Professional Documents
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J&K Human Rights Perspective, Sep-Oct 2011
J&K Human Rights Perspective, Sep-Oct 2011
J&K Human Rights Perspective, Sep-Oct 2011
Vol. 9No. 5
J&K
www.humanrightsjournal.com
RIGHTS
Perspective
Sept-Oct, 2011
Bimonthly Review of Jammu and Kashmir Affairs with Human Rights Perspective
ustice Syed Bashir-ud-Din, chairman J&K State Human Rights Commission, and Javed Kowsa, member of the Commission, in their joint report have directed the government to make a final enquiry into the Kunan Poshpura incident. They have also recommended that legal action should be taken against the Director Persecution who had advised the government to close the case after paying Rs. Two lakhs as compensation to each alleged raped woman. According to records, during the intervening night of 23rd and 24th February 1991 armed forces personnel committed mass rape on 31 women. Kashmir Valley was shut down for several days in protest against this barbaric incident. Later, in a house to house survey Shabnam Qayum, Editor Qaumi Waqar, asserted that the number of rape victims was 51. His report was published in the form of a book entitled Kashmir Outraged and was widely circuited (including to the American Congress). The State Human Rights Commission and the State government depended on the recommendation of the two members of the Press Council of India, BG Verghese and Vikram Rao, to whom the inquiry was entrusted. They had, in their report, exonerated the suspected personnel of the armed forces. I rushed to Kunan Poshpura to verify the facts and at a press conference in Delhi exposed the findings of the report of representatives of the Press Council. Since the members of the Press Council and Editor of the Illustrated Weekly, the eminent writer Khushwant Singh, were my friends, it added to my embarrassment.
My press release was published by the Illustrated Weekly of India as an article. I stand by facts as I witnessed them. It may be recalled that the Press Council had entrusted this enquiry to the Verghese Committee mainly on the role of media in or about Kashmir, on receiving a request from the army headquarters. There was nothing in the report to justify the campaign of militant nationalists to
SHRC directive to the government to make a final inquiry into the Kunan Poshpura incident after nineteen years should serve as a reminder to us that justice delayed is justice denied. And that expressions like national interest, Human Rights, and democratic values should converge in practical policy.
condemn the Human Rights bodies in the country. Also, the Press Council panel made no claim that the security forces had committed no excesses. While there is room for differences between the panel and others-media persons and Human Rights activists-over judgments on specific incidents, there was no difference on the fact that excesses were committed. The report of the panel devoted maximum
attention and space to the infamous case of alleged rapes of Kunan Poshpura. It completely exonerated the army of all the charges made against its jawans in this case. The verdict on one case, inter alia, does not imply that all the complaints against the army and other security forces are fake. Verghese Committee referred to complaints against the other security forces only in passing as they were beyond its purview. One, in fact, wished that the government invited this very committee or any other nominated by the Press Council to study the role of other para-military forces, because they come in day-to-day contact with the civil population, while the army is mainly deployed to guard the frontiers. Second, these forces are not as rigorously trained as the army is. The media had picked up the news about Kunan Poshpura incidents from the FIR lodged with the police by the District Magistrate in which he reportedly stated that he 'felt ashamed to put in black and white the kind of atrocities and their magnitude brought to my notice on the spot.' 'The armed forces behaved like violent beasts,' he added. The government spokesman immediately described the allegation as planted (by a government officer?). After the visit of the Divisional Commissioner to the spot, the official spokesman reiterated that the allegation was found baseless. But the Divisional Commissioner denied having conducted any enquiry and told the press that it was a serious matter which required "a high(Contd. on page 2)
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level enquiry". Without specifically referring to the incident, the then Union Home Minister admitted during those days that "some shameful incidents" took place involving excesses by the security forces. A former Chief Justice of the State High Court, after conducting a non-official enquiry, confirmed the allegations. Can anybody deny that the above facts made out a prima facie case for demanding a fair enquiry? This is what media commentators and some political and Human Rights activists demanded. If they had not done so, they would not have been worth their salt. A Brigadier of the army did conduct an enquiry into allegations against his men. But under the Indian Army Act, his report could not be made public. The state government entrusted the enquiry to an Assistant Superintendent of Police, who never completed the enquiry. Verghese Committee, in its report, pointed out a number of discrepancies in the statements of the alleged victims of the incident, statements of the government officers, including the district magistrate and the chief medical officer. It came to a firm conclusion that the 'Kunan rape story stands totally unproven and completely untrue.' If the conclusion was correct, the conduct of the government in avoiding a credible enquiry which could have vindicated the honour of the army becomes all the more indefensible. Who served the national interest better: those who demanded an enquiry of those who described the demand as anti-national and thus allowed the country to be defamed all over the world? Enquiries by an army officer or a police officer in such cases lack credibility. But why even their reports have not been made public so far? Perhaps, the members of the committee would concede that their report, too, is no substitute for a proper and formal enquiry. The next incident that the committee examined happened at Pazipora, where 25 persons were allegedly killed and a number of women raped by the army. In this case, too, the police registered a case. The doctor in the Kupwara District Hospital corroborated that the five women brought to her from Pazipora "were all definitely victims of rape."
The committee did not visit Pazipora for want of time and did not examine the victims, their relatives or those who had made allegations. But it has pointed out discrepancies in the following versions of the incident on the basis of the information it collected from official sources. One, by Justice Farooqi; two, as reported in India Week, by N.V Subramanian and Brij Raj Singh (who certify six cases of rape); and three, by Sukhmani Singh, whose report was published by the Weekly; and four, by the Asia Watch (the US-based Human Rights group). The committee reported that a court of enquiry was instituted by the local army authorities which found that the reports of excesses to be false. Does an enquiry by the local army authorities against its own jawans, the level of which is not known and the report of which was not released to the press, carry any conviction? As the Verghese Committee has not conducted even a semblance of an enquiry, its verdict, too, carries no better conviction than the four versions it has rejected. It challenges the veracity of the charge of killings on the ground that post-mortem was not conducted on 13 bodies. Whose lapse was it? Even if only 12 persons had been killed, were they innocent or militants? One silly argument used by the committee to belittle the allegations of rape is that 'one of the unwed girls who was allegedly raped reportedly got married some months later to nobody's shame.' Is it shameful to marry a raped girl? In view of the seriousness of the allegations, supported by four prestigious non-official enquiries, absence of any public enquiry by the government or the Verghese Committee can only be regretted. Referring to another incident of the army firing at Zakura on August 1, 1990, which according to press reports took a toll of 22 lives, the committee admitted that it had no direct knowledge and was unable to comment on it. But it quotes the army version without getting it checked from any non-official source. The facts, confirmed by official sources, are as follows. A big procession was passing through the Zakura crossing near Hazratbal. It moved at right angle to the left. Five army vehicles came from the right hand side of the crossing. The policemen on duty at the crossing asked the army
vehicles to stop (as per the FIR report) till the procession passed. But they went ahead. Three of the vehicles were given the passage by the processionists. But the fourth was stuck and delayed in a scuffle. The army version is that 'it was stoned, anti-India slogans were shouted and efforts made to snatch weapons from the Jawans. Thereupon the troops fired in self-defence. Three vehicles were ahead of the procession. The Jawans in them started firing to rescue those who they feared were trapped in the rear. The firing from both sides, therefore, took a heavy toll of human life.' Whatever be the official version of the incident, it was never alleged that the processionists were armed. Why should unarmed processionists try to provoke the armed Jawans by stoning them or snatching a rifle from one of them? It appears that the army men were provoked by anti-India slogans. As such slogans have often been cited as a provocation for firing by the security forces, the issue must be settled at the highest level, that is, political, whether non-violent and nonterrorists ex-pressions of anti-India feelings deserve nothing short of death by a firing squad. In any case, wasn't the Zakura incident a fit case for a public and impartial enquiry? The Committee quoted a few cases in which the guilt of the army men was established and they were punished. These cases include unauthorized and arbitrary detention of BBC correspondent Yusuf Jameel, rape of a Canadian woman in Srinagar, another of a woman in Awantipur and killing of six persons near Pakherpura. In addition, the report quoted early incidents involving para-military forces in which action was taken and which include the Anantnag bridal rape case (May 1990) and the burning down of shops and houses in Handwara (October 1990). In other cases, the Committee simply quoted the army version without conducting its own enquiry or giving its comments. Be that as it may be, the SHRC directive to the government to make a final inquiry into the Kunan Poshpura incident after nineteen years should serve as a reminder to us that justice delayed is justice denied. And that ex-pressions like national interest, Human Rights, and democratic values should converge in practical policy. BALRAJ PURI
J&K HUMAN RIGHTS Perspective
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September-October, 2011
An open letter from Amnesty International to Members of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly
s the session of the Jammu and Kashmir legislative assembly opens in Srinagar, Amnesty International is writing to all members of the legislative assembly (MLAs) to raise human rights concerns in the house and ensure that such issues are not ignored during the session. Although there appears to be a consistent decrease in the overall numbers of members of armed groups operating in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), human right violations continue to remain a significant and widespread concern in the state. Amnesty International calls on all MLAs to raise human rights issues during the assembly session and call upon the state government to take immediate action required to remedy the situation. In particular, Amnesty International asks you to raise the specific issues below. While not an exhaustive list of human rights concerns in the state, discussion on these would indicate the commitment to human rights of the state legislative assembly and be an important step towards improving the human rights of all residents of Jammu and Kashmir. INVESTIGATION INTO UNMARKED GRAVES Over 2700 unmarked graves have been identified by an 11-member police investigation team of the State Human Rights Commission (SHRC) in four districts of north Kashmir. Despite claims of the local police that the graves contained dead bodies of "unidentified militants", the report points out that 574 bodies have been identified as disappeared locals. The police report concludes that there is "every probability" that the remaining over 2100 unidentified graves "may contain the dead bodies of [persons subject to] enforced disappearances." On 16 September 2011, the SHRC directed that the bodies should be identified using all available means and techniques including DNA profiling and dental examination and other forensic pathology techniques. However recommendations of the SHRC have often been ignored by the state government in the past. It is therefore imperative that MLAs call upon the
government to ensure that sufficient resources are provided on an urgent basis for such identification by an independent body. The state government must also ensure that all past and current allegations of enforced disappearances are promptly, thoroughly, independently and impartially investigated and that, where there is sufficient evidence, anyone suspected of responsibility for such crimes is prosecuted in proceedings which meet international fair trial standards. REPEAL OF THE PUBLIC SAFETY ACT In March 2011, Amnesty International released a report in Srinagar calling for an end to administrative detentions in Jammu and Kashmir and a repeal of the Public Safety Act (PSA). In the previous session of the assembly the Chief Minister claimed that the report would be studied thoroughly, the suggestions made in it would be examined carefully and amendments carried out in the law. In mid July, state Law Minister Ali Muhammad Sagar reportedly told a press conference in Srinagar that the Law Department had approved amendments in the PSA. In August officials from the Home department confirmed that they were examining the issue, but Amnesty International is unaware of any legislation that has been introduced by the Government to amend or repeal the PSA. Detentions under the PSA continue on a regular basis and a number of political leaders and activists remain detained without charge of trial. Amnesty International urges MLAs to call upon the state government to inform the assembly of the steps undertaken towards repeal of the PSA, along with any time frame that may have been set for it. AMENDMENT OF THE JUVENILE JUSTICE ACT A violation of human rights of particular concern noted in the Amnesty International report was the detention of children under the PSA - in particular boys above the age of 16 who are considered adults as per the Juvenile Justice Act (JJA). This is inconsistent with both the central juvenile justice legislation and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which India is a signatory.
On 20 April 2011 at a workshop on the Juvenile Justice System in Udhampur, the Chief Minister indicated that the gaps in the JJA would be filled and asked the Law Department to look into this issue. Officials of the Social Welfare department and the Law Department were also quoted in press reports in late June stating that a new legislation on juvenile justice was likely to be tabled in the September session of the state assembly. These words must be translated into action. Amnesty International calls upon the MLAs to ensure that legislation is introduced to amend or replace the JJA, in order to bring it in line with international law and standards. In June 2011 Amnesty International initiated a global petition calling upon the J&K government to amend the JJA. Over 10,600 members and supporters of Amnesty International worldwide have signed the petition which has been sent to the Chief Minister. The amendment of the JJA would be a step in the right direction, and its effective implementation - in particular the expeditious formation of Juvenile Boards / Courts in all districts - will ensure that all children and teenagers in Jammu and Kashmir in conflict with the law will have an opportunity to reform and be rehabilitated. DE-NOTIFICATION OF "DISTURBED AREAS", REPEAL OF DISTURBED AREA ACT AND ARMED FORCES SPECIAL POWER ACT Press reports indicate that the state government is seeking to de-notify parts of the state previously notified as "disturbed areas" under the Jammu and Kashmir Disturbed Areas Act (DAA). The Indian Home Minister has also stated that the areas de-notified as disturbed areas by the state government would also be de-notified by the central government with respect to the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act (AFSPA). This would be a welcome first step to remove the operation of the DAA and AFSPA from parts of the state. However MLAs must further call for a repeal of both legislations as they violate international human rights law and standards. (Amnesty International, September 26, 2011)
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in front of independent witnesses from the public." says Devadas. However, he was not given any choice. Nobody agreed to search him. He was forced to sit in police vehicle. "Even after having volunteered to board the vehicle, the police personnel, instead of respecting my action, seized me by my hair and pulled, pushed, kicked and forced me into the back of the jeep. My shirt was torn across my torso at this point. In the jeep, I was further beaten, abused and kicked, while my head was held down at the floor of the jeep by my hair. I was unsure of my fate, and what would follow inside the police station." When Devadas was bleeding in the police station, various policemen kept asking him where his pistol is. Devadas alleges that when he was beaten by police mercilessly policemen taunted that, "Get your home ministry to withdraw the disturbed areas order" that gives him such power. Devadas has written to CM that, "He also told me angrily that what had happened to me was nothing compared to what Kashmiri journalists have experienced. (Kashmir Times, Sept 13, 2011)
recovery in the tourist trade as the flow of visitors dried up. More than 110 people were killed in 2010 alone, mostly in firing by security forces to quell violent protests. The number of visitors "to the valley this summer should serve as a loud message for change of travel advisories issued by various countries regarding Jammu and Kashmir," Chief Minister Omar Abdullah said. (AEP, Sept 17, 2011)
the state alongwith name, parentage, address, offences under which they are facing trial alongwith place of detention. Untoo had also sought details of number of person detained under PSA and number of persons convicted in the militancy related cases and the offences under which they were convicted. He had also sought information about the number of persons awarded capital punishment and the persons who have been convicted in the militancy related cases. Besides, Untoo had sought information about number of female prisoners detained under PSA or any substantive offence alongwith their names and place of detention. However, Deputy Inspector General Prisons Department informed the applicant that in terms of section 8(i) of RTI Act, the information cannot be furnished. (Kashmir Dispatch, Sept 25, 2011)
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Kashmir passed through a period of an unusual ferment in its intellectual, political, literary and social life in the 1940s and 1950s. I was a frequent visitor to Kashmir and found each visit very rewarding. I came in close contact with stalwarts in almost all these fields, who continue to be my source of inspiration. Ghulam Nabi Khayal has done a commendable job in keeping our link with this treasure alive and provide a valuable link to the 5000 years old cultural heritage of Kashmir. Balraj Puri
Kashmir was initiated under the influence of Urdu Progressive Writers in the postPartition fragile political clime. The movement played a significant role in shaping a distinctive literary behaviour which condemned political vandalism, communal outcry, feudal exploitation, and stood for social amity, universal brotherhood, plural social fabric and human love. The fifties of the twentieth century presented a complex but fluid political situation. Divergent historical forces had become active to draw the future destiny of the pre-Partition feudal state. The reactionary forces too were active enough to find a space to address their communal agenda. At this critical phase of Kashmir's political history, the writers associated with Progressive Literary Movement came forward with literary disposition and commitment, and through their writings, a kind of cultural clime was formed that facilitated the promotion of cultural pluralism, linguistic connectivity, social coherence, universal brotherhood and human love. By writing this book, G.N. Khayal has done a commendable job. The writer seeks to explore the roots and the genesis of the Progressive Writers Movement. While constructing his thesis in regional setting, he never loses sight of historical processes at global level, which culminated in the expression of socialistic thought. In this connection, he refers to the impact of industrial capitalism, Marxian concept of history and the outburst of socialist and labour Movements towards the closure of nineteenth century. He also takes note of the impact of Russian Revolution of 1917 on Indian political scene in general and on Kashmir's personality in particular. By placing the literary discourse of forties and fifties in the rich Kashmiri poetic tradition, initiated by Shaivite-Lalla and Sheikh Nur-ud-din Reshi, Khayal attempts to seek legitimacy for it. He, for example, quotes two verses, one each of Lal Ded and Sheikh Nur-ud-din Reshi that symoblize Kashmir's rich cultural ethos. The idol and the temple are but stone; Stone, they are and nothing else; Wise Pandit, whom dost thou worship Unite they mind and breath in him alone - Lal Ded No wonder, borne of the same father and mother One bear no ill will to each other Should our love bind us all alike Hindu and Musalman Then only god is pleased with us - Sheikh Nur-ud-din Reshi Prior to the formal initiation of Progressive Writers Movement, the author admits that Mahjoor and Azad had set in motion a new poetic idiom in terms of expression, style and theme, but it was the Movement that provided an intellectual foundation for the new Kashmiri literary corpus, thus helping enrich the literary content and artistic merit of Kashmiri language The author refers to two collections entitledGaye ja Kashmirand Yawan Nehj, published under the banner of Progressive Writers Movement, which offered in a period of great historical crises a rightful perception of resistance against tyranny and aggression of popular folklore within days. Alongside the initiation of new themes and forms in Kashmiri Literary corpus,
(Contd. on page 8)
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come to his residence in Srinagar in the evening for some important meeting. He went to minister's residence and called home after reaching their. During conversation over phone, we could hear some noise and heated arguments between two sides," he said. He said while the conversation was yet to be finished, the phone line dropped. "He never picked up the phone again. We called him continuously till 12 pm. However, nobody responded over phone from the other side and eventually the phone went switched off," he said. The family members said in the morning they approached a senior police officer and sought Syed's whereabouts, who had recently migrated to Pampore from Bijbehara, Islamabad. They alleged that Syed's body was recovered from Crime Branch wing of police. "Police told us that he died of cardiac arrest in the morning. However, we want to know if he had died in the morning why he did not pick up the call during the night and why police didn't inform us about his death due to heart attack," they said. They relatives claimed that Syed had close affiliations with NC party and Chief Minster knows him personally. "After his retirement as teacher, he joined NC and started campaigning for it. In 2008 assembly elections, he campaigned for same minister at various places in his constituency," said Syed's brother, Syed Mohammad Shafi. The body of the deceased was handed over to his relatives after conducting of post mortem by a team of doctors at Police Control Room to ascertain the exact cause of death. Shafi said that they have lodged a complaint at Police Station Batamaloo. A wire news agency PTI quoting sources reported that that the deceased and two other persons - National NC workers Mohammad Yousuf and Abdul - were picked up by Crime Branch sleuths yesterday after a complaint that a police officer in Chief Minister's security - Shabir Ahmad - was allegedly involved in taking bribe for favours. The officer has been shifted from Chief Minister's security and posted as Deputy Superintendent of Police (Headquarters) in Kulgam district of South Kashmir. However, police termed his transfer as a routine matter. When contacted, IGP Kashmir S M Sahai refused to comment over the matter. However, IGP crime Raja Aijaz Ali said a judicial inquiry has been ordered into the incident. "All other necessary actions would be taken," he said. An official spokesman said government has formally requested the Chief Justice of High Court to appoint a sitting Judge to conduct an inquiry into the circumstance leading to death of Syed Mohammad Yosuf of Bijbehera.
MoS Home Nasir Aslam Wani told Rising Kashmir that government has ordered a timebound judicial probe into the incident to unravel the truth. (Greater Kashmir, September 30, 2011)
: BALRAJ PURI Associate Editor: ELLORA PURI : Karan Nagar, Jammu - 180 005 (J&K) INDIA. : 91-191-2542687, 2543556 Mobile: 94191-02055 E-mail : balraj_puri1@rediffmail.com
Back issues are also available on our website www.humanrightsjournal.com
J&K HUMAN RIGHTS Perspective
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the credit for introduction of creative prose also goes to the efforts of the progressive writers. The new lot of celebrated short story writers like Som Nath Zutshi, Akhtar Mohi-ud-din, Amin Kamil, Bansi Nirdosh, Ali Mohammad Lone and others owe their literary existence to a great extent, to this literary movement. In this connection, the first Kashmiri literary journal Kong Posh deserves special mention for providing enough space for the promotion of Kashmiri prose. Khayal, however, while examining the role of Progressive Writers Movement for widening the literary canvas of vernacular literature points to the fact that by strict adherence to ideological commitment, the progressive writers created a kind of thematic monotony which was later rejected by a new team of modern writers. The author strongly argues that it was the direct result of the recurring literary debates, organised by progressive writers that literary personalities like Nadim, Rahi, Firaq, Kamil Akhtar, Azim, Nirdosh,Ali Mohammad Lone, Zutshi, Taj Begum Renzu, Pran Kishore, G.R. Santosh, Arjun Dev, Majboor, Abdul Sattar Ranjoor, Khayal and others were introduced to Kashmiri literary history. Khayal, being an eyewitness to various literary and political developments, records information about the sociopolitical profile of the state that offers penetrating insights into the character and health of Kashmiri society at a very critical phase of its history. The budding research scholars, who intend to work on contemporary socio-cultural history of Kashmir, are sure to benefit from his scholastic insight. The rich glossary and the photo feature have added to the beauty of the work under debate. The English translation of some progressive literary pieces at the end of the book deserves appreciation. It is an attempt to acquaint non-Kashmiri readers with the pulse of 1940-60, which determined the literary personality of Kashmiri language. The work, with its literary beauty, is a commendable addition to the history of Kashmiri literature and criticism.
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Edited, Printed and Published by Balraj Puri for Institute of Jammu & Kashmir Affairs, Karan Nagar, Jammu. Printed at ESS ESS ESS Offset Press, Wazarat Road, Jammu.