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PROTEST, UPLIFTMENT AND IDENTITY
The period from 1872-1947 witnessed the rise of many movements

in Bengal, where those who were considered lower castes were
mobilised to protest against the inequality and injustice meted out
to them in various fields, including religion, politics and education.
The focus of their struggle was the social injustice within the Hindu
caste hierarchy. Unlike in south and western India where caste
movements were often associated with anti-Brahmanical move
ments, in Bengal it was upgradation of caste from Sudra to Kshatriya
varna.
The main focus of the study is the Kshatriyaization movement
of Rajbansis, the Matua movement of Namasudras, and the colonial
policy of ‘Protective Discrimination’ and its impact.
It studies the attempt by Rajbansi community to establish them
selves as Kshatriyas in the first half of the twentieth century, though
the movement started in the late nineteenth century itself. It also
includes their struggle against the Brahmanical dominance and the
elites of their own community.
Alongside the Kshatriyaization movement, a parallel movement
for the social uplift started among the Namasudra community,
which later spread to northern Bengal. Their struggle actually began
from the time of the first Census in 1872, when the census author
ities classified the Namasudras as Chandals in the census report.
The Namasudra protest movement, hereafter, developed through
a different channel provided by a Vaishnava religious sect named
Matua, started under a Namasudra leader Harichand Thakur.
This book is essential for those wishing to understand the socio
religious movement of the Namasudra and the Rajbansi communities
in their historical context.
Bipul Mandal (b. 1977) is Head and Assistant Professor, Department

of History, Kaliyaganj College,West Bengal. He is also the Editor
in-Chief, Journal of Historical Studies and Research (JHSR) and
President, Bangasanskriti o Itihas Anusandhan Parishad. He has
published nine books and several research articles.
Protest, Upliftment and Identity
Rajbansis and Namasudras of Bengal
1872-1947
BIPUL MANDAL
MANOHAR
First published 2023
by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa
business
© 2023 Bipul Mandal and Manohar Publishers
The right of Bipul Mandal to be identiﬁed as author of this work has been
asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs
and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced
or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording,
or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identiﬁcation and
explanation without intent to infringe.
Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal,
Bangladesh, Pakistan or Bhutan)
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 9781032405025 (hbk)
ISBN: 9781032405032 (pbk)
ISBN: 9781003353386 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003353386
Typeset in Warnock Pro 11/13
by Ravi Shanker, Delhi 110095
Contents
Acknowledgements 7
Preface 9
Introduction 13
1. The Problem of Identity: ‘Rajbansi’ and ‘Namasudra’ 35
2. Social and Religious Life: Continuity and Change 74
3. Socio-Religious Movement I:
The Matua Movement 114
4. Socio-Religious Movement II:
The Kshatriyaization Movement 153
5. Colonial Policy of ‘Protective Discrimination’
and its Impact 198
Conclusion 224
Glossary 235
Bibliography 245
Index 263
Acknowledgements
The present research seeks to study socio-religious move

ment with particular reference to the Rajbansi and Namasudra
communities in Bengal from 1872 to 1947. Bengal, in the
north-eastern region of the Indian subcontinent, constitutes
a separate social and religious structure which has signifi
cant importance due to its multiplicity of caste, sect, religion,
language and culture. S.C. Dube in his book Indian Society
mentions that there was very scanty reference to north-eastern
India in the social account of India. This prompted me to write
on this virgin and untold part of Indian history and society. I
have emphasized mainly on two major communities of Bengal,
i.e. the Rajbansis and the Namasudras. Due to inadequate mate
rial on this subject, I have taken the assistance of various people,
to whom I am grateful.
The most noteworthy and significant has been the guidance
and inspiration from Dr Pum Khan Pau, Assistant Professor,
Department of History, Visva-Bharati, under whose guidance
this study has taken its present form. Dr Pau also drew my
attention to a number of references relevant to the subject of
the study and helped me in locating them from the inception
of the work and has also directed my thinking on this topic.
He has kindled in me a keen interest in the history of socio-re
ligious movement at the micro level. Moreover, his constant
help, generous cooperation and unique guidance were my pri
mary sources of inspiration to bring this work into its successful
completion.
I am also particularly thankful to Professor S. E. Hussain,
Head of the Department of History and the other respected
8 Acknowledgements
teachers of the Department of History, Visva-Bharati. Their

encouragement, sincerity and love of research propelled me to
reach my target of putting this study together.
I would also like to express my wholehearted gratitude to
Professor Anil Bhuimali, Vice-Chancellor, Raiganj University;
Dr Ananda Gopal Ghosh, formerly Professor of North Bengal
University; and Dr Anil Kumar Sarkar, Professor, Kalyani
University; for their constant encouragement and confidence in
me to carry out the present work.
I feel great pleasure in expressing profound gratitude to
the principal of my college, Dr Pijush Kumar Das who always
accommodated my official requirements within the college
schedule and inspired me to carry out the work with due aca
demic seriousness. I am equally thankful to all my colleagues,
for their constant support and help which made it easy for me
to complete this research work.
To complete the study to my satisfaction, I have used many
source materials from the National Archives, New Delhi; West
Bengal State Archives, Kolkata; The Asiatic Society, Kolkata;
Central Library, Visva-Bharati; Central Library, North Bengal
University; Post Graduate Departmental Library, Malda College,
Malda; District Libraries, Bengal Secretariat Press, Salt Lake,
Kolkata, West Bengal; I have also taken assistance from several
institutions in Bangladesh. These are: Dhaka University Central
Library, Dhaka; Central Public Library, Dhaka; Mymensingha
Government Public Library, Mymensingh; National Archives &
National Library of Bangladesh, Dhaka; Bangladesh Bureau of
Statistic Library, Dhaka; and many other relevant institutions. I
owe a debt of gratitude to the staff members of the above insti
tutions for their generous help and cooperation.
Once again I take this opportunity to convey my thanks
to my mother Mrs Milan Mandal and my wife Mrs Suparna
Mandal, who have been my support all through my endeavour.
Without their active cooperation this work would never have
seen the light of day.
Siliguri Bipul Mandal
1 August 2020
Preface
The years between 1872 and 1947 saw the rise of many move
ments in Bengal, where those who were considered lower and
untouchable castes mobilised to protest against the inequal
ity and injustice meted to them in numerous fields, including
religion, politics, and education. The focus of their struggle
was the ‘social injustice’ of the Hindu caste hierarchy, in con
trast to the dominant narrative of the Indian anti-imperialist
struggle, which strongly emphasised a unified Hindu identity.
Though these protest movements resisted the communalism
of the Indian freedom struggle, the Indian National Congress,
founded in 1885, served as a powerful ideological influence that
raised hopes not only of freedom from political subjugation but
also from social deprivation based on caste lines.
With the rapid expansion of the British Empire in India, the
British government felt the need for a clearer understanding of
its colonized subjects and their belief systems. Being the most
significant province of colonial India, Bengal and its various
castes were studied in detail by nineteenth-century colonial
ethnographers. However, officially, only the census was used
by the government to collect ethnographic data. The census
of Bengal (1872) compiled by H. Beverley is important since it
reveals the complexities in the composition of the Bengal pop
ulation. He wrote ‘there is certainly no part of India, perhaps
there is no country in the World . . . which contains so wide a
variety of races and tribes as we find in Bengal. The nationality
of the inhabitants is in truth, of the most heterogeneous dis
cipline.’ Beverley provides a detailed description of the history
10 Preface
and social status of various castes and communities in Bengal,

including the Bagdis, Bauris, Bhuiyas, Bahalias, Chandals,
Chains, Chamars, Chuunaris, Dhanuks, Doms, Dosadhas,
Doais, Hadis, Jelia Kaibarttyas, Kadars, Koches, Lohars, Mallas,
Malos, Musahars, Pasis, Pods, Rajwars, Sunris, Sutradhars and
Tiyors. Beverley saw these groups as ‘semi-Hinduised aborigi
nes’, and often branded these communities as ‘semi-civilised’ or
‘half-civilised’.
However, two main elements of reformation movements
in India in the nineteenth century are society and religion.
While southern and western Indian social movements largely
focused on anti-Brahmanism, in northern India the movement
was for Kshatriyaization. Eastern India was also affected by
Kshatriyaization movement with its epicentre in Calcutta. How
the Kshatriyaization or social upliftment enlightened the soci
ety of Bengal is the main theme of my discussion. Idealistically
and naturally, the anti-Brahmanism movement of southern and
western India and the Kshatriyaization movement of north
ern India were poles apart. The main aims and objectives of
anti-Brahmanism movement were to oppose the traditional
varna system of India. But in northern India, they organized
the movement for claiming Kshatriya status by complying with
the varna system. Bengal also witnessed the Kshatriyaization
movement but much later. This was largely due to the non-exis
tence or minor existence of Kshatriyas in Bengal. The influence
of northern India’s Kshatriya movement started in Bengal
from the late nineteenth century. The Barga Kshatriya, Ugra
Kshatriya, Malla Kshatriya in Radh Bengal, Poundra Kshatriya
in southern Bengal and Rajbansi Kshatriya movement in the
north are examples.
Alongside the Kshatriyaization movement, a parallel move
ment for the social uplift of the Namasudra community was
started in eastern Bengal which later spread to all over Bengal.
Like the Kshatriyaization movement, the Namasudra move
ment or Matua movement was against the traditional varna
system in Hindu society. In fact, the Namasudras were known
as ‘Chandal’ or ‘Charal’ earlier.
Preface 11
The above mentioned areas are important as they witnessed

demographic changes largely from the second half of the nine
teenth century to the first half of the twentieth century due to
changes of administrative boundary which prompted the move
ment or migration of different communities across the border.
The brunt of such demographic changes was borne by peasants,
workers and other section of people belonging to the lower
stratum whose socio-economic life was greatly affected. Lower
castes, like the Rajbansis and the Namasudras for instance, were
exploited by the upper-castes. The outcome of such exploita
tions was the emergence of a number of social movements, i.e.
both the social mobility movements and movements for social
uplift, the origin and growth of nationalist movements, and the
subsequent social and political developments whose nature and
patterns are also subject of adequate contemplation.
Objectives of the Study

1. To investigate the emergence of Rajbansi and Namasudra
as separate identities from various ancient scripts, colonial
and indigenous ethnographers and the problems associated
with them.
2. To study the social and religious life of the Rajbansi and
Namasudra communities in the precolonial and colonial
period.
3. To examine to what extent there was an uneven devel
opment and social deprivation among the Rajbansi and
Namasudra communities vis-à-vis the upper-caste Hindus
and how did these communities face the challenge.
4. To investigate colonial policies towards the social uplift
ment of the two communities and also the contribution of
Christian missionaries.
5. To investigate the outcome of the British policy of ‘Protect
ive Discrimination’ and its impact on Rajbansi, Namasudra
and other Depressed classes in the colonial and post
colonial periods.
12 Preface
This work is an empirical work based on primary and sec

ondary sources. As my primary source, I consulted materials
from the National Archives of India, New Delhi; West Bengal
State Archives, Kolkata; National Library, Kolkata; The Asiatic
Society, Kolkata; and other records under the custody of the
government in various offices in the form of gazetteers, trav
elogues, census reports, statistical handbooks, etc. Besides, I
also consulted primary and secondary materials available in the
Central Library of Visva-Bharati; the Central Library of North
Bengal University, Darjeeling; the Cooch Behar State Library,
Cooch Behar; Balurghat District Library, Dakshin Dinajpur;
Malda Post-Graduate Library, Malda College; Karnojora Dist
rict Library, Uttar Dinajpur; Deshbandhu (Govt.), District Lib
rary, Darjeeling; Additional District Library, Siliguri; Jalpai
guri District Library, Jalpaiguri; Dhaka University Central
Library, Dhaka; Central Public Library, Dhaka; Mymensingha
Government Public Library, Mymensingh; National Archives &
National Library of Bangladesh, Dhaka and Bangladesh Bureau
of Statistic Library, Dhaka. Relevant materials published in aca
demic journals, magazines, newspapers, periodicals, weeklies,
leaflets, etc., have also been utilized. It is worth mentioning that
a number of works at the district level have been coming out
both in the academic and non-academic arena. I also did field
study and collected information from oral sources.
Bipul Mandal
Introduction
‘All socio-religious movements’, according to Kenneth W. Jones,

who authored one of the volumes (III. 1) of The New Cambridge
History of India series, ‘demanded changes, ranging from the
relatively limited approach of defensive and self-consciously
orthodox groups to radicals who articulated a sweeping con
demnation of the status quo’.1 Jones further adds that the
uneven development of a ‘colonial milieu’ and the persistence
of indigenous forms of socio-religious dissent produced two
distinct types of movement within the period of British rule:
one ‘transitional’ and the other ‘acculturative’. The ‘transitional’
movements arose from indigenous forms of socio-religious
dissent which linked the pre-colonial period with the colonial
rule and over time with the ‘colonial milieu’. On the other hand,
the ‘acculturative’ movement originated within the colonial
milieu and was led by individuals who were products of cultural
interaction. This research is an investigation of socio-religious
movements among the Rajbansi and Namasudra communities
in Bengal through the lens of social mobility. It critically exam
ines not only the origin and course of the movements but also
analyses to what extent the movements caused social mobility
within the society of the two communities particularly during
the period from 1872–1947. The year 1872 is significant because
it saw the beginning of Census Report of India which not only
classified but also serialized different communities of India
based on caste, religion, etc., for ‘administrative convenience’.
Social mobility is defined as a transition of individuals or
groups from one position in the social hierarchy to another.
14 Protest, Upliftment and Identity
However, according to sociologist Andre Beteille, mobility in

a closed and stratified caste system is difficult.2 M.N. Srinivas
however, suggests that in such a situation an alternate method
like Sanskritization are evolved to move up socially, albeit such
a method affects only the cultural aspects and not the struc
tural aspects. Hiteshranjan Sanyal and Sekhar Bandyopadhyay
have made a rational objective analysis of how dissident groups
of castes of lower strata, such as the Rajbansis, Namasudras,
Sadgops, Tilis, etc., raised their status in the caste hierarchy
and climbed up to the respectable nabasakha rank.3 We are
also informed by these historians that quite a number of dis
sident groups of some castes rose into prominence in the
nineteenth-century Bengali society by dint of their economic
prosperity and organized movements for projecting them as
superior sections. In fact, economic prosperity in case of some
other castes, apart from those mentioned above, had facilitated
in raising dominance in the countryside in some regions of
Bengal.
Though different census reports mentioned the Rajbansi
and Namasudra as two major communities in Bengal, they were,
however deprived from different benefits for education, gov
ernment-employment-related matters, etc. These communities
were often treated as ‘mlechha’, ‘barbaric’ or ‘untouchables’. In
various religious scriptures like the Kalika Purana, we found
that Rajbansi Kshatriyas started living by hiding their own iden
tity from the fear of Parasurama. Again we can see that as per
Yoginitantra, the Rajbansi community lived in Ratnapith. On
the other hand, it can be seen that they lived in Poundrabhumi
and accepted different rituals of Sudras as per the Brahmitantra.
The caste and social structure of Bengal has no match with
that of the rest of India. Moreover, it is known to all of us that
the society of a particular region gets very much influenced by
its geography as well as history and it is historically true that
geography and history together with other factors determine
culture, customs, behaviour and, above all, help in shaping the
socio-religious structure of a particular region, and Bengal is no
exception to that.
Introduction 15
Before 1874, the northern part of Bengal was constituted

of the districts of Purnia, Goalpara, Rajshahi, Malda, Rangpur,
Dinajpur, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling and Cooch Behar (Cooch Behar
was then a Princely State). In 1874, Goalpara district was made
part of Assam which was then a Chief Commissioner’s prov
ince.4 The district was under the District and Sessions Judge of
Dinajpur until October 1905 when it was placed under Dinajpur
(Rajshahi Division).5 After the Partition in 1947, the whole of
Rajshahi; Rangpur; the eastern part of Dinajpur with seventeen
police stations; five police stations of Malda; five police stations
of Jalpaiguri; a few parts of Cooch Behar and one police station;
and Phansidewa of Darjeeling went to East Pakistan (now in
Bangladesh) and Purnia became part of the state of Bihar.6
The study also touches upon adjoining areas of these
districts wherever relevant. The areas mentioned above are
important as they witnessed demographic changes largely from
the second half of the nineteenth-century to the first half of the
twentieth-century due to changes of administrative boundary
which prompted the movement or migration of different com
munities across the border. The brunt of such demographic
changes was borne by peasants, workers, and other sections of
people belonging to the lower stratum whose socio-economic
life was greatly affected. Lower castes, like the Rajbansis and the
Namasudras for instance, were exploited by upper-castes. The
outcome of such exploitations was the emergence of a number
of social movements, i.e. both the social mobility movements
and movements for social uplift, the origin and growth of
nationalist movements, and the subsequent social and political
developments whose nature and patterns are also the subject of
adequate contemplation.
Geography of Bengal
Historically, the land of Bengal has had its own distinct ‘regional
entity’. The geographers also consider Bengal as a definite ‘geo
graphical region’ in the entire subcontinent with distinct geo
features.7 The region-specific geographical features which have
been shaped by its geographical location, geological settings

and climatic conditions, are interesting. It will not be an exag
geration to state that this entire geographical situation has
played a significant role in the construction of the distinct ‘iden
tity’ of Bengal as such – the distinct socio-cultural attitudes,
her traditions and continuities, diverse religious life, art and
architectural distinctiveness, her vibrant trade and commercial
linkages, economic life in relation to the delta and, above all,
formation of Bengal’s regional ‘individuality’.
The landscape of Bengal was created in the Pliocene age,
while in the Pleistocene age the region became opulent in its
flora and fauna so as to become naturally suitable for human
habitation and settlement. It is a generally acknowledged fact
that both the Ganga and the Brahmaputra created the Bengal
basin. However, it is preposterous to assume that the entire
process of the geological formation of the basin of Bengal was
completed in the Pleistocene era itself: this process was much
more prolonged, temporally expanding over centuries and to
a certain extent, this geological formation is still active in the
present era.8 It needs to be pointed out in this context that the
southern delta of Bengal is a comparatively recent formation.
M.I. Chowdhury, while determining the age of this delta, states
that the coastal areas in southern Bengal are in no way older
than 50,000 years.9 Many even go to the extent of arguing that
the exact age of this delta does not go beyond 10,000 years, and
the argument is that copper plates refer implicitly to the fact
that Kotalipara of Faridpur district was lying near the sea.
Hence, an analysis of the structural evolution of Bengal
illustrates that this region developed a very distinct geograph
ical feature due to various tectonic movements since the time
when the region declared its existence for the first time. Hills
surrounding the three sides, numerous rivers, and the sporadic
presence of old alluvial lands, extensive plains and the sea and
the coastal areas in the south of Bengal impart a substantial
degree of uniqueness to the geo-features of Bengal.
The geological settings of Bengal – the old and new allu
vium land tract of this region – can be summed up as follows:
Introduction 17
the south-western Radha, Gauda, adjacent to Rajmahal, Pundra

of north Bengal, Srihatta of north-eastern Bengal and some
areas of eastern and south-eastern Bengal belong to the old
alluvium land. On a closer examination, it becomes apparent
that this old alluvium land exists as a belt guarding three sides of
Bengal. On the other hand, leaving this old alluvium belt aside,
entire Bengal is formed of new alluvium in the light of geol
ogy, excluding some hilly tracts. And this new alluvium, which
is comparatively a recent formation, constitutes the foremost
characteristic feature of the entire region – the delta.
Geographical Location
The geographical location of Bengal is determined by the struc
tural history/evolution of the region. It is a fact that Bengal
carved out a distinct geographical location for itself in the
eastern frontier of the Indian subcontinent as early as in the
Pleistocene age. Bengal is surrounded by a natural girdle of
deep forests, highlands and mountains in the east, west and
north, and the Bay of Bengal in the South. As Niharranjan Ray
puts it, ‘. . . at one extreme are the very high mountains, at the
other the sea, and on both sides the hard hilly country; within,
all the land is a plain. Such is the geographical fortune of the
Bengali people.’10
The total area of the region of ‘Bengal’ is approximately
80,000 square miles. Nafis Ahmed and M. Harunur Rashid have
claimed precisely that 84,832 square miles (30,691 square miles
in West Bengal, and 54,141 square miles in Eastern Bengal had
originally belonged to present Bangladesh). On the other hand,
B.M. Morrison and Abdul Momin Chowdhury have mentioned
about 80,000 square miles on the basis of Spate (1967), Bagchi
(1944) and Strickland (1940). Since the exact geographical
boundaries of Bengal have not yet been precisely verified, it is
not necessary to take this numerical figure in its literal sense.
The northern border of Bengal is Sikkim and the snow-
capped Himalayas with the Kanchanjungha, which constitutes
the most significant geographical as well as geo-political barrier;
in the lower valleys in the north of Bengal are the districts of

Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri, which lies in the lap of the foothill of
the Himalayas. To the west of these two districts is Nepal, to
the east is the border of Bhutan. In the north-east, the natural
border of Rangpur and Cooch Behar extends as far as the river
Brahmaputra.11
The eastern border of Bengal has the Brahmaputra in the
north, and in-between them lie the Garo-Khasiya-Jaintiya hills;
to the south are the Lusai Chagagram and Arakan ranges. The
chain of mountains of Tripura and Chittagong has geographically
separated Bengal from Myanmar and Lusai while simultane
ously separating Srihatta from Tripura and Chittagong.12
The western frontiers of Bengal are deeply embedded in
dense forests and are encircled by long chains of mountains.
The geographical significance of this border area is implied by
the fact that the artery of Bengal – the Ganga – has penetrated
into the land by flowing to the south-eastern direction. It is
mentioned in the Bhavisya Purana that the ajala (arid land) and
usara salty waste land and dense forest lands are situated in the
south of Rajmahal and Ganga in the western front of Bengal. In
the seventh century ad Hiuen Tsang entered into Bengal from
this area13 and in the copper plate of King Bhabadevabhatta
(eleventh century ad),14 it is described as arid wasteland and
‘jungle-land’. Undoubtedly, this area was a part of Radh. Apart
from this, it would seem that the natural western boundaries
of Bengal stretch from Rajmahal to the low hills and ochre-co
loured mountainous range in the south, touching Mayurbhanj,
Baleshvar and Keonjar, extending to the sea. This hilly tract and
the ochre-coloured plateau is the mountainous highlands with
dense forests of the Santal Parganas, Chhota Nagpur, Manbhum
and Singhbhum, the natural western boundary of Bengal.
The Bay of Bengal on the south is the significant physical
expression of a natural geographical border. The coast of the Bay
of Bengal is surrounded by the southern portion of Medinipur,
24 Parganas, Khulna, Bagerhat, Barishal, Patuakhali, and the
green forested land, carpeted with lush and abundant grass,
of the Samatata sub-region of the southern area of Tripura,
Chittagong and Noakhali.15
Introduction 19
Socio-economic and Professional Structure

The first direct British Government of India’s initiative to cre
ate a separate identity among the lower classes had come on
the eve of the census of 1911, when the commissioner circu
lated an instruction to enumerate them separately from the
other Hindus. Actually the separatism was nothing but the
continuous shifting of colonial policy towards ‘protective dis
crimination’ in favour of certain social groups. Social mobility
was quite familiar during pre-British era in so far as the British
period is concerned. Though the major portion of the Indian
society comprised the Hindus, the mobility took place within
the structural framework. This social mobility became much
more pervasive during the British rule and the very base of
caste system of India had been changed altogether. From time
immemorial in India, caste was determined by the respective
profession of the predecessors but with the changing con
dition of the socio-economic structure, people used to shift
their professions. At the closing of the nineteenth-century, it
was noticed that even the Brahmins and Kayasthas took a clear
departure from their original professions by accepting other
professions. Changing professions was not visible among the
Sudras, according to H.E.A. Cotton, ‘the lower-caste has not
emancipated themselves as completely as the higher’.16 In the
twentieth-century we find that a major section of blacksmiths,
potters, cobblers, etc., have engaged themselves in other lucra
tive professions.
With the change of profession, a tendency towards uplift
of the social dignity came forth simultaneously. This tendency
towards upward mobility was more prominent during the
British period. Due to their economic affluence, they claimed
high status in the society. In fact, trade and moneylending
became the source of mobility for Tilis, Sahas, Subarnabaniks,
Gandhabaniks and Tambulibaniks. In many cases, however,
profits from business were invested in purchasing zamindari
rights. At the end of the nineteenth-century, a large number
of moneylenders and traders as a prosperous trading class,
appeared on the Bengal canvass. But compared to the aforesaid
castes Rajbansi, Namasudra, Jogi and Pod failed to reach a sim

ilar height. However, the Rajbansis of northern Bengal attained
better economic position through various means like landhold
ing, cultivation, moneylending, trade and other professions.
The Rajbansi had availed the opportunity of the reclamation of
the jungle area. Some of the Rajbansi became rich peasants and
some of them become zamindars. We can cite the example of
the Raikat family who became rich and prosperous zamindars
of Jalpaiguri district.
Over several centuries, social mobility involving different
autochthonous groups of Bengal took place. British rule brought
about a major dislocation in the socio-economic life of rural
people and it narrowed down the scope and opportunities.
New opportunities for Sanskritization were opened through
the commercialization of agriculture, development of commu
nication and spread of education, though not on an extensive
scale. In the Dooars tea plantation and growth of tea planta
tion industries and commercialization of agriculture brought
about a change in the socio-economic set-up. Improvement
of transportation and communication had a deep impact on
social mobility with the rapid progress of cultivation, rising of
crops for sale in markets and extension of exchange, change
economy, and Jotedars and Chukanidars, particularly the larger
one among them, prospered. The reclamation of Duars areas
and new settlement facilitated the process of differentiation.
Thus we see that through trade and agriculture a considerable
number of enterprising individuals, including some of the low
er-caste, had moved up in the economic dimension vis-a-vis
their caste neighbours.
Spread of Modern Education

During this period, British education policy was no less respon
sible for the spread of modern education in India, viz., the
foreign Christian missionaries, the British government and
the progressive Indians. Christian missionaries, though, were
mainly guided by their proselytizing zeal, but their activities no
Introduction 21
doubt created a great impact on the Indian mass. They attacked

polytheism, casteism and preached the ideals of social equality
and were the pioneers of modern education among Indians.
The British government too was the principal agent in dissem
inating modern education in India. It is true that the Britishers
established a network of schools and colleges to serve their
administrative purpose, but it resulted in the churning out of
thousands of educated Indians who had a marvellous command
over modern education. Later, the Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj
and the Ramakrishna Mission played a pivotal role in spread
ing modern education. Many eminent personalities like Raja
Rammohan Roy, Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar, Debendranath
Tagore, Swami Dayananda Saraswati, Henry Vivian Derozio,
Keshab Chandra Sen and Vivekananda also took active initia
tive in this regard.
The upper-caste people of the society had first availed the
opportunity. As a consequence, it was noticed that initially
education was an extensive monopoly of higher castes like
Brahmins, Kayasthas and Baidyas. Gradually members of the
lower-caste, realized the importance of modern education.
Enlightened Indians no doubt helped in building an awareness
among the lower-caste. In the closing decades of the nineteenth
century, the upper caste brought about a wave of new idealism
and new consciousness which helped them to come out from
their age-long superstitions and blind faith. It was evident that
education provided the impetus for further social mobility.
Modern education ignited a spark among different lower-caste
people who initiated many social movements to attain a higher
status and to break down many social bindings that had been
imposed upon them.
So I would like to say that the social scenario of Bengal was
quite different from the rest of India. Bengal mainly consists of
caste Hindus, sub-caste, low-caste people of Hindu community.
It is quite astonishing that people of different castes, being part
and parcel of Bengal society, did not embrace the varna system.
Various castes in Bengal were deprived of their social position.
They could not enjoy the similar dignity that had been extended
to other castes. These deprived social groups of Bengal involved

themselves in various social and religious movements.
Rajbansis and Namasudras were the pioneer of socio-re
ligious movement in Bengal. In subsequent periods, several
movements like the Movement of Pods, Movement of Tiyars,
Movement of Jhalo Malo, Movement of Lodhas, Movement
of Mahisyas of south-western Bengal, Movements of Bauris
in Burdwan, Movement of Dule Bauri in Dhalbhum, Bankura,
Tamang Buddhist’s movement in Darjeeling, Satyam Sivam
movement of different tribes like the Santals of Santal Pargana,
Malda, Jalpaiguri and Dinajpur, movements of Rabha and
Meches for embracing Hinduism, movements of Chai and
Yadavas in Malda, movement of Nasya Muslims in Cooch Behar
and Jalpaiguri, Ahmediya movement of the Muslims, etc., took
place. Both social and religious elements were in force.
The Rajbansi community constituted the most ascendant
section of the Hindu population in the northern part of the
Bengal province. They were the third-largest Hindu caste in
undivided Bengal. The origin of this caste is steeped in mystery
and there is a debate which is centred around the question of their
assertion with the Koches. But whatever might have been their
actual origin, there is no disputing the fact that the Rajbansis
were the early inhabitants in northern Bengal. However, since
the second half of the nineteenth-century as a consequence of
certain changes produced by British rule, there was increasing
migration of upper-caste Hindus into this region and this had
significant impact on the existing socio-economic structure.
The most important change was that the Rajbansis were rele
gated to a secondary position, both socially and economically.
The Rajbansis were socially a homogeneous community, in the
sense that there was no sub-caste among them. Their religious
beliefs and practices were simple and free from Brahmanical
rigidities.
The socio-religious ordination of Rajbansis was indicative
of the existence among them of a tribal culture and social orga
nization and this gave them a distinct character. Educationally,
they were very backward; economically, agriculture was their
Introduction 23
basic occupation and their representation in other professions

was not very significant. These immigrants, who were compar
atively advanced, got hold of a vast tract of land and gradually
established their monopoly over the local administration. Many
of the Rajbansis became share-croppers in the lands which they
had once owned. This created tension in the local society which
was later given a caste dimension.
A more important fact was that at the initial stage there was
no visible cultural differentiation among the Rajbansis. But with
the settlement of upper-caste Hindus, a tendency developed
among the better-off section of the Rajbansis to emulate the
culture and social values of the upper-castes. The latter, on the
other hand, looked at the Rajbansis as a socially and culturally
inferior people. In traditional social hierarchy of Bengal, the
Rajbansis were placed along with the Namasudras and others at
a fairly low rank, if not the lowest. The advanced section among
the Rajbansis who were aspiring for equal social status with the
upper-castes but were not getting the social recognition, there
fore, felt the urge for a new identity.
On the other side, the Namasudra community was the sec
ond-largest Hindu caste in the province of Bengal and the largest
group among the Hindu agriculturists in its parts. According to
R. G. Hobbes,
During the nineteenth century, the Namasudras had undergone a
profound physical transformation which had completely changed
their own self-perception. The Namasudras used to maintain an
amphibious existence, earning their livelihood primarily though boat
ing and fishing. But the rapid deliverance of these marshy wastes in
course of the 19th century provided these hardy people with a benefit
to better their lot as pioneer cultivators. A mid 19th century account
narrated them as fish sellers, plough man, coolies and slaves, but by
the beginning of the twentieth century the majority of them lived as
agriculture.17
Some important questions may, however, be raised with
reference to such social and religious movements. A signifi
cant feature of the lower-caste movements was the dominant
role played by the elites of the respective castes. Referring to
this aspect, the Census Report of 1911 noted that claims for
higher status were ‘made only by a handful of educated or
half educated men who put themselves forward as spokesmen
for the whole caste. The main body may be ignorant of their
representation or careless of the result.’18 The reason for this
kind of an official observation was the limited nature of these
mobility movements. Though the domination of traditional
upper-castes was the major motivating factor, the elite leader
ship of the lower-caste did not challenge this domination, rather
they themselves wanted to be a part of the dominant structure.
It was the question of status as well as power that motivated
the lower-caste elite to take up the battle. The Census Report
of 1921 observed that various caste leaders looked upon the
census as an opportunity for pressing and perhaps obtaining
some recognition of social claims which were denied by people
of castes higher than their own. There was, however, no sign of
general revolt against the caste system. None made suggestions
whatsoever of social equality for all. Each individual commu
nity was claimant to obtain a step upwards on the ladder of the
society but it was equally insistent that those who stand below
it should not be permitted to do the same thing.19
It is also interesting that castes which were aggrieved about
their inferior social position and were striving to attain upper
status were not in favour of treating other lower-castes at par
with them. In the case of the Rajbansi Caste Movement, we find
that one of the main aims of their movement was to distance
themselves from the Koches and to establish their own supe
rior social rank. Similarly, when the Rabhas in north Bengal
started a movement for social upliftment, the Rajbansi leaders
did not support their movement. Thus, despite the fact that the
lower-caste movements had put up an indirect challenge to the
traditional authority of the upper-castes by claiming upper-
caste status, in real terms they were not against the caste system
itself. What they aimed at was an adjustment of position and
sharing of power with the upper-caste and not the abolition of
the caste system.
The Namasudra movement, at the initial stage, was a sort
Introduction 25
of a protest against the social authority of the higher castes.

But later, this urge to protest was submerged in the dominant
trend of ‘Sanskritzation.’20 Still, one can say that mobilization of
lower-castes identity during the late nineteenth- and early twen
tieth-century Bengal greatly conveyed the discontent among
the lower-castes against upper-caste domination.
Overview of the Study

The first chapter probes the historical origins of the terms
‘Rajbansi’ and ‘Namasudra’ and their emergence as distinct
identities in Bengal. It examines various views of Indian and
foreign scholars, writers and ethnographers of pre-colonial,
colonial and post-colonial period regarding the ethnological
origin of the terms ‘Rajbansi’ and ‘Namasudra’. Identity is a
historical phenomenon and not a given or natural thing. Every
community has their individual identity and ethnographic
history, which helps to revealed their problem such as identity
crisis. H.H. Risley opined that Rajbansis were of Dravidian ori
gin. A similar view was expressed by W.W. Hunter. Their views
hold true for the Rajbansis of south Bengal, southern parts of
north Bengal and Bihar, as their features are predominantly
Dravidian. Some colonial officials, however, believe that the
Rajbansi hailed from Mongoloid stock. According to Sir E. A.
Gait, ‘they were mixed but Mongolian features were pre-dom
inant’. The census commissioners and colonial ethnographers,
nevertheless, faced a major problem regarding the identifica
tion of the Rajbansis. Particularly, a problem had been raised
whether the term Rajbansis and Koches were synonymous or
not. Most of the colonial ethnographers like Francis Hamilton
Buchanan, H.H. Risley, B.H. Hodson, H. Beverley and Grierson
have restricted their discussion around the central point whether
the Rajbansis and the Koches are same. In the Census Report,
the government has shown the Rajbansis and the Koches in the
same group. It may be mentioned that the Koches originated
from the Indo-Mongoloid race and they were treated as ‘Dasa’,
‘Dasyu’, ‘Kirata’ and ‘Nisada’, which means the lower-graded
people in the society. On the other hand, many colonial eth

nographers such as O’Malley and indigenous historians such
as Monomohan Roy, Harikishore Adhikary, U.N. Barman and
Maniram Kabya Bhusan tried to established the Koches and the
Rajbansis as two separate entities.
The term ‘Namasudra’ is considered synonymous with
terms like Chandal, Charal, Namasud and Namah. According to
H. H. Risley, Namasudra was derived from Chandals, Chaurals,
Changs, Namas, Nishads a non-Aryan caste of eastern Bengal,
and they identified with the community who engaged them
selves for the most part in boating and cultivation. Buchanan
suggested that the Chandal of Bengal are identical with the
Dosadh of Bihar. However, Tarak Chandra Sarkar, Raicharan
Biswas, N.B. Roy and N.K. Biswas argued that the Namasudras
were not Chandal, they were Brahmins. Dr James Wise sug
gested that the word ‘Namasudra’ may have been derived from
the Sanskrit Namas, (adoration) which is always used as a voc
ative when praying, or the Bengali Namate (below underneath).
The above observations highlight that the Koches were
non-Aryan in origin and some of them adopted Hinduism
and became Rajbansis. These Rajbansis later claimed to be
Kshatriya. Another argument is that Namasudras are neither
Sudra nor Chandal, rather they were Brahmin offspring by
birth, but because of some socialy imposed force they lost their
identity and as a result they had to live like a Sudra for their
survival. King Ballal Sen gave the name Chandal in place of
Namasudra and he abolished the world Namasudra from all
kinds of religious books by way of law. Further, he made a rule
that those who will not consider Namasudras as Chandals will
be suspended from their job and will be physically punished.
Namasudras and Chandals have no similarity in respect of
their occupation, food habits and lifestyle. It is quite probable,
therefore, that before the nineteenth-century there was no
caste in Bengal. ‘Chandala’ was only a generic term used to
refer to a wide variety of lower-caste people. Later, the colonial
administration and its ethnographers lumped together several
such low-ranking occupational sub-caste and branded them as
Introduction 27
Chandala. It is argued that a generic term was thus transformed

into a caste name, which its recipients later tried to break out of
by adopting a more respectable appellation, Namasudra.
The second chapter gives a profile of the socio-religious
and economic life of the Rajbansi and Namasudra communi
ties during the colonial period. It shows how socio-religious or
socio-economic differentiation had been taking place among
these people and to what extent they influenced their con
sciousness. The religious practice of the Rajbansi was quite
distinct from the upper-caste Hindus of Bengal, though in some
cases the former were also adherents to Hinduism. Saivism and
Vaishnavism were popular among the Rajbansis. In fact, they
had very little in common with upper-caste Hindus. It was this
cultural distinction which defined the boundary that separated
the Rajbansi community from the upper-caste Hindu society
of northern Bengal. A common practice of the upper-caste
Hindus all over Bengal was to follow the shastric code of con
duct, which was not the case in the tradition of the Rajbansis
and Namasudras. For the two communities, cultural practice
and social norms were determined more by local influences and
their own traditions than by the orthodox Hindu shastras.
This chapter also examines how the changes that were tak
ing place in the economic environment in Bengal, as a result
of war, depression and famine, also severely affected the social
backwardness of the communities. An emergency period in
rural credit that followed the depression compelled many
Jotedars and middle peasants to sell their lands. Another major
reason for land transfer to the non-Rajbansis was the migration
of a large number of outsiders to different districts of Bengal.
The attractions of this region were the abundance of land,
possibility of good business, job opportunities in government
offices – as the local people were not in a position to compete –
and the lure of the tea garden, which provided job facilities for
the babus as well as the labourers.
Regarding education, colonial initiative to spread modern
education was mainly confined to the urban and its surround
ing areas. Those living in rural areas were thus unable to access
modern education. The Rajbansis and Namasudras mostly lived

in villages and were economically backward as well. Thus mod
ern education was a far cry for these communities as a majority
of them were not financially strong to send their children to
school. Besides, the need to provide helping hands to the family
also became a stumbling block to their children’s education.
Initially, some of the Rajbansis held plenty of land to cultivate,
were closed to education and branched out to other professions.
Moreover, those who could afford education for their children,
shared a belief that if their sons were educated, they would take
to white-collar jobs and abandon cultivation, which was their
family occupation. Whatever may be the cause, the Rajbansis
and Namasudras were lagging behind in the educational and
professional fields. The Rajbansis were confined to their own
socio-cultural practice.
In the third chapter, I have examined how Namasudra leaders
like Harichand Thakur, Guruchand Thakur, Pramatha Ranjan
Thakur and others struggled relentlessly to do away with social
ills like untouchability, inequalities of the caste system, and for
the right to enter temples or shrines and an overall development
of rural Bengal. They united members of the lower community
and protected them from religious conversion. They established
many educational institutions in order to step up the condition
of the downtrodden of the society. Their relentless struggle for
upliftment of the downtrodden made them popular among
thousands of people. The Namasudra movement, which is also
popularly called the Matua Movement, also received patronage
from the colonial government as well as Christian missionaries.
Colonial interest to counter ‘Bhadralok nationalism’ was one
of the reasons behind its support for the Matua Movement. It
is interesting to note that there was a gradual transformation
of the Namasudra movement from socio-religious movement
against social disabilities to a movement for separate political
identity. Caste consciousness and political awareness of the
Namasudras led them to form caste association which later
turned into a political organ for extracting their demands.
The contribution of Christian missionaries, particularly
Introduction 29
the Australian missionary Dr C.S. Mead was remarkable. Dis

criminatory treatment towards the Namasudras by higher-
caste organizations on the one hand and the benevolent attitude
of Christian missionaries on the other brought the Namasudras
closer to Christian missionaries and the British rulers. In fact,
Guruchand Thakur, a social reformer of outstanding ability,
brought about a renaissance among the members of his com
munity. As a far-sighted man, he realized that in order to be
socially elevated the Namasudras must have education, as edu
cation has the potential to bring wealth and without wealth no
caste can move up in the social matrix. He stood firm against the
suspicion of the elder Namasudras and on the ‘ulterior motive’
of the Christian missionaries. Thakur donated a plot of land
where the Australian Baptist Mission was started. Besides, Dr
Mead began to run a charitable dispensary for their treatment.
The elementary school was later developed into a high school.
Realizing the importance of Western education, Dr Guru
chand Thakur induced Dr C.S. Mead to visit Orakandi to
spread education among the Namasudras. The Namasudras of
Orakandi are immensely indebted to him for his contribution
to their all-round development. Though his main intention of
preaching Christianity did not achieve much success, yet his
contribution towards the social upliftment of the Namasudras
was remarkable. Dr C.S. Mead fought against illiteracy and
spread education among the Namasudras. The missions opened
schools for all children and importance was attached to merit
and not to caste. The spirit of equality and liberal education
system introduced by the missionaries had attracted the
depressed classes, especially the Namasudras.
The fourth chapter examines the movement for social
upliftment with reference to the Rajbansi community. This
chapter examines how the Rajbansis struggled for social uplift
ment against the Brahmins as well as the elites within their own
community and also probes the basis behind the assertion for
Kshatriya status. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth cen
turies, the Rajbansis made attempts to claim higher caste status
by asserting themselves as Kshatriyas. In this movement, they not
only sought to distance themselves from the Koches, often seen

as lower-caste, but also tried to establish and assert their supe
rior social rank which popularly became the Kshatriyaization
Movement. The major thrust of this was on the wearing of the
sacred thread and the adoption of upper-caste Hindu practices.
The local social situation, caste literature and ancient scriptures
also provided sufficient ground for the Rajbansis’ assertion of a
Kshatriya identity and their endeavour to build up caste solidar
ity. With the gradual settlement of an upper-caste Hindu gentry
in what were traditionally the Rajbansis’ dominated areas of
northern Bengal, the existing balance in local power structure
had changed. The immigrant upper-caste gentry in course of
time had become the most dominant group in the local society,
economy and politics. They manned the local administrative
power and emerged as the dominant landholding class. As the
upper-caste Hindus were guided by the traditional Brahmanical
cultural values, the Rajbansis, on the other hand, with a tradition
and culture of their own, failed to get a respectable position in
the status estimation of these immigrants. Therefore, sharp dis
similarities existed in the cultural practices of these two groups.
The upper-caste gentry treated the Rajbansis as ‘backward’,
‘uncultured’ and even antyaja (low born caste). They used to
refer to the Rajbansis as bahe, implying their cultural inferiority.
The word bahe was a distortion of the word babahe, by which
the Rajbansi generally addressed a person. They used it to refer
to the Bhatiya, meaning an outsider to their land. Thus, the
attitude of cultural superiority of the immigrant upper-caste
Hindus and their tendency to look down upon the Rajbansis
prevented the development of a closer relationship between
the two. Still, this alienation by the caste Hindus indirectly pro
moted caste solidarity among the Rajbansis.
In spite of the fact that although by claiming higher status
the lower-caste movements had put up an indirect challenge to
the traditional authority of the upper-caste, in real terms they
were not against the caste system itself. What they aimed at was
an adjustment of position and sharing power with the upper-
caste and not the abolition of the caste system. But, later on,
Introduction 31
the urge to protest was submerged in the dominant trend of

‘Sanskritization’. We see that though the Kshatriya Samiti was
formed with the objectives of socio-religious reforms and social
awakening of the Rajbansi community, with the passage of time
responding to the consequent administrative developments, it
changed its outlook and decided to take part in electoral politics.
The samiti nominated its candidates in the council elections
between 1920 and 1929 and the Assembly election of 1937 and
1946. In the Montagu-Chelmsford Reform Act of 1919, diarchy
was established in the province and the size of the Provincial
Legislative Council was further enlarged. It has to be remem
bered in this respect that Panchanan Barma and Upendranath
Barman, the two leading personalities of the Rajbansi commu
nity were successful in their academic as well as professional
life not through reservation but because of merit. As a result
of their tireless efforts, they were able to get rid of decreasing
occupations to which the Koches had clung. At the end of the
day, the Rajbansis who had been occupying a lower rank have
elevated their social position but the groups who had occupied
higher ranks remained where they were.
So it may be argued that regarding the Rajbansis’ claim
for Kshatriyahood, every Hindu Pandit by analysing various
ancient scriptures expressed their consent that the Rajbansis
were Kshatriyas and can adopt the sacred thread. The entire
movement for Kshatriyaization was a success as it also received
the patronage of the colonial government.
The fifth chapter deals with the outcome of the British
policy of ‘protective discrimination’ and its impact on Rajbansis,
Namasudras and other depressed classes in the colonial and
postcolonial periods. ‘Protective discrimination’ is the policy
of granting special privileges to the downtrodden and the
underprivileged sections of society. It is generally based on race,
ethnicity, gender or geographical location. These are affirma
tive action programmes, most visible in both the United States
and India, where there has been a history of racial and caste
discrimination. The practice is most prominent in India, where
it has been enshrined in the Constitution and institutionalized.
The colonial government had already established the ideology

of differentiation which motivated it to underpin a central
dichotomy between the privileged higher-castes at the one end
and the lower-castes at the other. Then, in order to neutralize
the social tension likely to arise out of this central dichotomy of
the traditional society, the colonial government had evolved a
policy of ‘protective discrimination’ by which the government
sought to grant special favour in matters of education, employ
ment and constitutional rights, first to the Muslims and then to
the lower classes later called the ‘Scheduled castes’.
The colonial rulers opened avenues of opportunity for
the depressed classes which helped their rise in the social
and economic scale. During this period, the Rajbansis and the
Namasudras and other backward classes did not question the
legitimacy of the British Raj as it gave social justice to them
after centuries of oppression at the hands of the caste Hindus.
Although caste disabilities in Bengal were not as acute as it was
in other parts of India, they considered human dignity more
important than anything else.
In Bengal, reservation policy of the government resulted in a
complex social relation among the inhabitants, both indigenous
and migrant. Grievances regarding the sharing of reservation
benefits created an unprecedented social tension in the region
which is still a continuing phenomenon. It is interesting to note
that in spite of such socio-economic tension, the undercurrent
of cultural fusion and assimilation is simultaneously working
in the region, for instance, the Bhaoiya of the Rajbansis and
Bhatiyali of the refugee migrants from East Pakistan, now
Bangladesh, have become part and parcel of the life of the peo
ple in this region.
NOTES
1. Kenneth W. Jones, The New Cambridge History of India
(III.1) Socio-religious movements in British India, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1989, p. 2.
2. Andre Beteille, Caste, Class and Power: Changing Patterns of
Introduction 33
Stratification in a Tanjore Village, New Delhi: Oxford University

Press, 2012, p. 6.
3. Achintya Kumar Dutta, ‘Social Mobility of an Entrepreneurial
Caste: The Urga Kshatriyas of Radha Bengal’, in Arabinda Samanta
et al. (ed.), Life and Culture in Bengal, Colonial and Post-Colonial
Experiences, Kolkata: Progressive Publishers, 2011, p. 19.
4. A. G. Ghosh, ‘The Administrative Reorganization of Bengal
and Assam in 1874 and its impact upon the Rajbanshi Identity:
Questions of Northern Bengal and Western Assam’, in Sailen
Debnath (ed.), Social and Political Tensions in North Bengal since
1947, Siliguri: N.L. Publisher, 2007, pp. 129-30.
5. Arthur Jules Das, Bengal District Gazetteers, Darjeeling: N.L.
Publisher, 2012, p. 43.
6. Rai Manmohan Chakrabarty Bahadur, A Summary of the Changes
in the Jurisdiction of Districts in Bengal 1757-1916, revised by
Kumud Ranjan Biswas, Government of West Bengal, 1999, pp.
222-35 (Document 1 to 7).
7. J.P. Morgan and W.G. Mcintire, ‘Quaternary Geology of the
Bengal Basin, East Pakistan and India’, Bulletin of the Geplogical
Society of America, Vol. LXX, 1959, pp. 319-42; Abdul Momin
Chowdhury, ‘Banglar Bhaugolik Porichay’ in Anisuzzaman (ed.),
Bangia Sahityer Itihas, in Bangia, Dhaka: Bangia Academy, 1987,
pp. 1-48.
8. Ajay Roy, ‘Bhukhanda, Bangladesh, Janajati o Savyota-Sanskriti’,
in Bangla, Dhaka: Sundaram, 1402 BS, p. 4.
9. Syed Akram Hossain, ‘Bangladesh’, in Mansur Musa (ed.),
Bangladesh, Dhaka: Department of Bangla, University of Dhaka,
first published in 1974, the enlarged second addition in 1994,
pp. 46-52.
10. Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, (Ancient Period),
translated in English with an introduction by John W. Hood,
Calcutta: Orient Longman, 1994, p. 53.
11. Ibid., p. 51.
12. Ibid.
13. Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang’s Travels in India, Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1973 (2nd Indian Edition),
pp. 182-93.
14. D.C. Sircar, ‘Copper Plate Inscription of King Bhavadeva of
Devaparvata’, in Journal of Asiatic Society, Letters, Vol. XVII,
1951, pp. 83-94.
15. Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, p. 53.

16. Ibid., p. 4.
17. R. G. Hobbes, Scenes in the Cities & Wilds of Hindustan, Vol. I,
pp. 353-4.
18. Census of India, 1911, Vol. V, Part I, Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat
Press, p. 443.
19. Census of India, 1921, Vol. V, Bengal, Part II, Calcutta: Bengal
Secretariat Press, p. 346.
20. M.N. Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India, Berkely and Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1966, p. 6.
CHAPTER 1
The Problem of Identity

‘Rajbansi’ and ‘Namasudra’
Identity is the sense of being or of becoming a badge that dis

tinguishes one from others. Human identity is a universal that
is often treated as self-evident and problematic. As a concept, it
is linked to state identity, national identity, ethnic, tribal, indi
vidual or personal identity, etc. The identification of members
of the group on the basis of sharing common attributes, on the
basis of all or some of the attributes, languages, gender, religion,
culture, ethnicity, etc., indicates the existence or formation of
identity. Identity provides the answer to the question who am
I (are we) and what do I (we) identify? It refers to the ‘I/we’
feeling of individuals/collectives emanating from the mutual
recognition of the interaction of like and unlike units. Ethnic
identity is usually based on a combination of several factors of a
tangible and non-tangible nature. These includes amongst oth
ers, a common culture (including common values and norms),
a common language, a common religion, a consciousness of
group solidarity, historical destiny and emotional commitment
regarding shared territory, history, etc.
Identity crisis had become one of the most serious issues
in colonial and post-colonial India. Every ethnic group seeks to
assert their ethno-based identity. In pre-colonial and colonial
India, there was great social and religious mobility for their
identity or higher status among the Hindus, particularly the
lower-castes, within the structural framework defined by the
caste system. Nevertheless, the system prevailed as an import
ant determinant of social behaviour. Though caste positions
were determined by birth, the lower-castes showed a greater

desire for social equality and upward mobility in this period.
In other words, those who had improved their economic posi
tion by taking advantage of the new economic opportunities
demanded a corresponding higher rank in caste hierarchy and
organized articulate caste agitations in the late nineteenth and
the early twentieth centuries.1 History, in post-colonial societ
ies, plays a crucial role in not only retrieving the past, but also
in constructing identities.
We find that most of the lower-caste movements in the
colonial and post-colonial periods centred on the problem of
untouchability, and were predominantly anti-untouchability
movements. An organized protest against untouchability and
caste disabilities first appeared in Bengal in the form of the Bhakti
movement in the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries. Bhakti
was a form of worship which emphasized devotion and personal
communication with the divine. All bhaktas were considered
equal before God. The movement was led by Sri Chaitanya and
his disciples, whose avowed goal was the social and spiritual
upliftment of the oppressed sections of the society. Influenced
by the ideals of Vaishnavism, the upwardly mobile groups began
to express and assert themselves socially and tried to establish
their higher status in society.2 They wanted to establish a distinct
social identity for themselves and developed a protest mental
ity or an attitude of defiance against the social authority of the
higher castes.3 As they gradually constructed a new collective
self-identity, their protests against social humiliation and deg
radation gathered momentum. The movement had no political
significance at that time, and was only an effort made by the
community to raise their own social status. Influenced by the
medieval Bhakti movement, the Namasudras of the Faridpur–
Bakharganj region attempted to disobey caste rules in 1872.
During the ‘sraddha’ ceremony of the father of a well-to-do
Namasudra headman, violating the established norms of com
mensality, the higher-caste neighbours of the Namasudras were
invited. However, the higher-caste families refused to accept
the invitation. This sparked off a social boycott movement, and
The Problem of Identity 37
the Namasudras of south Faridpur, north-west Bakharganj, and

the adjoining areas of Jessore immediately resolved not to work
for the higher-castes who denied them social respect. But the
movement soon died down, as the poorer Namasudras found it
difficult to sustain themselves without work.
N.N. Sircar further argues that the Namasudras and Raj
bansis of Bengal had rigidly excluded the other depressed castes
from social communion, and therefore, they had lesser right to
represent them than the upper-caste people who had worked
for generations for their upliftment. Thus, the Poona Pact had
introduced, they said, the ‘political division of Hindu Bengal
where none hitherto existed’.4 The Poundras too, developed a
social movement to discard their subordinate social identity,
and several Poundra leaders dedicated their whole lives to the
emancipation of their people from the caste hegemony.
Actually, social upward movement within the structure of
the society was a common phenomenon of colonial India as
well as Bengal. While the upper-caste educated Indians had
carried out social reforms for the abolition of superstitions and
evil customs from the society, several traditional, professional,
trading and artisan castes of lower social rank had attempted to
standardize their social status within the traditional caste struc
ture. This trend had started among these (so-called) lower-caste
communities with the spread of Western education among
them. Colonial policy of social stratification for administrative
requirements and growth of political awareness among the
Western educated Indians including the lower-castes had stim
ulated the process of social change of the lower-castes. Early
social reformers of the lower-caste society had identified a few
factors responsible for their social backwardness and suggested
a few steps for their upward social mobility. Education was con
sidered as the primary tool of social development. Formation of
social organization to raise their demands for an overall social
development and adoption of upper-caste rituals (known as
Sanskritization) to develop their status in the caste hierarchy
were other common features of the early lower-castes’ asser
tions under the British rule.5
The most powerful status group in Bengal, the bhadralok,

initially comprised the three main traditional higher-castes –
the Brahmin, the Kayastha and the Baidya, who had control
over landholdings, education and the professions. This group
gradually accepted the upwardly mobile members of some of
the trading and middle peasant castes and even some Dalits.
Status in this society thus closely corresponded to ritual rank
as well as the location of economic and political power, and
where there was incongruity, that is, when caste status did not
correspond to economic and political power, it was resolved
through co-option of the upwardly mobile groups into the rit
ual order. The latter continued to prefer, despite their education
and modernity, some of the traditional caste markers to express
their status and identity, because social status throughout
India was still understood, created and altered through rituals
symbols, concerning food exchange, marriage and life cycle of
rituals and other religious rites that sanctified the position of
the upper-castes.6
The educated elites or so-called bhadraloks of lower-castes
stressed on the observation and adoption of certain traditions
in order to standardize their caste status. Adoption of cultural
symbols of the upper-caste Hindus, modification of food habits,
prohibition of prevailing traditions among them and intro
duction of rituals like the then upper-caste were the common
objectives of the lower-castes of Bengal in the process of their
social mobility.
Niharranjan Ray, in his book Banglar Itihas (Adi Parba),
explains here that, in Bengal, only two classical Varnas could
be found, the Brahmins and the Sudras.7 G.S. Ghurye also
explains the same.8He stated that in Bengal, castes are divided
into two main groups: i) the Brahmins and ii) the Sudras. In the
course of a few centuries, the Brahmin Varna became intricately
fragmented into several castes. The original seven hundred
Brahmin families of Bengal were referred to as the Satsati
Brahmins.9 Later, according to their geographical locations,
they came to be divided into ‘Rarhis’ (living on the west bank
of the Bhagirathi) and ‘Barendra’ (settled in northern Bengal).
The Rarhis, in course of time, came to be further sub-divided

into several endogamous units, such as Kulin, Bangsaja, Suddha
Srotriya and Kashtha Srotriya.10 Then according to one set of
Kuloji legends, in about 1001 saka era or ad 1097, five Brahmins
proficient in Vedic rituals were brought to Bengal from Kanauj.
Another set of legends also refer to Islamic invasions that lead
to large-scale migration of Brahmins from the basin of the river
Saraswati and their subsequent settlement in Bengal. These
Brahmins who hailed from northern India, eventually came to
be known as the ‘Paschathya Vaidiks’, while another branch of
immigrants, coming from Orissa and the Dravida country in
the south, were called the ‘Dakshinatya Vaidiks’. It was these
sat or pure Brahmins who constituted the first category or the
highest stratum in the regional caste hierarchy of Bengal.
But apart from them, there were also the two other immi
grant groups, the Sakadwipis and the Saraswats, with uncertain
social status and also a whole range of patita or fallen Brahmins
of lesser ritual status, such as the Grahabipras (astrologers), the
Agradanis (who accepted offerings in funeral ceremonies), the
Bhats (bards) and the Varna or Brahmins (who officiated in the
ritual ceremonies of the lower-caste).11
At the beginning of the colonial rule, this fragmentation
was well demarcated among the Brahmins of Bengal. Below
Brahmins, the Sudras were divided into a number of occupa
tional jatis, which were also regarded as Varna-Sankara Jatis,
i.e. resulting from miscegenation among men and women of
the different Varnas. According to Niharranjan Ray, ‘in terms
of their purity they were broadly classified into two groups:
Satsudra or pure or clean Sudras and Asatsudra or polluted or
unclean Sudras’.12 Among the Satsudra jatis, the Baidyas and the
Kayasthas were represented in the thirteenth century text as the
Uttamasankara, i.e. the best or highest stratum of the Sankara
jatis or mixed castes. They were considered as Jalacharaniya
because water served by them was acceptable to the Brahmins
and they were also entitled to the service of the pure Brahmins
in their religious ceremonies. They were not however, permit
ted to offer cooked food to either the deities or to the Brahmins.
In popular estimation, the Baidyas and the Kayasthas were

often lumped together with the Brahmins, in spite of the dif
ference in ritual rank, to form the higher-caste group, known
as Uchchajati of Bengal. In terms of ritual rank, the group of
castes known as the Nabasakh (or the nine branches) enjoyed
the same status as the Baidyas and the Kayasthas. They were
also considered as Satsudra and Jalacharaniya and were enti
tled to the service of the good Brahmins. But in social position,
arising possibly out of secular status, they stood one step behind
the Baidyas and the Kayasthas, and thereby occupied the third
stratum in the local caste hierarchy of Bengal. This group
initially consisting of nine (naba) castes, eventually came to
include fourteen, viz., Gandhabanik, Sankhabanik, Kansabanik,
Tambulibanik, Gop (or Sadgop), Tantubay, Modak, Napit, Tili,
Malakar, Karmakar, Kumbhakar, Barui and Madhunapit.13
Below Nabasakh castes and above the other Asatsudra jatis
stood an intermediary group of castes who were considered
as Jalacharanya, but were not served by the clean Brahmins.
Historically, the most important caste in this group was the
Kaibartta, the agricultural section of which later claimed to
be the Mahishyas.14 The Asatsudra jatis were divided into two
groups. The first group was called Ajalchal, i.e. water touched
by them was not acceptable and therefore Jalavyavahariya or
whose water could not be used either by the Brahmins or the
Satsudras. A Brahmin would pollute himself and would lose
his caste by offering his service to them in their religious cer
emonies. The village barber would shave them but would not
pare their toenails or perform ritual duties during their mar
riage ceremonies. To this group belonged a number of castes,
the most important of them being the Sahas, the Subarnabaniks
and the Jogis. The other group of Asatsudra jatis who consti
tuted the bottom-most layer in the regional caste hierarchy of
Bengal, consisted of the Antyaja or low-born castes. The low
est stratum of the society also incorporated numerous castes
such as Chandals, Rajbansis, Pods, Bauris, Dhobas, Jhalo Malo,
Bhuimalis, etc.15
However, more often in reality, material prosperity, political

power and higher ritual rank went together.16 As Niharranjan Ray
observed, the linkages between caste and class were established
in Bengal as early as the Gupta period. As a settled agricultural
economy developed, groups involved in social production, pro
viding physical labour or performing menial jobs began to lose
in ritual status vis-à-vis the intelligentsia: the priest, clerks and
physicians.17 The caste system prevented the lower-castes from
owning land. As a result, they constituted in pre-British India ‘a
large rural proletariat’ who, besides following their prescribed
menial professions, were only supposed to work on the fields
of the zamindars and landholding peasants, belonging to the
higher or the middle orders of the caste hierarchy.18
In such a caste-oriented social context of colonial India, cer
tain lower-caste communities of Bengal like Chasi Kaibarttas,
Namasudras, Dhobas, Telis, Rajbansis, Patnis, Malos, Poundras
or Pods, Gops, Bauries,19 etc., faced identity problems for a long
period of time. They started their socio-religious movement
under their respective caste organization to establish respect
able caste status and identity in the caste hierarchy.
Like other communities, the Rajbansis and the Namasudras
faced the same problem. Now we find out their argument.
The term ‘Rajbansi’ is often referred to as ‘Koch Rajbansi’,
or ‘Rajbansi’, or ‘Rajvanshi’. Many Rajbansis also refer to them
selves as ‘Shivbangshi’.20 The word ‘Rajbansi’ literally means
‘Royal Community’ or ‘Royal Lineage’ (Raj = royal/king; bongshi
or bansi = descendant). The origin of such nomenclature, how
ever, remains unclear to this day. But it is a generally accepted
theory that ‘the Rajbansi people were ethnically and culturally
related to the same ruling dynasty who ruled their land like
as Koch dynasty of northern Bengal. They had a rich cultural
heritage, their own language and way of living.’21 Some scholars
opine that the term ‘Rajbansi’ developed much later, after the
advent of the Koch dynasty. In Assam, the term ‘Koch-Rajbansi’
is used, while in the case of Bengal and Nepal, they were known
only as ‘Rajbansi’. As mentioned above, the term ‘Raja’ means the
race of the kings or Kshatriyas. The claim of Kshatriyahood sig

nifies their origin from the Aryan-Kshatriyas.22 But this newly
adopted name, as they did in exigency, has not been weighty
enough to brass out their past identity in all discernible char
acteristics. H.H. Risley remarked that there was no historical
foundation for the claim of the Rajbansi to a provincial variety
of the Kshatriyas.23
The identity of the Namasudra community is a historical
phenomenon and not a given or natural thing. Every commu
nity has a special identity and ethnographic history, which help
others to have a clear understanding and take necessary steps for
the development of that particular community. In an attempt to
establish the historical origin and emergence of the Namasudra
and Rajbanshi communities of north Bengal, it is important to
probe the origin of the term Namasudra and Rajbansi. How can
the Namasudra and Rajbanshi communities be classified from
other communities? How did these two communities evolve in
the society?
The origin of the word ‘Namasudra’, which is not mentioned
in any of the pre-nineteenth century medieval Bengal litera
ture, is extremely uncertain. Colonial ethnologists like James
Wise and H.H. Risley believed that the word ‘Namasudra’ was
derived either from the Sanskrit word Namas or ‘adoration’ or
the Bengali word Namate, i.e. below or underneath.24 In the first
case, it would mean those who were bound to show obeisance
even to the Sudras. In the second case, the word would perhaps
mean a lower grade or Sudras, a status the Chandalas of Manu
had gained promotion but these two explanations appear to be
highly improbable in view of the new sense of self-respect asso
ciated with the Namasudra identity.
The Rajbansis in Pre-colonial Records

During the rule of the Palas in Bengal with their capital at
Gouda (Laksmanavati), the Koches were gathering strength
and like their kinsmen in Assam, had become at least outwardly
Hinduized. It would appear that by the middle of the tenth
century ad they had overthrown the Pala ruling house from

Gouda and established themselves as rulers in the northern
part of Bengal. The short Bangarh inscription in Sanskrit from
Dinajpur, dated 800 Saka (ad 966) briefly states the creation of
a temple to Siva Kambojas (Kambojanvaya-Gandapat). Rama
Prasad Chandra points out that those who were once called
Kambojas later came to be known as the Koch.25 Minhas-uddin
Siraj, author of the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, which contains an account
of the first two expeditions of Muhammad-bin-Bakhtiyar Khalji
to the kingdom of Kamrupa (ancient Assam) in the first part of
the thirteenth century, noted that during that time this region
(present North and North-East Bengal and western Assam
which at that time formed a part of the kingdom of Kamrupa)
was inhabited by the Kunch (Koch), Mej/Meg (Mech) and the
Tiharu (Tharu) tribes, all of whom had Turkish features.26 Ralph
Fitch who visited Koch Behar in 1585 noted, ‘The people have
ears which he marvelous great of a span long which they draw
out in length by devices when they are young.’27
On the other hand, referring to the description by Hiuen
Tsang, S. K. Chatterjee observes that the whole of Bengal,
including the northern part, adopted Aryan language and cul
ture by the seventh century. While assuming reasons for some
difference between the language of Kamrupa and that of mid
dle India, as mentioned by Hiuen Tsang, he has commented
that Kamrupi language has Tibeto-Burman elements and as
such, the Aryan language has been a bit distorted by Kamrupa
pronunciation.28
The other set of source about the history of the Rajbansis are
indigenous literature like the Puranas, Tantras, the Ramayana,
the Mahabharata, etc. The materials available from such sources
differ from the findings of both the English and the Indian
researchers and scholars. According to Bhramari Tantra:
Nandisuta Bhayadbhime Poundradesat Samgatah,
Bardhanasya Pancaputrah Swaganairbandhabaih saha,
Ratnapithan Bibasante Kaladbriprara Sangamat,
Kshatra Dharmaparakranta Rajbanshti Khyatah Bhube.29
English translation:
Out of fear from the son of Nandi, i.e. (Mahapadma Nanda), the five
sons of Bardhana including Bhimeshwara with their relatives came
from Poundradesa (within Magadha) and settled down in Ratnapitha
of Kamrupa; and for a long time due to non-connection with Brahmans
being derailed from Kshatriyas rituals, become known as Rajbansis in
the Earth.
According to the Kalika Purana:

Jamdagnya bhayabhitah Kshatriya Purbamebahi,
Mlechchha Chadmanu Pudaya Jalpisam saranam gatah.
Te Mlecch bachah Satatamaryabachsha Sarbada,
Jalpisam sebamanaste gopayanti cha tang haram.30
English translation:
Out of fear from the son of Jamdagni, i.e. (Parasurama), the persons
who were previously known as Kshatriyas assuming the garb and
matres of Mlechchhas settled down round about Jalpesh. They who
always used both Mlechchhas and Aryan speeches used to worship
Lord Siva secretly.
A few words regarding the origin of the term ‘Koch’ is felt

necessary here. In the Yogini Tantra , the Koches are termed
‘Kuvaca’, and in the Padma Purana as ‘Kuvacaka’ who are said
to have dirty food and spoke a barbarian tongue.31 It is possible
that because of their differences, particularly in food habits and
speeches, the Aryans used to call them as such, or sometimes
as mlechchha. K.L. Barua opines that mlechchha might be
a Sanskritized form of the Mech.32 This view is supported by
Edward Albert Gait and S.K. Chatterjee that the Koches and the
Meches are members of the same family.33
H.C. Roy Choudhury and R.C. Majumder believe that the
Koches came to Bengal from north-west India and hold them to
be identical with the Kambojas, an ancient tribe of that region.34
N. N. Basu also states that the Kambojas came originally from
the near-by Gurjar country.35 The Tibetan work Pagsam-Zon-
Zang refers to a country called Kam-potsa in the upper and
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kaatuvatautia? Niin, mutta saattoihan olla niinkin, ettei hän
teeskennellytkään, kohtaus saattoi tulla aivan luonnollisella tavalla,
ja sairas saattoi sitten toipua. Otaksukaamme, ettei hän parantunut,
mutta saattoihan hän joka tapauksessa tulla tajuihinsa ja toipua,
niinkuin kaatuvataudissa tapahtuu. Syyttäjä kysyy: mikä on se hetki,
jolloin Smerdjakov teki murhan? Tuon hetken osoittaminen on
tavattoman helppo tehtävä. Hän saattoi toipua ja herätä syvästä
unesta (sillä hän oli vain unessa: kaatuvataudin kohtausten jälkeen
seuraa aina syvä uni), juuri sillä hetkellä, jolloin ukko Grigori tarttuen
aidan yli pakenevaa syytettyä jalkaan parkaisi niin, että se kuului
yltympäri: »Isänmurhaaja!» Se huuto, joka oli aivan tavallisuudesta
poikkeava, hiljaisuudessa ja pimeässä, juuri saattoikin herättää
Smerdjakovin, joka ei tällöin voinut nukkua enää kovin sikeästi: aivan
luonnollista oli, että hän oli saattanut jo tuntia aikaisemmin ruveta
heräilemään. Noustuaan vuoteesta hän lähtee miltei tiedottomasti ja
ilman mitään aikeita huutoa kohti nähdäkseen mitä siellä on tekeillä.
Hänen päässään on taudin humua, harkintakyky uinuu vielä, mutta
nyt hän on puutarhassa, hän menee valaistujen akkunain luo ja
kuulee kauhean uutisen herralta, joka tietysti ilostui hänen tulostaan.
Ajatus syntyy heti hänen päässään. Pelästyneeltä herraltaan hän
saa kuulla kaikki yksityiskohdat. Ja nytpä vähitellen hänen sekavissa
ja sairaissa aivoissaan kehittyy ajatus — kamala, mutta houkutteleva
ja kiistämättömän johdonmukainen: tappaa, ottaa rahaa
kolmetuhatta ja syyttää sitten nuorta herraa: ketä muuta nyt
epäiltäisiinkään kuin nuorta herraa, ketä muuta voidaan syyttää kuin
nuorta herraa, kaikki todistaa häntä vastaan, hän oli täällä? Kauhea
rahan, saaliin himo saattoi vallata hänen sielunsa samalla kuin hän
ajatteli, että pääsisi rangaistuksetta. Oi, tuommoiset äkilliset ja
hillittömät puuskat esiintyvät niin usein tilaisuuden ilmaantuessa ja,
mikä tärkeintä, tulevat yhtäkkiä sellaisille murhamiehille, jotka vielä
hetkistä aikaisemmin eivät tietäneet, että heidän tekee mieli
murhata! Nyt Smerdjakov saattoi mennä sisälle herransa luo ja
toteuttaa suunnitelmansa, — miten, millä aseella? Oi, ensimmäisellä
kivellä, minkä hän otti puutarhasta. Mutta miksi, missä
tarkoituksessa? Entä kolmetuhatta, niillähän hän tekee onnensa. Oi,
minä en puhu ristiriitaisesti: rahat saattoivat olla olemassa ja olla
siellä. Ja ehkäpä Smerdjakov yksin tiesikin, mistä ne löytää, missä
herra niitä säilyttää. »No, entä rahojen päällys, entä lattialla oleva
reväisty kirjekuori?» Äsken kun syyttäjä tästä kääröstä puhuessaan
esitti sangen hienon mietelmän siitä, että sen saattoi jättää lattialle
nimenomaan tottumaton varas, juuri sellainen kuin Karamazov, eikä
ollenkaan Smerdjakov, joka ei mitenkään olisi jättänyt jälkeensä niin
raskauttavaa todistuskappaletta, — äsken, herrat valamiehet, tuota
kuunnellessani minut yhtäkkiä valtasi sellainen tunne, että kuulen
jotakin hyvin tuttua. Ja ajatelkaahan, juuri tämän saman mietelmän,
tämän saman arvailun, miten Karamazov olisi tehnyt käärölle, minä
olin kuullut täsmälleen kaksi päivää aikaisemmin Smerdjakovilta
itseltään, eikä siinä kyllin, vaan hän suorastaan hämmästytti minut
tällä: minusta nimittäin tuntui, että hän vilpillisesti tekeytyi naiiviksi,
koetti ennakoida, saada isketyksi minuun tuon ajatuksen, jotta minä
itse tekisin tuon saman johtopäätöksen, ja hän ikäänkuin johti minua
siihen. Eiköhän hän liene johtanut tutkijoitaan näin ajattelemaan?
Eiköhän hän saanut tuota ajatusta tungetuksi myöskin suurikykyisen
syyttäjän mieleen? Sanotaan: entä Grigorin vanha vaimo? Kuulihan
hän, miten sairas hänen vieressään vaikerteli koko yön. Niin, kuuli
kyllä, mutta tuo havainto on tavattoman epäluotettava. Tunsin erään
rouvan, joka katkerasti valitti, että häntä oli kaiken yötä herätellyt
pihalla haukkuva rakki ja estänyt häntä nukkumasta. Ja kuitenkin oli
koira-rukka, kuten selvisi, haukahtanut pari kolme kertaa koko yönä.
Ja se on luonnollista; ihminen nukkuu ja kuulee yhtäkkiä vaikerrusta,
hän herää harmistuneena siitä, että hänet herätettiin, mutta vaipuu
silmänräpäyksessä uudestaan uneen. Parin tunnin kuluttua kuuluu
taas vaikertelua, hän herää ja nukahtaa taas, lopuksi kuuluu vielä
kerran vaikerrus, taaskin vain parin tunnin kuluttua, kaiken kaikkiaan
kolme kertaa koko yössä. Aamulla nukkuja nousee ja valittaa, että
joku on vaikerrellut kaiken yötä ja tavan takaa herättänyt hänet.
Mutta siltä hänestä välttämättömästi täytyykin tuntua; unen väliajat,
kaksi tuntia joka kerralla, hän on ollut nukuksissa eikä niitä muista,
vaan muistaa ainoastaan heräämisen hetket, ja siksi hänestä tuntuu,
että häntä on herätelty kaiken yötä. »Mutta miksi, miksi», huudahtaa
syyttäjä, »Smerdjakov ei ole tunnustanut lapussa, jonka hän kirjoitti
kuolemansa edellä? Toiseen asiaan», muka, »Riitti omaatuntoa,
mutta ei toiseen.» Mutta sallikaahan sanoa: omatunto — se on jo
katumusta, mutta itsemurhaajan ei välttämättömästi tarvinnut tuntea
katumusta, hän tunsi vain epätoivoa. Epätoivo ja katumus — ne ovat
kaksi aivan eri asiaa. Epätoivo voi olla ilkeämielinen ja sovintoon
taipumaton, ja kohottaessaan kätensä itseään vastaan itsemurhaaja
saattoi tuona hetkenä kaksin verroin vihata niitä, joita oli kadehtinut
koko elämänsä ajan. Herrat valamiehet, varokaa tekemästä
tuomiovirhettä! Missä, missä suhteessa on epätodennäköistä kaikki
se, mitä minä nyt juuri olen teille esittänyt ja kuvannut? Sanokaa,
missä kohdassa minun esityksessäni on virhe, sanokaa missä
kohdassa se on mahdoton, järjetön! Mutta jos minun otaksumisissani
on mahdollisuuden varjokin, todennäköisyyden varjokin, — niin
pidättykää lausumasta langettavaa tuomiota. Mutta onko tässä
ainoastaan varjo? Vannon kaiken pyhän kautta, että minä täydelleen
uskon oman, nyt juuri teille esittämäni selityksen murhan
tapahtumisesta. Mutta pääasia, pääasia on, että minua kiusaa ja
minut saa suunniltani yhä vain se ajatus, että koko suuressa
tosiasiain joukossa, joita syyttäjä on kasannut syytettyä vastaan, ei
ole ainoatakaan edes osapuilleen täsmällistä ja kumoamatonta ja
että onnettoman syöksevät turmioon ainoastaan nämä tosiasiat
yhdessä. Niin, yhdessä otettuina nuo tosiasiat ovat kauheat: tuo veri,
tuo sormista valuva veri, veriset liinavaatteet, tuo pimeä yö, jossa
kuuluu parkaisu »isänmurhaaja!», ja huutajan kaatuminen maahan
pää puhki lyötynä, ja sitten tuo suuri joukko lausumia, todistuksia,
eleitä, huutoja, — oi, se vaikuttaa niin voimakkaasti, voi niin lahjoa
vakaumuksen, mutta teidänkö vakaumuksenne, herrat valamiehet,
se voi lahjoa? Muistakaa, teille on annettu rajaton valta, valta sitoa ja
päästää. Mutta mitä suurempi valta on, sitä kauheampaa on sen
käyttö! Minä en hitustakaan peräydy siitä, mitä nyt olen sanonut,
mutta olkoon menneeksi, olkoon, että minäkin hetkiseksi asetun
samalle kannalle kuin syyttäjä, että onneton klienttini on tahrannut
kätensä isänsä verellä. Tämä on vain otaksuma, toistan sen, minä
en hetkeäkään usko hänen syyllisyyttänsä, mutta olkoon menneeksi,
minä otaksun syytettymme olevan syypään isänmurhaan, mutta
kuulkaa kuitenkin sanaani, vaikkapa minä otaksuisinkin tämmöistä.
Sydämeni vaatii minua sanomaan teille vielä erään asian, sillä minä
aavistan, että teidänkin sydämissänne ja mielissänne käy voimakas
taistelu… Antakaa minulle anteeksi, herrat valamiehet, se mitä
sanon sydämestänne ja mielestänne. Mutta minä tahdon pysyä
totuudessa ja olla vilpitön loppuun asti. Olkaamme kaikki
vilpittömiä!…
Tässä kohdassa puolustajan puheen keskeytti jokseenkin

voimakas kättentaputus. Hän oli tosiaankin lausunut viimeiset
sanansa äänensävyllä, jossa kaikui sellainen vilpittömyys, että kaikki
tunsivat hänellä kenties todella olevan jotakin sanottavaa ja että se,
mitä hän nyt sanoo, onkin kaikkein tärkeintä. Mutta kuultuaan
kättentaputuksen puheenjohtaja uhkasi kuuluvalla äänellä
»puhdistaa» oikeussalin, jos »tuommoinen tapaus» vielä uudistuu.
Syntyi hiljaisuus ja Fetjakovitš alkoi puhua uudenlaisella, vakuutusta
ilmaisevalla äänellä, aivan toisenlaisella kuin oli puhunut tähän asti.
13.
Avionrikkoja ajatuksissa
— Eivät ainoastaan kaikki tosiasiat yhdessä syökse

onnettomuuteen klienttiäni, — lausui hän, — ei, minun klienttini
syöksee onnettomuuteen oikeastaan vain yksi tosiasia: se on
isävanhuksen ruumis! Jos olisi kysymyksessä tavallinen murha, niin
te nähdessänne kuinka mitättömiä, todistamattomia ja
mielikuvituksellisia nuo tosiasiat ovat, jos jokaista niitä tarkastetaan
erikseen eikä kaikkia yhdessä, — kumoaisitte syytteen, ainakin teitä
epäilyttäisi tuhota ihminen vain ennakkoluulosta häntä kohtaan,
jonka ennakkoluulon hän valitettavasti kylläkin on ansainnut! Mutta
tässä ei ole tavallinen murha, vaan isänmurha! Se tekee voimakkaan
vaikutuksen, vieläpä siinä määrin, että syytettä tukevien tosiasiain
mitättömyys ja todistamattomuus ei tunnu enää niin vähän sanovalta
ja mitään todistamattomalta, vieläpä kaikkein
ennakkoluulottomimpienkin mielestä. Kuinka voi vapauttaa
semmoisen syytetyn? Entäpä jos hän on tappanut ja pääsee
rangaistuksetta, — tämmöistä tuntee sydämessään jokainen
melkeinpä tahtomattaan, vaistomaisesti. Niin, kamala asia on isänsä
veren vuodattaminen, — hänen, joka on minut siittänyt, hänen, joka
on minua rakastanut, hänen, joka ei ole säästänyt elämäänsä minun
takiani, vaan on lapsuusvuosistani lähtien tuntenut minun tuskani,
kärsinyt koko elämänsä minun onneni puolesta ja elänyt vain minun
iloistani, minun edistyksestäni! Oi, sellaisen isän surmaaminen —
sitähän ei kykene edes ajattelemaan! Herrat valamiehet, mitä on isä,
todellinen isä, mikä suuri sana tuo onkaan, miten kauhean suuri aate
sisältyykään tuohon nimitykseen! Me osoitimme äsken juuri osittain,
mitä todellinen isä on ja mitä hänen pitää olla. Mutta tässä asiassa,
joka nyt niin kiinnittää meidän kaikkien mieltä, jonka tuottaman
tuskan tunnemme sielussamme, — tässä asiassa isä, Fjodor
Pavlovitš Karamazov vainaja ei ollenkaan sopinut isä-käsitteeseen,
siihen, jonka sydämemme äsken muodosti. Se on onnettomuus.
Niin, todellakin joku isä toisiaan voi olla kuin onnettomuus.
Tarkastelkaamme tätä onnettomuutta lähemmin, — eihän pidä pelätä
mitään, herrat valamiehet, sillä tärkeä päätös on tehtävä. Varsinkaan
meidän ei pidä pelätä nyt eikä niin sanoakseni koettaa huitomalla
karkoittaa jotakin ajatusta, niinkuin lapset tai pelokkaat naiset,
käyttääkseni suurikykyisen syyttäjän sattuvaa sanontaa. Mutta
tulisessa puheessaan kunnioitettava vastustajani (ja hän oli
vastustajani jo ennenkuin olin lausunut sanaakaan), vastustajani
huudahti muutamia kertoja: »Ei, minä en jätä syytetyn puolustamista
kenenkään tehtäväksi, minä en luovuta hänen puolustamistaan
Pietarista tulleelle puolustusasianajajalle, — minä olen syyttäjä, minä
olen myös puolustaja!» Näin hän huudahti muutamia kertoja ja
unohti kuitenkin mainita, että jos tuo hirveä syytetty oli kokonaista
kaksikymmentäkolme vuotta niin kiitollinen ainoastaan yhdestä
naulasta pähkinöitä, jotka hän sai ainoalta hänelle hänen lapsena
ollessaan ja hänen lapsuudenkodissaan hellyyttä osoittaneelta
ihmiseltä, niin eihän sellainen ihminen päinvastoin myöskään voinut
olla muistamatta kaikkien noiden kahdenkymmenenkolmen vuoden
aikana, mitenkä hän oli juoksennellut avojaloin isänsä »takapihalla,
ilman saappaita, vain yksi nappi housuissa», kuten ihmisystävällinen
tohtori Herzenstube lausui. Oi, herrat valamiehet, miksi
tarkastelisimme lähemmin tätä »onnettomuutta», toistaisimme sen,
minkä kaikki jo tietävät! Mitä klienttini kohtasi tultuaan tänne isänsä
luo? Ja miksi, miksi pitää kuvata klienttini tunteettomaksi,
itsekkääksi, hirviöksi? Hän on hillitön, hän on raju ja hurjapäinen,
siitä me häntä nyt tuomitsemme, mutta kuka on syypää hänen
kohtaloonsa, kuka on syypää siihen, että hän, jolla oli hyviä
taipumuksia ja kiitollinen, tunteellinen sydän, sai niin nurinkurisen
kasvatuksen? Opettiko hänelle kukaan viisautta ja järkeä, onko
häntä valistettu tiedoilla, rakastiko häntä kukaan edes jonkin verran
hänen lapsuudessaan? Minun klienttini kasvoi Jumalan huomassa,
toisin sanoen, niinkuin villipeto. Kenties hän halusi nähdä isänsä
monia vuosia kestäneen eron jälkeen, kenties hän tuhansia kertoja
sitä ennen, muistellessaan lapsuuttaan kuin unta, karkoitti inhoittavat
aaveet, joita hänen lapsuutensa unessa oli ollut, ja halusi koko
sydämestään puolustaa isäänsä ja syleillä häntä! Mutta kuinka kävi?
Hän saa tänne tultuaan osakseen vain kyynillistä ivaa, epäluuloa ja
koukkuilua riidanalaisten rahojen johdosta; hän kuulee vain sellaisia
keskusteluja ja elämänohjeita, jotka kirvelevät sydäntä, joka päivä,
»konjakkikullan ääressä», ja viimein hän näkee isänsä koettavan
viedä häneltä, omalta pojalta, hänen omilla rahoillaan, lemmityn, —
oi, herrat valamiehet, se on inhoittavaa ja julmaa! Ja sama ukko
valittaa kaikille poikansa kunnioituksenpuutetta ja kovasydämisyyttä,
mustaa häntä ihmisten seuroissa, vahingoittaa häntä, panettelee
häntä, ostelee Hänen velkakirjojaan toimittaakseen hänet vankilaan!
Herrat valamiehet, nämä sielut, nämä päältäpäin katsoen hurjat ja
hillittömät ihmiset, niinkuin minun klienttini, ovat useimmiten
tavattoman herkkäsydämisiä, he eivät vain näytä sitä. Älkää
naurako, älkää naurako ajatukselleni! Lahjakas syyttäjä pilkkasi
äsken klienttiäni säälimättömästi sanoessaan hänen rakastavan
Schilleriä, rakastavan »ihanaa ja korkeata». Minä en olisi pilkannut
tätä hänen sijassaan, syyttäjän paikalla! Niin, nämä sydämet, — oi,
antakaa minun puolustaa näitä sydämiä, joita niin harvoin ja niin
väärin ymmärretään, — nämä sydämet sangen usein kaipaavat
jotakin hellää, kaunista ja oikeata aivan kuin vastakohdaksi itselleen,
hurjuudelleen, julmuudelleen, — kaipaavat tiedottomasti, mutta
kaipaavat. He näyttävät päältäpäin intohimoisilta ja julmilta, mutta he
kykenevät kärsimykseen asti rakastamaan esimerkiksi naista, ja
nimenomaan henkisellä ja korkeammalla rakkaudella. Älkää
taaskaan naurako minulle: näin on kaikkein useimmin laita näiden
luonteiden! He vain eivät voi salata intohimoaan, joka joskus on
sangen karkea, — tämäpä juuri hämmästyttää, tämä huomataan,
mutta ihmisen sisälle ei nähdä. Päinvastoin kaikki heidän
intohimonsa tulevat nopeasti tyydytetyiksi, mutta jalon, ihanan
olennon vieressä tämä näennäisesti karkea ja julma mies etsii
uudistusta, etsii mahdollisuutta parantua, tulla paremmaksi, tulla
yleväksi ja kunnialliseksi, — »korkeaksi ja ihanaksi», niin paljon kuin
tälle sanalle nauretaankin! Äsken sanoin, etten katso voivani kajota
klienttini ja neiti Verhovtsevin romaaniin. Mutta puoli sanaa voi
sentään sanoa: emme kuulleet todistusta, vaan ainoaltaan
raivostuneen ja kostavan naisen huutoa, eikä hänen, oi, ei hänen
pitäisi soimata uskottomuudesta, sillä hän itse on ollut uskoton! Jos
hänellä olisi ollut edes jonkin verran aikaa miettiä, niin hän ei olisi
antanut sellaista todistusta! Oi, älkää uskoko häntä, ei, klienttini ei
ole »peto», niinkuin hän häntä nimitti! Ristiinnaulittu ihmisten
rakastaja valmiina ristilleen lausui: »Minä olen hyvä paimen, hyvä
paimen panee henkensä lammasten edestä, ettei yksikään niistä
joudu hukkaan»… Älkäämme mekään antako ihmisen sielun joutua
tuhon omaksi! Minä kysyin äsken: mitä on isä, ja minä huudahdin,
että se on suuri sana, kallis nimi. Mutta sanaa, herrat valamiehet, on
käytettävä rehellisesti, enkä minä salli mainittavan esinettä sanalla ja
nimityksellä, jonka se itse itselleen omaksuu. Sellainen isä kuin
murhattu ukko Karamazov ei voi kantaa isän nimeä eikä ole sitä
ansainnut. Rakkaus isään, jota isä itse ei ole tehnyt oikeutetuksi, on
järjettömyys, on mahdottomuus. Ei voi luoda rakkautta tyhjästä,
tyhjästä luo ainoastaan Jumala. »Isät, älkää pahentako lastenne
mieltä», kirjoittaa apostoli rakkautta liekehtivin sydämin. En mainitse
tässä näitä pyhiä sanoja klienttini takia, vaan tahdon muistuttaa ne
kaikkien isien mieliin. Kuka on antanut minulle tämän vallan opettaa
isiä? Ei kukaan. Mutta ihmisenä ja kansalaisena minä huudan —
vivos voco! Me viivymme maan päällä vähän aikaa, me teemme
paljon huonoja tekoja ja puhumme huonoja sanoja. Mutta siksipä
käyttäkäämme sopivaa hetkeä yhdessä ollessamme sanoaksemme
toinen toisellemme hyvänkin sanan. Niin teen minäkin: niin kauan
kuin olen tällä paikalla, minä käytän hetkeäni. Ei suotta ole korkein
tahto lahjoittanut meille tätä puhujalavaa — tästä kuulee meidät koko
Venäjä. En puhu ainoastaan täkäläisille isille, vaan huudan kaikille
isille: »Isät, älkää pahentako lastenne mieltä!» Niin, täyttäkäämme
ensin itse Kristuksen käsky ja ottakaamme vasta sitten itsellemme
oikeus vaatia sitä lapsiltammekin. Muussa tapauksessa me emme
ole lastemme isiä, vaan heidän vihollisiaan, eivätkä he ole
lapsiamme, vaan vihollisiamme, ja me itse olemme tehneet heidät
vihollisiksemme! »Millä mitalla te mittaatte, sillä teillekin mitataan» —
nämä eivät ole minun sanojani, näin käskee evankeliumi:
mittaamaan sillä mitalla, jolla teillekin mitataan. Kuinka voimme
syyttää lapsiamme, jos he mittaavat meille meidän mitallamme?
Äskettäin Suomessa eräs neito, palvelijatar, joutui epäluulon
alaiseksi siitä, että hän oli salaa synnyttänyt lapsen. Alettiin pitää
häntä silmällä, ja talon ullakolla, tiilikivikasan takana, olikin hänen
arkkunsa, josta kukaan ei ollut mitään tietänyt, se avattiin ja siitä
löydettiin äskensyntyneen ja hänen surmaamansa lapsen ruumis.
Samasta arkusta löydettiin kahden hänen jo sitä ennen
synnyttämänsä ja niinikään heti synnytyksen tapahduttua
surmaamansa pienokaisen luurangot, minkä hän myönsikin
viakseen. Herrat valamiehet, onko tämä lastensa äiti? Niin, hän
synnytti heidät, mutta onko hän heidän äitinsä? Rohkeneeko kukaan
meistä käyttää hänestä äidin pyhää nimitystä? Olkaamme rohkeita,
herrat valamiehet, olkaamme suorastaan uhkarohkeita, meidän
velvollisuutemmekin on olla sellaisia tällä hetkellä, eikä meidän sovi
pelätä erinäisiä sanoja ja aatteita niinkuin moskovalaiset kauppiaitten
rouvat, jotka pelkäävät »metallia» ja »tulikiveä». Ei, osoittakaamme
päinvastoin, että viime vuosien edistys on hipaissut meidänkin
kehitystämme, ja sanokaamme suoraan: se, joka on siittänyt, ei vielä
ole isä, isä on se, joka on siittänyt ja ansainnut isän nimen. Oi,
tietysti on olemassa toinenkin merkitys, toinen tapa tulkita isä-sanaa,
joka vaatii, että isäni, vaikka hän olisikin peto ja pahantekijä
lapsiansa kohtaan, kuitenkin jäisi isäkseni ainoastaan sentähden,
että hän on minut siittänyt. Mutta tämä merkitys on jo niin
sanoakseni mystillinen, jota minä en käsitä järjelläni, vaan joka
minun on omaksuttava vain uskon kautta tai oikeammin sanoen
uskomalla, niinkuin monta muuta asiaa, joita minä en ymmärrä,
mutta joita uskonto kuitenkin käskee minun uskoa. Mutta siinä
tapauksessa se jääköönkin todellisen elämän piirin ulkopuolelle.
Mutta todellisen elämän piirissä, jolla ei vain ole oikeutensa, vaan
joka itsekin panee suuria velvollisuuksia, tässä piirissä meidänkin,
jos tahdomme olla humaanisia ja kristityitä, täytyy ja on velvollisuus
soveltaa ainoastaan järjen ja kokemuksen hyväksymiä vakaumuksia,
jotka ovat kulkeneet analyysin ahjon läpi, sanalla sanoen, toimia
järkevästi eikä järjettömästi niinkuin unessa ja houreessa, ettemme
vahingoittaisi ihmistä, ettemme kiduttaisi ja tuhoaisi ihmistä. Tämä,
tämä onkin oikeata kristillistä toimintaa, ei vain mystillistä, vaan
järkevää ja todellista ihmisrakkauden toimintaa. —
Tässä paikassa kuului voimakkaita kättentaputuksia eri puolilta

salia, mutta Fetjukovitš alkoi huitoa käsillään ikäänkuin pyytäen, ettei
häntä keskeytettäisi ja että annettaisiin hänen puhua loppuun. Syntyi
heti hiljaisuus. Puhuja jatkoi:
— Luuletteko te, herrat valamiehet, että tämmöiset kysymykset

voivat olla koskettamatta lapsiamme, sanokaamme niitä, jotka jo
ovat nuorukaisiässä ja alkavat jo ajatella: ei, eivät voi, älkäämme me
vaatiko heiltä mahdotonta pidättymistä! Arvottoman isän näkeminen,
varsinkin kun häntä voi verrata toisten lasten, ikätoverien, isiin, jotka
ansaitsevat tämän nimen, herättää pakostakin nuorukaisessa
kärsimystä tuottavia kysymyksiä. Hänelle vastataan virallisesti näihin
kysymyksiin: »Hän on sinut siittänyt, sinä olet hänen vertaan, ja siksi
sinun on rakastettava häntä.» Nuorukainen vaipuu pakostakin
mietteisiin. »Onko hän sitten rakastanut minua, kun minut siitti»,
kysyy hän yhä enemmän ihmetellen, »minun tähtenikö hän minut
siitti: hän ei tuntenut minua eikä edes sukupuoltani sinä hetkenä,
sinä intohimon hetkenä, jolloin hän kenties oli viinin tulistama, eikä
hän ole antanut minulle perinnöksi mitään muuta kuin taipumuksen
juoppouteen, — siinä ovat kaikki hänen hyvät työnsä… Miksi minun
siis on rakastettava häntä, senkö takia vain, että hän siitti minut eikä
sitten koko elämänsä aikana ole rakastanut minua?» Oi, teistä
kenties tuntuvat nämä kysymykset karkeilta, julmilta, mutta älkää
vaatiko nuorelta älyltä mahdotonta pidättyväisyyttä: »aja luonto
ovesta ulos, niin se lentää ikkunasta sisälle», — mutta pääasia,
pääasia on, ettei meidän pidä pelätä »metallia» eikä »tulikiveä»,
vaan meidän on ratkaistava kysymys niinkuin käskee järki ja
ihmisrakkaus, eikä niinkuin käskevät mystilliset käsitykset. Kuinka se
on siis ratkaistava? Näin: astukoon poika isänsä eteen ja kysyköön
häneltä itseltään järkevästi: »Isä, sano minulle, miksi minun pitää
rakastaa sinua? Isä, todista minulle, että minun pitää rakastaa
sinua!» — ja jos tuo isä voi ja kykenee vastaamaan ja todistamaan
hänelle, — niin siinä on todellinen, normaalinen perhe, joka ei
rakennu vain mystilliselle pohjalle, vaan järkeville, tietoisille
perusteille, ankarasti humaanisille ja semmoisille, joista voi aina itse
tehdä tilin. Päinvastaisessa tapauksessa, jos isä ei kykene
todistamaan, ei siinä ole mitään perhettä: hän ei ole pojan isä, ja
poika saa oikeuden tästä lähin pitää isäänsä vieraana henkilönä ja
vihamiehenäänkin. Meidän puhujalavamme, herrat valamiehet,
olkoon totuuden ja terveitten käsitysten koulu! —
Tässä puhujan keskeyttivät hillittömät, miltei raivoisat

kättentaputukset. Tietenkään ei koko sali taputtanut käsiään, mutta
puolet salista kuitenkin. Käsiään taputtivat isät ja äidit. Ylhäältä,
missä naiset istuivat, kuului vinkunaa ja huutoja. Liinoja huiskutettiin.
Puheenjohtaja alkoi kaikin voimin soittaa kelloa. Ilmeisesti häntä
suututti salin käytös, mutta hän ei ensinkään uskaltanut »puhdistaa»
salia, niinkuin vähän aikaisemmin oli uhannut: käsiään taputtivat ja
liinojaan heiluttivat puhujalle erityisillä tuoleilla istuvat ylhäiset
henkilöt, vanhat ukot, joilla oli tähtiä hännystakin rinnuksessa, niin
että kun melu hiljeni, puheenjohtaja tyytyi vain niinkuin ennenkin
ankarasti uhkaamaan salin »puhdistamisella», ja voitonriemuinen ja
kiihtynyt Fetjukovitš ryhtyi taas jatkamaan puhettaan.
— Herrat valamiehet, te muistatte tuon kauhean yön, josta vielä

tänäänkin on niin paljon puhuttu, kun poika aidan yli tunkeutui isänsä
taloon ja seisoi viimein kasvot kasvoja vastaan vihollisensa ja
loukkaajansa kanssa, joka oli hänet siittänyt. Pidän kaikin voimin
kiinni siitä, ettei hän tuolla hetkellä ollut juossut sinne rahoja
ottamaan: syytös ryöstöstä on järjettömyyttä, kuten jo aikaisemmin
olen osoittanut. Eikä hän tunkeutunut isänsä huoneeseen
tappaakseen hänet; jos hän olisi tullut tämmöisin ennakolta harkituin
aikein, niin hän edes olisi hankkinut aikaisemmin itselleen aseen,
sillä vaskisen survimen hän sieppasi vaistomaisesti, tietämättä
itsekään miksi. Olkoonpa, että hän petti isänsä merkeillä, olkoonpa
että tunkeutui hänen luokseen, — minä olen jo sanonut, etten
hetkeäkään usko tuota legendaa, mutta olkoon menneeksi,
otaksukaamme hetkisen aikaa sitä! Herrat valamiehet, vannon teille
kaiken nimessä, mikä on pyhää: jos tämä ei olisi ollut hänen isänsä,
vaan sivullinen henkilö, joka oli häntä loukannut, niin hän juostuaan
läpi huoneitten ja tultuaan vakuutetuksi, ettei tuo nainen ollut talossa,
olisi juossut suin päin tiehensä tekemättä kilpailijalleen mitään
pahaa, olisi kenties kolhaissut häntä, töytäissyt häntä, mutta ei
muuta, sillä hänellä oli nyt muuta mielessä, hänellä ei ollut aikaa,
hänen täytyi saada tietää lemmityn olinpaikka. Mutta isä, isä, — oi,
kaiken teki vain se, että hän näki isänsä, vihamiehensä lapsuudesta
saakka, vihollisensa ja loukkaajansa, joka nyt oli — luonnoton
kilpakosija! Vihan tunne valtasi hänet hänen tahtomattaan,
vastustamattomasti, mahdotonta oli käyttää järkeään: kaikki tapahtui
hetkessä! Se oli mielettömyyden ja mielenvikaisuuden affekti, mutta
luonnon affekti, luonnon, joka kostaa ikuisten lakiensa loukkaamisen
vastustamattomasti ja tiedottomasti, niinkuin kaikki luonnossa
tapahtuu. Mutta murhaaja ei silloinkaan tehnyt murhaa, — minä
vakuutan sen, minä huudan sen kuuluville, — ei, hän vain heilautti
survinta hirveän inhon valtaamana, tahtomatta tappaa, tietämättä
tappavansa. Jollei hänen kädessään olisi ollut tuo onneton survin,
niin hän kenties vain olisi piessyt isänsä, mutta ei olisi häntä
tappanut. Paetessaan hän ei tietänyt, oliko ukko kuollut hänen
iskustaan. Sellainen murha ei ole murha. Sellainen murha ei ole
myöskään isänmurha. Ei, sellaisen isän tappamista ei Voi nimittää
isänmurhaksi. Semmoista murhaa voidaan vain ennakkoluulojen
johdosta pitää isänmurhana! Mutta oliko tämä, oliko tämä todellakin
murha, huudan teille uudestaan ja yhä uudestaan sieluni syvyydestä!
Herrat valamiehet, me tuomitsemme nyt hänet, mutta hän sanoo
itselleen: »Nämä ihmiset eivät ole tehneet mitään kohtaloni hyväksi,
kasvatukseni ja kehitykseni hyväksi, tehdäkseen minut paremmaksi,
tehdäkseen minusta ihmisen. Nämä ihmiset eivät ole syöttäneet
eivätkä juottaneet minua eivätkä käyneet luonani, kun alastomana
olin vankilassa, ja nyt he ovat lähettäneet minut pakkotyöhön. Me
olemme kuitit, minä en ole heille nyt mitään velkaa enkä ole
kenellekään velkaa enää ikinä. He ovat pahoja, minä tulen myös
olemaan paha. He ovat julmia, minä tulen myös olemaan julma.»
Näin hän sanoo, herrat valamiehet! Ja minä vannon: syytteellänne te
vain kevennätte hänen olonsa, kevennätte hänen omantuntonsa,
hän kiroaa vuodattamaansa verta, mutta ei kadu sitä. Samalla te
teette lopun ihmisestä, joka hänessä vielä voisi kehittyä, sillä hän jää
ilkeäksi ja sokeaksi koko elämänsä ajaksi. Mutta tahdotteko
rangaista häntä kauheasti, ankarasti, kaikkein hirveimmällä
rangaistuksella, mitä vain voi ajatella, mutta samalla pelastaa ja
uudesti synnyttää hänen sielunsa ainaisiksi ajoiksi? Jos sitä
tahdotte, niin laskekaa raskaana painona hänen päälleen
armahtavaisuutenne! Te saatte nähdä, te kuulette, miten hänen
sielunsa vavahtaa ja kauhistuu: »Minäkö voisin kestää kaiken tämän
laupeuden, näin paljon rakkautta, minäkö olisin sen ansainnut!» näin
hän huudahtaa. Oi, minä tunnen, minä tunnen tämän sydämen,
tämän hurjan, mutta jalon sydämen, herrat valamiehet. Se kumartuu
maahan teidän rohkean tekonne edessä, se janoaa suurta
rakkauden tekoa, se rupeaa liekehtimään ja herää kuolleista ikuisiksi
ajoiksi. On sieluja, jotka rajoittuneisuudessaan syyttävät koko
maailmaa. Mutta masentakaa tuo sielu laupeudella, osoittakaa sille
rakkautta, niin se kiroaa omat tekonsa, sillä siinä on niin paljon ituja
hyvään. Sielu avartuu ja näkee, miten laupias Jumala on ja miten
ihania ja oikeamielisiä ovat ihmiset. Häntä kauhistuttaa, häntä
masentaa katumus ja ääretön velka, jonka hän tästä lähin tuntee
omakseen. Eikä hän silloin sano: »Me olemme kuitit», vaan sanoo:
»Minä olen syyllinen kaikkien ihmisten edessä ja arvottomin kaikista
ihmisistä.» Katumuksen ja polttavan, kärsimystä tuottavan
liikutuksen vallassa hän huudahtaa: »Ihmiset ovat parempia kuin
minä, sillä he eivät tahtoneet syöstä minua turmioon, vaan pelastaa
minut!» Oi, teidän on niin helppo tehdä se, tuo laupeuden työ, sillä
kun ei ole olemassa minkäänlaisia edes uskottavan näköisiäkään
todistuksia, niin on kovin raskasta lausua: »Niin, hän on syyllinen.»
Parempi on vapauttaa kymmenen syyllistä kuin rangaista yhtä
syytöntä, — kuuletteko, kuuletteko te tämän ylevän äänen
maineikkaan historiamme viime vuosisadalta? Minunko,
vähäpätöisen, sopii muistuttaa mieliinne, ettei venäläinen oikeus ole
ainoastaan rangaistusta, vaan myös hunningolle joutuneen ihmisen
pelastusta! Olkoon toisilla kansoilla lain kirjain ja rangaistus, mutta
meillä henki ja järkevä tarkoitus, turmioon joutuneitten pelastus ja
uudestisyntyminen. Ja jos niin on, jos todellakin Venäjä ja sen oikeus
on tämmöinen, niin — eteenpäin, Venäjä, älkääkä peloitelko, älkää
peloitelko meitä hurjistuneilla kolmivaljakoillanne, jota kaikki kansat
inhoten väistävät! Ei hullaantunut kolmivaljakko, vaan mahtavat
venäläiset vaunut saapuvat juhlallisesti ja tyynesti perille
määräpaikkaansa. Teidän käsissänne on klienttini kohtalo, teidän
käsissänne on myös meidän venäläisen totuutemme kohtalo. Te
pelastatte sen, te puollatte sitä, te todistatte, että sillä on vaalijansa,
että se on hyvissä käsissä!
14.
Talonpojat olivat miehiä puolestaan
Näin lopetti Fetjukovitš, ja tällä kertaa puhjennut kuulijain innostus

oli vastustamaton kuin myrsky. Ei voinut ajatellakaan sen
hillitsemistä: naiset itkivät, itkivätpä monet miehistäkin, kahden
ylhäisen virkamiehenkin silmistä tippuivat kyynelet. Puheenjohtaja
antautui eikä edes ollut kiireissään soittamaan kelloa. »Semmoisen
innostuksen häiritseminen olisi ollut pyhyyden loukkaamista»,
huusivat myöhemmin naiset kaupungissamme. Puhuja itsekin oli
vilpittömästi liikutettu. Ja tämmöisellä hetkellä nousi meidän Ippolit
Kirillovitš vielä kerran »esittämään vastaväitteitä.» Häntä katseltiin
vihamielisesti: »Kuinka? Mitä tämä on? Uskaltaako hän vielä väittää
vastaan?» mutisivat naiset. Mutta vaikka mutisemaan olisivat
ruvenneet koko maailman naiset ja niiden etunenässä itse
prokuraattorin rouva, Ippolit Kirillovitšin puoliso, niin ei silloinkaan
olisi voinut pidättää Ippolit Kirillovitšia tällä hetkellä. Hän oli kalpea,
hän vapisi mielenliikutuksesta; hänen lausumiaan ensimmäisiä
sanoja, ensimmäisiä lauseita oli mahdoton ymmärtää: hän läähätti,
äänsi epäselvästi, sekaantui. Kohta asia kuitenkin korjautui. Mutta
tästä hänen toisesta puheestaan esitän tässä vain muutamia
lauseita.
— … Meitä soimataan siitä, että olemme sepitelleet romaaneja.

Mutta mitä on puolustaja tehnyt, jollei sepittänyt romaania romaanin
päälle? Puuttui vain runoja. Odotellessaan lemmittyään Fjodor
Pavlovitš repäisee rikki kirjekuoren ja heittää sen lattialle.
Esitetäänpä sekin, mitä hän puhui tässä merkillisessä tapauksessa.
Eikö se ole runoelma? Ja millä todistetaan, että hän otti esille rahat,
kuka kuuli, mitä hän puhui? Matalajärkinen idiootti Smerdjakov, josta
on tehty jonkinlainen Byronin sankari, joka kostaa yhteiskunnalle
aviottoman syntymänsä, — eikö se ole runoelma byronilaiseen
tyyliin? Ja poika, joka tunkeutuu isän asuntoon, tappaa hänet eikä
kuitenkaan tapa, sehän ei enää ole edes romaani eikä runoelma, se
on sfinksi, joka panee eteemme arvoituksia, joita se tietysti ei
itsekään osaa ratkaista. Jos tappoi, niin tappoi, mutta mitä se on,
että tappoi eikä tappanutkaan, — kuka sen ymmärtää? Sitten meille
ilmoitetaan, että meidän puhujalavamme on totuuden ja terveitten
käsitysten puhujalava, ja tältä samalta »terveitten käsitysten»
puhujalavalta kajahtaa vannomisella vahvistettuna selviö, että
isänmurhan nimittäminen isänmurhaksi on vain pelkkä ennakkoluulo,
ja jos jokainen lapsi rupeaa kuulustelemaan isältään: »Isä, minkä
tähden minun pitää sinua rakastaa?» — niin miten meidän käykään,
miten käy yhteiskunnan perustusten, minne joutuu perhe?
Isänmurha on, nähkääs, ainoastaan moskovalaisen
kauppiaanrouvan »tulikivi». Kaikkein arvokkaimmat, kaikkein
pyhimmät Venäjän oikeuslaitoksen tehtävää ja tulevaisuutta
koskevat ohjeet esitetään vääristellen ja kevytmielisesti, jotta vain
saavutettaisiin tarkoitus, saataisiin syyttömäksi julistetuksi se, jota ei
voi syyttömäksi julistaa. Oi, masentakaa hänet armahtavaisuudella,
huudahtaa puolustaja, — mutta muutahan rikoksentekijä ei
tarvitsekaan, ja jo huomispäivänä kaikki saavat nähdä, miten
masentunut hän on! Ja eikö puolustaja ole liian vaatimaton, kun
tahtoo vain syytetyn syyttömäksi julistamista? Miksi ei voisi vaatia,
että perustettaisiin isänmurhaajan nimeä kantava stipendi hänen
urotyönsä ikuistuttamiseksi jälkipolvien ja nuoren polven
keskuudessa? Evankeliumia ja uskontoa parannellaan: se kaikki,
muka, on mystiikkaa, vain meillä on todellinen kristillisyys, joka jo on
tarkistettu järjen ja terveitten käsitysten analyysilla. Ja näin pannaan
eteemme Kristuksen valhekuva! »Millä mitalla te mittaatte, sillä
teillekin mitataan», huudahtaa puolustaja ja tekee samassa
silmänräpäyksessä sen johtopäätöksen, että Kristus on käskenyt
mittaamaan samalla mitalla, jolla teille mitataan, — ja tämmöistä
sanotaan totuuden ja terveitten käsitysten puhujalavalta! Me
vilkaisemme evakeliumiin vain puheitamme valmistaessamme,
loistaaksemme sillä, että tunnemme tuota sentään sangen
omalaatuista teosta, josta voi olla hyötyä ja jonka avulla voi tehdä
jonkinmoisen effektin, sikäli kuin semmoista tarvitsemme, aina sikäli
kuin tarvitsemme! Mutta Kristushan nimenomaan käskee tekemään
toisin, välttämään tekemästä näin, koska ilkeä maailma tekee sillä
tavoin, mutta meidän pitää antaa anteeksi ja kääntää lyöjälle
toinenkin poskemme eikä mitata sillä mitalla, jolla loukkaajamme
meille mittaavat. Tämmöistä on meille Jumalamme opettanut eikä
sitä, että on ennakkoluulo kieltää lapsia tappamasta isänsä.
Älkäämmekä ryhtykö totuuden ja terveitten käsitysten kateederista
korjailemaan Jumalamme evankeliumia, hänen, jota puolustaja
katsoo voivansa nimittää ainoastaan »ristiinnaulituksi ihmisten
rakastajaksi», päinvastoin kuin koko siveellinen Venäjä, joka lausuu
Hänelle: »Sinä olet Jumalamme!» —
Tässä puheenjohtaja sekaantui asiaan ja hillitsi liiaksi innostunutta

puhujaa pyytäen häntä olemaan liioittelematta, pysyttelemään
sopivissa rajoissa j.n.e., niinkuin puheenjohtajien tapa on puhua
tämmöisissä tilaisuuksissa. Salikin oli levoton. Yleisö liikahteli, jopa
päästeli paheksuvia huutojakin. Fetjukovitš ei edes vastannut, hän
astui esille vain käsi sydämellä sanoakseen loukkaantuneella
äänellä muutaman sanan, jotka olivat täynnä arvokkuutta. Hän kajosi
vain hiukan ja ivallisesti »romaaneihin» ja »psykologiaan» pistäen
sopivasti eräässä kohdassa väliin: »Jupiter, sinä olet vihainen, olet
siis väärässä» — mikä herätti paljon hyväksyviä naurahduksia
yleisössä, sillä Ippolit Kirillovitš ei ollenkaan ollut Jupiterin näköinen.
Sitten sen syytöksen johdosta, että hän muka antaa nuorelle polvelle
luvan surmata isänsä, Fetjukovitš huomautti erittäin arvokkaasti, ettei
hän vastaa siihen. Mitä taas tulee »Kristuksen valhekuvaan» ja
siihen, ettei hän katsonut voivansa nimittää Kristusta Jumalaksi,
vaan nimitti häntä ainoastaan »ristiinnaulituksi ihmisten
rakastajaksi», joka muka on »vastoin oikeauskoisuutta eikä sovi
sanottavaksi totuuden ja terveitten käsitysten puhujalavalta», — niin
Fetjukovitš vihjasi »salaviittaukseen» ja siihen, että saa täkäläisellä
puhujalavalla olla turvassa syytöksiltä, »jotka ovat vaarallisia
persoonalleni kansalaisena ja uskollisena alamaisena»… Mutta
näiden sanojen kohdalla puheenjohtaja keskeytti hänetkin, ja
Fetjukovitš lopetti kumartaen vastauksensa hyväksyvän puhelun
kuuluessa kaikkialta salista. Ippolit Kirillovitš oli naistemme mielestä
»muserrettu ainaiseksi».
Tämän jälkeen sai puheenvuoron syytetty itse. Mitja nousi

seisomaan, mutta ei puhunut paljon. Hän oli hirveän uupunut sekä
ruumiillisesti että henkisesti. Se riippumattomuuden ja voiman leima,
joka hänessä oli ollut aamulla hänen saliin tullessaan, oli melkein
kokonaan kadonnut. Hän oli ikäänkuin kokenut tänään jotakin, joka
tuntui koko elämän ajan ja joka oli opettanut ja selvittänyt hänelle
jotakin tärkeätä, mitä hän ei aikaisemmin ollut ymmärtänyt. Hänen
äänensä oli tullut heikommaksi, hän ei enää huutanut niinkuin
aikaisemmin. Hänen sanoissaan oli jotakin uutta, nöyrtynyttä,
voitettua ja syventynyttä.
— Mitäpä sanottavaa minulla on, herrat valamiehet! Tuomioni on

tullut, minä tunnen Jumalan käden itseäni koskettavan. Lopussa on
irstaan miehen elämä! Mutta aivan samoin kuin ripittäydyn Jumalalle
minä sanon teille: isäni vereen en, en ole syypää! Viimeisen kerran
vielä toistan: en minä ole tappanut! Irstas olen ollut, mutta hyvää
olen rakastanut. Joka hetki olen pyrkinyt parantumaan, mutta olen
elänyt kuin villipeto. Kiitos prokuraattorille, paljon hän sanoi minusta
semmoista, mitä en ole tietänytkään, mutta ei ole totta, että olisin
murhannut isäni, prokuraattori erehtyi! Kiitos puolustajallekin, minä
itkin häntä kuunnellessani, mutta ei ole totta, että olisin tappanut
isäni, ei olisi ollut tarpeellista edes otaksua sitä! Mutta lääkäreitä
älkää uskoko, minä olen täydessä järjessäni, vain sydämeni on
raskas. Jos armahdatte, jos päästätte vapaaksi, niin rukoilen
puolestanne. Minä tulen paremmaksi, lupaan sen, Jumalan kasvojen
edessä lupaan sen. Mutta jos tuomitsette, — niin itse taitan miekkani
pääni päällä ja taitettuani suutelen palasia! Mutta armahtakaa, älkää
riistäkö minulta Jumalaani, minä tunnen itseni: rupean napisemaan!
Mieleni on raskas, hyvät herrat… säälikää!
Hän miltei kaatui istuimelleen, hänen äänensä tyrehtyi, viimeisen

lauseen hän sai töin tuskin sanotuksi. Tämän jälkeen oikeus ryhtyi
muodostelemaan kysymyksiä ja alkoi kysellä vastapuolilta näiden
loppulausuntoja. Mutta minä en kuvaa yksityiskohtia. Viimein
valamiehet nousivat poistuakseen neuvottelemaan. Puheenjohtaja
oli hyvin väsynyt, ja siksi hän lausuikin heille sangen heikon
loppuevästyksen: »Olkaa puolueettomia, älkääkä antako puolustajan
kaunopuheisten sanojen lumota itseänne, mutta punnitkaa kuitenkin
tarkoin, muistakaa, että teillä on suuri velvollisuus täytettävänä»,
j.n.e. Valamiehet poistuivat ja istunto keskeytyi. Saattoi nousta
paikaltaan, käyskennellä, vaihtaa mieleen kertyneitä vaikutelmia,
haukata jotakin ravintolan puolella. Oli hyvin myöhä, jo noin kello
yksi yöllä, mutta kukaan ei lähtenyt pois. Kaikki olivat niin
jännityksissään ja sellaisen mielialan vallassa, etteivät voineet
ajatella lepoa. Kaikki odottivat sydän kurkussa, vaikka, muuten,
kaikkien sydän ei ollut kurkussa. Naiset olivat vain hysteerisen
kärsimättömyyden vallassa, mutta heidän sydämensä olivat tyynet:

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Protest Upliftment and Identity 1st

Edition Bipul Mandal

Conflict Identity and Protest in American Art 1st

Cultural Protest in Journalism Documentary Films and

Holocaust Vs. Popular Culture: Interrogating

Protest Nation The Right to Protest in South Africa 1st

Law and Disorder: Sovereignty, Protest, Atmosphere 1st

Power and Popular Protest Susan Eckstein (Editor)

Recent Advancements in Microbial Diversity 1st Edition

Stereochemistry and Organic Reactions: Conformation,

The period from 1872-1947 witnessed the rise of many movements

Bipul Mandal (b. 1977) is Head and Assistant Professor, Department

The present research seeks to study socio-religious move­

teachers of the Department of History, Visva-Bharati. Their

and social status of various castes and communities in Bengal,

The above mentioned areas are important as they witnessed

Objectives of the Study

This work is an empirical work based on primary and sec­

‘All socio-religious movements’, according to Kenneth W. Jones,

However, according to sociologist Andre Beteille, mobility in

Before 1874, the northern part of Bengal was constituted

been shaped by its geographical location, geological settings

the south-western Radha, Gauda, adjacent to Rajmahal, Pundra

in the lower valleys in the north of Bengal are the districts of

Socio-economic and Professional Structure

castes Rajbansi, Namasudra, Jogi and Pod failed to reach a sim­

Spread of Modern Education

doubt created a great impact on the Indian mass. They attacked

to other castes. These deprived social groups of Bengal involved

basic occupation and their representation in other professions

of a protest against the social authority of the higher castes.

Overview of the Study

people in the society. On the other hand, many colonial eth­

Chandala. It is argued that a generic term was thus transformed

modern education. The Rajbansis and Namasudras mostly lived

the Australian missionary Dr C.S. Mead was remarkable. Dis­

only sought to distance themselves from the Koches, often seen

the urge to protest was submerged in the dominant trend of

The colonial government had already established the ideology

Stratification in a Tanjore Village, New Delhi: Oxford University

15. Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, p. 53.

The Problem of Identity

Identity is the sense of being or of becoming a badge that dis­

were determined by birth, the lower-castes showed a greater

the Namasudras of south Faridpur, north-west Bakharganj, and

The most powerful status group in Bengal, the bhadralok,

The Rarhis, in course of time, came to be further sub-divided

In popular estimation, the Baidyas and the Kayasthas were

However, more often in reality, material prosperity, political

race of the kings or Kshatriyas. The claim of Kshatriyahood sig­

The Rajbansis in Pre-colonial Records

century ad they had overthrown the Pala ruling house from

According to the Kalika Purana:

A few words regarding the origin of the term ‘Koch’ is felt

Tässä kohdassa puolustajan puheen keskeytti jokseenkin

— Eivät ainoastaan kaikki tosiasiat yhdessä syökse

Tässä paikassa kuului voimakkaita kättentaputuksia eri puolilta

— Luuletteko te, herrat valamiehet, että tämmöiset kysymykset

Tässä puhujan keskeyttivät hillittömät, miltei raivoisat

— Herrat valamiehet, te muistatte tuon kauhean yön, josta vielä

Talonpojat olivat miehiä puolestaan

Näin lopetti Fetjukovitš, ja tällä kertaa puhjennut kuulijain innostus

— … Meitä soimataan siitä, että olemme sepitelleet romaaneja.

The present research seeks to study socio-religious move

This work is an empirical work based on primary and sec

castes Rajbansi, Namasudra, Jogi and Pod failed to reach a sim

people in the society. On the other hand, many colonial eth

the Australian missionary Dr C.S. Mead was remarkable. Dis

Identity is the sense of being or of becoming a badge that dis

race of the kings or Kshatriyas. The claim of Kshatriyahood sig