have been more
extensive and even have had a different shape from the
plan revealed by the excavations. However, given the
known documentation, the vicus clearly belongs to
settlements showing extended ribbon development. It
covered an area of c. 20 ha (G 8.3). Hettange-Grande,
also in Lorraine, presents a similar settlement plan (Gaz.
Fig.46).
 Monica Rorison
.. . ®
.~--
~--------
'-r·~m\8
@) \\
-~·
10n,
Fig. 3.1 Sombernon (Cote d'Or), buildings at road junction (plan after Roussel 1992: 135)
I, IV, V various buildings, II hostel (mansio ), fronted by porticos, III workshop for bronze or isron working
The vicus was focused on a section of the major artery
linking Metz and Trier, where the road crossed the Kiesel
brook. The inset plan shows the excavated area by a road
junction. Finds have confirmed the extension of the
settlement aligned to side streets. The vicus probably
covered an area of 15-20 ha.
In the west of Gaul we know a similar settlement plan
demonstrating extended ribbon development from Antigny
in Poitou-Charentes (Gaz. Fig.54). The vicus covered an
area of c. 25 ha.
3 .1 d) plans independent of through routes (often with
irregular or haphazard street networks).
Such a layout is known from Brion (site: St-Germain
d'Esteuil) situated in Aquitaine. This was the site of a
sanctuary-vicus, covering an area of c. 12 ha on the left
bank of the Gironde. The public buildings, an impressive
temple and theatre, as well as private houses were generally
aligned on a height from north-east to south-west (Gaz.
Fig.2). There was no evidence of an internal street system.
Each private building in the two residential zones
excavated, seemed to have been placed on its plot without
regard to an overall plan and surrounded by annexe
buildings (Garmi et al. 1990:146).
34
8 @'
, □ c:f0 ::
--- . -- - .. - - ---~ .
.
0 .• \~
\\ I @
:: --:-
r II
The vicus was probably preceded by a Late La Tene
settlement, although there was no dated evidence for this.
No Roman road approaching the site has been found and it
is possible that it was surrounded by a branch of the
Gironde in the Roman period and relied on communication
by waterways (G 1.5). Kerilien in Bretagne has been
described as a scattered settlement. It had apparently some
kind of street plan at its core, which is however difficult to
recognise (Gaz. Fig.19). It was situated near a road leading
from Rennes to the western ports, but it does not seem to
have been focused on that road. The vicus possessed a
theatre and minor roads led from the surrounding country
into the vicus which seemed to have had the function of a
regional centre (G 4.9). As at Brion there is some evidence
at Kerilien of a preceding Late La Tene settlement. Gallic
settlement traditions might have had an influence on the
layout at Brion and Kerilien.
3.1 e) plans with focus on a public centre (recognisable
street grid).
The outstanding example of such a settlement plan is Alise-
Ste.-Reine in Bourgogne (G 3.1). Its remains have been
preserved under fields without being either obscured or
destroyed by an overlying settlement. It grew out of a
Gallic oppidum with its own sanctuary, public square, two
known workshop zones and a possible residential area,
 Vici in Roman Gaul

Fig. 3.2 Bliesbruck (Moselle), general plan of the vicus (after Petit and Schaub 1992)

Key to relevant numbers: 1 = boundary of settlement, 2 = workshop zone west, 3 = zone of ritual pits, 4 = baths, 5 =
workshop zone east, 6 = villa ofReinheim, 7 = farm part of villa, 8 = rich Early La Tene burial (female), 9 = Bronze Age
settlement, 10 = Iron Age occupation, 11 = Merovingian cemetery.

35
 Monica Rorison

documented for the first century BC (Benard and Mangin
1992:88). At its height in the second and third century, the
buildings of the vicus were aligned to an orthogonal street
grid and focused on a monumental centre with forum,
temple, basilica and theatre (Fig. 3.3). Other sanctuaries
and the baths were situated further away from the core of
the vicus which covered a surface area of 50-70 ha. The
orthogonal street grid seems to have only gradually
replaced the original indigenous street plan which remained
irregular in the zones away from the monumental centre
(Benard and Mangin 1992:88). However, even at the core
of the vicus the street system was not comparable in its
regularity with the street grid of civitas-capitals like
Limoges (Fig. 3.4). The illustration shows the grid pattern
verified by excavation at the centre of the town. The
monumental centre is visible in prime place at the heart of
the plan, where the main streets, the cardo and decumanus
met. AUGUSTORITUM (Limoges), was probably built
after its street grid was laid down, whereas at Alise-Ste.-
Reine the monumental centre was evidently fitted into the
area previously reserved for the Gallic temple and public
square, after clearing and re-designing former workshop
zones in the process ( Benard and Mangin 1992:88-89).
Alise-Ste.-Reine was not the only vicus which grew out of
an oppidum and adopted a layout focused on a monumental
centre in Burgundy. Unfortunately there is no plan of
Vertault available, but the description supports the
conclusion that here also the monumental buildings and
forum were the focus for a settlement laid out at least at its
core according to a regular street grid (G 3.25). At Nuits-
St.-Georges the plan clearly shows the internal focus and
street system of the vicus (Gaz. Fig.15). However, in this
case the vicus did not grow out of an oppidum and the site
was traversed by a secondary, though important road,
linking it to the Roman long distance road network.

Fig. 3.3 Alise-Ste.-Reine (Cote d'Or), centre of the vicus from the reign of Claudius to the Flavians
(plan after Benard and Mangin 1992: 92).

Key: 1 = main streets, 2 = theatre, 3 = temple, 4 = forum

36
Another random document with
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 “Sure, Oomlag,” I said, striving to seem very enthusiastic, “bring on
your big show! Tell your General I am ready, and that my services are
at his disposal. I think I can stand about any shock now.”
“You stood the darkness test better than most,” remarked Oomlag,
dryly. “Usually we must speak long before we get near enough to
touch. The fluid you drank was water with a mild drug to make your
mind more active. Since you are ready, I will give the signal.”
Again his garments rustled. About a minute passed, but nothing
happened to break the impenetrable darkness or my keyed-up sense
of suspense.
“The Field General says to bring you in. Stand up, Stan-lee!”
Oomlag ordered, at the same time grasping my right elbow with his
lean, powerful fingers. As soon as I was on my feet, he faced me half
way around and gave me a little shove.
“Walk straight forward until I tell you to stop!” he commanded, the
gruff, guttural words being spoken close to my ear, “and do not speak
a word. Say nothing until you receive my permission.”
I took a few slow, shuffling steps into the darkness, hands held
before my face.
“Walk naturally!” Oomlag whispered, and there was nothing to do
but obey. The floor of the cave sloped gently down, and I expected
momentarily to go hurtling into some chasm. I was wholly at the mercy
of this strange being, and tried to steel myself for whatever might
happen. I imagine that walking the plank would be a similar sensation,
the only difference being the certainty of destruction.

AFTER I had taken about a hundred steps, the floor seemed to

become level. Oomlag was right behind me. I could hear the soft
shuffle of his feet and rustle of his clothes. But he gave me no more
spoken directions. Either I happened to be going in the right direction,
or, what was more probable, I was being guided by some unknown
influence. The floor continued level, and we must have walked fully
five minutes in the dense blackness of the place before I noticed a
little draft of warm air. At the same time I became aware of a rather
high-pitched humming sound that grew louder as we moved forward.
Then I began to hear more shuffling sounds, and a sort of subdued
murmuring on all sides, as though a crowd of people were gathered
and whispering to one another.
Suddenly Oomlag’s hand grasped my shoulder and stopped me in
my tracks. Without uttering a word, we stood there, his hand still
gripping my shoulder. My senses were keenly acute, and I knew, from
the indistinct rustlings and murmurings I could hear, that we were
surrounded by other beings.
Slowly, as the lights in a theater are gradually turned on, objects
around me became visible. First I could make out several shadowy,
tall figures standing about on all sides, and the outlines of two
enormous white stalagmites. As the light became brighter by
imperceptible degrees, I could see that it emanated from a multitude
of octagonal crystals set in the walls of the cavern at regular intervals.
Before me rose up a sort of throne built into a large niche in the
cavern wall, and on this throne, apparently hewn from the living rock,
sat one of the most preposterous-looking beings the imagination of
man could conceive. The two stalagmites flanked this throne on either
side, and other bizarre creatures were thronged in the space between
the stalagmites and below the throne.
I shall do my best to describe the Field General commanding the
hordes from Venus that are to conquer our earth in a few short years. I
was sickened by the revelation that Oomlag was indeed no madman,
but really one of an invincible vanguard with the world in their grasp.
The Field General, as Oomlag had termed him, was a terrible thing to
look upon. A tall figure, well over seven feet, with unbelievably long,
skinny arms and legs, a torso like a pouter-pigeon, and above it, set
on a short, thick neck, a head shaped like an ostrich egg. The head
was entirely bald, covered with skin like parchment and of a most
revolting ochre yellow color. The ears tapered almost to a point; the
eyes, small and set close together, burned like those of a cat in the
dark; the nose was very wide and flat, almost pig-like; and the mouth,
thick-lipped and exceedingly wide, was doubly hideous due to the total
absence of chin. In conversation later he revealed his teeth, the front
four evidently filed to a point and the rest flat; all of a dark gray color.
He was clothed in some sort of tight-fitting dull green garment which,
together with a brick-red jacket or vest over his huge, round chest,
gave him the appearance of a grotesque turnip. On his long, tapering
feet he wore flat sandals held in place by thongs laced through the
ends of his doublet, if I may call it that. His fingers were all long and of
equal length, and he kept toying with some object resting in his lap. It
looked like a bassoon without the mouthpiece.

THE lights had now reached their maximum, giving the huge room the
effect of being flooded by intensely bright moonlight. Behind me, and
on all sides, stood scores of these creatures, similar in appearance to
the Field General on the throne, except that they wore dull green
jackets instead of brick-red. They stood motionless, regarding me
stolidly with their smoldering, beady eyes.
Oomlag stepped forward and saluted his commander with a
sweeping motion of his right arm. He said something in a strange,
guttural tongue, and the Field General evidently plied him with
questions about me, for they kept up a long conversation, often
glancing my way. Finally Oomlag turned to me.
“The Field General wants to ask you a few questions,” he said,
stepping to one side.
The Field General regarded me intently for several moments. I
quailed under the inspection of those calculating, cat-like, inhuman
eyes of his. The only difference between him and what might be
imagined in a nightmare was that he was the real thing—actual and
horrible to look upon. With his loose, ochre lips exposing the sharp
front teeth at every word, he spoke in a pronounced guttural accent,
his English quite limited and hard to understand.
“You work rock work?” he asked with difficulty.
“Yes, sir,” I replied, my heart pounding against my ribs for all I could
do to calm myself. “I’m a geologist.”
A short interjection by Oomlag evidently explained to the Field
General what a geologist was.
“You know then what is r-r-radium?”
“Yes.”
“You know what is bismuth?”
“Yes.”
“You know any in between?”
“What do you mean by that, sir?” I inquired.
The Field General spoke a few rapid words to Oomlag, who said to
me: “He means, do you know of any element of atomic weight
between bismuth and radium? You know, of course, they are roughly
208 and 225, using 16 for oxygen as the standard, and I promise you,
on my word, that if you can place any element in that gap, you will be
well rewarded for the information.”
“There has been none discovered that I know of,” I replied.
“That is all,” said the Field General, curtly, adding something in his
own tongue to Oomlag.
Again came the high-pitched humming sound, and the lights
dimmed perceptibly. The creatures round about, who had regarded
me stolidly during my short conversation with the Field General, now
broke up into little groups of four or five and walked off in different
directions.
From this large room, which was the executive chamber of the Field
General, branched four tunnels, about twenty feet in height and the
same in width, lighted at intervals of some hundred feet by octagonal
globes, set in niches in the solid rock and projecting out at an angle of
45 degrees. Down one of these tunnels Oomlag now bade me walk,
himself striding along beside me, like some over-fantastic figure in a
parade of mummers. We had only gone a short distance from where
the tunnel branched from the Executive Chamber when I noticed that
on both sides appeared, at regular intervals, large curtains or
hangings of material resembling the jackets these people wore, both
in color and material.
“These hangings,” said Oomlag, in the same way a guide would
point out and explain objects of interest to a tourist, “conceal doors to
our apartment houses. Our mode of life is practically the same as
yours; we breathe, we take food through our mouth, we require
shelter, we mate, we are gregarious. The apartments proper I am not
permitted to show you, but this I can say: they are hewn from the solid
rock, as are all these tunnels, by our own machine brought from
Venus. As you shall probably spend several years down here with us,
it is desirable that you should have this preliminary trip and
explanation before you are assigned to quarters. By the way, Stan-lee
—I forgot you are an earth creature and subject to more frequent
pangs of hunger than we. Do you care for food or drink? It is only a
short distance to the dining room of our involuntary visitors, and I shall
be glad to take you there before we go further. What do you say?”
EVER since my introduction to the Executive Chamber, I had
wondered, in the back of my mind, where my fellow prisoners might
be. I had seen no living thing save these monstrous men of Venus,
and this sounded like a chance to see some of the other unfortunate
human beings held captive here.
“Yes, I am very hungry, Oomlag,” I lied, “and I was just about to ask
you if I could have something to eat.”
“Follow me.”
I followed Oomlag down this main tunnel about a quarter of a mile
to where a smaller tunnel branched to the right. Some hundred paces
we took down this, then found the way blocked by the usual dull-green
hangings. Oomlag’s hands reached under his jacket, there was a
rustling sound, and instantly the hangings parted, revealing doors like
huge square blocks of cement. These doors slid noiselessly into the
walls of the tunnel on each side.
We entered a chamber about a hundred feet square and about
fifteen feet high, containing a dozen large, round tables of smooth
rock, with smaller stools, also of rock, serving as chairs. Over each
table, as well as in the comers of the room, were the octagonal crystal
lights illuminating the room with their cold, intense rays. Behind us the
immense doors slid together again without a sound.
At one of these rock tables Oomlag and I seated ourselves. Again
he reached under his jacket and again there was a rustling sound. I
was about to ask him what sort of signals he produced by this
mysterious maneuver, when a panel in the rock wall at the far end of
the room slid back, and a girl bearing a tray stepped out.
Needless to say, I regarded with extreme interest this first person of
my own race I was privileged to see, who was, like myself, a captive
of these terribly efficient Venusians. Was it sympathy with her plight
that made me think her pretty? She seemed of a Spanish type, her
long black hair parted smoothly in the middle, and hanging in glossy
braids on either side of her pale, pathetically piquant face. She was
clad in a dress made of the universal material used by these people,
reaching almost to her ankles. Though she was small, the garment
gave her a look of height and dignity. She moved gracefully to our
table, and without a word placed before us the dishes on her tray. As
she leaned over, she glanced at me with such a hopeless look in her
large, brown eyes that I was stabbed to the heart. Before she turned
away, I saw a tear rolling down her cheek. She brushed at it with a
slender little hand, as she retired with the empty tray through the rock
panel, which closed silently behind her.
“That,” said Oomlag, arranging the dishes before me, “is one of our
most valuable guests. She has been with us almost five years, and
has been invaluable in teaching us Spanish and English. She came
from a small town in Arizona. I forgot to tell you, you are to hold no
converse at any time with any of your fellow beings. To do so will have
painful consequences. You think she is pretty, don’t you?”
I boiled inwardly. This leering, inhuman brute was my absolute
master, and nothing I could say or do would help in the least; on the
contrary, if I said what I really thought, it would be the worse for me.
“Oh, she’s not so much,” I said, casually. “She is too pale, for one
thing. Tell me, Oomlag, what is this dinner you have ordered for me?
How do you grow anything fit to eat down here? What is this soup
made of?”
Before me, in hollow stone dishes, was a repast of hot soup,
vegetables and bread. The only utensil was a large spoon made of
some sort of fibre.
“While you eat,” said Oomlag, stretching his long legs and adjusting
his jacket, “I shall endeavor to explain things to you. Before I can
answer your questions, it is necessary to trace out certain other
things. Take your soup and tell me what you think of it.”
I did so, finding it very delicious, rather like mock turtle. I told him it
was very palatable.
“I am glad you like it. It is a combination of crushed yucca roots and
prairie dog bones, prepared according to our own formula.”
I made a wry face and laid the spoon down.
“Ah, I see your imagination tells you the soup is not so good.”
Oomlag grinned horribly, his yellow lips baring his sharp teeth.
“Strange how you creatures allow your imagination to dictate your
likes and dislikes. If I had not told you the ingredients of that soup, you
would have enjoyed it thoroughly. Now, having told you, you find it
disagreeable, though you just finished saying it was good. You might
as well learn to like it, for you will have it every day. The vegetables
are—but I must begin at the beginning. Not such bad bread, is it?”
“TO begin with, we are, as I told you before, from Venus. Our
scientists have spent centuries in perfecting a machine for
interplanetary flight. We have long had the necessary power. The
problem was to determine the relative position of the two planets, the
pull of gravity of the sun, Venus and your earth, the time necessary to
make the flight, the provisioning and ventilating of the projectile, the
perfecting of a device to detect and repel meteorites, and countless
other problems, all vitally important. The data for all this was handed
down from generation to generation, and finally everything had been
thought of.
“No doubt you have been curious to know why the Field General
interrogated you about bismuth and radium. He has had too much to
do supervising things here, so has only a smattering of your
languages; but that question he felt he should ask you personally. The
reason is, we have an element about half-way in the atomic scale
between bismuth and radium which gives us unlimited power by the
breaking up of its atoms. We know that this element does exist on this
earth, and the Field General thought perhaps you knew of its
discovery. That, however, is only incidental, and not the reason for
bringing you here.
“Having found out how to harness this element, we were well
supplied with light and power on our planet. These lights you see are
run by radio current from several plants in our workings, each
dynamo, if I may call it that, generating a powerful radio wave which is
caught and utilized by each of these crystals. The crystals are
considerably larger the further away they are from the source of
power, for distance demands more filament to catch the power waves.
“A fortunate discovery, though with tragic consequences to the
discoverer, revealed the possibility of utilizing this element with
another in such proportions as to repel anything in front of the wave
generated by their intermixing. That was the beginning of our
centuries of work on an interplanetary machine. It is obvious that if the
ray generated by these two elements will repel anything in its path,
then by proper control, intensifying and reducing it at will, enough
force could be made to repel us away from Venus and toward the
earth, using auxiliary rays to repel any stray meteorites. And there are
plenty of those. But the exhaustive calculations! Nothing could be left
to chance. The best brains of our people worked ceaselessly on the
problem until everything was figured out.
“I do not think it is of much use to try to explain to you the workings
of the interplanetary machine, since you are unfamiliar with the
element responsible for its success. All I can say is, each of the two
combining elements are kept in finely powdered form in separate
containers negative to their power as lead is to your X-ray. The proper
amount of each to be combined is let carefully into a tubular
apparatus, separated by a thin sheet of negative metal which is then
withdrawn by a special device. The power wave produced by the
resulting combination is carefully calculated, and the charge is
renewed in another tube at just the right moment. A battery of auxiliary
tubes is always kept here for any unexpected occurrence which might
take place at any moment.
“My parents told me that the take-off was most exciting. Countless
thousands of my fellow Venusians were crowded as close as they
could get to obtain a last glimpse of the travelers. At exactly the right
moment, the big projectile soared slowly into the sky, gradually
gaining momentum as it left the stratosphere and entered outer space.
Faster and faster it went, with its meteorite detector busily at work
spotting and repelling these menaces, and its tubes taking larger and
larger quantities of the precious elements. You can judge for yourself
the speed they attained when I tell you it took exactly six of your
months for my people to get here.”
“Pardon the interruption,” I said, munching a piece of the bread that
tasted exactly like a dry waffle, “but how did you know where you were
going to land? Suppose you had dropped into the ocean, or even in
the midst of a populated district? How and why did you hit this part of
New Mexico?”
“That is explained by the atomic telescope, an invention of my
great-great-grandfather’s. Using the element similar to radium as a
base, we wash a sensitive plate with this certain mixture containing a
large proportion of that element. In order to save time, let us call this
element ‘Venusite’ which, though not the name we have for it, is more
descriptive and makes it easier for you to understand. This telescope
is tremendously long, and contains a series of condensing reflectors
of such accuracy and delicacy that when it is trained on a certain spot,
an image on your earth, 30,000,000 miles away, is recorded on an
inconceivably small part of the sensitive plate. This plate is then
treated by an agent which causes the atoms in the ‘Venusite’ to start
breaking up, and as they do so, an enlarged image is thrown on a
screen. By exposing various parts of the sensitive plate in rapid
succession, a series of images is obtained. We thus succeeded in
exploring the surface of your earth thoroughly, proving to our own
satisfaction that we could not only live on your planet, but live better
than on our own. We saw that this region was practically uninhabited,
and had the advantage of possessing enormous caverns suitable for
housing us. It remained only to calculate the proper time for leaving in
order to hit this spot. A slight error put my people several hundred
miles west of here, but by a skillful handling of the ‘Venusite’ they
managed to bring their machine down by the entrance of a huge
limestone cave. The rest was easy.”

DURING the latter part of this conversation I noticed that Oomlag

reached under his jacket several times and made the funny rustling
sounds I had heard before. I asked him what he was doing.
“Oh, yes, our portable wireless, by means of which we can
communicate with anyone else in the workings.”
He unbuttoned his jacket, exposing a contrivance about 18 inches
square at the base, with a dome-like top, suspended from his
shoulders and held in place by a strap around his waist. This
explained the pouter-pigeon appearance of these people. Several slits
about half an inch wide radiated from the center of the dome, and
from these slits little flashes of light darted with bewildering rapidity.
Several little knobs or buttons protruded from all sides of the square
base, and these Oomlag was manipulating with his long, tapering,
yellow fingers. As each button was pressed, it gave out a slight,
crackling sound.
“This wireless apparatus,” continued Oomlag, pressing a button
which caused the little flashes to cease, “is extremely simple. The
case is constructed of a metal much lighter than your aluminum, and
in it is housed a certain proportion of our indispensable ‘Venusite,’ in
containers unaffected by its action. These buttons on the right release
certain proportions of ‘Venusite,’ which send out a power wave
depending in intensity on the mixture. Other buttons cut off the wave,
so that messages can readily be sent in code. The buttons on the left
are used to tune in on incoming messages. Important messages are
assigned to a certain wavelength, controlled by one button which is
always plugged in; others merely vibrate, and as each individual has
his own code call, no attention is paid to other messages unless the
individual gets his code call. The vibration of the apparatus against
our chest is all we need to understand incoming messages. You would
be surprised at the lightness of these vibrations. If you had the thing
on, you would probably not notice them at all.”
By this time I had finished my meal, and I must confess that I
enjoyed it exceedingly. I had not dared to ask Oomlag what the
vegetables were, after learning the composition of the soup. They
tasted like cauliflower and artichoke.
Oomlag, seeing that I had finished, manipulated a button on his
wireless set, and in a moment the girl appeared to remove the dishes.
I regarded her closely. She had been crying bitterly, for her eyes
were red and swollen. As she leaned past me to pick up the soup
dish, one of her soft dark braids brushed my cheek and fell into my
lap. She reached swiftly down to toss the offending braid over her
shoulder, and as her little hand hovered for an instant over mine, I felt
a small pellet of paper drop into my open palm. Taking advantage of
the fact that she was momentarily between me and Oomlag, I slipped
the paper into my trousers pocket. Silently she placed the empty
dishes on her tray and, without looking at me, turned and walked
swiftly out of the room through the rock-panel door.
Oomlag had buttoned up his jacket and was regarding me with an
expression, as it seemed, of amused contempt.
“You people think you are wonderfully civilized!” he rasped, rolling
his loose, ochre lips back into a revolting grimace. “Yet you are at the
mercy of any number of tiny germs. You kill each other, at the slightest
provocation. What forces you know about, you do not yet know how to
handle adequately. What wonderful, dumb slaves you will make for
us!”

HE leaned forward, his cold, glittering, pupil-less eyes close to mine.

“August 21, 1931! Remember that date. Our system of underground
tunnels will then be perfected, our power bases established, the
charges of ‘Venusite’ in place and ready to be set off. Under each of
your largest cities even now work is being carried on. On that date the
‘Venusite’ under these cities will send its destructive wave rolling
upward, and the centers of the cities will be ground into dust. In the
midst of this confusion our lieutenants will emerge and assume
command. Anyone resisting will be instantly destroyed by ‘Venusite’
guns. Nothing in the world can withstand us, and the way will be
paved for our complete mastery of your earth. Slaves you will be,
among other things preparing for us a certain alloy of metals common
here, scarce on Venus. In a little while we shall have sent enough of
this back to Venus to bring thousands here. It is only a matter of time
before your race will be entirely supplanted by ours. It is the law of
Nature.”
He stopped and looked at me with an expression of fiendish, smug
self-satisfaction. His horrible words made me quail inwardly, but I
determined to show a disinterested calmness, a scientific detachment
suitable to one in my profession.
“If you are so smart and powerful,” I said, boldly, “why did you find it
necessary to live all these years underground? Why didn’t you simply
stay on the surface and sweep all opposition before you without
bothering about these tunnels and charges you mention? I’m rather
inclined to think it is all a big bluff, and your ‘Venusite’ not what it is
cracked up to be. You’ve proved it is powerful, all right, but there
wouldn’t be enough of it to do all the things you say. You couldn’t
possibly make such a series of tunnels in such a few years.”
I paused for breath. Oomlag was busy manipulating his wireless
contraption. He grinned at me sardonically.
“Show me!” I continued, vehemently. “There is one thing we
humans pride ourselves on, and that is our sense of logic. It isn’t
logical that you could do all these things. You are here, fighting for a
toe-hold on our planet, afraid to come out in the open and fight. Why?
Because you have just barely managed to get here, and now find
yourselves isolated with no means of retreat, and unable to advance.
You are . . .”
I stopped, caught by the malevolent expression in Oomlag’s eyes.
He had ceased to handle his wireless and his devilish grin had
changed to a look of cold hatred. He leaned forward, and for a
moment I feared it was his intention to throttle me. I realized that I had
gone too far with my bold talk; but just as I was steeling myself for the
feel of his terrible fingers around my throat, his ochre lips revealed his
pointed teeth and he threw back his head with a guttural laugh.
“Your sense of logic! It is well that the humor of your remarks struck
me, for I might otherwise have choked you into insensibility.” His
fingers drummed lightly on the table as he continued.
“Let me warn you, my friend, never again to talk that way to me or
any other of us. We lose our tempers easily, especially when a slave
addresses his master as you have done. But you are new here and I
shall overlook it this time.
“A fine sense of logic you must have! Seeing what you have,
knowing what you do, to think that we would be at the end of our rope!
Do you think for an instant that we would come here, and then be
unable to return to Venus or defend ourselves? Why, we have
sufficient ‘Venusite’ to do our work here for twenty years more, destroy
any feeble resistance you might offer, and send the projectile back to
Venus with the alloy needed to construct hundreds more. What a fool
you are, you poor earth creature! And among your fellows you are
accounted wise!”

I WAS too elated that his change of mood had saved me from the
consequences of my foolish remarks to feel any resentment at his
description of my mental prowess. I grinned a sickly grin, and said
nothing.
Oomlag rose to his feet.
“Come!” he said, shortly. “We have wasted enough time. I had
intended to take you elsewhere first, but now I shall give you a
glimpse of our space projectile. There is also another thing I wish to
demonstrate to you, after which you will be assigned to quarters. Your
duties will be explained later.”
Again the doors slid back and we were once more in the large
hallway. We proceeded down this perhaps a half mile, passing many
of the Venusians hurrying back and forth, emerging from and
disappearing behind the hangings on each side. They all regarded me
curiously, but without hostility. I was surprised at the lack of
conversation. Many had their wireless sets crackling, but none spoke
to each other or to Oomlag. I surmised that this hallway was the main
residence section, and that the creatures we passed were temporarily
off duty.
We stopped before a large curtain covering an enormous section of
the left wall. Oomlag gave a short signal with his wireless, the curtain
parted, the usual stone doors slid silently open, and we entered a
tremendous, brilliantly lighted room. In fact, this room was so much
more brightly illuminated than the hallway, that it took me several
seconds to adjust my eyes to the glare. As I stood there, blinking,
Oomlag spoke a few low words to a huge Venusian who, I noticed,
held in each hand a long, cylindrical object like that which the Field
General had been toying with.
As I grew accustomed to the unusual brilliance, I took in the details
of this astounding cavernous chamber. It must have been at least five
hundred feet across, perfectly circular, and evidently hewn from a
natural cave, for hundreds of feet above me gleamed the points of
scores of large stalactites. Around the sides of the room, placed at
intervals of about ten feet, were round objects about the size of
basketballs. In the exact center of this mammoth cavern rested a
huge, octagonal contraption with a rounded top that I knew must be
the interplanetary projectile itself.
Oomlag tapped me on the shoulder.
“Stan-lee,” he said, grinning horribly, “you are now privileged to
inspect the masterpiece of our civilization—the space flyer in which
we came from Venus to your earth. Much of what I will show you will
baffle your intelligence, but it will give you an idea of how powerful we
are. This machine serves now as our central power plant. See those
tubes projecting from the sides? Half of them are supplying power to
those round transformers you see, which in turn transmit the invisible
energy to the lights in the various rooms and hallways nearby. Other
power stations are scattered through the workings, supplying the
laborers with the light which increases their efficiency and the power
to drill the tunnels. You would be surprised at the number of your big
cities which are already undermined and ready for the day in which we
strike. I told you when that would be: August 21, 1931. On that day
our kinsmen on Venus will carefully observe your earth, and will
witness the well-timed explosions. They will see us emerge; they will
see—but enough of that! Come! I will show you the inside of the
machine.”
AS we approached this huge contrivance, I marveled at the
smoothness and symmetry of its surface. It must have been at least
eighty feet in height by thirty in width, a perfect octagon to within about
fifteen feet of the top, which was dome-shaped. It was constructed of
something that looked like highly polished gun metal. At regular
intervals from the sides projected short tubes arranged in clusters of
eight, which Oomlag had said were the power tubes; these, however,
were the only visible break in the shining surface of the machine. I
wondered how we were to enter the thing.
That question was soon answered. The big Venusian who had
admitted us to the room, and who apparently was the sole guardian of
this valuable chamber with its vital apparatus, stepped ahead of us
and pointed one of the round objects he carried at the side of the flyer.
Instantly two doors flew out, making an opening about four feet wide
and six feet high into the projectile. Stooping, Oomlag entered, and I
followed close behind him. Without a sound, the doors shut behind us.
At last I was actually inside the wonderful space flyer that had brought
this vanguard of horrible, super-intelligent beings to conquer our
helpless earth! With hardly controlled excitement and curiosity I gazed
around.
We were standing in a brilliantly lighted octagonal chamber some
twenty-five feet across, with a metallic ceiling about twelve feet from
the floor. In the center of this ceiling was a circular opening about six
feet in diameter through which extended a round, perpendicular shaft
like the slide pole in a fire station. On each side, opposite the walls of
the chamber, were tall metal devices, for all the world like elongated
hour glasses, extending from floor to ceiling. On the neck of each was
an intricate series of valves and pipes, and from the base of each
“hour glass” innumerable small tubes led to the walls. Although I
couldn’t hear a sound, I seemed to be conscious of a sort of vibration
that made me sense the powerful forces that were at work. At the
base of the pole in the center was a round platform which, as I looked,
slid noiselessly out of sight up the pole, descending in a few seconds
with a couple of Venusians. These, after a curious glance at me,
busied themselves inspecting the machinery, reading dials, and
moving various handles on the different valves.
 Oomlag had been watching me with smug satisfaction, evidently
deriving much amusement from my open-mouthed expression of
amazement.
“Yes, I thought you would be entertained by this little visit,” he
chuckled. “Gaze upon the highest development of our genius. Simply
by making a change in the amount of ‘Venusite’ introduced into what
you might call the condensing tubes, the power generated is
controlled. You already know the power of ‘Venusite’ when you realize
that it brought us from our planet to yours; you can imagine, then,
what very minute quantities are needed to supply power.
“These tubes leading from the base of these generators carry the
concentrated power impulses to the tubes you saw on the outside of
the flyer. These in turn bombard the round objects you saw placed
near the walls of the room, which operate to diffuse the power beam in
various directions through the workings.
“The wall of this chamber is an inner partition, giving a vacuum
protection against the cold of outer space. Before I go any further, it is
necessary to show you the upper compartments of the flyer, where we
store the reserve supply of ‘Venusite’ and have the living quarters of
the travelers. We have a very clever arrangement for preparing
concentrated foods. The capacity of the flyer——”

OOMLAG stopped. The door of the projectile had opened, and the big
Venusian guard had entered and broken in abruptly on Oomlag’s talk.
He spoke a few rapid, guttural words to my guide, while the door
meantime remained open.
Oomlag scowled, and seemed to be considering what he had just
heard. He cast a glowering, sidelong glance in my direction, and I
guessed that I must be concerned in some way. Finally, he said
something curtly to the guard, and faced me. I was relieved to see his
face light up into a grin which, though evil and hideous, was a grin
nevertheless.
“We shall step outside a moment, Stan-lee,” he said. “I have some
important news for you which should make you feel pretty good.”
Wondering what he could possibly mean by this, I followed Oomlag
and the guard out of the flyer into the intense light of the large cavern.
As soon as the doors had swung shut behind us, Oomlag spoke.
 “The Field General has commanded that you be released!”
I gasped with amazement. Surely, there must be some mistake!
Released, knowing what I did about their plans, free to take steps to
stamp out this menace, to——
“Stan-lee, I see you are incredulous. Nevertheless, you are to be
released, immediately.” Oomlag came closer, leering into my face.
“The Field General has a sense of humor, just as we all have. It is
really our one weakness. He feels your presence here is undesirable,
and your services are not needed after all. That leaves two
alternatives—either kill you, or let you go. He has decided on the
latter. Myself, I am sorry, for I have taken a liking to you.”
I was stunned. Like a fool I blurted out:
“But—but, you have shown me—how do you dare——”
“I know what you think.” Oomlag spoke suavely, mockingly. “You
think that, once free, you will spread the alarm to your fellows. How
ridiculous! In the first place, no one would believe you, you would be
considered mad. In the second place, you humans could do nothing to
hinder us if you wished. We have the power of ‘Venusite.’ I need say
no more. It is one of the best jokes I ever heard! You alone of the
earth inhabitants will know of our existence, and your knowledge will
be useless. You can do nothing, absolutely nothing. Your friends will
discover you, wandering. A word of this to anyone—well, your mind
has been wandering, too!”
I was sickened by his fiendish, throaty laughter as he derided me,
mocked me with this terrible truth.
Suddenly his manner changed. The leer on his face was replaced
by an ugly snarl of determination. He uttered a few words in his own
language, and I felt myself seized from behind. Oomlag’s ochre face
came close to mine.
“Goodbye, earth creature. You go out the way you came!”
Again I felt myself blindfolded and gagged, rapidly losing
consciousness under the influence of the sweetish drug . . .
The rest can be told in a few words. I regained consciousness not
far from the camp-site. The sun was high in the heavens. I staggered
to where I had seen the rock camouflage. It was not there—absolutely
no sign of any disturbance, nothing but ordinary flat ground.
Something made me think of the note I had received from the dark-
haired girl. I found it where I had stuffed it in my pocket. In a hasty
scrawl she had written, in charcoal, now scarcely legible:
“India is safe.”
The sun was setting when Olin appeared with a posse in search of
me. I trumped up an explanation of how I had been restless, had gone
for a ride in the moonlight, had been thrown from the horse . . . what
else could I do? It was as Oomlag had said.
Now, in India, I write these lines. The girl must have thought I had a
chance to get free. My friends, for God’s sake do not regard me as a
second Jack Pansay with his phantom “rickshaw.”* Olin knows I
disappeared—and I know what happened. If I am not spared to read
this document myself, for the sake of those who will believe, give it
circulation. How wise was Shakespeare when he had Hamlet say:
“There are more things in Heaven and earth . . .”
I can say no more.
THE END

* The reference is to one of Rudyard Kipling’s early stories called “The Phantom
Rickshaw.”
Transcriber’s Note. This is a replica of a promotional booklet sent out
by Amazing Stories magazine to readers in 1928. The only way to get
the story was to fill out the form on the advertisement shown below.
An advertisement for Vanguard of Venus appeared on page 557 of
Amazing Stories in September 1928.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE
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