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HELL BENT
RAZING HELL 5
CATE CORVIN
Hell Bent
CATE CORVIN
Author's Note: All characters in this story are 18 years of age and older, and all
sexual acts are consensual. This book is a work of fiction and liberties may be
taken with people, places, and historical events.
1. Melisande
2. Tascius
3. Melisande
4. Melisande
5. Melisande
6. Melisande
7. Melisande
8. Azazel
9. Melisande
10. Melisande
11. Melisande
12. Melisande
13. Melisande
14. Melisande
15. Melisande
16. Lucifer
17. Melisande
18. Melisande
19. Melisande
20. Melisande
21. Melisande
22. Melisande
23. Melisande
24. Belial
25. Melisande
26. Melisande
27. Melisande
28. Melisande
29. Melisande
30. Melisande
31. Melisande
32. Melisande
33. Melisande
Epilogue
The chronicles say that such a battle as that of Kulikovo had never
before been known in Russia; even Europe had not seen the like of it
for a long time. Such bloody conflicts had taken place in the western
half of Europe at the beginning of the so-called Middle Ages, at the
time of the great migration of nations, in those terrible collisions
between European and Asiatic armies; such was the battle of
Châlons-sur-Marne, when the Roman general saved western Europe
from the Huns; such too was the battle of Tours, where the Frankish
leader saved western Europe from the Arabs (Saracens). Western
Europe was saved from the Asiatics, but her eastern half remained
long open to their attacks. Here, about the middle of the ninth
century, was formed an empire which should have served Europe as
a bulwark against Asia; in the thirteenth century this bulwark was
seemingly destroyed, but the foundations of the European empire
were saved in the distant northwest; thanks to the preservation of
these foundations, in a hundred and fifty years the empire
succeeded in becoming unified, consolidated—and the victory of
Kulikovo served as a proof of its strength. It was an omen of the
triumph of Europe over Asia, and has exactly the same signification
in the history of eastern Europe as the victories of Châlons and
Tours have in that of western Europe. It also bears a like character
with them—that of a terrible, bloody slaughter, a desperate struggle
between Europe and Asia, which was to decide the great question in
the history of humanity: which of these two parts of the world was to
triumph over the other.
But the victory of Kulikovo was one of those victories which closely
border upon grievous defeats. When, says the tradition, the grand
prince ordered a count to be made of those who were left alive after
the battle, the boyar Michael Aleksandrovitch reported to him that
there remained in all forty thousand men, while more than four
hundred thousand had been in action. And although the historian is
not obliged to accept the latter statement literally, yet the ratio here
given between the living and the dead is of great importance to him.
Four princes, thirteen boyars, and a monk of the monastery of
Troitsa, were among the slain. It is for this reason that in the
embellished narratives of the defeat of Mamai we see the event
represented on one hand as a great triumph and on the other as a
woeful and lamentable event. There was great joy in Russia, says
the chronicler, but there was also great grief over those slain by
Mamai at the Don; the land of Russia was bereft of all voyevods
(captains) and men and all kinds of warriors, and therefore there was
a great fear throughout all the land of Russia. It was this
depopulation through loss of men that gave the Tatars a short-lived
triumph over the victors of Kulikovo.e
The example of Dmitri Donskoi had clearly pointed out the course
which it was the policy of the grand prince to follow; but, in order to
place his own views beyond the reach of speculation, and to enforce
them in as solemn a manner as he could upon his successors, that
prince placed a last injunction upon his son, which he also
addressed in his will to all future grand princes, to persevere in the
lofty object of regeneration by maintaining and strengthening the
domestic alliances of the sovereignty, and resisting the Tatars until
they should be finally driven out of Russia. His reign of twenty-seven
years, crowned with eventful circumstances, and subjected to many
fluctuations, established two objects which were of the highest
consequence to the ultimate completion of the great design. Amidst
all the impediments that lay in his way, or that sprang up as he
advanced, Dmitri continued his efforts to create an order of nobility—
the boyars, who, scattered through every part of the empire, and
surrounding his court on all occasions of political importance, held
the keys of communication and control in their hands, by which the
means of concentration were at all times facilitated. That was one
object, involving in its fulfilment the gradual reduction of the power of
the petty princes, and contributing mainly to the security of the
second object, which was the chief agent of his designs against the
Tatars. In proportion as he won over the boyars to his side, and gave
them an interest in his prosperity, he increased the power of the
grand princedom. These were the elements of his plan: the
progressive concentration of the empire, and the elevation of the
grand princedom to the supreme authority. The checks that he met in
the prosecution of these purposes, of which the descent of the Tatar
army upon Moscow was the principal, slightly retarded, but never
obscured, his progress. The advances that he had made were
evident. It did not require the attestation of his dying instructions to
explain the aim of his life: it was visibly exemplified in the institutions
he bequeathed to his country; in the altered state of society; and in
the general submission of the appanages to a throne which, at the
period of his accession, was shaken to its centre by rebellion.d
In 1389 Dmitri died at the early age of thirty-
[1389 a.d.] nine. His grandfather, his uncle, and his father
had quietly prepared ample means for an open
decisive struggle. Dmitri’s merit consisted in the fact that he
understood how to take advantage of these means, understood how
to develop the forces at his disposal and to impart to them the proper
direction at the proper time. We do not intend to weigh the merits of
Dmitri in comparison with those of his predecessors; we will only
remark that the application of forces is usually more evident and
more resounding than their preparation, and that the reign of Dmitri,
crowded as it was from beginning to end with the events of a
persistent and momentous struggle, easily eclipsed the reigns of his
predecessors with their sparse incidents. Events like the battle of
Kulikovo make a powerful impression upon the imagination of
contemporaries and endure long in the remembrance of their
descendants. It is therefore not surprising that the victor of Mamai
should have been given beside Alexander Nevski so conspicuous a
place amongst the princes of the new northeastern Russia. The best
proof of the great importance attributed to Dmitri’s deeds by
contemporaries is to be found in the existence of a separate
narrative of the exploits of this prince, a separate embellished
biography. Dmitri’s appearance is thus described: “He was strong
and valiant, and great and broad in body, broad shouldered and very
heavy, his beard and hair were black, and very wonderful was his
gaze.” In his biography the severity of his life is extolled, his aversion
to pleasure, his piety, gentleness, his chastity both before and after
marriage; among other things it is said: “Although he was not learned
in books, yet he had spiritual books in his heart.” The end of Dmitri is
thus described: “He fell ill and was in great pain, then it abated, but
he again fell into a great sickness and his groaning came to his
heart, for it touched his inner parts and his soul already drew near to
death.”
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