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夏志清論中國文學

夏志清著

萬芷均 吳志峰 陳次雲

陸勉餘 黃維樑 張漢良
歐陽子杜國清

合譯

劉紹銘校訂
 To Della,
my companion for life
 目錄

編輯説明 ix
校訂餘話 xi
序言 xvii

致謝 xxiii

I理解中國文學
中國古典文學—
—作為傳統文化產物在當代的接受 3
—關於結構、傳統與諷刺的反思
中國小説與美國批評— 27
論對中國現代文學的「科學」研究—
—答普實克教授 45

II傳統戲曲

熊譯《西廂記》新序 79
湯顯祖筆下的時間與人生 93

III傳統與早期現代小説
戰爭小説初論 123
書評：《紅樓夢的原型與寓言》 147
文人小説家和中國文化—
—《鏡花緣》新論 161
新小説的提倡者：嚴復與梁啓超 189
《老殘遊記》新論 211
《玉梨魂》新論 229

IV現代小説

《中國現代中短篇小説選》導言 269
端木闕良的《科爾沁旗草原》 287
殘存的女性主義—
—中國共產主義小説中的女性形象 329

注釋 349
 編輯説明

《夏志清論中國文學》原書C. T. Hsia on Chinese Literature，集

合夏志清教授在哥倫比亞大學任教其間發表的十六篇文章 ，都是他
希望用以傳世之作，該書較其經典著作《中國現代小説史》和《中國
古典小説》涉獵的範圍更廣，開創討論的範圍更闊。
我們構思出版中文版時，先得王德威教授為我們穿針引線，後
來蒙劉紹銘教授幫忙，為本書校訂十二篇已有的舊譯和四篇新譯文
章，提供寶貴意見。我們一併在此致謝。
最後，經劉教授審訂，有感最後兩篇有關臺灣文學的文章已失
時效，決定刪去，但在〈序言〉與〈致謝〉內仍有提及共刊十六篇文
章，當指英文版而言，行文保留不改，特此説明。

香港中文大學出版社
2017年2月
 校訂餘話

劉紹銘

—作為傳統文化產物在當代的接
夏志清教授〈中國古典文學—

受〉一文的原型是他1984年在美國田納西Memphis State University

一個研討會上宣讀的論文。後應紐約一家中文雜誌之邀將資料重
組成文〈中國古典文學之命運〉。現在這篇題為“Classical Chinese
Literature: Its Reception Today as a Product of Traditional Culture
原刊於 1988年7月出版的學報Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles,
Reviews (CLEAR) °
CLEAR雖然接受了夏先生的鴻文，但編者私下對這篇文章卻
諸多保留，認為這是一篇「浮躁文章」(feisty essay)，作者好辯成
性。據夏先生所言，雜誌出版前不但沒給他看校稿，而且還以印刷
錯誤為藉口多次篡改文章内容。
我想CLEAR編者「慢待」夏先生一定有理由，這點留待下文再
談。總體而言，夏先生這篇有關「接受」的文章可説是「三十年來美
國漢學發展之回顧」。他用了大量篇幅介紹各種中國經典文學作品英
譯上市的成果。三國、水滸、西遊、金瓶、儒林、紅樓這些國人一
向引以為傲的文學遺產的全譯本今天都垂手可得。
現在問題是，余國藩的《西遊記》譯本，在文本外加上解題注釋
等考證功夫，合得皇皇四大冊。夏先生説對了，這類型的翻譯，除
了「行家」和攻讀學位的研究生，再不會有人問津了。
xii I校訂餘話

回頭説説中國傳統文學的「內涵」。夏先生耶魯大學英美文學
博士出身。拿到學位後留在美國教中文本來不是第一志願，不過習慣
了以後覺得不妨利用這機會探究一下：「中國傳統文學究竟有多好？」
夏先生在耶魯就讀時，該校的英文系是「新批評」學派重鎮，學
成後因利乘便試以「本門武功」explication de texte的招式一一給一
些「備受爭議」的作品作「文本解讀」。夏志清教授「初試啼聲」的記
錄是《中國現代小説史》。張愛玲的「都市小説」風靡敵偽時期的上
海，但因夫婿胡蘭成「附逆」，自己的身世也出了問題 。
《秧歌》真正的價值，迄今無人討論，「但是對於一個研究現代
中國文學的人説來，張愛玲該是今日中國最優秀最重要的作家」。這

些話見《小説史》第十五章。《小説史》英文原著1961年由耶魯大學
出版。事隔半個多世紀，經夏志清品題後的「鴛鸯蝴蝶派」作家張愛
玲在眾多「癡心」讀者的掌聲中步入「嚴肅文學」的廟堂。
夏志清細讀《金瓶梅》文本，認定它是中國小説發展史上一個里
程碑，跳出了歷史的窠臼而處理一個屬於自己創造出來的世界。「裏
邊的人物均是飲食男女，生活在真正的中產人家之中。雖然色情小
説早已多見不怪，但書中那麼工筆描寫一個中國家庭中的卑俗骯髒
的日常瑣事實在是一種革命性的改進。」
夏先生帶着西方文學滿腹詩書教美國學生唐詩宋詞，的確是
一大負擔。他貴為哥倫比亞大學中文教授，經常接觸到學生為了選
課問題上門求見。這些時候他間或壓制不了自己「吃裏爬外」的衝

勁，勸學生主修希臘文學或十九世紀俄國小説(I would not hesitate

to advise any college youth to major in Greek.... Similarly I would
not hesitate to encourage a student who wants to major in classical
Russian literature.) 0
陳毓賢女士在〈在西雅圖當新娘子〉一文説到她漢學家的丈夫

艾朗諾(Ronald Egan)，説他在加州大學Santa Barbara分校唸中文

時，老師是白先勇，「白先勇給他取了漢文名字 ，勸他轉入東亞系，
暑假又把他帶到台灣請朋友替他補習。」這裏不妨補充一句，白先勇
對自己的學生這麼「禮遇」，在美國大學中文老師中不算是例外。
 校訂餘話丨

夏先生英文寫作之餘，也偶然應中文報刊之邀寫稿。這裏讓我
舊話重提，再引一次他在〈中國文學只有中國人自己講〉説過的話：
「洋人看中國書看得少的時候，興趣很大；看得多了，反而沒有興
趣了。……《西遊記》翻譯一點點，人家覺得很好，後來多了以後，
就覺得很煩。……所以，中國文學弄不大，弄了很多年弄不起來，
要起來早就起來了。法國的《包法利夫人》大家都在看，中國的《紅
樓夢》你不看也沒有關係，中國沒有一本書大家必須看。」
夏先生在為《中國古典小説》做研究時，肯定了《紅樓夢》是中
國小説登峰造極之作，可是過了一段時間他覺得這部小説有不少缺
憾，最難接受的是寶玉面對人生諸多痛苦，竟然可以「看破紅塵」出
家一走了之。看來看去，夏先生覺得俄國小説家陀思妥耶夫斯基的
長篇鉅著《卡拉馬佐夫兄弟》才是小説中之極品。
這下子惹火了歷史學家唐德剛教授。他跟夏先生是同輩人，私
交甚篤。對他説來，《紅樓夢》是「課餘讀物」，習慣拿來「感情認同」
可以，卻不會用作「文本分析」。夏先生用《卡拉馬佐夫兄弟》把《紅
樓夢》比下去，在唐教授看來，簡直是「以夷變夏」，於是寫了〈紅樓
遺禍—
—對夏志清「大字報」的答覆〉，發表於台灣的《中國時報》。
文內有十八個小標題 ，其中有「瘋氣要改改」、「以『崇洋過當』觀點
貶抑中國作家」和「崇洋自卑的心態」三條。
現在我們回頭看看夏先生投稿CLEAR學報引起的是非。説來
湊巧，那位把夏先生文章認作feisty essay的編輯先生剛好是我唸研
究院時的先後同學，父母是華僑，在美國長大，在日常生活習慣與
思想方面仍對中國傳統文化有藕斷絲連的依戀。難怪他把夏先生的
言論目為「離經叛道」。
《小説史》的初版原序，我們看到夏先生給自己訂下的工作信
條：「作為文學史家，我的首要工作是『優秀作品之發現和評審』
("the discovery and appraisal of excellence^^) ° 從夏先生對張愛
玲作品之高度評價我們可以看到，他衡量一個作家成就之高低 ，
只憑作品的質素，不問他的政治取向。抗戰時候周作人沒離開北
京，但夏先生並沒有因此冷落他，在《小説史》中以大量篇幅介紹
他博學多才的一面：散文家、文評家、翻譯家。
 I校訂餘話

夏先生的著作廣受歐美漢學界好評 。他們對他就事論事的道德
勇氣深表佩服。同樣專治中國小説的哈佛大學教授韓南推薦《夏志
清論中國文學》就説過：「夏志清無疑是六十年代以來最具影響力的
中國小説評論家。……這本集子的學術文章不僅出色，更是真正值

—“seminal”，極具開創性」。
得稱作那個已濫用的形容詞 —
同樣一本《小説史》，由思想與立場有異於韓南的專家來評述，

看法當然大異其趣。《小説史》面世不久，捷克漢學名宿J. Pr芮ek
在7”咫發表了長長的書評，毫不客氣的説夏教授文章充滿
偏見，對丁玲等左翼作家多見仇恨惡毒之言(malicious spite) °有
些「愛國作家」雖在全民抗日戰爭中貢獻良多 ，如蕭軍的《八月的鄉

村》5 但“C. T. Hsia says not a word about the immense influence of
this work upon Chinese youth and the broad masses of the people,
or the immeasurable service rendered by it in the patriotic struggle
of the Chinese people.5，
我們拿出《小説史》有關蕭軍的段落對照一下，不難發覺夏先生

對《八月的鄉村》的評價用字雖然不多，但絕對不是"not a word”，
「一字不提」。夏先生對左派作家容或有「偏見」，但對他們的成就並
沒有視若無覩。別的不説，他對張天翼和吳組細的作品一直推崇備
至。文學史家首要的工作是發現和評審優美的作品。自六十年代初
出道以來，夏先生以此信條為終生職志，真有「自反而縮，雖千萬
人，吾往矣」的氣慨。

《夏志清論中國文學》的前言附有賓夕凡尼亞大學梅維恒(Victor
H. Mair)教授致夏先生的短信，譯文如下：

夏教授臺攀：

你最近在CLEAR發表的有關中國古典文學命運一文着實令人
喘不過氣來。雖然思想狹隘封閉者必對你惡言相向，但此文對中國
文學之評價實乃五四以來最中肯之陳述。你將自己至深至切的感受
 校訂餘話丨XV

與想法公之於世，膽識過人，赤心可鑒。你的努力最終定會有所回
報，不獨因為此文意義非凡、歷久彌新，更因其必將引起中國國內
一些基本的改變。再不改變,中國無以存續。Hat off to you!

梅維恒上

1990年3月22日
 序言

我在美國已經生活了五十六年，用三年半的時間拿到耶魯的英
文博士，又在洛克菲勒基金的贊助下花三年寫了一部中國現代小説
史，後來在密西根大學當了一陣中文客座講師，接着又去了另外兩

所大學教了五年的英文。接下來的三十年裏，從1961-1962年的
匹茲堡大學，到1962-1991年的哥倫比亞大學，我都在教授中國文
學，書寫有關中國文學的文章。1992年7月，我因心房纖顫在醫
院裏住了十天，自此便不再以美國漢學家的身分在學界活動。最近
三四年，我的身體慢慢好轉，倒也開始越來越多地用中文寫作了。
本書收錄了十六篇關於中國文學的評論文章與研究論文，都
是我在哥大任教時發表出版的，也都是我希望傳下來的。第一部分
的三篇文章從批評的角度研究中國文學，探討中國文學的實質與意
義，同時檢視西方學者欣賞、評價中國文學的角度和方法。第二部
分的兩篇文章以傳統戲劇為題，一篇研究《西廂記》各版本的年代先
後，另一篇則討論明戲劇家湯顯祖的五部戲劇作品。第三部分內容
比較廣泛，包括了一篇對《紅樓夢》研究專著的書評，一篇對演義小
説的研究論文，另有三篇文章分別討論清代至民國的三部小説，外
加一篇關於兩位新文學倡導者的論文。第四部分收錄五篇文章，但
只有寫端木蘭良《科爾沁旗草原》那篇可與第三部分的幾篇好文章相
提並論；〈殘存的女性主義—
—中國共產主義小説中的女性形象〉
xviii | 序言

還不錯，主要探討了共產主義制度下女性的生活狀況 ，論點雖無差
誤，但字裏行間露出了「欲説還休」的一點顧慮。這一部分餘下的
三篇都是其他小説選集的前言後語，我自認為總結得還不錯，乾淨
俐落。我對作品作家的評斷標準一向都是好作家應當是語言的藝術
家，能從廣闊的角度捕捉人類困境中的特殊時刻 。除了《隋史遺文》
的前言用中文外，我作的關於傳統小説戲劇的論文都是英文，為的
是與我的美國同僚交流切磋。我為上述幾部文集所作的前言後語都
是為學生而寫的，受眾不同自然文章也就各有深淺。若有興趣看看
我對陳若曦、白先勇、於梨華等當代作家的評價 ，可參看我寫的一
些中文評論。"Black nars”本身不長，我的介紹也就相對簡短，不
過我對彭歌所有現存的小説曾經作過一篇中文評論文 ，最初收錄於
1987年出版的《夏志清文學評論集》，有興趣的朋友也可以拿來翻一
翻。
正因為我讀英文博士時曾讀過大量英譯的歐洲文學，所以當
我有機會以終身教授的身分講授 、研究中國文學時，我也希望能夠
同樣精通中國文學。執教之初我講了一門元劇的閲讀課，最後到退
休的時候，我與高克毅合編的一部元劇選集也終於將由哥倫比亞大
學出版社付梓出版了。這部選集收錄的作品，一部分由我的學生翻
譯，另一部分則是即將發表於雜誌《譯叢》（Read/o〃s）的譯稿，此
外，同樣任教於哥大的商偉教授亦將為選集作序並審稿 。1966年，
我受邀參加伊利諾大學的明代思想學術會議並在會上發言 ，此前我
已在哥大參加了一個為期一年的明朝研討會 ，於是放棄了研究明小
説的想法，決定作一篇關於明戲劇家湯顯祖的文章。我花了一年
時間讀完了湯顯祖的五個劇本，以及大量有關湯顯祖的文獻資料，

終於寫成了 "Time and the Human Condition in the Plays of Tang

Hsien-tsu”一文。後來，百慕大中國文學會議發出徵稿通知，我有
意再做一篇明傳奇的論文，趁我還算年輕，少説還能再研究十部明
戲劇（一般認為明戲劇有六十部），這樣一來便也能算在這個領域小
有成就了。然而事與願違，我的一位同事兼好友也打算做明傳奇，
便勸我繼續研究小説，於是我便放棄了鑽研明戲劇的計劃，寫了一
 序言I

篇分析演義小説的文章，也算是首創吧。後來我給研究生開中國文
學的課，在七十年代中期設計了一套三年制的課程，第一年讀唐宋
詩詞，第二年元劇與明清戲曲，第三年是小説的閲讀研討課。這樣
不僅能擴寬學生的知識面，而我自己在研究現代白話文學時若沒甚
進展，至少也還有前朝的作品作伴。
一個中國文學的學者若對自己專攻之外的領域所知甚少，那
便無法全面地思索、研究中國文學這個整體。這也未必是件壞事，
畢竟這樣便無須為一些宏大的難題所煩擾 ，但我早年一直攻讀英文
博士，對西方文學傳統也算精通，可腦海裏卻始終盤旋着兩個揮之
不去的疑問：中國傳統文學到底有多好？中國傳統文學又如何與
豐富的西方文學傳統相抗衡？拙作《中國現代小説史》(History of
Modern Chinese Fiction］出版後，引起了捷克斯洛伐克的漢學家雅
羅斯拉夫•普實克教授(Jaroslav Pr芮ek)極大的不滿，他自稱是共
產主義中國的朋友，與許多延安、北京的著名作家私交其厚 。他讀
到我書中一些反共、反毛的言論，氣急之下便在歐洲知名學報《通
報》(TdmgPqo)上發文，把我這本書批得體無完膚。我迫得奮起
作辯，不然我在批評界、學術界的聲譽恐怕就要毀於一旦了。1968
年，我的《中國古典小説》(T〃e Classic Chinese Novel)面世，極獲
好評，越來越多年輕學者也由此開始認真地研究書中討論的六大小
説了。但他們在閲讀這六本小説的同時，往往不相信自己的初步感
受，因而埋頭傳統批本，希望藉此摸索出書中的微文大義。此外他
們還同時向新興的文學理論與批評方法找尋靈感與啓發。我對這種

閲讀研究方式無法苟同 ，理由與根據都寫在我對浦安迪(Andrew H.
Plaks) Archetype and Allegory in the Dream of the Red Chamber 的
書評中，初刊於1979年的of AsMM S协力es，本書
亦有收錄。
後來，應李鶴株(Peter H. Lee)之邀，我為於1983年舉辦的東
—關於結構、傳統、
亞文學國際會議撰寫了〈中國小説與美國批評—
諷刺的反思〉(“Chinese Novels and American Critics: Reflections
on Structure, Tradition, and Satire")，並在文中細述了我跟芮效衞
 I序言

(David工Roy)和浦安迪兩位教授意見相左之處。文章發表後，芮
效衞、浦安迪並沒有回應，前面提到的普實克也沒有再作辯駁。
上述兩篇文章雖然在學界引起爭論，是對事不對人，但我寫的

〈中國古典文學—
—作為傳統文化產物在當代的接受〉(“Classical
Chinese Literature: Its Reception Today as a Product of Traditional
Culture,” 1990)就直接牽涉到我個人了。作為學界資深學者和有地
位的評論家，這樣公開地表示我對中國古典文學的興致日衰，也許
不大得體。或許有人會説，我這樣做不僅把原本對中國古典文學頗
有興趣的學生都給嚇跑了，而且還冒犯了全世界的漢學家，冒犯了
所有擁護中國文化的人。他們的工作是向世界推廣傳播中國文化，
而我的論點看來有點像是自取其辱。然而，正如我在答普實克一文
的末尾所言，我作為中國文學的評論家，「不可甘於未經證實的假
設與人云亦云的評價判斷，做研究時必須思想開通，不念後果，不
因政治立場有失偏頗」。這也正是我在〈中國古典文學〉一文中所持
的態度。此文我交 Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 發
表，該刊編輯不大滿意我的文章，認為我只不過是「爭強好勝」，出
版前不僅沒給我讀校稿，而且還以印刷錯誤為藉口多次篡改文章内
容。此文終於在1988年7月號刊出。我在1990年初收到，自然憤
怒至極，但三個月後，我竟然收到了與我僅有一面之緣的梅維恒教

授(Victor H. Mair)親筆手寫的明信卡片。譯文如下：

夏教授臺鑒：

你最近在CLEAR發表的有關中國古典文學命運一文着實令人
喘不過氣來。雖然思想狹隘封閉者必對你惡言相向，但此文對中國
文學之評價實乃五四以來最中肯之陳述。你將自己至深至切的感受
與想法公之於世，膽識過人，赤心可鑒。你的努力最終定會有所回
報，不獨因為此文意義非凡、歷久彌新，更因其必將引起中國國內
一些基本的改變。再不改變,中國無以存續。Hat o仔to you!

梅維恒上
1990年3月22日
 序言I

我收到卡片，欣喜難掩，上一次我因一封來信而如此快樂，還

是1961年2月13日，我在紐約州的波茲坦意外收到哥大王際真教
授的來信，當時我的《中國現代小説史》尚未出版，王教授在耶魯大
學出版社讀到了前兩章的校樣，對我的評論能力及英文造詣稱讚有
嘉，甚至希望我能與他在哥大做同事，至今我仍感恩於心。
此外，我還欠古根漢基金會(John Simon Guggenheim
Foundation)與國家人文基金會(National Endowment for the
Humanities) 一個遲到的感謝，七八十年代，我在休假的幾年裏獲
得了他們資助的研究基金 ，原本計劃做出一份有關十九至二十世紀
初中國小説的長篇研究報吿 ，但因我的女兒患有嚴重的智障與自
閉症，太太與我不得不日夜照料，我長期研究的計劃也就暫時擱
置下來了。現在，我們的女兒已在紐約州斯塔茲堡的安德森學校
(Anderson School)生活數年，大大減輕了我與太太的負擔，若不是
我在退休後一年突發心臟病，當年剩下的五六章也就早該完成了。
迫於種種情形，希望兩大基金會能夠接受業已出版的四章研究成果
以及本書收錄的相關論文，權且作為我在他們的大力資助下對評論
界與學界的些微貢獻吧。
雖然我像王際真教授一樣，找到一位年青有為的學者繼任我在
哥大的教職，但從長遠看來，繼任我的王德威教授 (David D. Wang)
反倒更像是我的恩人而非受恩者。把我的論文集結成輯正是他的主
意，還多虧他從蔣經國基金會申請到額外的資金 ，本書才得以順利

出版。我還得感謝哥大出版社的編輯主任Jennifer Crew女士，同
意讓我在書後的術語彙編表中對演義小説及《玉梨魂》的注釋補充中
文注釋。我自己屬文時的遣詞造句已經非常小心 ，但Leslie Kriesel
依然能夠對部分文段提出改進意見，我在驚訝之餘亦格外感激。在
此5我也要感謝韓南(Patrick Hanan)和何谷理(Robert E. Hegel)
兩位教授，他們百忙中抽空重讀這裏收錄的所有文章，並極其熱心
地支持本書的出版。哥倫比亞大學早前曾出版向我表示敬意的論文
集 Ex勿of Self in Chinese Literature (1983)，韓南與何谷理
都曾為此書撰稿。此外，何谷理作為我的學生，更擔任了此書主編
xxii | 序言

一職，不僅為書作序，還寫了一篇詳細的導論探討文學的自我。我
的太太Della悉心照料我們的女兒，吃盡苦頭，她本希望能跟我同
遊歐洲或美國，但最後卻照我的樣子，讀起了嚴肅小説來。她現在

剛讀完了喬治•艾略特(George Eliot)的《丹尼爾•德龍達》(Daniel
Deronda)呢。
夏志清
2003年6月
(萬芷均譯)
 致謝

在此收錄的文章中，十二篇已在學術期刊或專題論文集中出版
過，餘下四篇則是中國文學英譯本的導論。首先感謝哥倫比亞大學
出版社允許我在此使用此前由哥大出版的四篇論文："Time and the
Human Condition in the Plays of T'ang Hsien-tsu^^ in Wm. Theodore
de Bary, ed., Self and Society in Ming Thought (1970); “A Critical
Introduction^^ to S. I. Hsiung, tr., The Romance of the Western
Chamber (1976); “Foreword" to Joseph S. M. Lau, ed., Chinese
Stories from Taiwan： 1960-1970 (1976);以及“Introduction" to
Modern Chinese Stories and Novellas, 1919-1949, edited by Joseph S.
M. Lau, C. T. Hsia, & Leo O. Lee (1981)。亦要感謝普林斯頓大學
出版社允許我在此使用他們出版的專題論文集中的兩篇論文：“The
Scholar-Novelist and Chinese Culture: A Reappraisal of Ching-
hua yuann from Andrew H. Plaks, ed., Chinese Narrative: Critical
and Theoretical Essays (1977)；以及“Yen Fu and Liang Ch'i-ch'ao
as Advocates of New Fiction55 from Adele A. Rickett, ed., Chinese
Approaches to Literature from Confucius to Liang Ch'i-ch'ao
(1978)。至於餘下的幾篇文章，我將以時間為序，列出各篇文章的
初版信息，同時對授權重印的編輯與出版社表示衷心的感謝 ：

“Residual Femininity: Women in Chinese Communist Fiction” from

The China Quarterly, no. 15 (London, 1962).
 I致謝

“On the 'Scientific5 Study of Modern Chinese Literature: A Reply to

Professor Prusek^^ from T'oung Pao, L, nos. 4-5 (Leiden, 1963).
“The Travels of Lao Ts'an: An Exploration of Its Art and Meaning55
from the Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, n.s. VII, no. 2
(Taipei, 1969).
“The Military Romance: A Genre of Chinese Fiction“ from Cyril
Birch, ed” Studies in Chinese Literary Genres (University of
California Press, 1974).
wArchetype and Allegory in the Dream of the Red Chamber: A
CritiqueH from Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, XXXIX,
no. 1 (Cambridge, 1979).
“Hsii Chen-ya's Yii-li hun-. An Essay in Literary History and
Criticism,first published in Proceedings of the International
Conference on Sinology: Section on Literature (Taipei:
Academia Sinica, 1981). Also in Renditions, nos. 17-18 (spring
& autumn 1982), pp. 199-240. Reprinted by permission of the
Research Centre of the Chinese University of Hong Kong.
“The Korchin Banner Plains： A Biographical and Critical Study
from La Literature chinoise au temps de la guerre de resistance
contre Japan (de 1937 a 1945) (Paris: Editions de la Fondation
Singer-Polignac, 1982).
K Chinese Novels and American Critics: Reflections on Structure,
Tradition, and Satire5, from Peter H. Lee, ed., Critical Issues
in East Asian Literature (Seoul: International Cultural Society
of Korea, 1983). Permission granted by the Korea Foundation,
Seoul, Korea, which has absorbed the International Cultural
Society of Korea.
“Classical Chinese Literature: Its Reception Today as a Product of
Traditional Culturefrom CLEAR, X, nos. 1-2 (1988), but
not published until the new year of 1990.
 致謝丨XXV

曾於 1986 年出版彭歌 Black Tears: Stories of War-torn China

的 Chinese Materials Center Publications 早已結業，導論一章的版
權便也復歸原主夏志清，謹收錄於此。
（萬芷均譯）
…文學
 中國古典文學
作為傳統文化產物在當代的接受

萬芷均譯

相比起中國古典文學，中國現代文學不論在形式上，還是思想
上，都大量借鑒西方文學，少了點獨特的中國韻味，因此不在本文
討論之列。1900年秋，八國聯軍佔領北平，國家岌岌可危，文明落
後僵滯，中國現代文學大致就在這樣的境況下誕生了。現代文學，
尤其是1917年新文化運動之後的文學作品，是現代中國文化與歷史
中至關重要並且仍在不斷發展的一部分，也必將繼續在全球範圍內
受到相關學科學者的密切關注。至於中國人自己，不管身處何地，
只要心繫中國的命運，也必當閲讀現代中國文學。雖然在毛澤東
統治下的近三十年時間裏，中國大陸的文學讓人大失所望，但在毛
澤東逝世不久，眾多作家便以詩歌、小説、戲劇的形式講述他們眼
見耳聞親歷的真相，由此也可證明，即便在共產主義的意識形態之
下，堅執真實的現代精神也很能經得住考驗。।而且值得注意的是，
在中國大陸，對本國當代文學有濃厚興趣的中學生、大學生還遠多
於熱愛本土文學的美國同齡人。
總的來説，本文探討的對象仍以中國傳統古典文學為主。中國
古典文學的發靭早於儒家思想，但它主要表達的主流中國文化卻服
務於尊儒的集權政府。古典文學土生土長於中國，其體裁類型也是
4 |理解中國文學

明顯的中式。創作者基本都是求取仕途的讀書人，但他們也沒有與
民曲民謠、口頭文學就此斷絕。相反，到後來雖然許多文人自幼習
慣用文言作詩詞，但仍大量運用通俗白話創作戲劇和小説。然而，
除了民謠和部分口頭文學，民眾對古典文學形成的影響就微乎其微
了。以佛教為主的外來語匯、思想早已成為中國傳統的一部分，因
此我們在閲讀中國古典文學時也不會存在理解上的問題。至於由利

瑪竇(1552-1610)等耶穌會教士傳入朝廷的近代西方文明，因為在
十七、十八世紀的文學作品中鮮有提及，所以把文學史的現代時期
定於二十世紀，想也不為過。
研究中國古典文學在當代海外的接受之前，自然應當首先估量
一下兩岸國人對古典文學的接受度，一種文學要是中國人自己都沒
興趣，更不用指望外國人能靠翻譯讀得津津有味。毋庸置疑歷史上
古典文學對士大夫學識、心性的培養至關重要，因而也有助於中國
文化的發展和政治秩序的穩定。同樣，凡有意攻讀中國文化和歷史
的學生，至少也該對那些公認的經典作品熟讀於心，不論其文學價
值與流行程度如何，讀不了原文也應當讀讀翻譯。不過，即便是莎
士比亞，其作品的內在價值也同樣仰賴於對青年讀者的長期培養 ，
需要他們懂得欣賞莎士比亞，更需要他們首先願意接受嚴苛的培養
與教育。如果所有的年輕一代都對莎翁的詩歌置若罔聞，那麼莎士
比亞便會失去其內在的意義與價值；如果這種漠然的態度持續個十
幾年，估計那時的教育學家們便會改換課程，把莎士比亞換成其他
更受歡迎的作家。説不定未來的一天，專攻漢學的學生對古典文學
也會只餘下一點象徵性的興趣而已。
在古代，若要博取功名、著稱文壇，就必須掌握儒家的經典著
作以及重要詩人、散文家的代表作品，因此中國古典文學一直佔據
着絕對的主導地位。然而，1905年廢除科舉後，古典教育自此不再
是取得功名和學術成就的唯一途徑，到二十年代，白話取代文言成
為文學創作和新聞報導的主要敍事媒介，古典文學的地位由此更是
一落千丈。如今，隨着海峽兩岸越來越多的學生開始偏好科技 、醫
學以及人文學科中更有「錢途」的科目，中國古典文學這一文化遺產
 中國古典文學丨5

的存續幾乎主要依賴於高中教育裏最基本的名篇閲讀和簡單的文言
寫作之上。不過，當高中教育課程需要納入新的學科和技能時(如
電腦科學)，文言與古典文學教育勢將退居次位。如果好的文化修養
意味着自幼精讀本國經典，雖不求文筆雅致，但至少能文法通暢地
寫作，那麼可想而知，不論在美國，還是中國大陸或者臺灣，人們
的文化修養必將進一步下降。
除了老師，家庭、朋友對一個人的閲讀取向也有很大影響。在
我的學生時代，要是課堂上教的、背的是唐宋大家的散文，那我們
課餘便會自己去讀文言小説，五大名著外(那時《金瓶梅》還是禁書)
還有其他許多章回小説，遲早都讓我和朋友們讀過一遍。我猜，打
倒四人幫以前，這也是大陸許多學生的寫照吧：當時的小説無聊得
很，外國小説的譯本又不多，自然而然，學生們便會讀讀《三國演
義》《水滸傳》一類小説作為消遣。但是到了今天，電視觸手可及，
外國文學翻譯比比皆是 ，從《唐吉訶德》到類型小説暢銷書舉不勝
舉，更不消説五花八門的雜誌期刊和琳琅滿目的現代小説。與臺灣

的情形一樣，傳統小説在大陸的熱潮終會過去。1981年，鑒於年輕
一代的古文閲讀能力普遍下降，一家報社的編輯促成了四十六冊古
文經典的白話翻譯，從《詩經》到《老殘遊記》，內容十分豐富，也極
獲好評。現在臺灣的青少年讀者手裏拿着的正是這些白話譯本 ，即
便如《西遊記》和《紅樓夢》這一類的通俗小説，也是以節縮本面世，
只保留幾段原文作為樣章附在譯本當中 。2
讀了上文，大家也許會以為年輕一代之所以對古典文學興趣索
然，主要就在於語言能力的下降；但一代又一代的讀者證明，即使
沒有長年累月的文學根底照樣能讀《三國》《水滸》。如果這些家喻
戶曉的經典作品開始受人冷落，那也只是因為其他讀物更受歡迎罷
了，譬如最近的武俠小説、歷史演義，或新譯的阿加莎•克利斯蒂
(Agatha Christie)和維多利亞•霍特(Victoria Holt) 0與中國傳統小
説相比，讀者當然會更傾心於十九世紀與現代派的西方經典小説。
這便是新文化運動以來的現實。儘管在新文學與舊文學的論戰中，
總有幾部古典小説得到了新文學論者的推崇，但整體上傳統小説都
6 |理解中國文學

因其思想落後、缺乏人道主義的思維受到了猛烈抨擊。對於胡適、
魯迅等文化領袖，西方小説顯而易見的優勢更是毋庸置疑。
既然中國傳統小説的讀者在這幾十年間都已在逐漸流失，我們
可以大膽地説，大多數中國人完成學校教育後便不會再接觸古典詩
詞、散文和戲曲。這情形跟美國差不多。今天大概只有人文學科的
教師、職業作家和出版商還會繼續閲讀小説以外的古典文學 。但就
中國文學的聲譽平心而論，讀者誠然越來越少，這些文學作品的作
者卻依然被尊為民族英雄 ，並在中國大陸獲得了前所未有的聲譽與
讚賞。雖然傳統文學在五四運動中遭到抨擊，但就我所知，還並沒
有一個人曾真正詆毀過屈原、陶潛、李白、杜甫、蘇軾、關漢卿、
施耐庵、湯顯祖和曹雪芹；儘管他們在文化大革命中慘遭批判，但
如今他們的名字已超乎意識形態之上，成為文化的英雄。批鬥舊文
化是為了滿足一個歷史流轉的衝動，而英雄崇拜則是文化演進的另
一個必然。中國傑出科學家不多，而歷來的政治家又都以儒家思想
為重，自然要對歷史上的文學巨擘大事表揚 。在我看來，相比1949
年以前，屈原、杜甫、關漢卿和曹雪芹如今都受到了舉國上下更大
的尊敬。環顧四周，我們在郵票上緬懷着他們的過去 ，在小説、戲
劇、電影裏一遍又一遍上演着他們的作品與事蹟。在某種意義上，
他們被供奉為魯迅和毛澤東的先驅，是幫助人民掙脫封建文化、關
心民間疾苦的引路明燈。
在任何一場表揚大師的大規模文學批判運動中，矯枉過正的
論點在所難免。元老級的作家受到無上的尊崇，其優點更在公眾眼
中愈加放大。其他次要的文人作家呢，則被斥為封建主義的典型產
品。不過，在這一民族英雄的塑造過程中，應運而生的還有關於其
作品的新的詮釋、研究和英譯（當時大多數的英譯本都出自楊憲益 、
戴乃迭這對老搭檔）。不論古典文學如何失寵於大眾，這些新的版本
無疑對致力研習古典文學的學生大有裨益。樂觀點説，儘管就受教
育的總人口來看，古典文學的讀者數量急轉直下（曾幾何時，凡識字
者皆必讀古典文學），但相比明清時期，現在古典文學的忠實讀者絕

對比那時期多。我想，單單是中國語言與文化的教師都應當比 1790
 中國古典文學丨7

或1890年考中科舉試的總人數要多。與古代做官的不同，今天大多
數中文教師恐怕都得讀點古典文學，不然在同行間難以立足。

誠然，中港臺三地的教師群體已經足夠支持古典文學出版業的
長足發展，但西方公眾對中國古典文學卻依然知之甚少，儘管中國
小説戲劇零碎的英法譯本早在十八世紀就已經在歐洲流傳。如今，
美國各大書店專門擺設翻譯作品的書架上不僅有來自法意德等歐洲
國家的現代作家，更有東歐、拉丁美洲、印度、日本，甚至中國大
陸和臺灣的當代作品，因此，寄望中國古典文學能在美國擁有龐大
的讀者群其實不切實際(因美國擁有廣大受眾，且其漢學研究居於
公認的領先地位，故為方便起見，這裏僅以美國為代表) 。受過良
好教育的大眾讀者，往往通過閲讀現代文學來感受海內外不同的生
活體驗，因此現代文學也就更受歡迎。相較之下，即便是十八世紀
的英國文學作品也顯得遙遠了。想要充分領略其中樂趣，還得事先
下足功夫才行。一般讀者不大可能在毫不瞭解中國歷史、文化的情
況下，仍能徜徉於明清時期的中國社會而不覺陌生。《一千零一夜》
是唯一一部成功躋身西方經典的非希伯來語的東方作品 ，但諷刺的
是，在研究阿拉伯文學的學者中，這部知名作品卻並不受重視。由
此看來，要想中國小説中的某個人物變得比阿里巴巴與辛巴達更出
名，希望的確渺茫。
雖然中國古典文學翻譯作品的讀者數量的確有限，我應該指出
的是，美國讀者對中國的迷戀可説情有獨鍾。二戰以來，許多有關
中國的作品也曾一度躋身暢銷榜單 。即便在戰前甚至戰時，林語堂
的《吾國與吾民》(My Country and My People) '《生活的藝術》(T〃e
Importance of Living)、《京華煙雲》(Moment in Peking)以及老舍

原著、伊萬金(Evan King)翻譯的《駱駝祥子》都曾數周榮列暢銷書
榜。二戰後，不少美國本土作家都寫過有關中國的書籍，但這些先
不談5單看華裔作家如韓素音(Han Suyin) '湯婷婷(Maxine Hong
8 |理解中國文學

Kingston)、包柏漪(Bette Bao Lord) ' 梁恒(Liang Heng，與Judi出

Shapiro合著)、譚恩美(Amy Tan)這幾個人的例子。他們的作品都
曾獲得大眾甚至文學批評界的讚揚 。相比之下，中國當代傑出作家
的譯本則難望其背項了。一部分原因在於這些譯本均由大學出版社
出版，而他們在宣傳、推銷方面的資源實在有限。不過也有例外，
陳若曦的《尹縣長》(The Execution of Mayor Yin，由印第安那大學
出版社於1978年出版)就曾獲得熱烈的迴響 。而由於美國的「中國
熱」餘溫仍在，其他當代小説的譯本理應也能夠再出現一次「《尹縣
長》現象」。
因為缺乏大眾讀者群，古典文學在銷量上也不甚理想。儘管過
去三十年來出現了一系列非常優秀的翻譯作品，但仍未能顯著激起
讀者的興趣。從前，埃茲拉龐德(Ezra Pound)、亞瑟韋力(Arthur
Waley)所譯的中國古詩詞，對於英美各國的詩人與現代詩讀者 ，
都還算是前所未有的新聞；那時譯者匱乏，而人們對中國詩詞的
興趣又極高，所以儘管龐德當時對中國詩詞的瞭解遠不及現在的
譯者，但幾冊薄薄的詩詞譯作已能讓讀者和書評人感覺如發現新天
地。由柳無忌(Wu-chi Liu)、羅郁正(Irving Lo)合編的《葵曄集》
(Sunflower Splendor, 1975)是一部涵蓋極廣的中國古詩詞選集，
出版後得到《紐約時報》星期日書評頭版的報導，極受好評。不過，
也正因其涵蓋面廣，在內容上難免給讀者在主題上陳陳相因的感
覺。而一度由龐德、韋力築起的期待也因此坍塌。此後的大部頭選

集如華茲生(Burton Watson)編譯的《哥倫比亞中國詩歌選集》(The
Columbia Book of Chinese Poetry)，齊皎瀚(Jona出an Chaves)編
譯的《哥倫比亞中國後期詩歌選集》(T从Columbia Book of Later
Chinese Poetry)，以及羅郁正、舒威霖(William Schultz)合編的《待
麟集》(Mn力%g for the Unicorn： Poems and Lyrics of China's Last
Dynasty)等，最終在書評界都得不到跟《葵曄集》相當的待遇。
同樣，由韋力編譯的《西遊記》節縮本《美猴王》(Mo欣纱)初版
於1944年，一經推出，其生動活潑的文筆，引人入勝的情節馬上得
到書評界的熱切讚賞，更激起讀者對全譯本的迫切期待 。從《美猴
 中國古典文學丨9

王》來看，不管以甚麼標準，足本的《西遊記》都該是一部十分出彩

的喜劇探險記，但在1977年，余國藩(An出ony Yu)翻譯的《西遊
記》全譯本第一卷正式面世時，我卻不得不向《紐約時報》書評版編
輯毛遂自薦寫書評，否則這本書便早已不留痕跡地從公眾視線裏消
逝了。後來，芝加哥大學出版社推出了這套書的第四卷 ，也就是最
後一卷，《紐約時報》亦請到當年《葵曄集》的書評人拉鐵摩爾(David
Lattimore)為這項一人獨力完成的壯舉寫書評。雖然余國藩這四本
扛鼎之作普遍得到好評，但在我的印象中，當時這部譯界巨著的受
眾主要還是局限於中國及亞洲文學的學生、學者和西方文學的教
師。評論家則幾乎絲毫不受影響，更不用説一般讀者了。整部作品
中，雖然幽默諷刺比比皆是，唐僧師徒的許多歷險經過卻常常重複
着同一語調和模式，讀久了自然生厭。對外國讀者而言，這本小説
與之前的詩歌一樣，撩人之處淺嘗過後，全譯本反而讓一度望眼欲
穿的讀者過分飽脹而失去欲知下回分解的樂趣 。
《葵曄集》和《西遊記》都經極力推銷才上市，所以不應怪罪美
國出版界對中國古典文學冷漠不公了。相反，美國對中國文學已
算十分公道，1977年，陳莉莉(Ch'enLi-li譯音)曾憑藉其翻譯佳
作《董解元西廂記》(Master Tung's Western Chamber Romance)榮
獲美國國家圖書獎，出人意料但的確實至名歸 。中國古典文學雖
然也曾收到肯定的評價，但目前為止仍未能吸引到享譽國際的書評
人，而在過去的幾十年裏，他們正是重要外國文學在美國發展的主
要助推力。固然陳莉莉已經獲得多少人夢寐以求的大獎 ，但我想，
作為一名比較文學的學生，如果她的書不僅受到漢學家的關注，
還能得到著名詩歌評論家或中世紀歐洲文學學者的垂青，大概更
會有「知遇之恩」的感受。眼下，斯坦納(George Steiner)、厄普代
克(John Updike)、維達爾(Gore Vidal)都是對世界小説大感興趣
的大評論家，但他們三人中似乎沒有人曾為任何中國古典或現代小

説做過書評，雖然維達爾在撰寫小説《創造》(Creation, 1981)時
一定對中國古代思想和歷史做過大量研究。至於厄普代克，他最近
的一部論文及書評集《靠岸而行》(Hugging the Shore, 1983)內容
10 I理解中國文學

涵蓋各地文學，幾乎無所不包。然而，到了遠東一節，他評價了夏
目漱石、谷崎潤一郎、遠藤周作、安部公房，但寫到中國時，卻置
中國本土文學於不顧，只提到李克曼(Simon Leys)的《中國影子》
{Chinese防adows)和黃仁宇的《萬曆十五年》(1587, A Year of No
Significance) °當然，厄普代克能夠注意到這兩本重要的書 ，的確
是件幸事，不過，他作為一名出色的小説家，同時還大量閲讀各國
小説作品，卻寧可閲讀一本有關明代的歷史書，也不願親自讀點這
個朝代的小説，實在令人不解。在他撰寫《靠岸而行》的十多年裏，

厄普代克本可以點評一下《西遊記》，或由霍克思(David Hawkes)
與閔福德(John Minford)合譯3的《石頭記》前四卷。厄普代克亦
可關注一下《尹縣長》，或由印第安那大學出版社出版的其他中國現
代小説精品5如白先勇的《遊園驚夢》(Wandering in the Garden,
Waking from the Dream)、蕭紅的《生死場》(The Field of Life and
Dea向和《呼蘭河傳》(Tales of Rive*。如果厄普代克曾為
這些書目作點評，一定會引起高度關注。4也許他曾收過書評邀請，
書看過後卻提不起興趣？或者更有可能的是，他曾讀過像《金瓶梅》
和《紅樓夢》這類的中國小説，始終無法投入，也從此了結對中國小
説的癡念。
不論是否應該怪責一言九鼎書評人的緘默，中國古典文學在
美國並非一種熱門學科是不爭的事實 。不過，二戰以後，許多學
者，包括從中國來到美國學習西方文學的研究生 、博士生等，他們
都在古典文學這一領域做出許多優秀的學術研究和翻譯作品，至少
為不懂中文的外國大學生提供了一個研究中國文學的機會。除了
上文中提到的那些翻譯作品，不能不提華茲生翻譯的兩卷本《史記》
(Records of the Grand Historian, I960) ° 跟最近一些古典文學譯
本不同，華茲生儘量少用注釋，使專家學者與大眾讀者都能從中受
益。然而，單音節的中文人名發音相似，不易記誦，不比俄語、日
語，雖然是複音節詞，但易讀易記。因此，大多數讀者都不能在開
頭幾章就記得住所有人物的名字。跟不上故事，自然不能盡興，所
以儘管《史記》是中國古代最偉大的敍述作品，譯者華茲生的譯筆也
 中國古典文學丨11

爐火純青，但最終稱得上知音的也只得專家和學者。我不知道這部
《史記》有沒有對研究古希臘和羅馬的歷史學家留下甚麼印象，但在

理論上，他們對司馬遷的認識應當不下於對希羅多德(Herodotus)
和塔西佗(Tacitus)的認識才是。
因知古典文學的翻譯絕不可能吸引一般讀者，因此最近的一些
翻譯作品便走向另一個極端，一字不漏依照原文，並提供大量注解

與其他方便學者專家的補充資料。馬瑞志(Richard Mather)翻譯
的《世説新語》(Shih-shuo hsin-yii： A New Account of Tales of the
World, 1976)和康達維(David Knechtges)的《文選》(We%
or Selections of Refined Literature^ 1982, 1987)都是漢學界里程碑
式的作品，奠定了美國在漢學研究的領導地位。本文發表時，康達
維的《文選》還只出版了前兩卷，但當譯作最終完成時，相信會是唐
前文學空前重要的一部巨作。毫不誇張地説，《文選》是中國文學史
上唯一一部高雅文學選集，唐代以來，所有真正有志於文學的讀書
人都必定爛熟於心。《文選》前兩卷的詩文原本就是出了名的難讀難
懂，如今，有了康達維的翻譯和豐富的注釋，即便是中國的學界泰
斗也同樣受益。
上文列舉了一些中國文學的選集與基本作品，有意於中國文
學的大學生不妨拿來一讀。過去三十年裏，美國的漢學研究取得了
長足的進步。詩詞方面，先秦至南宋的知名作品的譯本都已垂手可
得；至於元明清時期的詩詞，除了《葵曄集》、《哥倫比亞中國後期詩
歌選集》、《待麟集》收錄的作品外，現有的譯本的確寥寥無幾，但
這也只是因為這一時期的詩家原本在中國就沒有受到格外的重視。
元明清時期，傳奇、戲曲、小説等其他文學體裁蓬勃發展，盛極一
時，今人對這一時期詩詞的冷落其實也無可厚非。戲曲方面，不論
翻譯品質如何(最近的譯本顯然更加準確通暢)，一些元戲曲家如關
漢卿、王實甫的選集也都陸續出版，更有明清戲曲經典作品如《琵
琶記》、《牡丹亭》和《桃花扇》等。小説方面，除了其他有待翻譯的
作品外，羅慕士(Moss Roberts)譯介的《三國演義》和芮效衞(David
T. Roy)的《金瓶梅》尤其值得一提。目前為止，我在拙作《中國古典
12 I理解中國文學

小説》(The Classic Chinese Novel, 1968)中所列舉的六大名著已有

五部出現了更加完整的重譯本。至於短篇小説，如今也有了馬幼垣
(Y. W. Ma)與劉紹銘(Joseph S. M. Lau)合編的《中國傳統短篇小説
選集》(Traditional Chinese Stories: Themes and Variations, 1978)，
大篇幅收錄了由多位譯者譯介的各類型傳統小説 。

從上文可以看出，過去三十年裏，西方尤其是美國的漢學家已
在中國古典文學研究與翻譯方面取得了非凡的成就。然而，這一龐
大的文學體系卻並沒有取得西方讀者普遍的關注，因此上述研究與
翻譯的潛在受眾仍僅限於專家學者以及以此為職志的青年學生。本
文在探討中國古典文學於當今世界的地位時，將暫時避開專家學者
及中國讀者(雖然前文已經提過，中國讀者對古典文學的漠然使之陷
入更加嚴重的兩難困境)，而側重關注於那些預備在本科階段專攻中
國文學的美國大學生群體。筆者身為中國人，長居美國，熟稔兩國
文學，但若有美國學生前來討教，我應當勸其先修習文言白話文 ，
而後專攻中國文學嗎？
我的答案是肯定的。先語言後文學，這大概也反應出我對中
國古典文學的態度。如今市面上充滿了現代及後現代主義的新文學
讀物，單就內容而言，中國古典文學對青年人的吸引力當然不比新
文學。就算是中國人，只要有志研究中西文化，也自然與浪漫主義
時期以來的西方文學產生更多共鳴。雖然中國人與中國古典文學

在語言、文化上有血脈相連的關係，但以盧梭(Rousseau) '歌德
(Goe出e)、布萊克(Blake)為先驅的西方作家卻更能滲入他們的心
靈。孕育古典文學的傳統文化已與我們漸行漸遠，中國古典文學的
修讀與研究必須與歷史學、文獻學相聯繫方能不失其學術價值與趣
味。有人認為中國古典文學到現在依然充滿活力，讀翻譯與讀原文
效果相差無幾；也有人認為，在一番精妙的分析之後，每首古詩、
每齣戲劇、每部小説都會展現其精密構造下鋪層的隱秘深意，但其
 中國古典文學丨13

實，這些看法只是自我陶醉而已 。,雖然現在新版本、新譯本垂手可
得，但中國古典文學對本土和西方普通讀者的吸引力卻日見微弱 ，
這也赤裸裸的説明了中國古典文學已無力競爭，徹底的為中國現代
文學、西方嚴肅文學、流行小説、電視電影以及其他的影音娛樂產
品所取代。西方漢學家們應當着眼於中國古典文學的學術研究與批
評，而不是古典文學也能有朝一日一紙風行的妄想 。
通過系統閲讀外國文學，大學生在享受閲讀經典的樂趣之餘，
還可達到兩項教育目的：一，更加瞭解該國的社會行為、理想，乃
至「靈魂」；二，通過欣賞外國文學巨匠對世態人情的探討，小至親
子夫妻，大至國家命運，讀者在想像與交感的過程中，也能更加瞭
解自己。作為西方文化的主要源頭，古希臘的文學、哲學、歷史
在上述兩方面都對讀者大有裨益，因此我會毫不猶豫地建議大學生
去修希臘文學，哪怕將來並不準備以此為專業，甚至並不想學希臘
語。同樣，我也會毫不遲疑地鼓勵學生去主修俄國古典文學，雖然
十九世紀的俄國落後於西歐，而且俄國精神也確非我輩能懂，但從

果戈里(Gogol)到契訶夫(Chekhov)，一浪接一浪的文學大師在領
悟人生的道路上作出了巨大的貢獻，任何一個聰敏善感的讀者都應
當對俄國小説的經典著作感激不盡；正因此，當嘉奈特(Constance
Garnett)獨力譯完全套俄國文學名著時 ，英語世界的一整代讀者無
不知恩感激於心。6今天，許多譯者在政府或相關的基金會支持下進
行着漢學的翻譯工作，可惜知音無幾，原因之一顯然是在於大多數

讀者在閲讀一部中國名著時，並不像讀到托爾斯泰(Tolstoy)或陀思
妥耶夫斯基(Dostoevsky)的作品那樣心存感激。事實上，二十世紀
初，中國知識分子早已深為俄國小説所震撼，他們對俄國小説的崇
拜已經到了對自己的傳統小説妄自菲薄的地步。
在中國古代文明的興盛期，先秦思想家在追求真知、完善政治
制度等方面，可以説絲毫不亞於古希臘的哲學家。秦始皇建立的封
建制度在漢代得到延續，同時，儒家思想經過中央政府的一番扭曲
為其所用，成為中國社會歷代相傳的顯著標誌，又在幾千年後被馬
克思主義者貼上「封建」的標籤。因此，《詩經》《論語》《孟子》《道
14 |理解中國文學

德經》7這些先秦著作被納入為世界文學與思想的一部分並非無因，
而大部分漢代以來的文學與思想，雖然譯述頗豐，卻在西方鮮為人
知。在過去兩千多年的「皇權儒學」的影響下，知識分子的思維與感
受都大同小異，再也沒有先秦文人的清新脱俗。因此，讀者必須對
文言文娴熟得如數家珍，才能區分不同詩人作品的特色，體會各自
的獨特韻味。而這些風格上的精微玄妙之處，一經翻譯便散失了，
因而中國詩人讀來都似曾相識，詩與詩之間的不同特徵也變得模糊
起來。
然而，中國封建時期的文學之所以遜於文藝復興以來的歐洲
文學，根本原因還在於前者缺乏人文主義精神，其利己主義的抒情
模式最終令人覺得煩厭發膩。鑒於「古典主義」與「浪漫主義」的歷
史內涵，中國幾千年的封建時期尚可稱作「古典期」，但中國的現代
時期最多只能算作一種對歐洲浪漫主義後知後覺的回應。畢竟，浪
漫主義早在十八世紀末就已在歐洲興起，繼而各大人文主義運動席
捲全球。相比之下，中國的現代時期的確有點姗姗來遲。用巴爾贊
(Jacques Barzun)的話説，「歷史上的浪漫主義趨於拒絕權威，追求
自由；拒絕安定，追求未知；拒絕陳腐觀念，追求探知自我；拒絕
君主制度，追求人民自主權益。丿這段文字不消改動一字一詞，便
可用來形容中國在五四時期的轉變。「未知」一詞更是準確的預示了
後來共產黨取得大陸政權的意外轉折。在五四運動的高峰時期，無
數知識分子、熱血青年與傳統為敵，而觀念陳腐、抱殘守缺的士大
夫階級則因其忠君思想而脫離人民亦因此被視為進步的仇敵 。雖然
個別的大作家中總有例外，但這種對士大夫階級的消極觀念卻一直
延續至今。而我個人對古典詩詞的厭倦也主要由於這種狹隘的風流
自賞而不近民情的特徵。
如果屈原、陶潛、李白、杜甫不能算作中國詩人之最，至少
也是首屈一指的四大家。他們的詩歌帶有鮮明的個人風格與感情。
他們在現實生活中，或在仕途上有過鬱鬱不得志的經驗，可反過來
説，若他們事事一帆風順，也許就不會成為現在我們認識的大詩人
了。不過問題是，即便澹泊如陶潛，也做不到心無怨言。陶潛從
 中國古典文學丨15

官場退下來後歸隱田園，但從他的詩裏不難發現，他必須不斷強調
自己怎樣與其他朝中的官僚不同方能徹底獲得田園生活的快樂。而
唐代最偉大的兩位詩人，李白和杜甫，則一天到晚忙着替自己找進
身，最終一樣白費心機。屈原是史上最早的大詩人，至今仍是許多
詩人的靈感泉源。值得注意的是，在《離騷》中，他申述了自己志潔
行廉的品質與精忠報國之決心，同時也抒發了君王見棄、懷才不遇
的苦悶，而這也成為後世所有士大夫詩人的根本心結 。不論屈原最
後應否沉江殉國或遁迹人世，以效君報國為第一要務是他從不曾動
搖的理想與信念。
有別於上述四位詩人，仕途得意的詩人所作往往顯得躊躇滿
志，中規中矩，對近身社會事件的評述也絕少夾雜個人感受。當
然，即便是朝廷的公卿大夫，際遇上也有陰晴圓缺之時，而他們遇
到挫折時的感受也絲毫不亞於其他人。不過，今天的青年人就業面
這麼廣，相比之下，當年指望科舉立功名的後生可選擇的人生道路
不僅有限，而且難説有甚麼吸引力。因此，唐詩裏大小官員周而復
始的喜怒哀樂，周而復始的酒席與郊遊，千遍一律的慰藉落第考生
或官場失意人，或對自己仕途上的「恩公」善頌善禱的吹捧，或對釋
—這種種行為聽來只教今人
道二界高僧羽人仙風道骨的阿諛奉承—
生厭。但同時，詩人對自己的家庭生活和有關自己的真實面貌卻絕
口不提。因為這樣才能符合傳統觀念裏溫恭謙厚的人文風度。雖然
詩人在詩中絕少提到自己的妻子，但她去世時，他總得寫一首長短
不拘、性情不論真假的悼亡詩紀念她，因為這是當時文人的規矩。
許多中國古詩都為一定的社會目的而作，因此很難判斷所寫是否發
自內心，不過肯定算不上真誠。即便是杜甫，遇到一些並不十分相
投的朋友，也不得不稱讚幾句，遇到心裏憎惡的官吏，也不得不假
意恭維一下。（不過，由於杜甫在詩中常常提及自己的妻子兒女，也
在其他社會規範中顯出不拘小節的性格，因此他也是中國最可愛最
偉大的詩人。）當詩歌的功用無異於今天印刷品的賀卡與謝函，自
然不能指望它來刻畫社會世態炎涼或官場百態。為了表現一種各居
其位、各司其職的儒家君子典範形象，詩人必須時刻突出詩意的抒
16 I理解中國文學

情，正因為如此，在泛化的自然景致或社會環境中，寫實當然就比
較少見了。華茲生在《中國抒情詩》（C〃历eseL”，届次）中，以《唐詩
三百首》為例分析了其中各種不同的自然意象。《唐詩三百首》是一
部廣泛認可的唐詩選集，既可用來消遣，也能用於入門教學；作為
研究樣本，或許數量上略顯不足，但只要多讀一些唐詩，一定會認
同華茲生的結論：

這一切都表明，中國的自然詩人在描寫山川草木飛鳥
時，往往只勾勒大概，而不求工細。即便有意添一筆細節，
着墨之處更多卻是傳統文學典故或象徵中常用的意象，而非
眼前實景。9

對於大多數唐詩人來説，作詩更多情況下是一種社會活動，根本無
需書寫親眼所見；而囿於多數詩歌形式所限，詩人更不必精謹細緻
地描摹細節了。
因為中國古詩詞必須符合一定的社會、政治規範，所以最大的
不足就在於缺乏諷諫的聲音—
—因畏懼而沉默於官場腐敗、社會不
公，因追求品味而不屑於諷刺勸諫。儘管孔子並不反對詩歌的諷諫
作用，甚至因為詩「可以怨」而對《詩經》大加讚揚，但到了漢代，儒
家成為封建中央集權的正統思想，並提出「溫柔敦厚」、「止乎禮義」
作為詩教。不過，即便沒有這樣的倫理規範，中國古代的詩人必定
也會為了自身安全而避免過分怨憤。在漢朝，以大都賦為代表的宮
廷文學充斥着歌功頌德的逢迎之詞，唯有民間歌謠還在抒寫黎民百
姓的真實生活。李白、杜甫繼承了民謠的寫實傳統，創作了許多針
硬時弊的詩歌，而後世的詩人們也承其衣缽，使這種人文主義的關

懷始終不滅。1°然而，這些詩人似乎只看到地方上苦難與不公的個
別事例，並沒有真正發揮詩歌的諷諫作用，也沒有對當時政府的專
制與腐敗產生絲毫的約束力。
上文重點探討了中國傳統詩歌的社交功能 ，以及情感誇大、
疏於寫實、怯於諷諫的特徵。以這種消極的方式來肯定中國傳統
詩歌的重要性，似乎有點背道而馳，但唯有當我們明白，這些卷
 中國古典文學丨17

帙浩繁的詩歌其實是詩人為熟絡社會關係、求取仕途遷升而作的努
力，我們才能在反差之下體會詩人的偉大，是他們通過詩歌讓我們
在一千五百年以後的今天仍能走進他們的世界，體會他們人生的思
索與感觸。詩人成千上萬，但多數詩歌卻並不值得花時間研讀。

我曾嘗試在沙裏淘金，找出真正的好詩人，而米蘭昆德拉(Milan
Kundera)的新書《小説的藝術》(T〃e Art of掘No”e/)第一部分恰
好與我的想法不謀而合：

自現代時期開始，小説就一刻不離地伴隨着人類。胡塞
爾(Husserl)視「求知的熱望」是歐洲精神的本質,而正是這
種「求知的熱望」抓牢了小説，驅使它探索人類實質的生活，
保護它不被遺忘，使生活的世界永不為黑暗吞噬。從這個意
義上説，我很理解並支持海爾曼布洛赫(Hermann Broch)曾
一再重複的觀點：小説之存在，只為小説可知他物之不能
知。如果一部小説不能發現以前未知的一部分存在 ，那這部
小説便有悖於道德。致知是小説的唯一道德。

我還要補充一點：小説是歐洲的創造；小説中的發現雖
然存在於不同語言，但都屬於整個歐洲。正是這一連串的發
現(而非作品文字的總和)造就了歐洲小説的歷史。11

我們可以不認同昆德拉「小説是歐洲的創造」的説法，或者「致
知是小説的唯一道德」，但不可否認，歐洲小説的歷史的確是由存在
境界裏的一連串發現所造就的。同理，我們也可以説中國古典詩詞
的歷史是由人類所觀、所感的一系列發現構成的。從現存作品的數
量上來看，沒有任何文明能與中國的古詩相比，但大多數古詩卻只
是陳腔濫調用以舖陳一再出現的濫調陳腔。因此，真正觀察過、動
過真情的詩人，也必是中國詩歌上藝高人膽大的大宗師。只有那些
心中實有所感，才會費上心機在文字上苦吟，務求寫出來的句子夠
得上自己腑肺的感受。除了上文提到的四位之外，還有唐宋時期的
李賀、李商隱和蘇軾。不論他們詩中披露的是隱情、或意識尚矇嚨
18 |理解中國文學

的情景，事實上他們已創新了中國的詩歌。他們的作品成就了中國
的詩史，如果西方讀者想要瞭解詩的真諦，那就應當一讀，可能的
話，讀一讀中文原著。
然而，任何曾飽讀英詩的人都不難發現，即便是最偉大的中國
詩人，其互相之間相似的地方也遠大於時期相近的蒲柏 （Pope）與
華茲華斯（Wordsworth）或斯賓塞（Spenser）與多恩（Donne） °中
國古詩不僅簡短，而且往往為求詩意而犧牲了敍述與諷喻的功能。
同時，除了少數幾種以女性為主體的詩歌類型外，古詩因其在社
交上的重要作用而顯著表現出男性主導的特徵；所有這些因素都
意味着中國詩人對情感與行為的探索與發現都十分有限。雖然屈
原、李白、李商隱因其對神話、情愛的着迷而顯得不同凡響，但
相比之下，即便把莎士比亞等一批優秀的劇作家排除在外，從喬叟

（Chaucer）到葉慈（Yeats）短短六百年間，英國詩人所作出的靈魂探
索都遠遠大於所有中國詩人相加之和。英詩在詩歌體裁與感受力上
每五十年一變，而中國改朝換代不知凡幾，詩歌的感受力自漢至清
卻真的變化不大。詩歌傳統中，天才詩人趨於大同而無迥異，這便
是文化穩定的代價吧。

中國傳統詩人因為缺乏人性自由的浪漫主義願景，所以即便
他們在許多作品中都表達了對下層勞苦人民的同情 、官場黑暗的事
實及其絕塵隱居的渴望，但他們始終未能設想取代君主專制的中央
政府。相對之下，中國傳統小説在刻畫社會時更注重寫實而不大計
較文筆，因而在宣揚儒家政治秩序和傳統道德方面似乎更具教化意
義。詩人常有怨言，在發洩牢騷那一刻，他們對君主賞罰任意妄為
的制度其實心裏很不服氣。小説家們雖更樂於證明天命之不可欺，
但他們對朝廷、官場、百姓的描寫卻遠比詩歌細緻。小説中也因此
有了更多不同的男女人物，相互交匯，構成一個錯綜複雜、動感十
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detract from their justly earned fame or the full rewards of their
patriotism.
10. We are opposed to all further grants of lands to railroads or
other corporations. The public domain should be held sacred to
actual settlers.
11. We hold that it is the duty of the government, in its intercourse
with foreign nations, to cultivate the friendships of peace, by treating
with all on fair and equal terms, regarding it alike dishonorable
either to demand what is not right or submit to what is wrong.
12. For the promotion and success of these vital principles and the
support of the candidates nominated by this convention, we invite
and cordially welcome the co-operation of all patriotic citizens,
without regard to previous political affiliations.

1872.—Democratic Platform.

Baltimore, July 9.
We, the Democratic electors of the United States, in convention
assembled, do present the following principles, already adopted at
Cincinnati, as essential to just government:
[Here followed the “Liberal Republican Platform;” which see
above.]

1872.—Republican Platform,

Philadelphia, June 5.
The Republican party of the United States, assembled in national
convention in the city of Philadelphia, on the 5th and 6th days of
June, 1872, again declares its faith, appeals to its history, and
announces its position upon the questions before the country;
1. During eleven years of supremacy it has accepted, with grand
courage, the solemn duties of the time. It suppressed a gigantic
rebellion, emancipated four millions of slaves, decreed the equal
citizenship of all, and established universal suffrage. Exhibiting
unparalleled magnanimity, it criminally punished no man for
political offenses, and warmly welcomed all who proved their loyalty
by obeying the laws and dealing justly with their neighbors. It has
steadily decreased, with firm hand, the resultant disorders of a great
war, and initiated a wise and humane policy toward the Indians. The
Pacific railroad and similar vast enterprises have been generously
aided and successfully conducted, the public lands freely given to
actual settlers, immigration protected and encouraged, and a full
acknowledgment of the naturalized citizen’s rights secured from
European powers. A uniform national currency has been provided,
repudiation frowned down, the national credit sustained under the
most extraordinary burdens, and new bonds negotiated at lower
rates. The revenues have been carefully collected and honestly
applied. Despite annual large reductions of the rates of taxation, the
public debt has been reduced during General Grant’s presidency at
the rate of a hundred millions a year, great financial crises have been
avoided, and peace and plenty prevail throughout the land.
Menacing foreign difficulties have been peacefully and honorably
compromised, and the honor and power of the nation kept in high
respect throughout the world. This glorious record of the past is the
party’s best pledge for the future. We believe the people will not
intrust the government to any party or combination of men
composed chiefly of those who have resisted every step of this
beneficent progress.
2. The recent amendments to the national constitution should be
cordially sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated
because they are law, and should be carried out according to their
spirit by appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can safely
be intrusted only to the party that secured those amendments.
3. Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil,
political, and public rights should be established and effectually
maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate state
and federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration should
admit any discrimination in respect to citizens by reason of race,
creed, color, or previous condition of servitude.
4. The national government should seek to maintain honorable
peace with all nations, protecting its citizens everywhere, and
sympathizing with all peoples who strive for greater liberty.
 5. Any system of civil service under which the subordinate
positions of the government are considered rewards for mere party
zeal is fatally demoralizing; and we, therefore, favor a reform of the
system, by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage, and make
honesty, efficiency, and fidelity the essential qualifications for public
positions, without practically creating a life tenure of office.
6. We are opposed to further grants of the public lands to
corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain
be set apart for free homes for the people.
7. The annual revenue, after paying current expenditures,
pensions, and the interest on the public debt, should furnish a
moderate balance for the reduction of the principal; and that
revenue, except so much as may be derived from a tax upon tobacco
and liquors, should be raised by duties upon importations, the
details of which should be so adjusted as to aid in securing
remunerative wages to labor, and promote the industries, prosperity,
and growth of the whole country.
8. We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sailors whose valor
saved the Union. Their pensions are a sacred debt of the nation, and
the widows and orphans of those who died for their country are
entitled to the care of a generous and grateful people. We favor such
additional legislation as will extend the bounty of the government to
all our soldiers and sailors who were honorably discharged, and who
in the line of duty became disabled, without regard to the length of
service or the cause of such discharge.
9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers
concerning allegiance—“once a subject always a subject”—having at
last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been abandoned,
and the American idea of the individual’s right to transfer allegiance
having been accepted by European nations, it is the duty of our
government to guard with jealous care the rights of adopted citizens
against the assumption of unauthorized claims by their former
governments, and we urge continued careful encouragement and
protection of voluntary immigration.
10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished, and a way
prepared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage.
 11. Among the questions which press for attention is that which
concerns the relations of capital and labor; and the Republican party
recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full
protection and the amplest field for capital, and for labor, the creator
of capital, the largest opportunities and a just share of the mutual
profits of these two great servants of civilization.
12. We hold that Congress and the President have only fulfilled an
imperative duty in their measures for the suppression of violence and
treasonable organizations in certain lately rebellious regions, and for
the protection of the ballot-box; and, therefore, they are entitled to
the thanks of the nation.
13. We denounce repudiation of the public debt, in any form or
disguise, as a national crime. We witness with pride the reduction of
the principal of the debt, and of the rates of interest upon the
balance, and confidently expect that our excellent national currency
will be perfected by a speedy resumption of specie payment.
14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal
women of America for their noble devotion to the cause of freedom.
Their admission to wider fields of usefulness is viewed with
satisfaction; and the honest demand of any class of citizens for
additional rights should be treated with respectful consideration.
15. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending
amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of
peace and fraternal feeling throughout the land.
16. The Republican party proposes to respect the rights reserved
by the people to themselves as carefully as the powers delegated by
them to the states and to the federal government. It disapproves of
the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing evils,
by interference with rights not surrendered by the people to either
the state or national government.
17. It is the duty of the general government to adopt such measures
as may tend to encourage and restore American commerce and
shipbuilding.
18. We believe that the modest patriotism, the earnest purpose, the
sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integrity,
and the illustrious services of Ulysses S. Grant have commended him
to the heart of the American people; and with him at our head, we
start to-day upon a new march to victory.
19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vice-Presidency, known to
the whole land from the early days of the great struggle for liberty as
an indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an incorruptible legislator
and representative man of American institutions, is worthy to
associate with our great leader and share the honors which we pledge
our best efforts to bestow upon them.

1872.—Democratic (Straight-out) Platform,

 Louisville, Ky., September 3.
Whereas, A frequent recurrence to first principles and eternal
vigilance against abuses are the wisest provisions for liberty, which is
the source of progress, and fidelity to our constitutional system is the
only protection for either: therefore,
Resolved, That the original basis of our whole political structure is
consent in every part thereof. The people of each state voluntarily
created their state, and the states voluntarily formed the Union; and
each state provided by its written constitution for everything a state
could do for the protection of life, liberty, and property within it; and
each state, jointly with the others, provided a federal union for
foreign and inter-state relations.
Resolved, That all governmental powers, whether state or federal,
are trust powers coming from the people of each state, and that they
are limited to the written letter of the constitution and the laws
passed in pursuance of it; which powers must be exercised in the
utmost good faith, the constitution itself stating in what manner they
may be altered and amended.
Resolved, That the interests of labor and capital should not be
permitted to conflict, but should be harmonized by judicious
legislation. While such a conflict continues, labor, which is the parent
of wealth, is entitled to paramount consideration.
Resolved, That we proclaim to the world that principle is to be
preferred to power; that the Democratic party is held together by the
cohesion of time-honored principles, which they will never surrender
in exchange for all the offices which Presidents can confer. The pangs
of the minorities are doubtless excruciating; but we welcome an
eternal minority, under the banner inscribed with our principles,
rather than an almighty and everlasting majority, purchased by their
abandonment.
Resolved, That, having been betrayed at Baltimore into a false
creed and a false leadership by the convention, we repudiate both,
and appeal to the people to approve our platform, and to rally to the
polls and support the true platform and the candidates who embody
it.
 1875.—The American National Platform,

Adopted in Mass Meeting, Pittsburg, June 9.

We hold:
1. That ours is a Christian and not a heathen nation, and that the
God of the Christian Scriptures is the author of civil government.
2. That God requires and man needs a Sabbath.
3. That the prohibition of the importation, manufacture, and sale
of intoxicating drinks as a beverage, is the true policy on the
temperance question.
4. The charters of all secret lodges granted by our federal and state
legislatures should be withdrawn, and their oaths prohibited by law.
5. That the civil equality secured to all American citizens by articles
13th, 14th, and 15th of our amended constitution should be preserved
inviolate.
6. That arbitration of differences with nations is the most direct
and sure method of securing and perpetuating a permanent peace.
7. That to cultivate the intellect without improving the morals of
men is to make mere adepts and experts: therefore, the Bible should
be associated with books of science and literature in all our
educational institutions.
8. That land and other monopolies should be discountenanced.
9. That the government should furnish the people with an ample
and sound currency and a return to specie payment, as soon as
practicable.
10. That maintenance of the public credit, protection to all loyal
citizens, and justice to Indians are essential to the honor and safety
of our nation.
11. And, finally, we demand for the American people the abolition
of electoral colleges, and a direct vote for President and Vice-
President of the United States.
[Their candidates were James B. Walker, Wheaton, Illinois, for
President; and Donald Kirkpatrick, Syracuse, New York, for Vice-
President.]
 1876.—Prohibition Reform Platform,

Cleveland, Ohio, May 17.

The Prohibition Reform party of the United States, organized in
the name of the people, to revive, enforce, and perpetuate in the
government the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence,
submit, in this centennial year of the republic, for the suffrages of all
good citizens, the following platform of national reforms and
measures:
First. The legal prohibition in the District of Columbia, the
territories, and in every other place subject to the laws of Congress,
of the importation, exportation, manufacture, and traffic of all
alcoholic beverages, as high crimes against society; an amendment of
the national constitution, to render these prohibitory measures
universal and permanent; and the adoption of treaty stipulations
with foreign powers, to prevent the importation and exportation of
all alcoholic beverages.
Second. The abolition of class legislation, and of special privileges
in the government, and the adoption of equal suffrage and eligibility
to office, without distinction of race, religious creed, property, or sex.
Third. The appropriation of the public lands, in limited quantities,
to actual settlers only; the reduction of the rates of inland and ocean
postage; of telegraphic communication; of railroad and water
transportation and travel, to the lowest practical point, by force of
laws, wisely and justly framed, with reference, not only to the
interest of capital employed, but to the higher claims of the general
good.
Fourth. The suppression, by laws, of lotteries and gambling in
gold, stocks, produce, and every form of money and property, and
the penal inhibition of the use of the public mails for advertising
schemes of gambling and lotteries.
Fifth. The abolition of those foul enormities, polygamy and the
social evil; and the protection of purity, peace, and happiness of
homes, by ample and efficient legislation.
Sixth. The national observance of the Christian Sabbath,
established by laws prohibiting ordinary labor and business in all
departments of public service and private employment (works of
necessity, charity, and religion excepted) on that day.
Seventh. The establishment, by mandatory provisions in national
and state constitutions, and by all necessary legislation, of a system
of free public schools for the universal and forced education of all the
youth of the land.
Eighth. The free use of the Bible, not as a ground of religious
creeds, but as a text-book of the purest morality, the best liberty, and
the noblest literature in our public schools, that our children may
grow up in its light, and that its spirit and principles may pervade
our nation.
Ninth. The separation of the government in all its departments and
institutions, including the public schools and all funds for their
maintenance, from the control of every religious sect or other
association, and the protection alike of all sects by equal laws, with
entire freedom of religious faith and worship.
Tenth. The introduction into all treaties hereafter negotiated with
foreign governments of a provision for the amicable settlement of
international difficulties by arbitration.
Eleventh. The abolition of all barbarous modes and instruments of
punishment; the recognition of the laws of God and the claims of
humanity in the discipline of jails and prisons, and of that higher and
wiser civilization worthy of our age and nation, which regards the
reform of criminals as a means for the prevention of crime.
Twelfth. The abolition of executive and legislative patronage, and
the election of President, Vice-President, United States Senators, and
of all civil officers, so far as practicable, by the direct vote of the
people.
Thirteenth. The practice of a friendly and liberal policy to
immigrants from all nations, the guaranty to them of ample
protection, and of equal rights and privileges.
Fourteenth. The separation of the money of government from all
banking institutions. The national government, only, should exercise
the high prerogative of issuing paper money, and that should be
subject to prompt redemption on demand, in gold and silver, the
only equal standards of value recognized by the civilized world.
 Fifteenth. The reduction of the salaries of public officers in a just
ratio with the decline of wages and market prices; the abolition of
sinecures, unnecessary offices, and official fees and perquisites; the
practice of strict economy in government expenses; and a free and
thorough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public
trusts.

1876.—Independent (Greenback) Platform,

Indianapolis, Ind., May 17.

The Independent party is called into existence by the necessities of
the people, whose industries are prostrated, whose labor is deprived
of its just reward by a ruinous policy which the Republican and
Democratic parties refuse to change; and, in view of the failure of
these parties to furnish relief to the depressed industries of the
country, thereby disappointing the just hopes and expectations of the
suffering people, we declare our principles, and invite all
independent and patriotic men to join our ranks in this movement
for financial reform and industrial emancipation.
First. We demand the immediate and unconditional repeal of the
specie resumption act of January 14, 1875, and the rescue of our
industries from ruin and disaster resulting from its enforcement; and
we call upon all patriotic men to organize in every congressional
district of the country, with a view of electing representatives to
Congress who will carry out the wishes of the people in this regard
and stop the present suicidal and destructive policy of contraction.
Second. We believe that a United States note, issued directly by the
government, and convertible, on demand, into United States
obligations, bearing a rate of interest not exceeding one cent a day on
each one hundred dollars, and exchangeable for United States notes
at par, will afford the best circulating medium ever devised. Such
United States notes should be full legal tenders for all purposes,
except for the payment of such obligations as are, by existing
contracts, especially made payable in coin; and we hold that it is the
duty of the government to provide such a circulating medium, and
insist, in the language of Thomas Jefferson, that “bank paper must
be suppressed, and the circulation restored to the nation, to whom it
belongs.”
Third. It is the paramount duty of the government, in all its
legislation, to keep in view the full development of all legitimate
business, agricultural, mining, manufacturing, and commercial.
Fourth. We most earnestly protest against any further issue of gold
bonds for sale in foreign markets, by which we would be made, for a
long period, “hewers of wood and drawers of water” to foreigners,
especially as the American people would gladly and promptly take at
par all bonds the government may need to sell, provided they are
made payable at the option of the holder, and bearing interest at 3.65
per cent. per annum or even a lower rate.
Fifth. We further protest against the sale of government bonds for
the purpose of purchasing silver to be used as a substitute for our
more convenient and less fluctuating fractional currency, which,
although well calculated to enrich owners of silver mines, yet in
operation it will still further oppress, in taxation, an already
overburdened people.

1876.—Republican Platform,

Cincinnati, Ohio, June 14.

When, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be purged of
human slavery, and when the strength of the government of the
people, by the people, and for the people, was to be demonstrated,
the Republican party came into power. Its deeds have passed into
history, and we look back to them with pride. Incited by their
memories to high aims for the good of our country and mankind, and
looking to the future with unfaltering courage, hope, and purpose,
we, the representatives of the party, in national convention
assembled, make the following declaration of principles:
1. The United States of America is a nation, not a league. By the
combined workings of the national and state governments, under
their respective constitutions, the rights of every citizen are secured,
at home and abroad, and the common welfare promoted.
 2. The Republican party has preserved these governments to the
hundredth anniversary of the nation’s birth, and they are now
embodiments of the great truths spoken at its cradle—“That all men
are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with
certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness; that for the attainment of these ends
governments have been instituted among men, deriving their just
powers from the consent of the governed.” Until these truths are
cheerfully obeyed, or, if need be, vigorously enforced, the work of the
Republican party is unfinished.
3. The permanent pacification of the southern section of the
Union, and the complete protection of all its citizens in the free
enjoyment of all their rights, is a duty to which the Republican party
stands sacredly pledged. The power to provide for the enforcement of
the principles embodied in the recent constitutional amendments is
vested, by those amendments, in the Congress of the United States;
and we declare it to be the solemn obligation of the legislative and
executive departments of the government to put into immediate and
vigorous exercise all their constitutional powers for removing any
just causes of discontent on the part of any class, and for securing to
every American citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the
exercise of all civil, political, and public rights. To this end we
imperatively demand a Congress and a Chief Executive whose
courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these results
are placed beyond dispute or recall.
4. In the first act of Congress signed by President Grant, the
national government assumed to remove any doubt of its purpose to
discharge all just obligations to the public creditors, and “solemnly
pledged its faith to make provision at the earliest practicable period
for the redemption of the United States notes in coin.” Commercial
prosperity, public morals, and national credit demand that this
promise be fulfilled by a continuous and steady progress to specie
payment.
5. Under the constitution, the President and heads of departments
are to make nominations for office, the Senate is to advise and
consent to appointments, and the House of Representatives is to
accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The best interest of the public
service demand that these distinctions be respected; that Senators
and Representatives who may be judges and accusers should not
dictate appointments to office. The invariable rule in appointments
should have reference to the honesty, fidelity, and capacity of the
appointees, giving to the party in power those places where harmony
and vigor of administration require its policy to be represented, but
permitting all others to be filled by persons selected with sole
reference to the efficiency of the public service, and the right of all
citizens to share in the honor of rendering faithful service to the
country.
6. We rejoice in the quickened conscience of the people concerning
political affairs, and will hold all public officers to a rigid
responsibility, and engage that the prosecution and punishment of
all who betray official trusts shall be swift, thorough, and unsparing.
7. The public school system of the several states is the bulwark of
the American Republic; and, with a view to its security and
permanence, we recommend an amendment to the constitution of
the United States, forbidding the application of any public funds or
property for the benefit of any schools or institutions under sectarian
control.
8. The revenue necessary for current expenditures, and the
obligations of the public debt, must be largely derived from duties
upon importations, which, so far as possible, should be adjusted to
promote the interests of American labor and advance the prosperity
of the whole country.
9. We reaffirm our opposition to further grants of the public lands
to corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national
domain be devoted to free homes for the people.
10. It is the imperative duty of the government so to modify
existing treaties with European governments, that the same
protection shall be afforded to the adopted American citizen that is
given to the native-born; and that all necessary laws should be
passed to protect emigrants in the absence of power in the states for
that purpose.
11. It is the immediate duty of Congress to fully investigate the
effect of the immigration and importation of Mongolians upon the
moral and material interests of the country.
 12. The Republican party recognizes, with approval, the substantial
advances recently made towards the establishment of equal rights for
women by the many important amendments effected by Republican
legislatures in the laws which concern the personal and property
relations of wives, mothers, and widows, and by the appointment
and election of women to the superintendence of education,
charities, and other public trusts. The honest demands of this class of
citizens for additional rights, privileges, and immunities, should be
treated with respectful consideration.
13. The constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over
the territories of the United States for their government; and in the
exercise of this power it is the right and duty of Congress to prohibit
and extirpate, in the territories, that relic of barbarism—polygamy;
and we demand such legislation as shall secure this end and the
supremacy of American institutions in all the territories.
14. The pledges which the nation has given to her soldiers and
sailors must be fulfilled, and a grateful people will always hold those
who imperiled their lives for the country’s preservation in the kindest
remembrance.
15. We sincerely deprecate all sectional feeling and tendencies. We,
therefore, note with deep solicitude that the Democratic party
counts, as its chief hope of success, upon the electoral vote of a
united south, secured through the efforts of those who were recently
arrayed against the nation; and we invoke the earnest attention of
the country to the grave truth that a success thus achieved would
reopen sectional strife, and imperil national honor and human
rights.
16. We charge the Democratic party with being the same in
character and spirit as when it sympathized with treason; with
making its control of the House of Representatives the triumph and
opportunity of the nation’s recent foes; with reasserting and
applauding, in the national capital, the sentiments of unrepentant
rebellion; with sending Union soldiers to the rear, and promoting
Confederate soldiers to the front; with deliberately proposing to
repudiate the plighted faith of the government; with being equally
false and imbecile upon the overshadowing financial questions; with
thwarting the ends of justice by its partisan mismanagement and
obstruction of investigation; with proving itself through the period of
its ascendency in the lower house of Congress, utterly incompetent to
administer the government; and we warn the country against
trusting a party thus alike unworthy, recreant, and incapable.
17. The national administration merits commendation for its
honorable work in the management of domestic and foreign affairs,
and President Grant deserves the continued hearty gratitude of the
American people for his patriotism and his eminent services in war
and in peace.
18. We present, as our candidates for President and Vice-President
of the United States, two distinguished statesmen, of eminent ability
and character, and conspicuously fitted for those high offices, and we
confidently appeal to the American people to intrust the
administration of their public affairs to Rutherford B. Hayes and
William A. Wheeler.

1876.—Democratic Platform.

St. Louis, Mo., June 27.

We, the delegates of the Democratic party of the United States, in
national convention assembled, do hereby declare the administration
of the Federal government to be in urgent need of immediate reform;
do hereby enjoin upon the nominees of this convention, and of the
Democratic party in each state, a zealous effort and co-operation to
this end; and do hereby appeal to our fellow-citizens of every former
political connection to undertake, with us, this first and most
pressing patriotic duty.
For the Democracy of the whole country, we do here reaffirm our
faith in the permanence of the Federal Union, our devotion to the
constitution of the United States, with its amendments universally
accepted as a final settlement of the controversies that engendered
civil war, and do here record our steadfast confidence in the
perpetuity of republican self-government.
In absolute acquiescence in the will of the majority—the vital
principle of republics; in the supremacy of the civil over the military
authority; in the total separation of church and state, for the sake
alike of civil and religious freedom; in the equality of all citizens
before just laws of their own enactment; in the liberty of individual
conduct, unvexed by sumptuary laws; in the faithful education of the
rising generation, that they may preserve, enjoy, and transmit these
best conditions of human happiness and hope—we behold the
noblest products of a hundred years of changeful history; but while
upholding the bond of our Union and great charter of these our
rights, it behooves a free people to practice also that eternal vigilance
which is the price of liberty.
Reform is necessary to rebuild and establish in the hearts of the
whole people the Union, eleven years ago happily rescued from the
danger of a secession of states, but now to be saved from a corrupt
centralism which, after inflicting upon ten states the rapacity of
carpet-bag tyranny, has honey-combed the offices of the Federal
government itself, with incapacity, waste, and fraud; infected states
and municipalities with the contagion of misrule; and locked fast the
prosperity of an industrious people in the paralysis of “hard times.”
Reform is necessary to establish a sound currency, restore the
public credit, and maintain the national honor.
We denounce the failure, for all these eleven years of peace, to
make good the promise of the legal tender notes, which are a
changing standard of value in the hands of the people, and the non-
payment of which is a disregard of the plighted faith of the nation.
We denounce the improvidence which, in eleven years of peace,
has taken from the people, in federal taxes, thirteen times the whole
amount of the legal-tender notes, and squandered four times their
sum in useless expense without accumulating any reserve for their
redemption.
We denounce the financial imbecility and immorality of that party
which, during eleven years of peace, has made no advance toward
resumption, no preparation for resumption, but, instead, has
obstructed resumption, by wasting our resources and exhausting all
our surplus income; and, while annually professing to intend a
speedy return to specie payments, has annually enacted fresh
hindrances thereto. As such hindrance we denounce the resumption
clause of 1875, and we here demand its repeal.
We demand a judicious system of preparation, by public
economies, by official retrenchments, and by wise finance, which
shall enable the nation soon to assure the whole world of its perfect
ability and of its perfect readiness to meet any of its promises at the
call of the creditor entitled to payment. We believe such a system,
well devised, and, above all, intrusted to competent hands for
execution, creating, at no time, an artificial scarcity of currency, and
at no time alarming the public mind into a withdrawal of that vaster
machinery of credit by which ninety-five per cent. of all business
transactions are performed. A system open, public, and inspiring
general confidence, would, from the day of its adoption, bring
healing on its wings to all our harassed industries—set in motion the
wheels of commerce, manufactures, and the mechanic arts—restore
employment to labor—and, renew, in all its natural sources, the
prosperity of the people.
Reform is necessary in the sum and modes of federal taxation, to
the end that capital may be set free from distrust and labor lightly
burdened.
We denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly four thousand
articles, as a masterpiece of injustice, inequality, and false pretence.
It yields a dwindling, not a yearly rising, revenue. It has
impoverished many industries to subsidize a few. It prohibits
imports that might purchase the products of American labor. It has
degraded American commerce from the first to an inferior rank on
the high seas. It has cut down the sales of American manufactures at
home and abroad, and depleted the returns of American agriculture
—an industry followed by half our people. It costs the people five
times more than it produces to the treasury, obstructs the processes
of production, and wastes the fruits of labor. It promotes fraud,
fosters smuggling, enriches dishonest officials, and bankrupts honest
merchants. We demand that all custom-house taxation shall be only
for revenue.
Reform is necessary in the scale of public expense—federal, state,
and municipal. Our federal taxation has swollen from sixty millions
gold, in 1860, to four hundred and fifty millions currency, in 1870;
our aggregate taxation from one hundred and fifty-four millions
gold, in 1860, to seven hundred and thirty millions currency, in 1870
—or, in one decade, from less than five dollars per head to more than
eighteen dollars per head. Since the peace, the people have paid to
their tax-gatherers more than thrice the sum of the national debt,
and more than twice that sum for the Federal government alone. We
demand a rigorous frugality in every department and from every
officer of the government.
Reform is necessary to put a stop to the profligate waste of public
lands, and their diversion from actual settlers, by the party in power,
which has squandered 200,000,000 of acres upon railroads alone,
and, out of more than thrice that aggregate, has disposed of less than
a sixth directly to tillers of the soil.
Reform is necessary to correct the omission of a Republican
Congress, and the errors of our treaties and our diplomacy which
have stripped our fellow-citizens of foreign birth and kindred race,
recrossing the Atlantic, of the shield of American citizenship, and
have exposed our brethren of the Pacific coast to the incursions of a
race not sprung from the same great parent stock, and in fact now, by
law, denied citizenship through naturalization, as being neither
accustomed to the traditions of a progressive civilization nor
exercised in liberty under equal laws. We denounce the policy which
thus discards the liberty-loving German and tolerates a revival of the
coolie trade in Mongolian women, imported for immoral purposes,
and Mongolian men, held to perform servile labor contracts and
demand such modification of the treaty with the Chinese Empire, or
such legislation within constitutional limitations, as shall prevent
further importation or immigration of the Mongolian race.
Reform is necessary, and can never be effected but by making it
the controlling issue of the elections, and lifting it above the two false
issues with which the office-holding class and the party in power
seek to smother it:
1. The false issue with which they would enkindle sectarian strife in
respect to the public schools, of which the establishment and support
belongs exclusively to the several states, and which the Democratic
party has cherished from their foundation, and is resolved to
maintain, without prejudice or preference for any class, sect, or
creed, and without largesses from the treasury to any.
2. The false issue by which they seek to light anew the dying
embers of sectional hate between kindred peoples once estranged,
but now reunited in one indivisible republic and a common destiny.
 Reform is necessary in the civil service. Experience proves that
efficient, economical conduct of the governmental business is not
possible if its civil service be subject to change at every election, be a
prize fought for at the ballot-box, be a brief reward of party zeal,
instead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency, and held
for fidelity in the public employ; that the dispensing of patronage
should neither be a tax upon the time of all our public men, nor the
instrument of their ambition. Here, again, promises, falsified in the
performance, attest that the party in power can work out no practical
or salutary reform.
Reform is necessary, even more, in the higher grades of the public
service. President, Vice-President, Judges, Senators,
Representatives, Cabinet officers—these, and all others in authority—
are the people’s servants. Their offices are not a private perquisite;
they are a public trust. When the annals of this Republic show the
disgrace and censure of a Vice-President; a ate Speaker of the House
of Representatives marketing his rulings as a presiding officer; three
Senators profiting secretly by their votes as law-makers; five
chairmen of the leading committees of the late House of
Representatives exposed in jobbery; a late Secretary of the Treasury
forcing balances in the public accounts; a late Attorney-General
misappropriating public funds; a Secretary of the Navy enriched, or
enriching friends, by percentages levied off the profits of contractors
with his department; an Ambassador to England concerned in a
dishonorable speculation; the President’s private secretary barely
escaping conviction upon trial for guilty complicity in frauds upon
the revenue; a Secretary of War impeached for high crimes and
misdemeanors—the demonstration is complete, that the first step in
reform must be the people’s choice of honest men from another
party, lest the disease of one political organization infect the body
politic, and lest by making no change of men or parties we get no
change of measures and no real reform.
All these abuses, wrongs, and crimes—the product of sixteen years’
ascendency of the Republican party—create a necessity for reform,
confessed by the Republicans themselves; but their reformers are
voted down in convention and displaced from the cabinet. The
party’s mass of honest voters is powerless to resist the 80,000 office-
holders, its leaders and guides.
 Reform can only be had by a peaceful civic revolution. We demand
a change of system, a change of administration, a change of parties,
that we may have a change of measures and of men.
Resolved, That this convention, representing the Democratic party
of the United States, do cordially indorse the action of the present
House of Representatives, in reducing and curtailing the expenses of
the Federal government, in cutting down salaries and extravagant
appropriations, and in abolishing useless offices and places not
required by the public necessities; and we shall trust to the firmness
of the Democratic members of the House that no committee of
conference and no misinterpretation of the rules will be allowed to
defeat these wholesome measures of economy demanded by the
country.
Resolved, That the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and the
widows and orphans of those who have fallen in battle, have a just
claim upon the care, protection, and gratitude of their fellow-
citizens.

1878.—National Platform.

Toledo, Ohio, February 22.

Whereas, Throughout our entire country the value of real estate is
depreciated, industry paralyzed, trade depressed, business incomes
and wages reduced, unparalleled distress inflicted upon the poorer
and middle ranks of our people, the land filled with fraud,
embezzlement, bankruptcy, crime, suffering, pauperism, and
starvation; and
Whereas, This state of things has been brought about by
legislation in the interest of, and dictated by, money-lenders, bankers
and bondholders; and
Whereas, While we recognize the fact that the men in Congress
connected with the old political parties have stood up manfully for
the rights of the people, and met the threats of the money power, and
the ridicule of an ignorant and subsidized press, yet neither the
Republican nor the Democratic parties, in their policies, propose
remedies for the existing evils; and