Professional Documents
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Swedishpolicyproposal
Swedishpolicyproposal
Swedishpolicyproposal
States that works on national, regional, and international levels to research, document, defend,
and advance the human rights of LGBTI communities around the world. We have staff in six
countries and work alongside LGBTI organizations and individuals across four continents to
promote lasting change. Additionally, we work very closely with the United Nations, holding
special consultative status there to advocate for the progress of LGBTI rights around the world.
As the executive director of our organization, it is my goal to persuade the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of Sweden to take a foreign policy stance on the issue with Malaysia. I am proposing an
850,000 SEK (roughly $100,000) government bypass fund for the Sinar Project, a Malaysian
non-profit organization that aims to promote free media and government accountability. It is a
simple action, but we believe that it may be the best course in promoting LGBTI rights in
LGBTI rights in Malaysia are in desperate need of improvement. The Franklin and
Marshall Global Barometer of Gay Rights has graded the country at an extremely persecuting
score of 15%, making it one of the least tolerant countries in Southeast Asia. The Malaysian
Penal Code Section 377A outlaws “carnal intercourse against the course of nature” (Malaysia
Penal Code 1997) and with Islam being recognized as the government state’s religion, Shariah
law mandates action against any “unnatural sexual relationship (Owoyemi, 2013).” Same-sex
relations are criminalized with a punishment of 5000 Malaysian ringgit - equal to $1250 - 3 years
of imprisonment, or 6 strokes (Universal Periodic Review, 2018), while any form of anal or oral
a prominent inhibitor towards LGBTI rights. A Comparitech report recently ranked Malaysia at a
6 out of 10 for censorship laws (with 10 being the most stringent), placing it only ahead of 11
countries that scored from 7-10 (Comparitech). This is mainly due to the Malaysian
Communication and Multimedia Act (CMA), which allows the government to censor a wide
range of media that is deemed as “obscene, indecent, false, menacing or offensive in character
with intent to annoy, abuse, threaten or harass another person” (Communications and Multimedia
Act, 1988). This is a clear violation of the freedom of expression for many communities and
individuals within the country. But to better understand this act and how it interacts with the
country’s censorship of LGBTI media, we could refer to Phillip Ayoub’s theory of threat
LGBT norms in contexts where it has been linked to the popular nation and becomes a threat to
the national identity (Ayoub, 2014). Because of how Islam is the official religion of the state, any
LGBTI media is considered a threat to the state due to Shariah law, and thus political actors feel
In 1994, the Malaysian government banned any LGBTI individuals from appearing on
state-controlled media, and in 2010, the Malaysian Film Censorship Board announced that it
would not allow the depiction of homosexual characters unless they repent or “go straight”
throughout the show (Rahim, 2015). This censorship combined with state-sponsored
sensationalist homophobia prevents a formal discussion of LGBTI rights between the minority
communities and the rest of the country. In 2017, the Islamic Development Department (JAKIM)
held a recorded speech that created fearmongering against LGBT people and supporters amidst
the HIV/AIDS epidemic (Malaysian AIDS Council, 2017). Additionally, in 2018, Sinar Harian,
the top-selling Malaysian language daily, published an article that included a bullet-point list
giving tips on how to identify gays or lesbians (Reuters, 2018). Cases such as these leave the
publicity for itself due to censorship. This is why removing the censorship laws is crucial in the
promotion of LGBTI rights in Malaysia, because it would open the conversation and allow the
community to remove the stigma that has been created by the state and its media.
In 1997, the Malaysia Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC) Bill of Guarantees was signed,
which in its seventh article states that there shall be no censorship of the Internet (Wok 2017).
However, from the Sinar Project’s recent findings, the Malaysian government has been
overstepping its boundaries. The Sinar Project has a Digital Rights Monitor Project that records
and documents cases of websites being blocked, which currently includes a list of 39 blocked
websites, three of which are international LGBTI-related sites (Xynou, 2020; Sinar Project).
However, the government has been going even further, censoring independent media
Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC) cut off access to several newspapers
from the Sarawak Report, an independent news website, that implicated the Prime Minister in the
individuals have switched to the use of social media as a tool for spreading information, sharing
experiences, and communicating with LGBTI movements and communities (Mokhtar, 2019).
Because standard LGBTI media is censored, these communities rely on the internet to
communicate, and if that is taken away, there aren’t many options left, as LGBTI organizations
cannot be registered in the country. The Malaysian government has also already proven that it
isn’t afraid to censor LGBTI issues on social media. In 2017 the police launched an investigation
alongside the MCMC into the Facebook status of two gay men regarding an alleged gay wedding
ceremony, effectively censoring their use of social media as a platform for support of LGBTI
We believe that the Sinar Project can become a strong advocate against the government's
use of censorship. The Sinar Project’s main goal is to strive towards an open and transparent
government that can be properly held accountable. However, they started focusing their work on
internet censorship and digital rights during the run-up to the 13th general election in 2013.
Reports came in about websites related to the opposition party being blocked and the
organization realized that their work could be affected as well (Monitor, 2018). Since then, the
organization has been at the forefront of criticizing the MCMC when internet censorship is
involved and even calling out the Malaysian government when the 2018 data leaks were being
mishandled through the censuring and reprimanding of sites and individuals who have revealed
the critical information to the public. Co-founder Khairil Yusof is looking forward to bringing
the Sinar Project into strategic litigation to determine the constitutionality of internet censorship
in Malaysia, which is why the organization needs any support it can get. Throughout 2020, the
Sinar Project received about $205,000 in funding from international organizations such as
USAID ($49,000), IDRC ($51,000), and Luminate ($70,000). Therefore, an additional $100,000
resources for the organization. Additionally, the Sinar Project is collaborating with the European
Union to host investigative journalism workshops that focus on accountability and social justice
throughout March. The Sinar Project has a lot of potentials to bring down the censorship laws,
and OutRight believes it is a strong candidate for the Swedish government to support financially.
As mentioned before, our proposal is simple: an 850,000 SEK government bypass fund to
the Sinar Project. This proposal was crafted with the best interest of LGBTI individuals in
Malaysia, as well as the relation between Sweden and Malaysia in mind. This is why we are
specifically targeting the censorship laws first instead of anti-LGBTI policies, as censorship can
be deemed as a violation of the right of expression for the general public. This reduces the risk of
the Swedish government being criticized for interfering with Islamic law and receiving backlash
on the grounds of “cultural terrorism,” such as in the case of the U.S. Embassy’s 2013 pride
event in Pakistan (Burack, 2018). It also reduces the risk of double discrimination attacks against
LGBTI individuals that we have seen in nations such as Jamaica as a result of international
policy, we are removing the potentially harmful spotlight from vulnerable communities and
Currently, Sweden does not offer monetary foreign aid to the Malaysian government, and
the Swedish-Malaysia relation lies mostly in the realm of trade. However, according to Business
Sweden, Malaysia is one of Sweden’s most important trading partners in Southeast Asia (Hedin,
2019). Therefore, using the implementation of trade barriers to convince the Malaysian
government to remove its censorship laws would likely harm the Swedish businesses and
economy, as, throughout the past decade, Sweden has consistently exported more goods to
Malaysia than it imported from Malaysia (OEC, 2020). Furthermore, with the current COVID-19
pandemic, travel restrictions are already in place for both countries, so the cancellation of visas
from Malaysian leaders would not be an effective method of persuasion for the Malaysian
government at the moment. The next best option would be to provide aid to Malaysia as an
incentive to remove the censorship laws. However, the Malaysian government has already
violated its policy of no internet censorship, so there is no guarantee that it will not do the same
in the future. Additionally, the 1MDB embezzlement scandal provides us with enough proof that
providing aid to the Malaysian government does not guarantee that the aid will be used
effectively. In governments where corrupt practices are held, it is better to bypass the
government and provide aid directly to organizations to reduce the threat of aid capture (Dietrich,
2013).
Hence, we have come to the decided proposal of providing 850,000 SEK aid directly to
the Sinar Project. Because the Sinar Project is collaborating with the EU and aims to remove
our goals of reducing media censorship. This will, in turn, open the conversation up for LGBTI
rights and generate beneficial publicity for these communities, and when it does, hopefully, it
Rahim, Rohani Binti Abdul, and Fieza Fazlin Fandi. "Claims of Human Rights: A Challenge to
the Nation of Islam in ASEAN Community in Addressing LGBT Issues." In Proceedings
of the ASEAN Community Conference, pp. 120-129. 2015.
Wok, Saodah, and Shafizan Mohamed. "Internet and social media in Malaysia: Development,
challenges and potentials." In The evolution of media communication. IntechOpen, 2017.
Mokhtar, Muhammad Faiz, Wan Allef Elfi Danial Wan Sukeri, and Zulkifli Abd Latiff. "Social
Media Roles in Spreading LGBT Movements in Malaysia." Asian Journal of Media and
Communication (AJMC) 3, no. 2 (2019): 77-82.
Owoyemi, Musa Yusuf, and Ahmad Zaharuddin Sani Ahmad Sabri. "LGBT: nature or ideology:
The view of a former LGBT Practitioner in Malaysia." Research Journal of Biological
Sciences 8, no. 4 (2013): 104-111.
“Malaysia: Government Steps Up Attacks on LGBT People.” Human Rights Watch, 25 Jan.
2021.
The Coalition for SOGIESC Human Rights in Malaysia. Rep. STAKEHOLDER REPORT ON
THE STATUS OF HUMAN RIGHTS OF LGBTI PERSONS IN MALAYSIA, n.d.
Burack, Cynthia. “Because We Are Human: Contesting US Support for Gender and Sexuality
Human Rights Abroad.” Albany: State University of New York Press, 2018.
Dietrich, Simone. 2013. Bypass or engage? Explaining Donor Delivery Tactics in Foreign Aid
Allocation. International Studies Quarterly 57 (4): 698-712.
Ayoub, Phillip M. "With Arms Wide Shut: Threat Perception, Norm Reception, and Mobilized
Resistance to LGBTI Rights." Journal of Human Rights 13, no. 3 (2014): 337-62.
Becker, Jo. Campaigning for Justice: Human Rights Advocacy in Practice. Stanford Studies in
Human Rights. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2012. Chapter 10, “Organizing for
LGBTI Rights in Jamaica and Nepal”.
Malaysian AIDS Council. “LGBT Fear Mongering Fuels AIDS Epidemic.” Malaysian AIDS
Council, www.mac.org.my/v3/lgbt-fear-mongering-fuels-aids-epidemic/.
Monitor, Internet. “The Sinar Project Shines Light on Malaysian Internet Censorship.” Medium,
Berkman Klein Center, 9 May 2018.
Bischoff, Paul. “Internet Censorship 2021: A Global Map of Internet Restrictions.” Comparitech,
9 Feb. 2021.
Xynou, Maria. “The State of Internet Censorship in Malaysia.” Open Observatory of Network
Interference (OONI), 29 July 2020, ooni.org/post/malaysia-report/.