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    'AKHTAR HAMEED KHAN Ten Decades of Rural Development ‘Ten Decades of Rural Development Lessons from India Su & Chy Press Publication Ten Decades of Rural Development Lessons from India ISBN S89-8980-12.0 ‘Second Edition: 1996 All night reserved “Thes monograph wes prepared for the Daparimant of Agricultural Economics, Michigan Stata University, ‘Enst Lansing, Michigan, In 1978, Printed at Faziorsons (Pvt) Ltd cP 216, Madina Gy Mal Abdullah Harcon Road | Karachi - 74400, Pakistan Web: www pakiiale. corn Chapter Cnie The Colonial Connection Asia, Africa, and South America ‘The Colonial Era - Destruction and Reconstructien Selfdestruction Beatures of Colonial Administration ‘The Golonial Sinuation in Rural Arcos ‘Thier Perinds of Colonial Sule Gluspter Tien Perception of Four Major Rural Problems Pantine: Cause and Cure Abuses of Land Tenure - ‘Tenancy Reforms ‘Peasant Indebtedness: Cause and Cure Rural Disafitction and ita Permedy Chipter Three ; New Ideological Challanges i ‘The Colonial Response - Philosophy of Baral Reconsruction 22 Conceptual Legacies of Colotial Rural Recemstrictice B ‘Ty Decaales of Rreral Developers Chapter oor Attempts at Reform of Rural Adniininrracion RivglTdeologies 25 Neglect af Rural Areas « Interior Colonialism 46 The Gandhian Rural Uropia 25. Problems of Rural Education and Health, a ‘Fabian Socialist Version of Rural Reforms - tes Influence 26 Rural Socialism im Mtussia and China - Its Indluence 1 Chaprer Eiht ‘The Chinese Model of Rural Development $1 Chapeer Fe Organising Socialist Agriculrare 52 World War [1 and the Two Camps a» Securing Popular Participation and Mobilisation bas Priority of Rural Works 54 Chhapear Sia American Leadership and Aid 31 Chapter Nine Annerican Rural Programmes - Community Development 32 Special Projects a Principles and Methods of Community Development a2 Imitations- of the TVA Model Shortcomings of Community Development 33 Pilor Projects af the Sixties - Camilla, Puebla and CADU = 87 Chapter Seven ‘Chapoer Ten The Shifts in Emphasis 35 ‘The Seventies - A Decade of Consolidation of Two Models: Origin of the Department of Agriculture 3th Indian and Chinese 59 Ammencar Model of Agricultural Extension a7 A Decade of Reconsidermmon for American Experts 60 The ‘Green Revolution! of the Sixties ccd Ble-orientarion of American Aid - New Ends al Saftguards against Disaffection: Colonial Local Gewr. a9 No Change int Means and Mechods a2 ‘Objectives & Performance of Past-colonial Local Govt, ac ‘The Dilemea of American Adviscrs oe Origin of Conperatives 4 Colonial Rural Cooperatives: Objectives and Performance 42 Recommended Renidings 6 Progress of Post-cokonial ural Conperarives 43 ‘The Problem of Land ‘Tenure - Two Views 44 Agronomiste and agrarian reform 45 Post-colonial Progress of Land Refiems 45 | The Cotonial Legacy of Rural Adsnimistrarioa, 4h : '" One The Colonial Connection ne effect of the nwo grear wars OF our century was end of the colonial era, Empires broke up and rule disappeared from many Asian and Affican — countries, but at has Jef deep traces, Oversa long period the traditiosal polincal and economic structures of these countries were torn apart amd battered into mew forms. Ar present, their traumatic colonial experience is.exercising a profound influence over these countries and will probably continue to do se in the funure. Few of them have detached themselves raclically from their past, or ¢ divergent paths. Most have retained, almost intact, the centennial superstructure, and also maintained code relations with their ald masters. During their glorious days, the colanislists used the claim 10 The caste of Ruri! Devedypinrerer tet their role way very benevolent, thar they were civilising and eriching the subjugated peoples whe otherwise would have fetnained barbaric and poor, Nowadays these claims are generally counted. On the contrary ane school of thenght inisce that colonialism is the real father of underdevelopment, Asia, Africa, and South America Historically, the colonial situazion differed ies Agia, Africa, and South America. South American countries were quickly sid completely Spmquered in che sixteenth century, and their mative cultures were torilly subeued. In Asia, except for the Philippines, colonial dodtiination was not established until the end of the eighteenth century Asian cultures could nor be overwhelmed: national revivals began shortly after the culmination of foreign conquest. Africa was seized by colonial powers in the nineteenth century are has suffered the shortest period of colonial rule: The carhest successfial. anti colonial revoles took place in Seuth America. Asian and African ee have become independent quite recently, thus, South Saeeen countries have the longest colonial as well as post-colonial expenence. The Colonial Era - Destruction and Reconstriction The colonial cra was both destructive and constructive. Ie destroyed the old political systems and dlites of the conquered People and built new systems and new éhites, Ir shattered traditional econamic patterns and created .a novel economic relationship, thar between the so-called mother country and its colonics, the former. being industrial and tich and the Larter, agricultural and poor, It denigrated the religious, sacial, and! ‘Pike Crna! Cameron ht educational institutions of the natives and ted to wescemise and enlighten them, The conquistadors were the heroes and the Christian missionaries were the saints of colonialism, beth working together for the betterment of “barbarans’. Asian or African countries had beer conquered many times, but previous conquerors had, sooner or later, forgotten the ‘mother country’ and identified themselves with the new [and. Colonial rulers aspired to be different; they wanted co be alien and superior, and 10 impose on the natives, nor only political subordination, bur also an inferior economic and cultural status In spite of the faich of its founders, colonialism did not last very long. In fact it was inherently scl&destructive. First, the inevitable rivalry between colonial powers led to great wars. Secondly, the reaction against racial arrogance and political ‘oppression pave birth to powerful protest movements whose leaders, significantly, were the products: of colonial edweatios. Thirdly, the adverse economic relationship increased impoverishment and discontent, British proneers of the golden age of the Indian Empire had proudly proclaimed that they had solved problems whieh the Mogul Emperors could not salve. Unfortunately, the golden age soon vanished and the successors. of the pioneers found themselves surrounded by problems which were, 10 a preat extent, their own Frankensteins, Features of Colonial Administration Colonial maters claimed special credit for establishing ‘law and order". Por this purpose they built a very.strong administration “Too Dtsdes of Baer! Bevetytwneme chief features. were ¢litism, centralisation, are ‘nalism. Power was concentrated in the hats of a small governing class, who regarded themselves as guardian of che He under their charge, their wards. For smoorh functioning, a hierarchical order was encouraged. The firse class ‘élites at the top placed second and third class élites as collaborators at lower levels. For the sake of pacification any ‘existing or potential local centres of authority or defiance were : uthlessly eliminated. The consequence Of pervasive éitism was t ‘ning disparity between the privileged few and the non- : leged many, The consequence of centralisation was general Hon-participation and the atrophy of Jocal jmitiative, The 4 uence of paternalism was childish dependency and a cult prayerful peticions, Colonial Situation in Resrai Areas he rural areas were gradually transfurmed under colonial rufe, : India as an example, it can be said thar at first the imperial ‘peace was beneficial, Anarchical strife was Suppressed and productive cultivation of land was extended. Rut after a few decades: prospects: of common Prosperity faded away as the Population began to increase and the pural cconomy began to stagnate, Increased populaion and reduced on-farm layment weakened the traditional status ‘of farmers, workers, and artisans, Consequently, Jandlords became more oppressive, demanding higher rents and resorting to law courts bo enfence their clemands or evict their tenants. Another privileged class, the metchant-moneylenders, also learned ta use colonial lave te make lange profits and extort compounded interest from indigent i _ borrowers: The legal and administrative: structure of the empire was immensely strong, but, in the rural areas, it was often subj to corruption and. too often it became a pliant tool in the of landlords anc moneylenders, Three Perivsts of Colonial Rasle ‘ Colonial admenietrarors considered coral areas extremely Tape) ‘They understood thar the bave of their Indian empire, like previons, empires, was essentially agrarian. Throughout the imperial period they believed that they were engaged in the heros task of sustaiuieg the villages, But their perception of rural needs changed from time, 16 time. In the initial phase the establishment of onder and the settlement of land for cultivation wete sect ap the beo paramour: ‘requisites. After conferring these great boons, the colonial pioneers 1 steady rural progress as well as abiding loyalny: They never tired of pointing out that never before hac the Indian villagers enjoyed such benign justice, But afew decades larer, in she:mnicdie period of the empire, in spite of some progress and much peace, the ‘British adminutators had te acknowledge the emergence cf fo major problems: the recurrence of famine, the inequity of tauxd tenuire, ever-increasing peasant indebtedness, and smouldering ‘disaffection with the government In the third and last phase the rural problenis were magnified and the: adeinistrarars encountered fundamental challenges - political, economic, and moral - to the ideolagy of the empire. ‘Tipo Perception of Four Major Rural Problems uring the last decades of the nineteenth ceneury colonial [see tied i analyse and solve these: four major problems. Famines, occurred at frequent intervals, devastating whole regions, generating enormous human misery and damaging the splendid imperial image. Evictions by landlords worsened the plight of tenant and sharecrappers and sometimes fed to violent qucbursts. Peasant revolts could seriously undermine the agrarian base of the empire. The ruthless operations of merchant-moneylenders were inexorably pauperising the peasantry, depriving many of them of their litle plows of land, The desperate ones were becoming ‘dacoits’ or bandits, forming: gangs and endangering ‘law and 16 ‘Tw Dooner of ural Demetypaney onler’ Above all, for a tiny ruling class: of foreigners, the awareness of a lack af loyalty among the rural masses was a most “formidable threat Luckily, the disaffection was concealed in passive apathy, bur ar intervals, ir would tare Up in the form of famine, peasant riets; and bandiery. Famine: Canse and Cure In the imperial cra the serinusness of Problem was recognised by appointing a royal inquiry commission. Not one but several COMMUssions tInyuired into famines and prescribed measures for relief and prevention, The commission usually pointed aur that famine was 4 natural Asian phenomenan, parly duc to the climate and partly to bad farming, which could noe be preventes except in a few regions where irrigation canals could be built Tn other regions only its shock could be lessened by means of quick transportation of food supplies by railways und roads. Subsequently a famine code was prepared which desenbed, in minute detail, shen and how the dole should be distribured to save the disabled from starvation, or how to ‘Organise public works. at ‘test’ (extremely low) wages for unemployed peasants, OF to advance loans to the landowners for the next cultivation, The famine code. was loudly advertised as one of the imperial achievements, unprecedented im Indian or Asian history It was claimed, on the basis of dubious statistics, Chat uncer British rile wery few villagers died of starvation, More deaths, of course, were caused by malnutrition or disease, However, famines. continued tooceur with disturbing frequency, EXCEpt in regions where the necessary investment was made for the contra) af floods and drought. Te one of te very last years oF the empire Peneapesine af Four Major Kant Problewu Af (1943) the Bengal famine occurred, one of the greatest man reade famines i Indian history of Land Tenure: Tenancy Reforms were also appointed to analyse eruptions of unrest, scours, first the sokdiers crushed the disturbance, then investigation exposed innumerable abuses of power by planters and landlords which bad goaded the harried cultivators to revolt, While the commissioners generally upheld the tendril ayHteD) they expressed sympathy for the undeniogs, and recommended a little more control over landlords and planters and aaa ee rights for tenants. Landiess labourers were ouside that parview because, until then, they were an insignificant saa In the middle period, tenancy reform, or land reform as at is sow called was a subject of continuous discussion, [t remained so until the end of the empire. Within the context of a stagnant sconomy, depressed prices, diminishing holdings, nant rents-and interest charges - which of course the imperial adkninistrators could nor change - they really tried, with small success, to help the peasant farmers, tenants, and: sharecroppers. Bur, at the end, a very difficulr land tenure situation was left for the succeeding governments. Peasant Indebtedness: Cause and Cure ; Landlords were not the only protégés whe were abusing the powers acquired by them under the empire, merchants and moneylenders were doing the same. Trade a tanery hore - peasant proprietors to such an extent that their desperation at last IB ‘Tire Decauler of Ravral Devedapnacie attracted the attention af diserict officers. They diseovered thar ow prices and high interes: charges were bankrupting the = Peasants at an alarming race, Many of thes were lostng their * Lands. The administrators saw’ the danger of this trend and wished te reverse it, Those were the days of dnuses-frire when trade ‘Operations were considered sucrosuner, bur attempts were made, Ronetheless, to reduce usury and regulate moneylenders, However, uncer the prevailing circurnatances) the lenders still hal wealth and prestige, while the borrowers were needy and helpless, Regulations were enacted, bur farely enforced. Toward the end af the nineteenth century some Philanthropic officials wanted to give the peasant the strength of unity by organising them: inte cooperative societies modeled after the German credit unions. Er was hoped that in this way they would be able to protect themselves from: the excesses of merehare mMoneytenders, just as the German farmers had done a Generation varlies. During the abnormal agricultural boom of the fitet world war, village cooperatives flourished briefly, but the following slump soon made them insolvent ‘bank of the bankrupts,’ The carly decades of our century found peasant indebtedness growing inexorably, por much affected bby regulations of usury or by credit and marketing cooperatives, Rural Disaffection and its Remedy AS an antidote ro the distress of rural indebeedness, colonial administrators. imported sooperanves from Germany, As a safeguard against the dangers of rural disaffection, they imparted the Angle-Saxon concept pf jocal goverument. They boped thar focal counctls would radiare feelings of participation, banish apathy, Perception of Fiver Aajor Raval Prvdleaur 1s nic i ininanve. Furthertiore, beginning logically at ee | self-government would gradually ae { Yadians for mtional independence. Bur the promotion pioneers of the concept of decentralisation and could nor be reconciled with the dominant imperial which were centralist, éhust, and paternalistic, Decade decade, until the sodden end-of the isan ieee (panchayats (local councils) remained mor as func! “steel frame oe gs its Crim. Three New Ideological Challenges four monstrous problems which had emerged in the muddle period, The solutions were far fram effective. Instead of disappearing, the monsters became more intractable, In the chord and last period every bastion of the empire was assauked by new forces. ‘The imperial ideology was based on three axioms: the sguperionty ‘of Europeans, the benevolence of colonial occupation, ard the right of white men to be che guardians of coloured men The new nationalist challenge refured every one of these axioms. There was no superiority, there was no benevolence; and there was ao fight of guardianship. On the contrary, there was the inalienable fight of self-determination. In India the nationalist challenge was T= for fifty years, colonial admiristrarors grappled with the 2 ‘Than Elecite of Raval Develogementt reinfoevedl by the spiritual teachings of Gandhi. He declared “colonialism a moral abomination, the British Raj the devil's government, and the world-grabbing western civilisation the scourge of humanity Side by side with the nationalise challenge came the socialist challenge, It used the Weapon af economic analysis to atrack capitalism and its olfspring, colonialism, ‘The “appeal OF nationalism and socialism was greatly enhanced in Asta by the rise of non-European Japan and the success of the Russian revolution, The Colonial Response: Philosophy of Rural Reconstruction In order to respond to: the new challenges ~ political, eonnonuc, and ‘Moral - the colontal administrators evolved a comprehensive Philosophy of ideology of rural reconseruction, which was -sedulously propagated in the turbulent chird-and fourth decades of our century: In India the most funous Propounder of this philosophy was E L Brayne, # self-styled Socrates of the Indian Villages, but similar trends were visible fi1 other colonial countries, For instance, the ‘ethical policy’ in Indonesia also tried to rehabilitate areas in the same manner Brayne admitted that village e ans were indeed riserable. He agreed with Gandhi about the facts of misery but not abour their causes. According ta Brayne, the deplorable rural conditions were nat the consequence of the imperial | System, as the nationalists or socialist agitators suggested, No, he misery of the Indian villagers was due mainly te their cwn ignorance and bad habits, their folly and vices. Indeed, they were thelr cwn enemies, Brayne compiled:a long lise of their shortcomings - [azy arm burning precious cow dung, addiction ta the hubble- bubble (the foakad), poor hypiene, litigation, costly death and marriage feasts, feinale illteracy, exe. The Socrates of the Indian ; villages, having dlagnosed the disease, prescribed the rare oe Jogivally ir consisted th che acquisition of knowledge ard the reform of vicious habits; learning and practicing ‘berter methods of fculture, health, education, an social conduct. Brayne asagned a a folie to the government officer, aa. to be the missionary of enlightenment and reform. Contrary to te papular stereotype @ armgant and corrupt bully, the officer was to convert himself cee guide, philosopher, and friend of the villagers. He was also eo inspire the lov) old collaborators, members of the gentry, to mend their ways nl give'a proper lead co the commoners. Brayne invented resounding rural reconstruction slogans: reforms yourectses belp yourselves, ad follow the official leader. ‘They are still ringing in our ears. ‘Conceptual Legucies of Colonial Rural Reconstruction Tn the last phase of the empire there were bwo parallel pereptions of nital peoblems and rural development: the ai pelsbebead percepucn and the pliloswphical or ideological perception, The departments: ‘confined their purview to their awn fields» jocal government, cooperatives, education, health, agriculture, inigation enc, Ir was narrow but specific, The philosophical view was broad and seis “Brayne’s rural movement, a true child of colontal paella: resembled Wictorian philanthropy, which also blamed the Ine ter, their poverty and. offered self-help as a panacea. Hand-boiled administrators regarded the ural reconstructian approacth with contempt. The movement did not make any substancive change anywhere and vanished at the beginning of che: second world war. But it left amazingly influential conceptual legacies in the form of 4 ‘hes Decne of Rural Orrrigpnen three stereotypes: the Peasants as childish, ignorant, and docile; the officers as true puides, phulastiphers, and friends of the peasants; and the rural gentry as the government's Joyal -assistants, and. the peasant's natural leaders. The Principles and methods oof colonial Tural reconstruction were readily accepred after the war by succeeding governments and international agencies, They found the old approach, onginally invented to counterser subversion, cxpemely appropriate as a fon-revolutionary philosophy and techniywe of rural development, We may note that a revolutionary ‘Otganiser like Chairman Mac had cotrely different ideas: about the characteristics and roles of peasants, bureaucms, and che gentry: Four Rival Ideologies was competing with chree other adeclogies ~ the Gandhian, 1 thie Jast period, the calodial philosophy of raral reconseruction I=: Souulist, and Marxist Socialise, Ler us glance briefly ac their raral visions. The Gandhian Rural Utopia ; - For thirty years Gandlu’s ideas challenged the imperialists si inspired Indian idealists. Gandhi was-a nanonalist as well us a utopian. He not eniy denounced colonialism, bat also rejected inturersiaen and Sebeniseion: His vision of the good life was moc the ecoquiet: of abendance, but the curbing of wants, an ascetic renunciation, He thought char the misery of the villagers. was muinly caused by the 26 The Decides of Ruri! Devdoprenit: selfishness and greed of their rulers, the nich, and of themselves as well, ~@” Treould be cured only through the sacrifice of self asd serace to orhers by everybody rich and poor alike. With few needs and much lave everyone could live happily again. is’ self-sufficient litte republics Which, presumably the Indian villages wsed to be in the polden age. The missionary of the movement, ter suide-philosapher-friend, wiki the ‘construcave worker’ who embeded in: high ideals and showed the trie path to the villagers. The constructive workers were social monks and their arene (centres) were modern monasteries. Undowbredly their contribution in popularising feelings of national pede and defiance was-grear, Dut their nes-tnemasticism seemed to avoid or overlook important econcmic issues. After Independence its sole in the economic development of villages did not prove very dynamic, When Ganehi was alive, admirers like Couis Feber claimed that for the next generation Gandhi, not Lenin, would become the teal Master. Poss-Gandhtan years scarcely justify such faith As a marer of fact, as far as rural uplift is concerned, Gandhi's movement of constructive work has-been nly a lite more effective than the offidal rural reconstruction epocsnred by E 1 Brayne. Very few arses Were changed permanently of substantially by either Bur again significant conceptual lepactes have been left by the Gandhians far the Presently planners ~ the comeepes of the missionary gram semak (servant Of the village), the litle village republics, and the bonds of love ancl sacrifice: Fabian Sociatist Version of Rural Reform and its Influence England, the birthplace of madern capicatiam and imperialism, was also a cradle of socialist thought. Before the end of the nineteenth century the Fabians laid the foundation of British socialism, When Feiner Teall iF ee Labour Party came into power, socialist theories began to influence political and economic structures in England anc even golonial government in India. OF equese, the actual shifts in a were much smaller and slower: bur socialisr ideas, honetheless, urnidermined imperial faich and caused a great éceual ferment. Their full impact was seen in the plans made dy succeeding government. Nehru, the first prime minister of “India, was a disciple of the Fabians. Five Year Plans of India of Pakistan declared char their goal was the welfare state. They wanted to be socialists in the British manner Unlike Lenin or Mao, che British socialists had never lived awith peasants. Consequently Fabian thinking abour rural problems wat not very profound. They thought thar rural conditions could easily be improved by three measures: first, che implementation of agrarian reforms to remove palpable inequities, redistribute lars, and impose ceilings on ownership; second, the formation of ooperatives to prevenr exploitanon by micddiemen and moneylenders; third, the rapid expansion of education, health and mber welfare services to raise the rural standatd of living. Later, ‘i when the succeeding government tried to implement these Measures, two scrious faults were found: efforts co curb privileges owere too often thwarted by the privileged, and expansion of welfare services was rarely tarched by expansion in production, The superstructure of the pseudersocialist, imitation welfare states was raised precariously on good intentions. Rural Socialion in Russia and China and its Influence The Russian revolution presented a new vision of rural areas unencumbered by the ancient oppressors — emperor, anstocrats, 24 ‘Ho Decnaies of Hara Dlewvdp erence fandlords, merchants, and moneylenders. When Lenin redistributed "land among the Russian mmsinés (peasants) he thought thar the ~ Stample would quickly inspire the Indian dinenr (peasants) 26 protest for-their rights. He also knew thar, contrary to the prédicrions of Marx, itwould not be the well-fed workers of industrial nations, but the hungry colonial peasants who world cary the banners af proktarian revolutions. And, indeed, in the wake of the firs: world war rural unrest spread in China, India, Burma, Indochina, and Java, not uninluenced hy the occurrences in Russia. However, the horrars Of Stalinist collectivisation diminished che rural appeal of socialist patties: After the second world war the Chinese revolution celurbished the vision of rural socialiam, The inequity powerty, and humiliation which the Chinese peasants had suffered resembled the plight of peasants in many other Asian and African countries. Thus, the epoch-making changes in China could not-cscape their notice, Five World War II and Two Camps ‘on after the second world war colonial empires crumbled foreign rulers departed, leaving the unfinished cask of development to their successors. The old problems unsolved, complicated, and formidable. For the new putting their copsy-turvy howe in order proved even more than regaining independence. The world was now Inte conflicting camps. China, the largest of the povercy- n, backward countries, joined the Socialist camp. India and other ex-colonies joined the ‘Americar’ camp. They built on colonial foundations and retained, almost unchanged, their ical, economic, and administrative heritage. They made | gradual feform, net revolution, their moto and maincained 30 ‘Ti Deciud of uur Chrvedepuenee inhmate relations with their old masters. During the fifties there was much talk about the whole world watching an exciting race between the owo shabby giants, India and China, At thac time, most American experts believed that fiberal India, aided by rich sations, would surge ahead, leaving radical and unaided China floundering in distress. and disorder. Eoday the great race or its: outcome is rarely mentioned. Six American Leadership and Aid rom 1050 onwards America was the undisputed leader of the “free world camp,’ The feader was determined to ‘estrain, by ber or cold war, the expansion of eudicalian, bolster client nations, First Western Europe and Japan Phabilirated so that their prosperity and progress might reas bulwarks against revelutions. ‘The Marshall Plan arly vindicated American leadership. Ir seemed obvious @ helping hand could be extended in the same manner tw the. rer camp followers, and American assistance could stabilise al states as it had stabilised Western Europe and Japan. ‘reat leader started aid programmes all around che world. t from military aid, matctial aid was given in the shape of 32 Taw Dieeades af Raval Develyeneret Jeans, grants, capical, and comumer goods, Technical aid wae provided in the form of experts, advisors, and foreign training. And ideological aid flowed in through the dissemination of orthodox economic and sociological wisdom. In the new dawn of the fifties rulers of many penunous states regarded American hopefully as the good fairy and forcign aid as a magic wand. American Reeral Programnes: Community Developrnent Tn this decade two great rural programmes were sponsored by the Americans — community developrent (CD) and agricultural extension (AF), The former was newly fashioned by American sociologists, while the latter was an old peoduct of the American land-grant colleges, Both CD-and AE were generously supported and carefully supervised by American advisors. The CD Programmes, as a synthesiser, casily abeorbed element of colanial firal reconstruction as well as Gandhian constructive work. But, of course, CD professed 1 be far more modern and comprehensive. It promoted political peace by including everyone in a harmonious community and purring an end to conflicts. Tt promised economic prosperity by inculeating the desire for development and by securing common participation, As a weapon of the Cold War, CID offered the quietism of cOMMNSUS as a superior altemative to turbulenc radicaliam, Briyne wanted to uplift the villagers by sending an official guide- philosopher-frend, Gandhi wanted to do thar by sending a commucive worker, Following in the foomteps of Brayne and Anwericam Letters sana Aid a3 i, GD telied mainly on-s government village-level worker as the agent of change. Sending # missionary ourider was ed essczitial in every case. The VLW, like Brayne’s guide, was {to collaborate closely with the local gentry the established or teaders. Evidently, the VIW came to help everybody, mot by for the weak against the strong, but by uttiting all of them, and strong, into a fravemal community, Surely all could join for the sake of develapment. Love of development, like the ‘of God, should make the lions fondle the sheep. The VLW, a acatalyst, would unite the villagers by discovering for them common needs, felt or unfelt, Thea he would bead them to 4 mon endeavour, He would teach them to form councils and for the completion of projects. Much, of courie, world e by means of selEbelp, as Brayne had proposed before, but, ‘and then, the VW would further encourage and stimulare the ‘by obtaining for them matching grant and technical just as the Ameticans were stimulating the client wath foreign aid, The VEW would be a mulnpurpose representing all ‘nation-building’ departments. He world the functions of a missionary, organser, rechnican, and Cornmunity development aspired to coordinate the activities Pdepariments, and follow an integrated epproach, Its vision pment included the improvement of everything: social economic production, educarion, health, and recreanon. rc of Community Develapment was in India that CD first became a great rural programme. under American auspices, it was introduced in dozens of ‘other countries. In the fifties it became a world-wide movement, a4 ‘Vest Diesaides of farm! Develogtmnpret Bur its decline was as sudden ay im rise. In 1964 USAID ¢@ abolished its CD division and forgor che name itself. The initial faith in CD and the subsequent disillusion ig best illusreated in the * speeches from 1950 to 1958 of Prime Minister Nehru. Careful analysts found thar CD had four crucial imperfections: fa) It promoted welfare activities mere effectively than Productive activities. Particularly, it seemed incapable of solving the national food crisis. {b) CD did not succeed significantly in forming harmonious communinies. [¢ did not secure general participation, The poorer classes remained as they were, apathetic and skeptical (¢) CD's reliance on its own agents and total callaboration with established leaders further confirmed thar élitist and paterttalist bias, a colonial beritage, and inhibited the growth of rue local initiarive. (d) CD's role as a generalist captain and coordinator was not acceptable no the specialise departments. Agricultural experts specially complained about the inadequacy of a mulei-purpose VW as their agent. Th India, after a decade of great faith atid enormous investment in CD as the best straregy for rural development, the emphasis suddenly shifted to moderusing agriculsure, building of rural institutions, panchayats, cooperatives, and band reforms, ‘Community development was quietly abandoned by both parents, America and India. Seven The Shifts in Emphasis rulets had left behind the three perennial problems; disparity, and disaffecuon. They had also left of solutions: agriculrural ‘demonstration and # tr counreract scarcity; cooperatives and tenancy reforms arity, local government to redress disaffection, and, philosophy and technique of rural reconstruction. From 1970 in India, the three problems persisted, bur there were in their prestures like an interminent fever. The old # persisted too, only slightly altered by external influence. ‘Gime to time, in reaction to the fluctuating pressures, policy shifted from one solution te another - to CD, 10 intensive fo panchayats and cooperatives, to agrarian reform, and mG ‘Tin Drcader of Rural Deseloprcet Back again to integrated rural development. These shifts, although slower and less: pronounced, had begun te take place in the: Lase period of the empire. Origin of the Department of Agriculture In foals the recurrence of famine was an Important factor in Siacreshthnss cD. (Growing scarcity of Beod grains for the teeming mullions was an intolerable burden, Upsetting national plans which we based on import of capital goods, -not food. Ir raised the cost 6f living and violently agitated town dwellers asd industrial workers Food production became a matter of utmost Urgency. Agricultural smper were called forth to be the standard—bearers im the war against hunger and save the nation from collapse. We may remember thar the Department of Agriculture was first set up in 1880, after a fence of famines, aad according to the recommendations as Royal Commission, The department's functions were te collect: statistics, “set Up training institutions and Upgrade the skill of farmers by means of “demonstration and Propaganda.” Por several decades the department's performance was weak and marginal. Its research was strongly biased in favour of cash crops exported fo England. Gheap tne ‘tops. grown for focal consumption were neglected. Subsistence farming was Practically unaffected by the department's ears. While scientific methods were raising, yields in Europe of America, the Indian peasants continued to follow traditional methods, aad yields remained Sagnant. In fact, wath further fragmentation of holdings, culsivarion of marginal lands, and general exhaustion of the soil, the average yields ever declined, Forty years ie, Jn response to the post-war rural depression, another COMmAmSHOn Was appointed to inquire inte the crisis jn agriculture ‘The: Sis ie ape a7 jonefs recaimmesded that scope of research, education, exrension be adequately enlarged. They extolled the sof American agriculture and presented ir at a model on, ‘This was perhaps their most significant suggestion, administrararm had imported, before the end of the th century, the model of cooperatives from Germany and of local government from England. It is a pity they. by several décades the impart of the American model of ican Moadel of Agricultural Extension vas not voul 1950, whe the British were gone trom India, the American mtxiel of ageiculrural extension (AE} really d. Then, propagated by scores of American experts, and fs of native experts trained in American universities, and red by enormous funds, if 8608 became a dominant ce, The experts assumed that Indian agriculture could be tnised in the same way, though nor ro che same extent, as, efican agriculture had been, First, research and extension d be linked as was done long ago by the land-grant colleges, aches of progressive farmers should be created, who 1 d gladly accept the findings of scientific research, and pur new technology into practice, They would soon emerge out their subsistence-level cocoon, and ery to maximise their fits by raising the levels of inpur and output, An extension or assistant, trained and guided by experts, should be sent to the village ro demonstrate new techniques, first to the local deaders. The demonstrations would soon convince the villagers. ‘Larger and larger numbers would adope the methods, and within a8 Tin, Dec of ur Deselapment a few years crailitional agciculture would be modernised, Unfortunately the actual resulta were not se spectacular, From 1950 to 1960. the adoption of improved methods was agonisingly slow: In most fegions subsistence farming remained very much the same, Extension txperts blamed the stolid Peasants for not accepting what was sc patently good for them, The Asiatic peasant, same experts complained, was a faralist, a Hot-achiever, He was not an ‘eeonamic man,’ Bur mere cogent reasons can easily be discovered, Evidently in these sluggish regions, the inftastructure wich Supports commercial agnculture did noe exist, Neither did a petential class of commercial fartiers. Destirure eultrvators of tiny hoklings, constantly damaged by Aloods or droughts, were aor a Promising cliemele for extension agents. Besides, the agen himself was often ill trained and poorly Supported by appropriate research. The ‘Green Revolution’ of the Sixties Ametican-sponsored agricultural extension had started in 1950) as a junior partner of CD, bur the food crisis turned the tables, After 1960 CO was demoted and AE beeame the senior partner This Wis the time of the invention of miracle seeds and the heavy ue of chemical fertilisers: Scientific cultivation of some crops’ = corn, wheat, and rice - was making a remarkable advance. Ar agriculcural revolution

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