SUBMITTED BY: Dua Zainab

SUBMITTED TO: SANA TAHIR

B.ed 1.5 Year

SECONDARY EDUCATION

Course Code: 8624

ID: 0000502045

Assignment No. 2

Allama Iqbal Open University

Q.1 Explain examination promotion and certification system in the context of
Pakistan?

• Primary level
• Middle level
• Secondary level
• Intermediate level
• University level
All the schools, colleges and universities in Pakistan have been set in three
categories namely:
1. Government schools
2. Private schools
3. Madaras

If we give a look over the educational and examination system of Pakistan

then majority of them are found to be in the poor condition just because of
the lack of attention and shortage of funds. All the teachers are not
offered with the best and adequate salary. All the private schools in
Pakistan are found to be doing some better jobs as they are offered with
the best pays all along with the necessary training for teaching. But one of
the biggest drawbacks of these private schools is that as they are giving
with the excellent services then at the same time their fee charges are not
affordable by each single person.
Some of the educational system that are presently working in the Pakistan
they are actually producing no synergy as they are creating conflicts and
division among people. In Pakistan there are English medium schools, Urdu
medium schools and madaras.
All the students who are coming out from the English educational
institutions they are not much aware of Islamic teachings and a student
who are coming out of Urdu medium school they don’t get excellent jobs. Its
better solution is that the hierarchy of schooling systems should be
abolished soon. There is one of the greatest needs to improve and update
the curriculum and pedagogy.
Maximum attention should be given on the subjects of mathematics and
Language so that the students would be better able to enhance their skills
in the creative writing. Some educational trips should be arranged for the
students that will going to help improving their knowledge about the history.
The requirements for school curricula and the examination process
typically include that they should give students the necessary subject
knowledge and understanding, encourage children’s creativity and curiosity,
provide tools for critical thinking and move them away from rote learning,
instill values in students, and pave the way for those students to become
independent and well-rounded learners. There has been and will continue
to be great discussion about the specifics of what goes into each of these
areas as education and the need for it change throughout time.
In Pakistan, students who are enrolled in school have the option of
choosing from three different curricula and examination systems:
matriculation/intermediate, O- and A-levels, and, though still on a small
scale, the International Baccalaureate (IB) system.
The local system, which is comprised of matriculation and intermediate, is
by far the most popular and affordable choice. Students are prepared for
these tests in almost all public schools as well as the majority of low- to
middle-priced private schools. Exams are organized by regional boards of
intermediate and secondary education, which also includes the Aga Khan
Board, however there is some cooperation between the regional boards
across the nation, allowing for a high degree of comparability between
exams. In spite of this, some boards, such as the Federal Board, have a
marginally better reputation than others.
The majority of individuals would concur that the
matriculation/intermediate test is essentially a rote-based system both in
perception and in fact. Despite reform efforts, the examination still does
not assess comprehension or promote wider reading, including critical
reading. Students are not prepared to be autonomous learners through it.
Although the curriculum is extensive and weighty, it is not taught correctly
and is not adequately evaluated, as many people have written about. There
is an over reliance on summative evaluations.
We must choose the most relevant and practical curriculum or examination
method. However, the main benefit of taking the
matriculation/intermediate test is that it is local, supported and
administered by the government, and it is reasonably inexpensive,
therefore for the majority of students, the examination cost is not a
substantial obstacle to passing with a passing mark.
In the UK, the O-/A-level system is used. In terms of the curriculum and
examinations, it is thought to be of a far better caliber. The curriculum
does promote a broader scope, and exams typically measure
understanding rather than rote memorization. Both the improvement of
writing skills and critical thinking are given some attention. Over the past
few decades, however, Pakistani teachers and educational institutions
have “cracked” the code for passing O- and A-level exams, and some short
cuts have been created: there is a significant amount of dependence on
secondary sources, teachers’ notes, and preparing previous exam questions.
However, compared to the matriculation system, it is still thought to have
a much better curriculum and examination structure.

It is, however, far more expensive. The price of offering quality O- and
A-level test preparation is thus significantly more expensive than the
examination fee alone. This is why the O-/A-level option is typically only
available at higher price schools. Even if the differences in curricula and
examinations may be less pronounced when income and other
self-selection effects are taken into account, most parents and higher
education institutions in Pakistan have quite different opinions about the
two systems. If resources allow, parents should prefer O-/A-levels due to
that perceptual difference alone. This explains why this choice has been
more widely available in Pakistan during the past few decades.
In Pakistan at least, the IB system is the new kid on the block. It makes an
effort to cultivate a more comprehensive understanding across disciplines
fairly clearly. In order to make citizens who are more “global,” it also
strives to address global issues. Through project- or activity-based learning
in teams, it emphasizes the development of independent learning,
interpersonal skills, and critical thinking. Summative and formative tests
are used in the assessments. Some evidence is found in the research
literature to support the IB system’s ability to fulfil some of these claims.
With its focus on engagement and teamwork, the IB system does place
higher expectations on both teachers and students. It takes more time and
work from both parties. Additionally, it calls for more in terms of the
infrastructure of the institution, including better computing resources,
library improvements, and improved departmental coordination. Before the
IB system can be implemented in schools, teachers must go through a
period of training. The cost of provision is greatly increased by all of this.
Therefore, it is not surprising that just about 15 schools in Pakistan
currently offer the IB, and all of them charge extremely exorbitant tuition.
Parents and students should consider some difficulties both on an
individual and a group level. There is a price for high-quality education.
That cost must be borne by someone; it may be the society, the parents, or
the kids. We must choose the curriculum or examination method that is the
most suitable and practical as parents and students. Education is an
investment in the future and affects multiple generations significantly.
What do we want to guarantee for our kids?
We must tackle this issue together as a society. The public benefit
component of education is quite substantial, and it has significant
externalities. We desire that all kids have access to high-quality education.
The curriculum and exam concerns have an impact on education quality. We
must make decisions in this regard as a society and as individuals.
Additionally, these decisions will have an impact on both the present and
future of the nation
The German education system stands out for its unique combination of
academic rigor, hands-on learning, and commitment to individual
development. Let’s explore how this system is regulated, its key stages, and
other helpful details for anyone considering studying in Germany.

• The German school system is unique in Europe because it sorts

students into different educational paths early on.
• requires all children aged to to attend
school full-time at the primary and secondary levels.
• Germany places a great emphasis on vocational education and
training (VET). Over 15% of 25-34-year-olds in the country hold a
vocational post-secondary education as their highest qualification,
far surpassing the 6% average of OECD states.
• Germany is known for offering free or affordable higher education to
students from Germany and abroad.
• The German education system comprises five main stages:
, , and .
How the German School System Works
The German education system operates under the framework of the Basic
Law (Grundgesetz). At the federal level, the Federal Ministry of Education
and Research (BundesministeriumfürBildung und Forschung, BMBF) plays a
coordinating and supporting role in education matters.
However, education in Germany is primarily the responsibility of the
individual federal states (Bundesländer). Each federal state has its own
Ministry of Education or equivalent authority responsible for education
policy and legislation within its jurisdiction.
These state-level authorities determine many aspects of education,
including curriculum, teacher qualifications, and school organization.

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As a result of this federal structure, education legislation and regulations

can vary from one federal state to another, leading to some differences in
educational policies and practices across the country.
What is Compulsory Education in Germany?
Compulsory education in Germany is a fundamental commitment to ensure
that every child receives an education. All children in the Federal Republic
of Germany must start school once they reach the age of until they
complete schooling at the Gymnasium or
for other general education schools.
After compulsory education, those who don’t continue to full-time general
or vocational schools at the upper secondary level must still attend
part-time schooling (compulsory Berufsschule attendance –
Berufsschulpflicht), which typically lasts three years.
Compulsory education applies to children and youth with disabilities as
well. Depending on their special educational needs
(sonderpädagogischerFörderbedarf), they can either join regular schools
with non-disabled peers or attend special education institutions
.

How Is the School System Structured in Germany?

1. This stage is optional but widely attended.

Children typically start kindergarten at age three or four, focusing on
socialization and early learning.
 2. Beginning at age six and spanning grades 1 to 4
(or 1 to 6 in Berlin and Brandenburg), this stage marks the start of
compulsory schooling and aids the transition from pre-school to
formal education.
3. Secondary education in Germany is divided into
lower secondary (Sekundarstufe I) and upper secondary level
(Sekundarstufe II), aiming to prepare students for vocational
qualifications or higher education.
4. Tertiary education in Germany includes
universities, colleges, and vocational academies offering degrees
and vocational qualifications. It’s highly respected for its academic
quality and research opportunities.
5. Continuing education in Germany offers
non-degree courses and workshops for skill development and lifelong
learning. It caters to diverse individuals and aims to enhance
personal and professional growth.

Early childhood education is optional education and care that children

between 0-6 of age receive in the Federal Territory of Germany. This type of
education includes both private and public child and youth welfare services
for children who have not reached the age to start compulsory education
(primary school).
Which Are the Institutions of Preschool Education in Germany?
In Germany, preschool education is predominantly provided by private
daycare centers, including crèches, child-minding centers, and
kindergartens.
Non-public organizations like Churches and Welfare or Parent’s
Associations have priority in offering these services, with local authorities
stepping in only when private initiatives are lacking.

• Typically, a combined setting for children under the

age of three and those from age three up to starting primary school.
• Children under the age of three.
• Children from age three up to starting
primary school.
•

Children of compulsory school age who aren’t

developmentally ready for regular studies, including those with
disabilities or special educational needs.
The hours of preschool education are typically arranged through
collaboration between parents and management, generally spanning a
7-hour day that includes lunch and sometimes a midday break.
What Are the Teaching Methodology and Materials in Preschool Education
in Germany?
Early childhood education in Germany aims to nurture children’s
independence and development, offering age-appropriate instruction,
values, and rules. It adapts to individual needs, including those of expat
children, who benefit from language acquisition and socialization during
this phase.

The core educational mission of the German preschool education (age

under 3) is enhancing communication skills among kids. Secondly, it is the
development of their language skills through social interaction with other
toddlers and adults.
Communication and language skills are taught by language role models
(educators), finger plays, singing, picture books, and additional teaching
practices/instruments.
Furthermore, an important part of pre-educating children is given to motor
development. This includes increasing body awareness, self-acceptance,
self-confidence, and concentration among toddlers.
Motor development is reached through physical activities, visiting public
environments, rhythmic early education programs, singing, and movement
playing.
Core values that preschool education seeks to develop amongst children
are the enhancement of their teamwork skills, along with their level of
integration in daily life activities.

1. Language, writing, communication,

2. Personal and social development,
3. Development of values and religious education,
4. Mathematics, natural sciences, (information) technology
5. Fine arts/working with different media
 6. Body, movement, health, and
7. Nature and cultural environments.
Such values are taught through self-organized learning, creative learning,
teamwork-building activities, investigation, and experimental activities.
Assessment of the Educational Achievements in Preschool Education in
Germany
Children are not assessed regarding their educational achievement
reached by participating in German preschool institutions. Instead, they’re
constantly supervised by their educators or trainers regarding their
attainment from learning activities.
The opinion of educators is discussed with the parents of children, who
together agree on further measures for the development of kids’ learning
skills.
Who Supervises Preschool Education in Germany?
Preschool education in Germany is supervised by the State Youth Welfare
Offices (Landesjugendämter) in each state (Lander). Providers must meet
specific requirements, such as appropriate staff ratios, qualified educators,
adequate facilities, hygiene standards, and age-appropriate educational
programs.
Kindergarten (early childhood education) in Germany is not entirely free,
but the costs are heavily subsidized. Parents typically pay a monthly fee,
which can vary depending on the state (Land) and the specific
kindergarten.
The fees are income-dependent, with lower-income families paying less and
sometimes receiving exemptions. Some states have also moved towards
making kindergarten education entirely free.
There is a middle option for children who have reached the compulsory
school attendance age but have not yet reached the needed development.
This is relevant for children with disabilities and those needing special
education. So, they attend a special school offered by some Landers, known
as School Kindergarten or a Preliminary Class beforehand.

What Is Considered Primary Education in Germany?

Primary school, or Grundschule, offers mandatory education through
mixed-ability classes for children aged six until they complete grade 4 (or 6
in Berlin and Brandenburg).
As kids finish grade 4/6, primary school marks an important transition
phase, as together with parents and teachers, they are placed into different
types of secondary schools depending on academic performance and goals.
Which Are the Teaching Practices in Primary Schools in Germany?
Primary education in Germany follows standards set by the Standing
Conference of the Ministers of Education and Cultural Affairs of the
Länder

• German,
• Mathematics,
 • General studies,
• Foreign language,
• Art,
• Handicrafts,
• Music,
• Sport,
• Religion, or ethics.
The curriculum includes topics like intercultural education, sustainability,
values education, and more. Parents are encouraged to stay involved in
their children’s education.
Learning objectives in primary schools are attained through the
engagement of pupils in planning, running, and analyzing study subjects
(lessons) in an adapted way, which goes along with their knowledge,
interest, curiosity, and concerns. Students are also encouraged to
participate in organizing initiatives and interdisciplinary projects of the
school.
Germany has primary school education systems:
with 188 teaching days per year and with 208
teaching days per year, which includes classes on two Saturdays every
month.
Primary school classes typically start between 7:30 AM and 8:00 AM and
end at 11 AM or 12 PM. Each lesson lasts for 45 minutes, with breaks for
eating and socializing. Most public primary schools don’t have uniforms,
and children can wear whatever they want.
In German primary schools, students are initially promoted to the next
grade without formal grading after completing grade 1.
From grade 2 onward, they receive grades based on their knowledge level,
ranging from 1 (very good) to 6 (very poor). These grades in Germany are
reflected in a school report , and promotion to the next grade depends on
their performance. If a student fails, they may need to repeat the grade.

In most of Germany there are no formal exams or leaving certificates for

primary school. Students are assessed based on meeting specific
educational outcomes and receive annual reports.
has a long history that dates back two millennia.
While the Constitution of Sri Lanka does not provide free education as a
fundamental right, the constitution mentions that 'the complete eradication
of illiteracy and the assurance to all persons of the right to universal and
equal access to education at all levels" in its section on directive
principles of state policy at (27(2)(H). Sri Lanka's population had an adult
literacy rate of 96.3% in 2015, which is above average by world and regional
standards. Computer literacy in 2017 28.3% and phone users in 2017 105%,
website users 32% in 2017.[note 1] Education plays a major part in the life and
culture of the country, which dates back to 543 BC. Sri Lanka's modern
educational system modeled after Christian missionary system was brought
about by its integration into the British Empire in the 19th century.
Education currently falls under the control of both the Central
Government and the Provincial Councils, with some responsibilities lying
with the Central Government and the Provincial Council having autonomy
for others. Education institutions with a tradition dating back to 5 BC are
largely ignored by the state.
The Human Rights Measurement Initiative (HRMI)[3] finds that Sri Lanka is
fulfilling 95.5% of what it should be fulfilling for the right to education
based on the country's level of income.[4] HRMI breaks down the right to
education by looking at the rights to both primary education and secondary
education. While taking into consideration Sri Lanka's income level, the
nation is achieving 97.7% of what should be possible based on its resources
(income) for primary education and 93.3% for secondary education

Primary school to higher education are primarily funded and overseen by

three governmental ministries.
• Ministry of Education: for schools, parvenus (schools for Buddhist
priests), teachers training colleges and colleges of education
o Department of Examinations: National examination service
• Ministry of Higher Education: for universities
• Ministry of Education Services: for supplying the physical facilities
required for general education
• Ministry of Skills Development and Vocational Training: for
vocational education and technical colleges
Exceptions to this system exist — mostly when it comes to tertiary with
several public universities and institutes coming under the purview of
different ministries. These divisions have led to a high degree of
mismanagement and inefficiency over the years.
Education in Sri Lanka has a history of over 2300 years. It is believed that
the Sanskrit language was brought to the island from North India as a
result of the establishment of the Buddhism in the reign
of King DevanampiyaTissa from the Buddhist monks sent by Emperor
Asoka of India. Since then an education system evolved based around the
Buddhist temples and pirivenas (monastic colleges), the latter primarily
intended for clergy (even to this day) and higher education. Evidence of this
system is found on the Mahawamsa and Dipavamsa, the Chronicle of Lanka
that deals with the history of the island from the arrival
of Prince Vijaya and his followers in the 6th century BC.[7]
With the outset of the colonial expansion on the island, first in the coastal
provinces and then interior, Christian missionary societies become active in
education. The monopoly of Christian missionaries in education ended
following the Colebrooke Commission set up by the British administration.
The National Institute of Education (NIE), Sri Lanka, based in Maharagama,
was established in 1986 under the provisions of the National Institute of
Education Act No. 28 of 1985. The aim of the institute is to "provide
leadership for the development of general education with quality, equity
and relevance in a pluralistic society".[8]

A standard system of colonial schools were begun by the British based on

the recommendations of the Colebrooke Commission in 1836. This is
regarded as the beginning of the government's schooling system in the
island. It started with the establishment of the Royal
College in Colombo (formerly the Colombo Academy) and lead to the
formation of several single sex schools constructed during the colonial
period, by the British.[9] Some of these schools were affiliated to the
Anglican Church. These included S.Thomas' College Mount
Lavinia and Trinity College Kandy. The education in vernacular schools was
largely free due to government grants to cover the cost of teaching and
local philanthropists providing the buildings, equipment and the
books.[10] Colebrooke decreed that all government schools be discontinued.
The order did not apply to denominational Missionary schools and they
continued to function unceasingly.

In 1938 the education system in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) was made formally
free following the granting of universal franchise in 1931. The Minister of
Education, late Hon. Dr. C.W.W. Kannangara, and the Executive Committee of
Education which included members such as H. W. Amarasuriya took the
initiative in establishing free education. Under this initiative the
government established Madhya MahaVidyalayas (MMV, Central Colleges)
that were scattered around the island to provide education to all. The
medium was either Sinhala or Tamil.
In 1942 a special committee was appointed to observe the education
system and, among the suggestions that followed, the following play an
important role:
• i. Make available to all children a good education free of charge, so
that education ceases to be a commodity purchasable only by the
urban affluent.
• ii. Make national languages the media of instruction in place of
English so that opportunities for higher education, lucrative
employment open only to small number of the urban affluent, would
become available to others as well.
• iii. Rationalize the school system so that educational provision is
adequate, efficient and economical.
• iv. Ensure that every child is provided with instruction in the religion
of his/her parents.
• v. Protect teachers from exploitation by managers of schools.
• vi. Make adequate provision for adult education.
The
(otherwise publicly known as
), were the series of nationwide centralised economic plans and
targets as part of the economic development initiatives, in
the Pakistan. The plan was conceived by the Ministry of Finance (MoF), and
were studied and developed by the Economic Coordination
Committee (ECC) based on the theory of Cost-of-production value, and also
covered the areas of Trickle-down system. Supervision and fulfillment of
this programme became the watchword of Pakistan's civil
bureaucracy since early 1950s.
Inspired by the five-year plans of the Soviet Union, the programme was
visioned and proposed by the Finance Minister Malick Ghoulam to Prime
minister Liaquat Ali Khan who initially backed the programme, in 1948. The
first five-year plans were approved by the Prime Minister Ali Khan in 1950
for the period of 1950–55; it was accepted in a view to serve in the rapid
and intensified

At the time of partition of British India by the United Kingdom, Pakistan

was a relatively under-developed country. The country's systems
of production, transportation, trade and consumption yielded a very low
standard of living, with little opportunity for education, or economic
advancement in the country. The industries and financial services were
non-existent in the country and agriculture development was among the
lowest in the world. The vast majority of the population still lived in
villages and was untouched by the scientific and
technological development of the past two centuries. The partition had a
major effect on the country's existing economic infrastructure that
disrupted the wholesale transfers of population, trade and business,
channels of communication, industrial and commercial organisation, and
the pressing need to establish new provisional governments. Economic
planning began in 1948 when Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan presented the
first Five-Year plans at the parliament of Pakistan on 8 July 1948. The first
plan was conceived by the Ministry of Finance (MoF), and were studied and
developed by the Economic Coordination Committee (ECC) based on the
theory of Cost-of-production value, and also covered trickle-down
economics. As part of this programme, the State Bank of Pakistan was
established to give a kickstart to banking services in the country. The major
economic infrastructure was quickly expanded and the hiring gap was filled
as government revenue began to rise. The currency war with India following
the devaluation of the British Pound Sterling and Indian refusal to
recognize the Pakistani rupee in 1949 led to a deadlock in India-Pakistan
trade.
In the middle of 1950, relations were restored when India and Pakistan
resumed trade, and in February 1951, India formally recognized Pakistan's
currency after entering in a new trade agreement, but older trade relations
were not restored. The Korean War brought about an economic boom but
growth declined after the assassination of Liaqat Ali Khan in October 1951.
Moreover, efforts to continue the programme failed, partly due to
inadequate staff officers and lack of ambitions. In 1953, the programme
collapsed when shortages of clothes, medicines and other essential
consumer goods arose; there was also a serious food shortage as a result
of monsoon floods after 1951. Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin was
forced to end the programme after requesting economic assistance from
the United States and other friendly countries.
New studies were conducted in 1955 after the collapse of the first
programme. According to the census, over 90% of the population lived in
rural areas while only 10% lived in urban areas. In East Pakistan, the urban
proportion was as low as 4.0% compared to 18.1% in West Pakistan, although
the urbanisation had been increased at an accelerated level. In 1955, Prime
Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra again revived the plan and published it in
1956. After reassessment, the programme was launched again with
agricultural development as the highest priority, and strong emphasis
placed on rapidly increasing developmental efforts in East Pakistan and in
the less-developed areas of West Pakistan. Prime
Minister HuseynSuhrawardy of the Awami League gave much priority to
food development, agriculture and social development in both states. The
concept of Collective farming was introduced by Suhrawardy as part of his
agricultural policies and around 27.0 million rupees were spent in order to
organised the agricultural in the country. However, this programme was
built entirely in the absence of much essential information and basic
statistics.
In practice, this plan was not implemented because of its enormous size.
The shortage of technical knowledge also devastated the
programme.[8] The AwamiLeague's government also had shortage of foreign
exchange to execute the plan, and was unable to find outside assistance to
fulfill its commitment to the first five-year plans.

Despite the failure of the first five-year plans, the programmes were
revived and restated by the military government of President Ayub
Khan. The second five-year plans gave highest priority to heavy industrial
development, and advancement in literature and science, and had a single
underlying purpose: "to advance the country as far as possible, within the
next five years, along the road of these long-range objectives." Further
improvements were made in railways, communications, and
transportation. More attention was given to private sector industrial
development and agricultural industries; the second five-year plans aimed
to increase the national income by 20%. The unemployment was tackled with
the industrialisation of the country, and overall major industrial
development was carried out in West Pakistan while few in East. The
Second Five-Year Plan surpassed its major goals when all sectors showed
substantial growth which also encouraged private entrepreneurs to
participate in those activities in which a great deal of profit could be made,
while the government acted in those sectors of the economy where private
business was reluctant to operate.
This mix of private enterprise and social responsibility was hailed as a
model that other developing countries could follow. The second five-year
plans oversaw the development of water and power utilities in East and
West Pakistan and had energy sector built with the help from private-sector.
The financial services heavily depended on the foreign investment and aid
from the United States that bolstered the economy. The second five-year
plans were a quiet a big success but it was partially due to generous
infusions of foreign aid, particularly from the United States. preference of
village agro technical program of rural development so that the agro
technical production methods may be improved.

After the 1965 Indo-Pakistani War over Kashmir, the level of foreign
assistance declined and economic constraints were imposed on Pakistan.
The third five-year plan was designed along the lines of its immediate
predecessor, produced only modest growth. The country had become
urbanised by 1970 and only 10% population lived in rural areas as compared
to 1950. The third five-year plans promoted the activities of private sector
investment and tend to increase the directly productive investment for the
stable Financial sector development.
The third programme focused on Gross national product (GNP) growth
which was increased at 122% and had focused on the enhancing the
capabilities of private sector to operate in the country. The size of the third
programme was determined in the light of a careful evaluation of the
recent experience under the second programme. Although the third
programme successfully ran for the first three years of the Third Five-Year
Plan, but at the end, the third programme proved to be even more of a
disappointment in terms of proclaimed production goals. The performance
of the third programme was undeniable that led the economic disaster in
the country. Dramatically, the agriculture growth sharply declined and
desperately devastated the farming class of the country.

The fourth five-year plans were abandoned after the fall of Dhaka
East-Pakistan. Virtually, all fourth five-year planning was bypassed by the
government of Prime minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Under Bhutto, only
annual plans were prepared, and they were largely ignored.
The fourth five-year plan was replaced with
the nationalisationprogramme which featured an intense level of
government-ownership management on private entities. Only scientific
aspects of fourth five-year plans were adopted in a view to turn Pakistan
into a major "scientific superpower" in the world.

The Zia government accorded more importance to planning. The Fifth

Five-Year Plan (1978–83) was an attempt to stabilize the economy and
improve the standard of living of the poorest segment of the population.
Increased defense expenditures and a flood of refugees to Pakistan after
the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979, as well as the sharp
increase in international oil prices in 1979–80, drew resources away from
planned investments. Nevertheless, some of the plan's goals were attained.
Many of the controls on industry were liberalised or abolished, the balance
of payments deficit was kept under control, and Pakistan became
self-sufficient in all basic foodstuffs with the exception of edible oils. Yet
the plan failed to stimulate substantial private industrial investment and
to raise significantly the expenditure on rural infrastructure development.

The sixth five-year plans represented a significant shift toward the private
sector. It was designed to tackle some of the major problems of the
economy: low investment and savings ratios; low agricultural productivity;
heavy reliance on imported energy; and low spending on health and
education. The economy grew at the targeted average of 6.5% during the
plan period and would have exceeded the target had it not been for severe
droughts in 1986 and 1987.

The Seven Year Plan will be introduced by Benazir Government. The seventh
plans provided for total public-sector spending of Rs350 billion. Of this
total, 36.5% was designated for energy, 18% for transportation and
communications, 9% for water, 8% for physical infrastructure and housing,
7% for education, 5% for industry and minerals, 4% for health, and 11% for
other sectors. The plan gave much greater emphasis than before to private
investment in all sectors of the economy. Total planned private investment
was Rs.292 billion, and the private-to- public ratio of investment was
expected to rise from 42:58 in FY 1988 to 48:52 in FY 1993. It was also
intended that public-sector corporations finance most of their own
investment programmes through profits and borrowing.
In August 1991, the government established a working group on private
investment for the Eighth Five-Year Plan (1993–98).

This group, which included leading industrialists, presidents of chambers of

commerce, and senior civil servants, submitted its report in late 1992.
However, in early 1994, the eighth plan had not yet been announced, mainly
because the successive changes of government in 1993 forced ministers to
focus on short-term issues. Instead, economic policy for FY 1994 was being
guided by an annual plan.

One of the ways of looking at ICT use in teacher training is how it is used in
distance education (DE) modes of training. DE has been employed by
various government and non-government agencies so as reach the
unreached. With the concept of providing credits and certificates distance
education started and progressed over a period of time with the
establishment of open universities with the main aim of providing learning
opportunities for those who could not continue education due to various
reasons. Also in a broader sense the focus of DE in the teacher training
context is not necessarily the certificate based programmes. It aims to
reach the nooks and corners of a country so as to meet the training needs
of teachers through the use technology.
As Burns (2011) rightly said distance education, at its very essence has
always been about helping individuals fulfil their professional dreams and
aspirations-whether to be an office worker or a para-teacher or a certified
teacher.
DE has taken the advantage of tradition and emerging technologies to
reach learners and provide cost effective quality education. The main
technologies which is being used in distance education include print, radio,
television, web based technology, and mobile technologies. Basing on the
case studies of various distance education programmes of various
countries and regions such as United States, Asia, Africa, Latin America,
the Caribbean, Europe, and Australia, Mary Burns has identified the
potential role of technology in teacher professional development, its
strengths and limitations. While the technologies used to support distance
learning are important for a well-functioning distance education
programme, more critical for teacher learning are the and of
instruction offered with and through these technologies (Jegede, Fraser and
Fischer, 1998). Let us look at the three key technologies which are being
used predominantly in DE programmes of most of the courtiers. They are:
print, audio and televisual.

Print-based correspondence courses used in upgrading the skills of

unqualified or untrained teachers. The print is least expensive but probably
only feasible in some countries like Ghana (ex: Untrained Teachers
Diploma in Basic Education) and in Tanzania's National Correspondence
Institute, combined print study guides with radio broadcasts, with
residential programme. It is the same in India (IGNOU), where teachers
content and skills are upgraded through print materials as main stay with
some additional support through contact programme and school based
activities.

It includes radio broadcasts; Interactive Radio Instruction (IRI); one- and

two-way audio instruction. In many programmes of audio, the teachers are
secondary target group. It has the advantage of being affordable, being
capable of reaching any part of the country and capable of focusing on
issues perceived as difficult by teachers to handle.

Televisual methods include visual broadcast media as television, video,

and videoconferencing. It provides opportunities to see trainers and
trainees in action and leads to credibility as it is said seeing is believing.
Actual classrooms could be created. It can provide models. It also has the
potential to explain the difficult concepts to make an individual
understand.
1. Distance learning
programs should start with the question, "How can we teach
teachers using online learning?" Rather, the first question should be,
"What should teachers know and be able to do as a result of this
instructional program?" The second question should be, "How best can
we do this: face-to-face, via distance, or both?"
2. Once these
programmatic goals have been defined, policymakers and planners
should consider the delivery system that can best help teachers
attain these knowledge and skills. The technology or technologies
 selected must serve as the best vehicle to address the needs and
goals of the teachers the distance education program is designed to
serve.

3. The technology/technologies selected must be

appropriate for curriculum delivery and support teacher
effectiveness (Farrell and Isaacs 2007). Initial development of
distance learning programs should begin with two fundamental
questions: What should teachers know and be able to do as a result
of this distance program? What is the best possible way to help them
attain that knowledge and those skills? Neither of these questions
have anything to do with hardware, software, or connectivity-nor
should they.
4. The technology or technologies
selected must support best practices in learning: learner-centred
instruction, interactivity with content and people, communication,
collaboration, reflection, accessing and constructing information in
multiple formats, exposure to new opportunities and practices, and
assessment (Farrell and Isaacs 2007; Kleiman 2004; Capper 2003;
Mayer 2001).
5. Technology breaks down. When
computers lie unused because of unavailable tech support, when
television broadcasting ceases because of storm damage to a
broadcast tower or satellite dish, when IRI broadcasts stop because
of broken radios, education and professional development efforts
are lost and money wasted (Gaible and Burns 2007). Any
technology-based distance education system must plan for such
contingencies and eventualities.
6. The technology or technologies
selected for distance learning must build on a country's available
communications, networked or broadcast infrastructure,395
available equipment, physical infrastructure, and human
infrastructural supports-content developers, instructional designers,
and instructors within that particular distance education medium-as
well as distance technology-specific assessment systems.
7. Different distance technologies
require different technical skills and dispositions on the part of
potential users. The existing skills and readiness of distance
instructors and learners is a critical consideration in selecting a
particular mode of distance education delivery. The technology
medium identified must be easy enough for instructors and learners
to use so that technology-and difficulties operating it-do not obscure
the focus on teaching and learning. The use of any technology will
obviously and necessarily involve some form of technology training.
But fluent technology skills do not guarantee fluency in teaching and
learning with technology (McGhee 2003; Dimock et al. 2001). Any
 distance learning program must devote less time, effort, and
resources to teaching technology and more time, effort, and
resources to helping its teachers and learners teach and learn
technology.
8. New technologies offer options to expand
educational opportunities and improve educational quality. In
selecting, designing, and making technology-related decisions, no
entity should begin planning a distance\education program without
thinking very carefully about the convergence among technologies,
trends in technology (hardware, software, types of computing, use,
and digital content), and how they impact teacher training programs.
One of the most significant phenomena of the 20th century was the
dramatic expansion and extension of public (i.e., government-sponsored)
education systems around the world—the number of schools grew, as did
the number of children attending them. Similarly, the subjects taught in
schools broadened from the basics of mathematics and language to include
sciences and the arts. Various explanations have been given for the
substantial increase in numbers of youths as well as adults attending
government-sponsored schools; social scientists tend to categorize the
reasons for these enrollment increases as products of either conflict
or consensus in the process of social change. In most cases these
perspectives are rooted in theories of social science that were formulated
in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

One major school of thought is represented in the work of French

sociologist Émile Durkheim, who explained social phenomena from a
consensus perspective. According to him, the achievement of social
cohesion—exemplified in Europe’s large-scale national societies as they
experienced industrialization, urbanization, and the secularization of
governing bodies—required a universalistic agency capable of transmitting
core values to the populace. These values included a common history that
contributed to cultural continuity, social rules that
instilled moral discipline and a sense of responsibility for all members of
the society, and occupational skills that would meet the society’s complex
and dynamic needs. Durkheim recognized that public schooling and
teachers—as agents of a larger, moral society—served these necessary
functions. As he observed in (1895),
“Education sets out precisely with the object of creating a social being.”
Durkheim’s thoughts, expressed near the turn of the 20th century, were
reflected in the policies of newly sovereign states in the post-World War II
period. Upon achieving their independence, governments throughout Africa
and Asia quickly established systems of public instruction that sought to
help achieve a sense of national identity in societies historically divided by
tribal, ethnic, linguistic, religious, and geographic differences.

The German political theorist and revolutionary Karl Marx viewed public
schooling as a form of ideological control imposed by dominant groups.
This perspective saw education not as building social cohesion but as
reproducing a division of labour or enabling various status groups to gain
control of organizations and to influence the distribution of valued
resources. The German sociologist Max Weber regarded
educational credentials as one such resource, in that credentials function
as a form of “cultural capital” that can generally preserve the status quo
while granting social mobility to select members of society.

The American philosopher John Dewey believed that education should mean
the total development of the child. On the basis of the observations he
made at the University of Chicago Laboratory Schools—the experimental
elementary schools that he founded in 1896—Dewey developed
revolutionary educational theories that sparked the progressive
education movement in the United States. As he propounded in
(1899) and (1902), education
must be tied to experience, not abstract thought, and must be built upon
the interests and developmental needs of the child. He argued for a
student-centred, not subject-centred, curriculum and stressed
the teaching of critical thought over rote memorization.
Later, in Experience and Education (1938), he criticized those of his
followers who took his theories too far by disregarding organized subject
matter in favour of vocational training or mere activity for their students. If
prudently applied, progressive education could, Dewey believed, “shape the
experiences of the young so that instead of reproducing current habits,
better habits shall be formed, and thus the future adult society be an
improvement on their own.” Concurrent pedagogies appeared in European
institutions such as OvideDecroly’sÉcole de l’Ermitage (the Hermitage
School), which envisioned students utilizing the classroom as a workshop,
and Maria Montessori’s Casa dei Bambini (“Children’s House”), which
incorporated experiential and tactile learning methods through students’
use of “didactic materials.”
Toward the end of the 20th century, comprehensive theories such as those
represented by the consensus and conflict models were increasingly viewed
as oversimplifications of social processes and, in many quarters, gave way
to more particularized interpretations. One such perspective viewed
educational expansion and extension less as a function of national interest
and more as a by-product of religious, economic, political, and cultural
changes that had occurred across most of Europe. Especially in the wake of
the Enlightenment, an emphasis on the glorification of God was joined by
the growing celebration of human progress (ultimately defined as economic
growth), while concerns for the salvation of the soul were augmented by the
cultivation of individual potential. As nation-states with centralized
governments extended citizenship rights in the 18th century, state
sponsorship of schools began to supersede the church-supported
instruction that had become the norm in the 16th and 17th centuries
( Education, history of: Central European theories and practices).
According to such scholars as John Meyer and Michael Hannan in

(1979), formal systems of education not only represent

the means by which nation-states have modernized and prospered
economically but are also the surest route to enhancing the talents of
individuals. As a requirement for all children and youths between certain
ages and as an institution regulated by the state, schooling also became
the primary agency for creating citizens with equal responsibilities and
rights.
These values emerged in education systems throughout the world,
especially in the late 20th century as education professionals promoted
them in developed and less-developed countries alike. As such, schools
effectively carried modernity into many parts of the world, where it was met
with varying degrees of resistance and acceptance.
Teachers, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and government
agencies contributed, for example, to standardization in the shape and
style of the classroom, types of curricula, and goals for school enrollments.
In the first half of the 20th century, schools in most industrialized countries
came to exhibit similar characteristics—that is, schools could be identified
as schools. By the second half of the 20th century, these traits had become
prominent in most schools around the world.

One explanation for the changes evidenced in this “institutionalist” view of

education can be found in the human-capital theory first popularized by
American economist Theodore Schultz in “Investment in Human Capital,”
his presidential address to the American Economic Association in 1960.
According to this theory, education is not a form of consumption that
represents a costly expenditure for government but instead serves as an
investment that improves the economic worth of individuals
(e.g., human capital) and thereby raises a country’s overall productivity and
economic competitiveness. In other words, governments support education
because it ultimately strengthens their countries.

Each of these theories partially explains the widespread increase in

enrollments, as reported by UNESCO (the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization), in all levels of education during the
last half of the 20th century. Broadly speaking, enrollments increased
substantially for school-age children and youths, while adult illiteracy
rates decreased significantly. In the second half of the 20th century, the
proportion of children worldwide enrolled at all levels (from primary
through tertiary) increased from less than half to approximately two-thirds
of the relevant age-groups.
Much of this enrollment growth was a product of political change. Most
countries in a postcolonial phase expand their education systems, largely
because it is something governments can do at a reasonable cost with
significant effect. With the opening of schools to many who were once
denied education under semifeudal, colonial, or totalitarian systems, it has
not been uncommon to find large numbers of overage students enrolled.
First-grade classes might have an age range from 6 to 11.
Overall, primary-school enrollments more than tripled in the last half of
the 20th century, from slightly more than 200 million to some 670 million;
secondary education increased more than ninefold, from more than 40
million to nearly 400 million; and tertiary education increased more than 12-
fold, from about 7 million to nearly 90 million. Higher levels of enrollment
are usually sustained, in part, because “credentialing” the attainment of
degrees or certificates of achievement has become a social necessity.
Employers tend to seek highly schooled individuals while depending on the
education system to prepare and distinguish job candidates. In addition,
enrollments have been known to gain momentum through the “queuing”
effect; that is, when people line up to participate in something, others soon
join the crowd in the belief that something of value will be obtained.

In not only the industrially developed world but also in other regions
(e.g., Latin America and East and South Asia), gross primary-school
enrollment rates had reached 95 to 100 percent by the beginning of the 21st
century, while in Africa they had achieved an average of about 80 percent.
Some of the world’s least-developed countries took the most dramatic
steps toward offering universal primary education in the final decades of
the 20th century. As late as 1970 less than half of the relevant
school-age population attended primary schools in such countries, but by
1997 primary-school enrollments in the least-developed countries had
grown to include more than 70 percent of school-age children. Between 1999
and 2005, the overall number of children entering primary education
worldwide increased by 4 percent, from 130 million to 135 million.
Worldwide total enrollment for primary education increased 6 percent, to
688 million. The biggest gains for entering students took place in
sub-Saharan Africa, with an increase of 40 percent. Some countries,
however, continued to lag behind this trend. Some of the world’s lowest
primary-school enrollment rates persisted in countries such as Niger and
Djibouti (both less than 40 percent). Although primary education, as
compared with higher levels of schooling, is the least costly to maintain and
the easiest to expand, a 2008 UNESCO Global Monitoring Report,
“Education for All,” concluded that a number of sub-Saharan African and
Arab countries were not likely to achieve universal primary education by
2015. Another significant challenge is to provide continuing
education opportunities for those who complete basic schooling.

In the second half of the 20th century, secondary-school enrollments

worldwide expanded from less than one-fifth to almost two-thirds of the
relevant age-group. Between 1999 and 2005, enrollment in secondary
education grew by 17 percent to 512 million worldwide, an increase of 73
million. Secondary education in developed countries has become, with few
exceptions, universally available. In East Asia, the Middle East, and Latin
America, secondary-education enrollment rates ranged from approximately
60 percent to 70 percent at the beginning of the 21st century. South Asia and
Africa had the lowest enrollment rates, at approximately one-half and
one-third of the age-group, respectively. Between 1999 and 2005, the fastest
growth rates in secondary education occurred in sub-Saharan Africa, South
and West Asia, and the Arab countries at 55 percent, 27 percent, and 21
percent, respectively. Enrollment numbers are significantly dependent upon
a country’s economic resources; it has been the case, for instance, that
many youths in this age group cannot attend school because they are
needed to supplement family income.
There was a marked worldwide trend toward
more comprehensive secondary education in the second half of the 20th
century. The higher enrollments were intended to permit students to
continue with higher education instead of being “tracked” into different
schools and programs that provided a terminal vocational education.
However, not all college and university graduates find work that
is commensurate with their educational attainment. Increasingly, large
numbers of underemployed tertiary-level graduates have led to a renewed
interest in vocational education. At both the primary- and
secondary-education levels, another worldwide trend has been the
inclusion of a greater number of courses in mathematics and science,
accompanied by a growing emphasis on computer-related courses intended
to prepare students of all ages for participation in the modern economy
and its dynamic labour needs.

Higher education, which once had the primary purpose of educating

religious leaders, now acts as a gateway to the modern sectors of national
economies and often to a higher social status. Higher education is also
where the greatest constriction of enrollments occurs. Worldwide, fewer
than one-fifth of those aged 18–24 were engaged in some form of tertiary
education at the turn of the 21st century, with less than 5 percent of those
in the least-developed countries enrolled. By contrast, in the most
industrialized and developed countries, higher-education enrollment as of
2005 reached approximately half of the age group, with rates of greater
than two-thirds in North America and western Europe and nearly
three-fifths in Oceania. Between 1999 and 2005, tertiary education
enrollment grew by 45 million students to 138 million, with Brazil,
China, India, Nigeria, Cuba, and South Korea showing the greatest gains. In
some countries access to higher education has come to be considered
an entitlement or, alternatively, a social requirement for entry into the
most prestigious occupations or high political offices.
Since the 1990s international trends in higher education include rapid
growth of private institutions, closer ties to the marketplace (such as
corporate sponsorship of university research), and institutional
differentiation (such as specialization in particular subject areas or
occupations). Postsecondary-learning options range from distance
education and short-term courses to extended residential stays and
postgraduate work at world-class institutions. Some of these trends stem
from advances in communications and international travel. Developed
countries not only provide more students with a greater variety of study
options but also invest more heavily in
the research-and-development infrastructure of higher education. However,
regional differences in the capacity of higher-education systems to
contribute to scientific research and
technological innovation may constitute an even greater gap than
differences in material wealth between the richest and poorest countries.

At the other end of the school continuum, access to early childhood care
and preschool education became increasingly important in preparing
children for success in school. Although preschool enrollments more than
doubled to approximately 100 million between 1975 and 2000, in many
countries access was not always guaranteed to the poorest and
most marginalized members of society, and private preschools frequently
accounted for a majority of the options available to parents. Some
countries, however, have attempted to provide universal preprimary
education to all children for purposes of both child development and
the socialization of individuals toward a national identity. France, for
example, possesses a strong notion of a national, secular identity that was
forged in the French Revolution. Debates at the beginning of the 21st
century about the right of French students to wear religiously symbolic
clothing or jewelry were, in fact, rooted in the values that emerged from the
revolutionary period. In Italy an emphasis on early schooling was the result
of social movements of the early 1960s. According to the American
sociologist William Corsaro and the Italian psychologist Francesca Emiliani,
the massive migration to cities and the active participation of women in
labour protests brought demands that the state provide basic social
services including education and publicly funded child care.
Contemporaneous experiences in other parts of the world were quite
different. Political revolution in China, for example, changed the very
nature of education. Although traditional Chinese culture had attached
great importance to education as a means of enhancing a person’s worth
and career, by the end of the 1950s the Chinese government could no longer
provide jobs adequate to meeting the expectations of those who had
acquired some formal schooling. Furthermore, the
anti-intellectualism inherent in the mass campaign periods of the Great
Leap Forward and, especially, the Cultural Revolution diminished the
status and quality of education. The damage done to China’s human
capital was so great that it took decades to make up the loss.
A shift to rapid and pragmatic economic development occurred in the late
1970s, when China’s educational system increasingly trained individuals in
technical skills so that they could fulfill the needs of the advanced, modern
sectors of the economy. The overall trend in Chinese education reflected a
combination of fewer students and higher scholastic standards, resulting in
a steeply hierarchical educational system. At the turn of the 21st century,
slightly more than one-third of the total population had completed primary
schooling while roughly one-tenth of all Chinese had finished a secondary
school education; fewer than 4 percent had earned an advanced degree. By
the end of the 20th century, however, higher-education enrollments in China
had grown rapidly. The government had permitted the opening of private
educational institutions and had begun to decentralize the
overall governance of education.
Higher education in China has expanded dramatically from nearly 7 percent
of students in tertiary education in 1999 to nearly 22 percent in 2006. In
2007 almost 19 million students were enrolled in universities, and another 5
million were receiving some form of adult higher education at either the
bachelor- or the associate-degree levels. In the same year, approximately
16 percent of students receiving higher education were enrolled in private
institutions. Forty-eight percent were female.