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ﻣﻘـﺪﻣــﺔ
) (١اﺳم اﻟﺳﻔر -:
ﯾﺳﻣﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺑرﯾﺔ ﯾرﻣﯾﺎ أو ﯾرﻣﯾﺎﯾﺎھو -:
وھو ﯾﻌﻧﻲ ﯾﮭوه ﯾؤﺳس أو ﯾﺛﺑت أو ﯾﮭوه ﯾرﻓﻊ أو ﯾﻣﺟد.
وﻗ د ﯾﻌﻧ ﻲ ﷲ ﯾرﻣ ﻲ أي أﺗ ﻲ ﺑﺈرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ ﻋ ﺎﻟم ﻣﻌ ﺎد ﻟ ﮫ وأﻟﻘ ﻰ ﺑ ﺎﻷﻣم ﺗﺣ ت اﻟﺣﻛ م
ﺑﺳﺑب ﺧطﺎﯾﺎھم.
) (٢ﺷﺧﺻﯾﺔ إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﺗظﮭر ﻓﻲ اﻟظروف اﻟﻣﺣﯾطﺔ ﺑﮫ -:
.١ﯾﻧﺳب اﻟﺳﻔر ﻹرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻧظرا ﻷن ﷲ ﺗﻧﺑﺄ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﺳﺎﻧﮫ ﻟﻛن اﻟذي ﻛﺗﺑﮫ أو أﻣﻠ ﻲ ﻋﻠﯾ ﮫ
ﻟﻠﻛﺗﺎﺑﺔ ھو ﺑﺎروخ اﻟﻛﺎﺗب )إر.(23:36
.٢ھدف اﻟﺳﻔر :ھو ﺗﻘدﯾم اﻟﺗوﺑﺔ اﻟﻘﻠﺑﯾﺔ ﻣن اﻟﺷﻌب ﻓﻲ أﺣﻠك ظروﻓﮫ ﻓﺎﻟﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ اﻟﺷﻣﺎﻟﯾﺔ
ﺳﺑﯾت ﺑﺳﺑب اﻟﺧطﯾﺔ وھﺎ ھﻲ ﯾﮭوذا ﻓﻲ طرﯾﻘﮭ ﺎ ﻓ ﺎ ﯾﺿ ﯾق ﻋﻠﯾﮭ ﺎ ﻟﺗﺗ وب ،ﻓﻠﻧﻌ رف
أن اﻟﺿﯾق اﻟﺧﺎرﺟﻲ ھو إﺷﺎرة أن ﻗﻠﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺣﺗﺎج إﻟﻰ اﻟﺗوﺑﺔ اﻟداﺧﻠﯾﺔ.
.٣ﻣﻛﺎن اﻟﻣﯾﻼد وأﺛره ﻋﻠﻰ إرﻣﯾ ﺎ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ :وﻟ د إرﻣﯾ ﺎ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﻓ ﻲ ﻗرﯾ ﺔ ﻋﻧ ﺎﺛوث ﻓ ﻲ ﺳ ﺑط
ﺑﻧﯾﺎﻣﯾن اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻘﻊ ﺷﻣﺎل ﺷرق أورﺷ ﻠﯾم ﺑـ ـ 3ﻣﯾ ل ،ووﻟ د ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻘ رن اﻟـ ـ 7ق.م .ﻓ ﻲ
آﺧر ﻋﺻر ﻣﻧﺳﻰ اﻟﻣﻠك.
oﺣﺎﻟﯾﺎ ﻗرﯾﺔ ﻋﻧﺎﺛوث ھﻲ ﻣوﻗﻊ رأس اﻟﺧرﺑﺔ أو ﻋﻧﺎﺛﺎ.
oﻣوﻗ ﻊ اﻟﻘرﯾ ﺔ ﺷ رق أورﺷ ﻠﯾم ﻓ ﺎرﺗﺑط إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻣﻧ ذ ﺻ ﻐره ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺑ ﺎدة ﻓ ﻲ ھﯾﻛ ل أورﺷ ﻠﯾم
واﻟﻌﺑﺎدة ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻛﻣﺎ ﺷﺎھد اﻟﻔﺳﺎد ﻓﯾﮫ أﯾﺿﺎ.
oﺣﻣل ﻣﺷﺎﻋر اﻟﻘرﯾﺔ ﻓﻛﺎن ﺣﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﺗدﻓق اﻟﻣﺷﺎﻋر ﻧﺎﺣﯾﺔ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ.
oﺗطل ﻋﻧﺎﺛوث ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺑرﯾ ﺔ ﯾﮭ وذا ﻣ ن ﻧﺎﺣﯾ ﺔ اﻟﺷ رق أي ﺑرﯾ ﺔ ﯾﮭ وذا ﺗﻘ ﻊ ﺑ ﯾن ﻋﻧ ﺎﺛوث
واﻟﺟزء اﻟﺷﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣن اﻟﺑﺣر اﻟﻣﯾت ،ﻓﺣﻣل إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻗوة اﻟﺻﺣراء.
oأﯾﺿ ﺎ ﻋﻧ ﺎﺛوث ﻟﮭ ﺎ ﻓﻛرھ ﺎ اﻟ دﯾﻧﻲ :ﻛﺎﻧ ت ﻋﻧ ﺎﺛوث ﻗرﯾ ﺔ أﺑﯾﺎﺛ ﺎر اﻟﻛ ﺎھن اﻟ ذي ﻋزﻟ ﮫ
ﺳﻠﯾﻣﺎن وھو ﺳﻼﻟﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ اﻟﻛﺎھن اﻟذي ﺗﻛﻠم اﻟرب ﻋﻧﮫ ﺑﺈﺑﺎدة ﻧﺳﻠﮫ.
oإذ ﻛﺎن اﻟﺷﻌب ﻧظرا ﻟﮭذا ﯾﻌﺑدوا اﻟرب ﻣﺳﺗﻘﻠﯾن ﻋن أورﺷﻠﯾم ﻟﻛن إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻛ ﺎن ﯾ وﺑﺧﮭم
ﻓﺎﻋﺗﺑروه ﺧﺎﺋن ﻟﻘرﯾﺗﮫ.
) (٣دﻋوة إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻟﻠﻧﺑوة -:
دﻋﻲ إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻣن اﻟرب وھو وﻟد ﺻﻐﯾر.
ﺣﺎول اﻻﻋﺗذار ﻟﯾس ﺣﺑﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋدم اﻟﻣﺳﺋوﻟﯾﺔ ﻟﻛن ﻹﺣﺳﺎﺳﮫ ﺑﻛﺑر ﺣﺟم اﻟﻣﺳﺋوﻟﯾﺔ.
ﻟﻛ ن ﷲ ﺟﻌﻠ ﮫ ﻣدﯾﻧ ﺔ ﺣﺻ ﯾﻧﺔ إذ ﻟﻣ س ﻓﻣ ﮫ وﻗدﺳ ﮫ وﺟﻌﻠ ﮫ ﻣدﯾﻧ ﺔ أﺳ وارھﺎ ﻧﺣ ﺎس
وﻣﺗﺎرﯾﺳﮭﺎ ﺣدﯾد ،أﻗﺎﻣﮫ ﷲ ﻟﻛﻲ ﯾﻘﻠﻊ وﯾﮭدم وﯾزرع وﯾﺑﻧﻲ.
٤
) (٤أﻻم إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ -:
ﻛﺎن رﺟل آﻻم ﻣﻧذ ﺻﺑﺎه.
دﻋﻲ أﯾوب.
رﻓﺿﮫ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ ورذﻟوه )إر.(٢١-١٨ :١١
ﺧﺎﻧﮫ أﺧوﺗﮫ )إر١٦-١٣ :١٤؛ .(١٧-١٠ :٢٨
ﺿرب ووﺿﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘطرة )إر.(٢-١ :٢٠
ھُدد ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺗل )إر٨ :٢٦؛ .(٢٦ :٣٦
ﺳﺟن واﺗﮭم ﺑﺎﻟﺧﯾﺎﻧﺔ اﻟوطﻧﯾﺔ )إر٣-٢ :٣٢؛ .(١٥-١١ :٣٧
وﺿﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺟب ﻟﯾﻣوت )إر.(٦ :٣٨
ﻗﯾد ﻓﻲ ﺳﻼﺳل )إر.(١ :٤٠
أﺣرﻗت ﺑﻌض ﻧﺑواﺗﮫ ﺑواﺳطﺔ ﯾﮭوﯾﺎﻗﯾم ﻣﻠك ﯾﮭوذا )إر.(٢٥-٢٢ :٣٦
ﺣُﻣل إﻟﻰ ﻣﺻر ﻗﺳرا ﺣﯾث ﻛﺗب أواﺧر أﺟ زاء ﻓ ﻲ ﻧﺑواﺗ ﮫ ورﺟ م ھﻧ ﺎك )إر-٢٢ :٣٦
.(٢٥
ھو ﻧﺑﻲ ﺿد اﻟﻌﺎﻟم إذ ﻣﻧذ وﻻدﺗﮫ ﺣﺗﻰ اﺳﺗﺷﮭﺎده ﻧﺎدرا إذا ﻣﺎ ﻻﻗﻰ ﺗﻌزﯾﺔ.
ھو ﻧﺑﻲ اﻟﻘﻠب اﻟﻣﻧﻛﺳ ر ﻓﻘ د ﻛﺳ رت ﻗﻠﺑ ﮫ رﺳ ﺎﻟﺗﮫ اﻟﺛﻘﯾﻠ ﺔ )إر (1:9وﺳ رت ﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ ﷲ
ﻓﻲ ﻋظﺎﻣﮫ ﻛﻧﺎر ﻣﻠﺗﮭﺑﺔ )إر .(9:20
) (٥إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﺑﺗول -:
ﻣﻧﻊ اﻟرب إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻣن اﻟزواج ﺑﺄﻣره ﺣﺗﻰ ﻻ ﯾﻘﺎﺳﻲ ﺳ واء زوﺟﺗ ﮫ أو أوﻻده آﻻم اﻟﺳ ﺑﻲ
)إر (٤ -١ :١٦وﺣﺗﻲ ﻻ ﯾﻣوﺗوا وﻻ ﯾﺳﺗطﯾﻊ أن ﯾدﻓﻧﮭم )إر.(٦ :١٦
ﻣﻧﻌﮫ اﻟرب ﻣن دﺧول ﺑﯾت اﻟوﻟﯾﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻔرح واﻷﻛل واﻟﺷرب )إر .(8:16
) (٦ﺧدﻣﺔ إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑوﯾﺔ -:
.١ﺑدأ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳﻧﺔ اﻟــ 13ﻣن ﻣﻠك ﯾوﺷﯾﺎ ) 26ق.م( أي ﺑﻌد 5ﺳﻧوات ﻣن ﺣرﻛﺔ اﻹﺻﻼح
اﻟﺗﻲ ﺑدأھﺎ ﯾوﺷﯾﺎ ) 2ﻣل.(23
.٢اﺳﺗﻣر إرﻣﯾﺎ 626ق .م .إﻟﻰ 586ق .م .أي 40ﻋﺎﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺧدﻣﺗﮫ اﻟﻧﺑوﯾﺔ.
.٣ﺣدد إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺑداﯾﺔ ﻋﻣﻠﮫ اﻟﻧﺑوي أن ھﻧﺎك ھﺟوﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﯾﮭوذا ﻣ ن اﻟﺷ ﻣﺎل وأن
ﷲ ﺗﺧﻠ ﻰ ﻋ ن ﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ ،وﻗ د ﻛ ﺎن ﻓ ﻲ ھ ذا اﻟوﻗ ت اﺑﺗ دأت أﺷ ور ﻓ ﻲ اﻻﻧﮭﯾ ﺎر واﻟﻘ وة
اﻟﺷﻌﺑﯾﺔ ﯾروا رؤﯾﺔ ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻠﯾﺔ ﻟﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺗﻘﻼل ،ﻓﻛﺎﻧ ت ﻧﺑوﺗ ﮫ ﻣ ن ﺑ داﯾﺗﮭﺎ ﻛﺄﻧﮭ ﺎ ﺿ د
ﻋﻣﻠﮭم ورﺟﺎﺋﮭم.
.٤اھﺗم اﻟﺷﻌب ﺑﺎﻟﻣظﺎھر ﻓﻲ ﺗرﻣﯾم اﻟﮭﯾﻛ ل اﻟ ذي ﻋﻣﻠ ﮫ ﯾوﺷ ﯾﺎ ﺑﻌ د 5ﺳ ﻧوات ﻣ ن ﻋﻣ ل
إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑوي واﻟﺳﻧﺔ اﻟــ 18ﻟﻣﻠك ﯾوﺷﯾﺎ.
٥
.٥وﻗد وﺟدوا ﺳﻔر اﻟﺷرﯾﻌﺔ وﺗﺄﺛر ﺑﮫ اﻟﺷﻌب وﻛﺎن ﺣﻠﻘﯾﺎ اﻟﻛﺎھن وﺟ ده ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﮭﯾﻛ ل ﻟﻛ ن
اﻟﺷﻌب واﻟرؤﺳﺎء اھﺗﻣوا ﺑﺎﻟﺗرﻣﯾم دون اﻻھﺗﻣﺎم ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻠب.
.٦ﻣﺷﻛﻠﺔ ﻗرﯾ ﺔ ﻋﻧ ﺎﺛوث :اﺗﮭﻣ ﮫ أھ ل ﻗرﯾﺗ ﮫ ﺑﺎﻟﺧﯾﺎﻧ ﺔ ﻷﻧ ﮫ ﻧﮭ ﺎھم ﻋ ن اﺳ ﺗﻘﻼﻟﮭم ﺑﻌﻣ ل
اﻷﻋﯾ ﺎد واﻟ ذﺑﺎﺋﺢ ﻓ ﻲ ﻗ رﯾﺗﮭم ﺑ ل ﯾﺟ ب اﻻﻟﺗ زام ﺑﺎﻟﺷ رﯾﻌﺔ ﺑﻌﻣ ل ھ ذا ﻓ ﻲ أورﺷ ﻠﯾم
وﺣدھﺎ.
.٧ﻣﺷﻛﻠﺔ ﯾﮭوذا ﻣﻊ إرﻣﯾﺎ -:
-اﻻھﺗﻣﺎم اﻟﺧﺎرﺟﻲ دون اﻟﻘﻠب ﻣن اﻟﺷﻌب واﻻﻛﺗﻔﺎء ﺑﺗرﻣﯾم اﻟﮭﯾﻛل.
-ﻛﺎﻧ ت ﯾﮭ وذا ﺑ ﯾن ﺣﺟ ري اﻟرﺣ ﻲ ﻓﻔ ﻲ اﻟﺷ ﻣﺎل ﺗﮭ دد ﺑﺎﺑ ل ﺣ رﯾﺗﮭم وﻛﺎﻧ ت ﻣﺻ ر
ﺑﻔراﻋﻧﺗﮭﺎ ﺗﺷﻛل ﺗﮭدﯾدا ﻋﻠﻰ ﯾﮭوذا وﻟﻸﺳف ﻛﺎﻧت اﻷﻏﻠﺑﯾﺔ ﺗﻣﯾل ﻟﻣﺻر رﻏم اﻵﺗﻲ -:
.١ﯾوﺷﯾﺎ اﻟﻣﻠك ) ٦٠٩ – ٦٢٦ق .م( ﻗﺗﻠﮫ ﻓرﻋون ﻧﺧو ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟدو ﻋﺎم ٦٠٩ق.م.
.٢ﯾﮭوآﺣﺎز ) ٦٠٩ق.م( أﻗﺎﻣﮫ ﻓرﻋون وﻋزﻟﮫ ﺑﻌد ٣ﺷﮭور.
.٣ﯾﮭوﯾﺎﻗﯾم )٥٩٧ -٦٠٩ق.م( أﻗﺎﻣﮫ ﻓرﻋون وﺑﻌد ٤ﺳﻧوات ﻏﯾر اﺗﺟﺎھﮫ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺧﺿوع
ﻟﺑﺎﺑل ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ اﻧﺗﺻر ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻر ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓرﻋون وﻣﺎت ﻣوﺗﺎ ﻏﺎﻣﺿﺎ )ﺣﻛم 11ﻋﺎﻣﺎ( .
-ﻓﻲ ﻣدة اﻷرﺑﻊ أﻋوام اﻟﺗﻲ ﺧﺿﻊ ﻓﯾﮭﺎ ﻟﻔرﻋون أرھق اﻟﺷﻌب ﺑﺎﻟﺿراﺋب.
.٤ﺻدﻗﯾﺎ ٥٨٧ -٥٩٧) :ق.م( اﺗﺟﮫ إﻟ ﻰ اﻻﺗﺟ ﺎه اﻟ ذي ﯾﺟﻧ د ﻓرﻋ ون ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺑﺎﺑ ل ﻓﺳ ﺑﺎه
ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻر وﻓﻘﺄ ﻋﯾﻧﯾﮫ وﻗﺗل أوﻻده )إر .(٧ -١ :٣٩
ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳﻧﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ ﻟﺣﻛم ﯾﮭوﯾﺎﻗﯾم -:
ﺗﻧﺑﺄ إرﻣﯾ ﺎ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﺑﺧ راب اﻟﮭﯾﻛ ل ﻓ ﻲ وﺳ ط اﻟﮭﯾﻛ ل )إر ١٥ -١ :٧؛ (٢ -١ :٢٦ﻟ وﻻ
ﺗدﺧل ﺑﻌض اﻷﺷراف ﻟﻛﺎن رﺟﻣﮫ اﻟﺷﻌب اﻟذي ﺛﺎر ﻋﻠﯾﮫ )إر.(٢٤ -٧ :٢٦
ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳﻧﺔ اﻟراﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﺣﻛم ﯾﮭوﯾﺎﻗﯾم ﻧطق إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﺑﻧﺑوﺗﮫ وإذ ﺣُ رم ﻣ ن دﺧ ول اﻟﮭﯾﻛ ل
ﻓﺑﻌ ث ﻛﺎﺗﺑ ﮫ ﺑ ﺎروخ وﻗ رأ اﻟﻧﺑ وة ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﺷ ﻌب ﻓﺣﺑﺳ ﮫ ﻓﺷ ﺣور اﻟﻛ ﺎھن ﻟﻣ دة ﯾ وم ﻓ ﻲ
اﻟﻣﻘطرة ﺛم أطﻠﻘﮫ.
وﺻل ھذا اﻟدرج إﻟﻰ ﯾﮭوﯾﺎﻗﯾم ﻓﻘرأ ﻣﻧﮫ أﻣﺎﻣﮫ ﻓﻣزﻗﮫ وطرﺣﮫ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺗﻧ ور ﻓﻛﺗ ب إرﻣﯾ ﺎ
ﻋوﺿﺎ ﻋﻧﮫ )إر (٣٢-٢٧ :٣٦
) (٧ﻣراﺣل اﻟﺳﺑﻲ -:
.١ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم 605ق.م : .ﻓﻲ ﻋﮭد ﯾﮭوﯾﺎﻗﯾم ﺳﺑﻲ داﻧﯾﺎل واﻟﺛﻼﺛ ﺔ ﻓﺗﯾ ﺔ )٢أي،٧ ،٣٦ :٦
دا.(٦ ،٢ ،١ :١
.٢ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم 598ق.م :ﺛﺎرت ﻓﻲ ھذه اﻟﻔﺗرة ﯾﮭوذا ﺿد ﺑﺎﺑل.
٦
ﻛ ﺎن اﻟﻣﻠ ك ھ و ﯾﮭوﯾ ﺎﻛﯾن )ﯾﻛﻧﯾ ﺎ( ﺳ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺳ ﺑﻲ اﻟﻌظ ﯾم إذ أﺧ ذ ﻣﻌظ م ﺷ ﺑﺎب ﯾﮭ وذا
وﻣﻧﮭم ﺣزﻗﯾﺎل اﻟﻧﺑﻲ )ﺣز (٢٢ ،١ :١وﻣردﺧﺎي )إش.(٦ :٢
ﺟﺎءت ﻓرق ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻر وﻋزﻟﺗﮫ إذ ﻣﻠك ﻟﻣدة 3أﺷﮭر وﺳﺑﻲ إﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑل.
أﺧذ ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻر ﺧزاﺋن ﺑﯾت اﻟرب ﻣﻌﮫ ) ٢ﻣل .(١٦-٨ :٢٤
ﻣﻠك ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻر ﺻدﻗﯾﺎ ﺑدﻻ ﻣﻧﮫ.
.٣ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم 588ق.م :ﻛﺎن اﻟﻘﺎدة ﻓﻲ أورﺷﻠﯾم ﺛﺎﺋرﯾن ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺑل.
وﺳﺄل ﺻدﻗﯾﺎ إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻓﺄﻋﻠﻣﮫ أﻧﮫ إن ﻟم ﯾﺧﺿﻊ ﻟﺑﺎﺑل ﻻ ﺗﻧﺟو اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ،ﻓﻛﺎن ﺻدﻗﯾﺎ
ﻓﻲ ﺣﯾرة ﻣن اﻟﺗظﺎھر ﺑﺄﻧﮫ وطﻧ ﻲ ﯾﺛ ور ﺿ د ﺑﺎﺑ ل وﺑ ﯾن طﺎﻋﺗ ﮫ ﻟﺑﺎﺑ ل ﻟﻣﺻ ﻠﺣﺔ اﻟ ﺑﻼد
)إر.(١٤ -١ :٢١
ﺟﺎء ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻر وﺣﺎﺻر أورﺷﻠﯾم ﻟﻣدة ﺷ ﮭور ﻟﻛ ن ﺗﻘ دم ﻓرﻋ ون ﻣﺻ ر ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻣﻧطﻘ ﺔ
ﺟﻌﻠﮫ ﯾﻔك اﻟﺣﺻﺎر ﻣؤﻗﺗﺎ.
ذھ ب إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ ھ ذه اﻟﻔﺗ رة ﻋﻧ د اﻧﻔﻛ ﺎك اﻟﺣﺻ ﺎر إﻟ ﻰ ﻋﻧ ﺎﺛوث ﻓ ﺎﻋﺗﺑروه ھ ﺎرب ﻣ ن
اﻟﻛﻠداﻧﯾﯾن ﻓوﺿﻌوه ﻓﻲ اﻟﺟب )إر.(١٥ -١ :٣٧
ﺟﺎء ﺻدﻗﯾﺎ ﻣرة أﺧرى وأطﻠق إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ وﺳﺄﻟﮫ ﻓﻘﺎل ﻟﮫ أﻧﮫ ﺳﯾﺳﻠم ﻟﻣﻠك ﺑﺎﺑ ل ﻓ ﺄﻣر
ﺑوﺿﻌﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳﺟن وإﺳﺎءة ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺗﮫ.
ﻟﻛن وﺿﻌوه ﻓﻲ ﺟب ﺑﻼ ﻣﺎء ﻟﻛﻲ ﯾﻣوت )إر٢١-١٦ :٣٧؛ .(٦-١ :٣٨
أﺷ ﻔق ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﺧﺻ ﻲ إﺛﯾ وﺑﻲ ﻋﺑ د ﻟﻠﻣﻠ ك ﻓﺎﺳ ﺗﺄذن اﻟﻣﻠ ك ﻟرﻓﻌ ﮫ إﻟ ﻰ دار اﻟﺳ ﺟن
ﻓﺄذن ﻟﮫ وﺑﻘﻲ ھﻧﺎك ﺣﺗﻰ اﺳﺗﺳﻠﻣت أورﺷﻠﯾم )إر.(٢٨-٧ :٣٨
.٤ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم 587ق.م :ﺣﺎﺻر ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻر أورﺷﻠﯾم.
-ﻗﺗل أوﻻد ﺻدﻗﯾﺎ وأﺳره ﺑﺳﻼﺳل وﻓﻘﺄ ﻋﯾﻧﯾﮫ وﺳﺑﺎه إﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑل ﻟﻣﺣﺎوﻟﺗﮫ اﻟﮭروب.
-أﻋﻠﻣوا ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻر ﺑﺷﺄن إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻓظن أﻧﮫ ﻓﻌل ذﻟك ﻷﺟﻠﮫ )إذ ﺗﻧﺑﺄ ﺑﺎﻟﺧﺿوع ﻟﻣﻠك
ﺑﺎﺑل( ﻓﺄﻣر ﺑﺈطﻼق ﺳراﺣﮫ واﺧﺗﯾﺎره إﻣﺎ اﻟﺳﺑﻲ إﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑ ل أو اﻟﺑﻘ ﺎء ﻣ ﻊ ﻣ ن ﺗﺑﻘ ﻲ ﻣ ن
ﯾﮭوذا ﻓﺎﺧﺗﺎر إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﺑﻘﺎء ﻓﻲ ﯾﮭوذا.
-أﺣﺳن إﻟﯾﮫ رﺋﯾس اﻟﺷرط وأﻋطﺎه ھدﯾﺔ وأطﻠﻘﮫ )إر ١٤-١١ :٣٩؛ .(٦-١ :٤٠
.٥ﻓ ﻲ ﻋ ﺎم 584ق.م :ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﯾ د ﻧﺑ وذردان رﺋ ﯾس اﻟﺷ رطﺔ )إر (٣٠ ،١٢ :٥٢ﺣﯾ ث
أﺣرق اﻟﮭﯾﻛل ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺎر وﺑﯾت اﻟﻣﻠك وھدم أﺳوار اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﻟﻣدة 3أﯾﺎم .
ﻛ ﺎن اﻟﯾ وم اﻟﻌﺎﺷ ر ﻣ ن اﻟﺷ ﮭر اﻟﺧ ﺎﻣس ھ و ﯾ وم ﺻ وم ﻟﻠﺑﻛ ﺎء ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺳ ﻘوط أورﺷ ﻠﯾم
)إر١٢ :٥٢؛ زك ٥ ،٣ :٧؛ .(١٩ :٨
٧
ﻗﺗل ﺟدﻟﯾﺎ وذھﺎب إرﻣﯾﺎ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺻر ورﺟﻣﮫ ھﻧﺎك -:
ﻟﻣ ﺎ ﻗﺗ ل ﺟ دﻟﯾﺎ ﺣ ﺎﻛم أورﺷ ﻠﯾم اﻟ ذي ﻋﯾﻧ ﮫ ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻ ر واﻟﯾ ﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﯾﮭ ود اﻟﺑ ﺎﻗﯾن ﻓ ﻲ
ﯾﮭوذا ﺣث إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﺷﻌب اﻟﺑﻘﺎء ﻓﻲ ﯾﮭوذا وﻋدم اﻟﻧزول إﻟﻰ ﻣﺻر.
ﻟﻛن أرﻏﻣﮫ اﻟﺷﻌب ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟذھﺎب إﻟﻰ ﻣﺻر ھو وﺑﺎروخ اﻟﻛﺎﺗب.
ﺗﻧﺑ ﺄ ھﻧ ﺎك ﻓ ﻲ ﺗﺣﻔﻧﺣ ﯾس ﺑ ﺂﺧر ﻧﺑواﺗ ﮫ )إر٨ :٤٣؛ (٣٠ :٤٤ﻓرﺟﻣ ﮫ اﻟﺷ ﻌب ھﻧ ﺎك
ﻷﺟل ﺗوﺑﯾﺧﮫ ﻟﮭم.
ﻣﻌﺎﺻرﯾﮫ ﻣن اﻷﻧﺑﯾﺎء -:
ﻛﺎن ﺑﻌد إﺷﻌﯾﺎء ﺑــ 60ﻋﺎﻣﺎ.
ﻋﺎﺻر ﺧﻠدة اﻟﻧﺑﯾﺔ.
وﺣﺑﻘوق وﺻﻔﻧﯾﺎ اﻟذﯾن ﺳﺎﻋدوه ﻓﻲ أورﺷﻠﯾم.
وﺣزﻗﯾﺎل وداﻧﯾﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳﺑﻲ.
وﻧﺎﺣوم اﻟذي ﺗﻧﺑﺄ ﻋن ﺳﻘوط ﻧﯾﻧوى ﻋﺎم 612ق.م.
وﻋوﺑدﯾﺎ اﻟذي ﺗﻧﺑﺄ ﻋن ھﻼك أدوم.
اﻟﻣﻠوك اﻟﻣﻌﺎﺻرﯾن ﻟﮫ -:
.١ﻣﻧﺳﻰ ) ٦٤٢-٥٩٧ق.م( :ﺣﻛم 55ﻋﺎﻣﺎ ﺣﯾث وﻟد إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟك اﻟوﻗ ت )٢أي:٣٣
.(١
.٢آﻣون ) ٦٤٠-٦٤١ق.م( :ﺣﻛم ﺳﻧﺗﯾن وﻛﺎن ﺷرﯾرا )٢أي.(٢٢ ،٢١ :٣٣
.٣ﯾوﺷ ﯾﺎ ) ٦٠٨-٦٣٩ق.م( :ﺣﻛ م 31ﺳ ﻧﺔ وﻛ ﺎن ﺑ ﺎرا ﻗدﯾﺳ ﺎ ،رﻣ م اﻟﮭﯾﻛ ل وأزال
اﻷوﺛ ﺎن وﻋﻣ ل اﻟﻔﺻ ﺢ وﻋﺛ ر ﻓ ﻲ ﻋﮭ ده ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻧﺳ ﺧﺔ ﻣ ن اﻟﺷ رﯾﻌﺔ ،ﺑ دأ إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻋﻣﻠ ﮫ
اﻟﻧﺑوي ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم 13ﻣن ﻣﻠﻛﮫ.
.٤ﯾﮭوآﺣﺎز ) 609ق.م( :ﺣﻛم 3ﺷﮭور وﺳﺑﻲ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺻر.
.٥ﯾﮭوﯾ ﺎﻗﯾم ) ٥٩٧-٦٠٩ق.م( :ﺣﻛ م 11ﻋﺎﻣ ﺎ ،ﺣﻣ ل ﻋ داء ﺿ د إرﻣﯾ ﺎ وﻣ زق ﻧﺑوﺗ ﮫ
ورﻣﺎھﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺗﻧور.
.٦ﯾﮭوﯾﺎﻛﯾن ) 597ق.م( :ﺣﻛم 3ﺷﮭور وﺳﺑﻲ إﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑل.
.٧ﺻ دﻗﯾﺎ :ﺣﻛ م 11ﻋﺎﻣ ﺎ ،ﻛ ﺎن ﺻ دﯾﻘﺎ ﻹرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻟﻛﻧ ﮫ ﻛ ﺎن ﺿ ﻌﯾف اﻟﺷﺧﺻ ﯾﺔ أﻣ ﺎم ﻗ ﺎدة
اﻟﺷﻌب.
ﺗوارﯾﺦ ھﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﮭد إرﻣﯾﺎ -:
٦٢٧ ق.م :ﯾوﺷﯾﺎ ﯾﺑدأ إﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﮫ )٢أي .(٣٤
٦٢٦ ق.م :دﻋوة إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﻣل اﻟﻧﺑوي.
٨
٦٢٦ ق.م :ﻏزو اﻟﺳﻛﯾﺛﯾﯾن )إر .(٤
٦٢١ ق.م :اﻟﻌﺛور ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻔر اﻟﺷرﯾﻌﺔ أﺛﻧﺎء إﺻﻼﺣﺎت ﯾوﺷﯾﺎ ) ٢ﻣل .(٢٣ ،٢٢
٦١٢ ق.م :ﺳﻘوط ﻧﯾﻧوى ﻋﺎﺻﻣﺔ أﺷور.
٦٠٩ ق.م :ﻗﺗل ﯾوﺷﯾﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣوﻗﻌﺔ ﻣﺟدو ﺑواﺳطﺔ ﻓرﻋون ﻧﺧو.
٦٠٦ ق.م :اﻟﻣرﺣﻠﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ ﻟﺳﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺑل.
٦٠٥ ق.م :ﻣﻌرﻛﺔ ﻛرﻛﻣﯾش وھزﯾﻣﺔ ﺑﺎﺑل ﻟﻣﺻر.
.
٦٠٤ ق.م :ﺣرق اﻟدرج اﻟذي ﺑﮫ ﻧﺑوات إرﻣﯾﺎ ﺑواﺳطﺔ ﯾﮭوﯾﺎﻗﯾم ) ٦٠٢ق.م(
٥٩٧ ق.م :ﺣﺻﺎر أورﺷﻠﯾم وأﺳر ﯾﮭوﯾﺎﻛﯾن.
٥٩٣ ق.م :ﺻدﻗﯾﺎ ﯾﺳﺑﻰ إﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑل.
٥٨٧ ق.م :اﻟﺳﺑﻲ اﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﯾﮭوذا ﺑواﺳطﺔ ﺑﺎﺑل.
٥٨٦ ق.م :ﺣرق اﻟﮭﯾﻛل ﺑواﺳطﺔ ﻧﺑوذردان.
٥٨٢ ق.م :اﻟﻣرﺣﻠﺔ اﻷﺧﯾرة ﻣن اﻟﺳﺑﻲ.
) (٨ھدف اﻟﺳﻔر -:
.١اﻟﺣﺎﺟﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺗوﺑﺔ -:
ﯾوﺿﺢ إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ اﻟﺣﺎﺟﺔ إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﺗوﺑ ﺔ ﻓ ﺈن ﷲ ﯾﺣ دث أو ﯾﮭ دد ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻘوﺑ ﺔ ﻗﺑ ل اﻟﺗﺄدﯾ ب
ﻓﺈن رﺟﻊ اﻹﻧﺳﺎن رﺟﻊ ﷲ ﻋن اﻟﺗﺄدﯾب أﻣﺎ إن ﺗﻘﺳﻰ ﻓﺎﻟﺗﺄدﯾب آﺗﻲ.
ﯾوﻧﺎن اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻗﺎل ﺑﻌد 3أﯾﺎم ﺗﻧﻘﻠب اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﻓﺗﺎب أھل ﻧﯾﻧوى ﻓرﻓﻊ ﷲ ﻏﺿﺑﮫ ﻋﻧﮭم.
أﻣﺎ ﺳدوم وﻋﻣ ورة ﻓﻧ زل ﻣ ﻼك اﻟ رب وﻛﻠ م ﻟ وط وأﺧﺑ ر ﻟ وط أھ ل اﻟﻣدﯾﻧ ﺔ وأﺻ ﮭﺎره
ﻓﺎﺳﺗﮭزأوا ﺑﮫ ﻟﻛن أﻧﻘذ ﻟوط واﺑﻧﺗﯾﮫ وﺣرﻗت اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺎر واﻟﻛﺑرﯾت ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﻟم ﺗﺗب.
ﻓﺎ ﻧطق ﺑﺎﻟﺳﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﯾﮭوذا ﻛﻣﺎ ﺳﺑق وﻋﻣل ﻣﻊ إﺳراﺋﯾل ﻟﻛﻧﮭﺎ ﻟم ﺗﺗب ﻓﺳﺑﯾت ھﻛذا
ﯾﮭ وذا إن ﻟ م ﺗﺗ ب ﺗﺗﺷ ﺎﺑﮫ ﺑﺄﺧﺗﮭ ﺎ ﻓ ﺈن ﻟ م ﯾﺗوﺑ وا ﺳ ﯾؤدﺑوا ﺑﺎﻟﺳ ﺑﻲ ﻓﺎﻟﺿ ﯾﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺳ ﺑﻲ
ﻋﻼﻣﺔ ﺿﯾق اﻟﻘﻠب وﻓﺳﺎده.
.٢إﺻﻼح اﻟﻘﻠب اﻟداﺧﻠﻲ -:
.١إن ﻓﺳد اﻟﻘﻠب داﺧﻠﯾﺎ ﻻ ﯾﺳﻌف ﻣﮭﻣ ﺎ ﻋﻣﻠﻧ ﺎ ﺧﺎرﺟﯾ ﺎ ﻣﺛﻠﻣ ﺎ اﺑ ﺗﮭﺞ اﻟ ﺑﻌض أﯾ ﺎم ﯾوﺷ ﯾﺎ
ﺑﺗ رﻣﯾم اﻟﮭﯾﻛ ل ﻟﻛ ن ﻛ ﺎﻧوا ﯾﺣﺗ ﺎﺟون إﻟ ﻰ ﺗ رﻣﯾم اﻟﻘﻠ ب ،أﻣ ﺎ ﻓﺳ ﺎد اﻟﻘﻠ ب ﻓﻣ ن ﺧطﯾ ﺔ
اﻟﻘﻠ ب )إر٢٤ :٧؛ ١٤ :٩؛ .(١٧ :٢٣ﻟﻛ ن ﺷ رﯾﻌﺔ ﷲ ﺗﻧﻘ ﻲ اﻟﻘﻠ ب )إر٣٣ :٣١؛
.(٧ :٢٤
.٢اﻻﺗﻛﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗرﻣﯾم اﻟﮭﯾﻛل أو اﻟﮭﯾﻛل دون إﺻﻼح اﻟﻘﻠ ب ﻗ ﺎﺋﻠﯾن " :ھﯾﻛ ل اﻟ رب ھﯾﻛ ل
اﻟرب ھو " )إر (4:7ﻟﻛن ھﯾﻛل اﻟرب ﺗﺣول ﻣﻐﺎرة ﻟﺻوص )إر .(11:7
٩
.٣اﻻﺗﻛﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﯾﺎزة اﻟﺷ رﯾﻌﺔ دون اﻟﻌﻣ ل ﺑﮭ ﺎ أو ﺣﺗ ﻰ ﻗراءﺗﮭ ﺎ ﺧﺻوﺻ ﺎ أﻧ ﮫ ﻓ ﻲ أﯾ ﺎم
ﯾوﺷﯾﺎ ﻋﺛروا ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻔر اﻟﺷرﯾﻌﺔ ﺑواﺳطﺔ ﺣﻠﻘﯾﺎ اﻟﻛﺎھن.
.٤اﻻﺗﻛﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻘدﯾم اﻟذﺑﺎﺋﺢ دون اﻟﻘﻠب اﻟذي ﯾطﯾﻊ ﻓﺷﺎول اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺻﻰ ﷲ ﻷﺟل ﺑﻌ ض
اﻟﺧرﻓ ﺎن ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﻌرﻛﺗ ﮫ ﻣ ﻊ ﻋﻣ ﺎﻟﯾق )إر٤٦-٢٤ :١٧؛ ٢٢-١٩ :٢٧؛ ،١١ ،١٠ :٣
(١٨
.٥اﻻﺗﻛﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺧﺗﺎن أي اﻻﺗﻛﺎل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺗﺎن اﻟﺟﺳد دون ﺧﺗﺎن اﻟ روح أي اﻟﻘﻠ ب واﻷذن
)إر (٤ :٦ :٤ :٤واﻟﺣواس )إر .(22:2
.٦اﻻﺗﻛ ﺎل ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻵﺑ ﺎء :اﻻﺗﻛ ﺎل ﻋﻠ ﻰ أﻧﮭ م أﺑﻧ ﺎء إﺑ راھﯾم وإﺳ ﺣق وﯾﻌﻘ وب دون اﻟﻌﻣ ل
ﺑﺄﻋﻣﺎﻟﮭم اﻟﻧﺎﺗﺟﺔ ﻋن إﯾﻣﺎﻧﮭم ﺑﺎ وﻻ ﺟﺎھدوا ﺟﮭﺎدھم ﺿد اﻟﺧطﯾﺔ )إر١٦ :٧؛ :١١
١٤؛ .(١١ :١٤
.٣ﷲ ﺳﯾد اﻟﺗﺎرﯾﺦ -:
-ﷲ ﺧﻠق ﻛل اﻟﻌﺎﻟم ﻣن اﻟﺗراب ﻛﺧزاف وأﺧرج ﻣﻧﮫ أواﻧ ﻲ ﺟﻣﯾﻠ ﺔ ﻛﻣ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ )إر-١ :١٨
.(١٢
-ھو ﺳﺧر ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻر ﻟﯾؤدب ﺑﮫ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ )إر .(6:27
-ﻟﻛن ﻋﺎد ﷲ وأدب اﻷﻣم أﯾﺿﺎ )إر (15:25ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧطﺎﯾﺎھم.
-ﷲ ﺿﺎﺑط اﻟﻛل أي ﻛل اﻟﻌﺎﻟم وأﺣداﺛﮫ ﺗﺗﺑﻊ ﻣﺷﯾﺋﺔ ﷲ )إر٥ :٢٧؛ ٢٢ :٥؛ .(٧ :٨
-ﻓﺎ ﯾﮭب اﻟﺣﯾﺎة )إر (13:3وھو ﻗرﯾب ﻣن ﻛل اﻟﺑﺷر )إر (23:23وﯾﻌرف أﻓﻛﺎرھم
)إر٢٠ :١١؛ .(١٠ :١٧
-أﻣﺎ اﻷوﺛﺎن ﻓﻼ ﺷﻲء ﺑﺎﻟﻣرة )إر (11:2وﻻ ﺗﻌﻣل ﺷﻲء )إر .(28:13
.٤ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﷲ ﺑﺷﻌﺑﮫ -:
.١ﷲ ھو ﯾﻧﺑوع اﻟﻣﺎء اﻟﺣﻲ ﻟﺷﻌﺑﮫ )إر (13:9ﻓﮭو ﻣﺻدر اﻟﻧﻌم وھو ﻣﺻدر اﻟﺣﯾﺎة.
.٢وﷲ ھو ﺧﺎﻟق ﺷﻌﺑﮫ ﻓﮭو اﻟﻔﺧﺎري ﻟﺷﻌﺑﮫ )إر ،(١٢-١ :١٨أﻣﺎ إﺳراﺋﯾل ﻓﮭﻲ -:
.١ﺑﻛر ﺣﺻﺎد ﷲ )إر.(٣ :٢
.٢ﻣﯾراﺛﮫ اﻟﻣﻘدس )إر.(٩ -٧ :١٢
.٣ﻛرﻣﺗﮫ )إر (10:12ﻣﺛﻠﻣﺎ ﻗﺎل إﺷﻌﯾﺎء ) إش.(7:5
.٤ھﻲ ﻗطﯾﻌﮫ )إر.(١٧ :١٣
.٥ھ ﻲ ﻣﺣﺑوﺑﺗ ﮫ وﻋروﺳ ﮫ اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﻻطﻔﮭ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺑرﯾ ﺔ )إر١٥ :١١؛ ١٧ :١٢؛ ١٢ :٢؛
.(١٩ :٣
.٦ھﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺣب ﺑ ﯾن ﷲ وﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ وﺑ ﯾن ﻛ ل ﻓ رد ﻓ ﻲ ﺟﻣﺎﻋ ﺔ ﺑﻧ ﻲ إﺳ راﺋﯾل ﻓﮭ ﻲ ﻋﻼﻗ ﺔ
ﻋﮭد )إر.(٣٤ -٣٣ :٣١
١٠
-ﻓﮭ و ﯾﺳ ﺗﺧدم ﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ ﯾﻧﺳ ﻲ )ﯾﻧﺳ ﻰ ﺧطﺎﯾﺎھ ﺎ( 24ﻣ رة ﻣﻘﺎﺑ ل ﻣ ﺎ ﻗﯾ ل ﻋ ن ارﺗ دادھﺎ
ﺣواﻟﻲ 13ﻣرة وﺗﻛررت ﻛﻠﻣﺔ ارﺟﻊ 47ﻣرة ،ﻓﺎﻟﺗوﺑﺔ ھﻲ رﺟوع ﻋﻼﻗﺗﻧﺎ ﺑﺎ .
.٥اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ودوره )ﺣﺎﺿر أﻣﺎم ﷲ -ﻣﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻋن ﺷﻌﺑﮫ -ﻧﺎﺋب ﻋن ﷲ( -:
.١ھو إﻧﺳﺎن ﻓﻲ ﺣﺿرة ﷲ ﯾﺗﻌرف ﻋﻠﻰ أﺣﻛﺎم ﷲ )إر .(3:23
.٢إﻧﺳﺎن ﯾﻌﻠن ﻛﻠﻣﺔ اﻟرب ﻣن ﻗﺑل اﻟرب ﻧﻔﺳﮫ )إر ،١٠ -١ :١إش.(١٣ -١ :٦
.٣ﯾﺗﺣدث ﺑﺎﺳم ﷲ وﷲ ﯾﺗﺣدث ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﺳﺎﻧﮫ ﻋﻛس اﻷﻧﺑﯾﺎء اﻟﻛذﺑﺔ.
.٤ﯾﻘوم ﺗﺎرة ﺑﻌﻣل ﻛﻧﺎﺋب ﻋﺎم ﻋن ﷲ وﯾﺗﺣدث ﺑﺎﺳﻣﮫ أو ﻛﻣﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﺗﺣدث ﻧﯾﺎﺑﺔ
ﻋن ﺷﻌﺑﮫ.
.٥اھﺗﻣﺎﻣﮫ اﻷول ﻋﻣل اﻟﺷﻌب ﻋﮭدا ﻣﻊ ﷲ وﻣﯾﺛﺎﻗﺎ ﻻﻟﺗﺻﺎق اﻟﺷﻌب ﺑﺎ .
) (٩ﻣﻣﯾزات اﻟﺳﻔر -:
.١ﺗﻣﯾز أﺳﻠوب إرﻣﯾ ﺎ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﺑﺷ دة اﻟﺗ وﺑﯾﺦ ﻣ ﻊ ﻓ ﺗﺢ ﺑ ﺎب اﻟرﺟ ﺎء ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻣﺻ راﻋﯾﮫ وھ ذا
ﻟﻘرب اﻟﺳﺑﻲ اﻟذي أﺻﺑﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﺑواب وﻟﻘﺳﺎوة ﻗﻠب اﻟﺷﻌب.
.٢ﻗﻠب اﻟﻧﺑﻲ رﻏم ﺷدة اﻟﺗوﺑﯾﺦ ﯾﺣﻣل ﻟﺷﻌﺑﮫ ﺣﺑ ﺎ ﺷ دﯾدا ﺳ واء ﻛﺄﻣ ﺔ أو ﻛﺄﺷ ﺧﺎص ﻣ ﻊ
ﻓﺗﺢ ﺑﺎب اﻟرﺟﺎء رﻏ م ﻋﺑ ﺎدﺗﮭم اﻷوﺛ ﺎن وﺗﻘ دﯾم أوﻻدھ م وإﺟ ﺎزﺗﮭم ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻧ ﺎر )إر:١٦
٢٠ ،١٣-١٠؛ ٩ :٢٢؛ ٢٩ :٣٢؛ .(١٧ ،٨ ،٣ ،٢ :٤٤
-إذ ﻛ ﺎن داﺋﻣ ﺎ ﯾﺻ ﻠﻲ ﻷﺟﻠﮭ م )إر (٢٠ ،٧ :١٤ﺣﺗ ﻰ ﻋﻧ دﻣﺎ أﻣ ره ﷲ أن ﻻ ﯾﺻ ﻠﻲ
ﻷﺟﻠﮭم )إر١٦ :٧؛ ١٤ :١١؛ .(١١ :١٤
.٣اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻣﺗﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﯾن اﻟﺷﻌب وﷲ )ﺷﺧﺻﯾﺔ ﺟﻣﺎﻋﯾﺔ( -:
ﻛﺎن ﯾطﻠب ﷲ اﻟﺳﺎﻛن ﻓﻲ وﺳط ﺷﻌﺑﮫ )إر ( 23:7وﻓﻲ ﻧﻔس اﻟوﻗت ﺳ ﺎﻛن ﻓ ﻲ ﻗﻠ ب
ﻛل واﺣد.
ﯾﻛﺷف ﻋن ﺧطﯾﺔ اﻟﺷﻌب ﻛﻛل )إر (1:17وﻋن ﺧطﯾﺔ أو ﻧﺟﺎﺳﺔ ﻗﻠب ﻛل ﻓرد.
ﻛﺎن ﯾطﻠب ﺗوﺑﺔ ﺟﻣﺎﻋﯾﺔ ﻛﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﯾطﻠب ﺗوﺑﺔ ﺷﺧﺻﯾﺔ.
ﻓﻛﺎن ﯾرﺑط ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ اﻟﻛﻧﯾﺳﺔ ﻛﻠﮭﺎ )اﻟﺷﻌب ﻛﻠﮫ( ﻣﻊ ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﻛل ﺷﺧص.
.٤ﻛ ﺎن إرﻣﯾ ﺎ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﺣزﯾﻧ ﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ ﺑﺳ ﺑب ﺧطﺎﯾ ﺎھم إذ ﯾﻧظ ر ﻟﺧطﺎﯾ ﺎ ﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ وﻛ ﺎن
ﻣﺗرﺟﯾﺎ رﺟﺎء ﻛﺑﯾر ﻓﻲ ﺧﻼﺻﮭم ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﻧظر إﻟﻰ ﷲ.
.٥ﻗدم ﻣﻔﺎھﯾم ﻻھوﺗﯾﺔ وروﺣﯾﺔ -:
.١ﺧطﯾﺔ اﻟﺷﻌب ھﻲ ﻛﺳر ﻣﯾﺛﺎق اﻟﺷﻌب ﺑﺎ وﻋودة اﻟﻣﯾﺛﺎق ﺑﺎﻟﺗوﺑﺔ.
.٢ﻛل ﺧطﯾﺔ ھﻲ ﻣوﺟﮭﺔ إﻟﻰ ﷲ وﻟﯾس ﻓﻘط إﻟﻰ اﻷﻓراد أو اﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﺔ ﻓﻘط.
.٣ﷲ ﯾﺣب ﺷﻌﺑﮫ ﺣﺗﻰ إن أدﺑﮭم ووﺳط اﻟﺗﺄدﯾﺑﺎت ﻓﺎﻟﺗﺄدﯾب ﻋﻼﻣﺔ اﻻھﺗﻣﺎم.
.٤اﻟدﻣﺎر اﻟذي ﺣل ﺑﮭم ﻧﺗﯾﺟﺔ ﻛﺳر اﻟﻌﮭد واﻟﻣﯾﺛﺎق ﯾﺣﺗﺎج إﻟﻰ ﻋﮭد ﺟدﯾد وﻣﯾﺛﺎق ﺟدﯾد.
١١
.٦اﺗﺳ م اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﺑﺣﯾ ﺎة اﻷﻣﺎﻧ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺗ ﮫ ﻣ ﻊ ﷲ رﻏ م اﺿ طﮭﺎده ﻣ ن اﻟﺣﻛ ﺎم واﻟرؤﺳ ﺎء
اﻟدﯾﻧﯾﯾن واﻟﺷﻌب ﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻣﺗﻠﺊ ﺗﻌزﯾﺔ.
.٧ﺣﻣل اﻟﺳﻔر رﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻧﺑوﯾﺔ ﺗﺣﻘﻘت ﺑﻌدﻣﺎ ﻧطﻘﮭ ﺎ ﺑ زﻣن ﻗﻠﯾ ل وﺑﻌﺿ ﮭﺎ ﻛ ﺎن ﯾﺧ ص زﻣ ن
اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﺟدﯾد وﻟﮭذا ھﻧﺎك ﺗﻘﺎﺑل ﺑﯾن ﻧﺑوات إرﻣﯾﺎ وﺳﻔر اﻟرؤﯾﺎ ﻣﺛل ﻣوﺿﻊ ھ ﻼك ﺑﺎﺑ ل
)إر١٠ :٢٥؛ (٦٤ -٦٣ :٤٥ ،٩ -٧ :٥١ﻣ ﻊ )رؤ ٢٢ :١٨؛ ٨ :١٤؛ -٢ :١٧
٤؛ .(٥ -٢ :١٨
.٨ﻋﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﺳﻔر ﺑﻣﻌﻠﻣﻧﺎ ﺑوﻟس :ﻛﺎن إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﺷ دﯾد اﻟﺣﺳﺎﺳ ﯾﺔ ﻧﺎﺣﯾ ﺔ ﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ إذ ﻛ ﺎن
ﯾﺣﺑﮭم وھذا ﺟﻌل ﻣﻌﻠﻣﻧﺎ ﺑوﻟس ﯾﺗﺄﺛر ﺑﮫ وﺑﻛﺗﺎﺑﺗﮫ ﻓﻲ ﻣواﺿﯾﻊ ﻣﺛل اﻟﻧ ﺎﻣوس واﻟﻧﻌﻣ ﺔ
واﻟﺣرﯾ ﺔ واﻟﺧﺗ ﺎن اﻟروﺣ ﻲ )إر (٣٤ -٣١ :٣١ﻣ ﻊ ) ٢ﻛ و (٦ :٣و )رو (١ :١١؛
)إر (٥ :١ﻣﻊ )ﻏﻼ .(١٥ :١
.٩إﺷﺎرة اﻟﺳﻔر إﻟﻰ إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻧﻔﺳﮫ أو إﻟﻰ ﻧﺑواﺗﮫ اﻟﺗﻲ ﻣن ﻋﻧد ﷲ ﻓﻘد أﺷﺎر إﻟﻰ ﻧﻔﺳ ﮫ ﻓ ﻲ
)إر٥ :١؛ ،(١٩ :١٥وأﺷﺎر إﻟﻰ ﻧﺑواﺗ ﮫ ﻣ ن ﻛﻠﻣ ﺎت ﷲ ﻓ ﻲ ﻋﺑ ﺎرة ﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ اﻟ رب اﻟﺗ ﻲ
ﺻﺎرت 151ﻣرة أﻣﺎ ﻣواﺿﯾﻊ ﻧﺑواﺗﮫ ھﻲ -:
.١اﻟﻣﺳﯾﺎ اﻟﻣﺧﻠص.
.٢ﯾﮭوذا ﺳﺑﯾﮫ وﻋودﺗﮫ.
.٣ﻧﺑواﺗﮫ ﻋن ﺷﻌوب أﻣﻣﯾﺔ ﻣﺛل ﻣﺻر ،ﻓﻠﺳطﯾن ،ﻣوآب ،ﻋﻣون ،أدوم ،ﻋﯾﻼم وﺑﺎﺑل.
.١٠ھو ﺳﻔر اﻟﺗﺳﺎؤﻻت ﻓﻔﯾﮫ أﺳﺋﻠﺔ ﻛﺛﯾرة ﻣن ﺳﻔر أﯾوب.
.١١ھو ﺳﻔر اﻹﺻﻼح )إر .(33-30
.١٢ھو ﺳﻔر اﻟرﺛﺎء واﻻﺿطﮭﺎدات.
.١٣ھو ﺳﻔر اﻟرﻣوز ،ﻗدم رﻣوزا ﻛﺛﯾرة ﻣﻧﮭﺎ -:
ﻗﺿﯾب ﻟوز )إر .(١١ : ١
ﻗدر ﻣﻧﻔوﺧﺔ وﺟﮭﮭﺎ ﻣن ﺟﮭﺔ اﻟﺷﻣﺎل )إر .(١٣ :١
ﻣﻧطﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﯾﺔ )إر .(٧ :١٣
زق ﻣﻣﺗﻠﺊ ﺧﻣرً ا )إر .(١٤ -١٢ :١٣
ﻗﺣط )إر .(١٢-١ :١٤
إﻧﺎء اﻟﻔﺧﺎري )إر .(٦ -١ :١٨
اﻹﻧﺎء اﻟﻣﻛﺳور )إر .(٢ -١ :١٩
ﺳﻠ ﱠﺗﺎن ).(١٠ -١ :٢٤
ﻧﯾر )إر .(١٢ -١ :٢٧
ﺷراء ﺣﻘل )إر .(١٢ -١ :٣٢
١٢
اﻟﺣﺟﺎرة اﻟﺧﻔﯾﺔ )إر .(١٣ -٩ :٤٣
ﻛﺗﺎب ﻏﺎرق ﻓﻲ ﻧﮭر اﻟﻔرات )إر .(٦٤ -٥٩ :٥١
) (١٠ﻋﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﺳﻔر ﺑﺎﻷﺳﻔﺎر اﻷﺧرى -:
-١ﻋﻼﻗﺗﮫ ﺑﻧﺑوة ھوﺷﻊ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ -:
ﻣن أﻛﺛر اﻷﺳﻔﺎر اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺄﺛر ﺑﮭﺎ إرﻣﯾﺎ ھو ھوﺷﻊ إذ أن ﻛﻼھﻣ ﺎ ﻛﺎﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺗطﻠ ﻊ إﻟ ﻰ ﺷ ﯾﻠوه
ﺣﯾث ﺧﯾﻣﺔ اﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎع وﻷن إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻣ ن ﻧﺳ ل ﻋ ﺎﻟﻲ اﻟﻛ ﺎھن اﻟ ذي ھ و ﻣ ن ﻧﺳ ﻠﮫ أﺑﯾﺎﺛ ﺎر
اﻟﻛﺎھن اﻟذي ﻋزﻟﮫ ﺳﻠﯾﻣﺎن.
ﻛﻼ اﻟﺳﻔرﯾن ﯾرﻛز ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻔظ اﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ وﯾﺧص إﺳراﺋﯾل ﺑﺎ ﻓﯾﺻ ف ھوﺷ ﻊ رﻏ م ﻧﺑوﺗ ﮫ
ﻟﻠﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ اﻟﺷﻣﺎﻟﯾﺔ أن ﺷﻌﺑﮫ ﻋ دﯾم اﻷﻣﺎﻧ ﺔ ﻣﺛ ل زوﺟ ﺔ ﺧﺎﺋﻧ ﺔ ﻟرﺟﻠﮭ ﺎ ﻣﺛ ل )ھ و ١ :٤؛
١٢ :٤؛ (٤ :٦وھ ذا ﯾﺗط ﺎﺑق ﻣ ﻊ إرﻣﯾ ﺎ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﻓ ﻲ اﻋﺗﺑ ﺎر أن ﺷ ﻌب إﺳ راﺋﯾل ﻛ ﺎن
ﻣﺧطوﺑ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺑرﯾ ﺔ وﻛ ﺎن ﷲ ﯾﺣ ب ﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ وﻛ ﺎن اﻟﺷ ﻌب ﯾﺣ ب ﷲ )ﺗﺟ ﺎوزا ً( ﻓ ﻲ
)إر (2:2ﺛ م ﯾ ﺗﻛﻠم إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻋ ن ﺷ ﻌب ﷲ ﻛزوﺟ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ )إر (٢٠ ،٥ -١ :٣ﻣﺛ ل زوﺟ ﺔ
ھوﺷﻊ اﻟزاﻧﯾﺔ.
ﻛﺎن ﺷﻌب ﷲ ﻛﺎﺑﻧﺔ ﺧﻠﺻﮭﺎ ﻣ ن ﻋﺑودﯾ ﺔ ﻓرﻋ ون وھ ذا أﯾﺿ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺳ ﻔرﯾن )إر:٣
(١٩ﻣﻊ )ھو .(١ :١١
ھﻼك اﻟﺷﻌب ﻟﻌدم اﻟﻣﻌرﻓ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺳ ﻔرﯾن )ھ و١ :٤؛ (٦ :٤ﻣ ﻊ إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ )إر٨ :٢؛
.(٢٢ :٤
اﻟدﺧول ﻓﻲ ﻣﺣﺎﻛﻣﺔ ﻣن ﷲ ﻟﺷﻌﺑﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳﻔرﯾن )ھو (٣-١ :٤ﻣﻊ )إر.(٣١ :٢٥
إﺣﻼل ﷲ ﺑﺎﻷوﺛﺎن )ھو١٠ -٧ :٢؛ إر .(١٣ -١٠ :٢
ﻓﺗرة اﻟﺑرﯾﺔ ﻛﻔﺗرة إﻣﺎﺗﺔ ﻟﻠﺷﻌب )ھو١٠ :٩؛ ١ :١١؛ إر .(٣ -١ :٢
اﻋﺗراف اﻟﺷﻌب ﺑﺧطﺎﯾﺎھم )ھ و ٣-١ :٦؛ إر ٢٥ -٢٢ :٣؛ ١٠ -٧ :١٤؛ -١٩ :١٤
.(٢١
-٢ﻋﻼﻗﺔ إرﻣﯾﺎ ﺑﺄﺳﻔﺎر اﻷﻧﺑﯾﺎء اﻟﻛﺑﺎر -:
.١دﻓﻌت رؤﯾﺎ إﺷﻌﯾﺎء ﻟﻠﺳﯾد اﻟرب ﻓﻲ )إش (8:6ﻟﻘﺑوﻟﮫ ﻟﻠﺧدﻣﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻼ ھﺎأﻧذا ،ﻟﻛ ن إرﻣﯾ ﺎ
ﻗﺎل إﻧﻲ وﻟد إذ ﻛﺎن اﻟﺳﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ وﺷك اﻟﺣدوث واﻟﺷﻌب ﻗﺎﺳﻲ اﻟﻘﻠب واﻟرﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺻ ﻌﺑﺔ
ﺟدا )إر .(6:1
-إﺷﻌﯾﺎء ﻛﺎﻧت ﻋﻼﻗﺗﮫ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻼل اﻟرؤى ﻣﺛل )إش (6أﻣﺎ إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻓﻛﺎن ﷲ ﯾﻛﻠﻣﮫ ﻛﺻدﯾق
)إر .(4:1
.٢إرﻣﯾﺎ وﺣزﻗﯾﺎل ھﻣﺎ ﻛﺎھﻧﺎن دﻋﯾﺎ ﻟﻠﻧﺑوة وﻛﻼھﻣﺎ ﻟم ﯾﻣﺎرس اﻟﻌﻣل اﻟﻛﮭﻧوﺗﻲ.
١٣
-ﻛﺎن ﺣزﻗﯾﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳﺑﻲ ﻋﻧد ﻧﮭر ﺧﺎﺑور ﻧﺷﯾط ﻣﺗﺣﻣس ﻟﮫ إﺣﺳﺎس أﻣﺎ إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻛ ﺎن ﻣ ﻊ
اﻟذﯾن ﺗﺑﻘوا ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳﺑﻲ ﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﻛﺎن ﺣﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻋﻣﯾﻘﺎ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺷ ﺎﻋره اھﺗ زت ﺟ دران ﻗﻠﺑ ﮫ ﻣ ن
ﺑﻛﺎﺋﮫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ.
.٣داﻧﯾﺎل اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﺷﺎھده إرﻣﯾﺎ وھ و ﯾﺳ ﺎق ﻟﻠﺳ ﺑﻲ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺳ ﻧﺔ اﻟﺛﺎﻟﺛ ﺔ ﻟﻣﻠ ك ﯾﮭوﯾ ﺎﻗﯾم اﻟ ذي
ﻣزق ﻧﺑوة إرﻣﯾﺎ وطرﺣﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺗﻧور.
داﻧﯾﺎل ﺣدد ﻣﺟﺊ رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع ﺑﻌد اﻟﺳ ﺑﻌﯾن أﺳ ﺑوع ﺳ ﻧﯾن أﻣ ﺎ إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻓﺣ دد ﻣ دة اﻟﺳ ﺑﻲ
وھﻲ ﺳﺑﻌﯾن ﺳﻧﺔ )دا .(٢ -١ :٩
داﻧﯾ ﺎل رأى رؤﯾ ﺎ اﻟﺗﻣﺛ ﺎل اﻟ ذي ﺗﮭﺷ م وھ و ﯾﻣﺛ ل اﻷرﺑ ﻊ ﻣﻣﺎﻟ ك وھ ﻲ )ﺑﺎﺑ ل -ﻣ ﺎدي
وﻓﺎرس -اﻟﯾوﻧﺎن -اﻟروﻣﺎن( ﻟﯾﻣﻠك اﻟرب ﻟﻛن إرﻣﯾﺎ ﺗﺣدث ﻋن اﻧﮭﯾﺎر أﻣﺗﮫ ﺑﺎﻟﺳﺑﻲ.
-٣ﻋﻼﻗﺔ إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻷﺳﻔﺎر اﻷﺧرى -:
ﻋﻼﻗﺔ إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﺑﻧﺣﻣﯾﺎ -:
.١ﻛﻼھﻣﺎ ﻟ ﮫ ﻋواط ف ﻣﺗﺄﺟﺟ ﺔ ﻧﺣ و اﻟﺷ ﻌب ﻣﻧﻛﺳ ر اﻟﻘﻠ ب وﻣﻧﺳ ﺣﻘﻲ اﻟ ﻧﻔس ﺑ ﺎﻛﯾن
)ﻧﺢ٤ :١؛ إر .(١ :٩
.٢ﻛﻼھﻣﺎ اﻋﺗﺑر ﺧطﺎﯾﺎ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ ھﻲ ﺧطﺎﯾﺎه ﻣﺛﻠﻣﺎ ﺟﺎء ﻓ ﻲ )ﻧ ﺢ (٧-٦ :١ﻣ ﻊ )إر :١٤
.(٧
.٣ﻋﻣل ﻛﻼھﻣﺎ ﻛﺷﻔﯾﻊ ﻟﺷﻌﺑﮫ )ﻧﺢ١٩-١٤ :٥؛ (٣١ :١٣ﻣﻊ )إر .(٢٠ :١٨
.٤ﻛﻼھﻣ ﺎ وطﻧ ﻲ أﺣ ب أورﺷ ﻠﯾم ﻣﻣ ﺎ دﻓﻌﮭﻣ ﺎ ﻟﻠﺧﺿ وع ﻟﻠﻣﻠ وك ﻷﺟ ل ﺧﯾ ر وطﻧﮭﻣ ﺎ
ﻓطﻠب ﻧﺣﻣﯾ ﺎ اﻟﺧﯾ ر ﻷورﺷ ﻠﯾم ووﻗ ف أﻣ ﺎم اﻟﻣﻠ ك ﻟﯾطﻠ ب ﺑﻧ ﺎء اﻟﺳ ور وأﻣ ر إرﻣﯾ ﺎ
ﺷﻌﺑﮫ ﻟﻠﺧﺿوع ﻟﻣﻠك ﺑﺎﺑل ﻟﺧﯾرھم.
-٤ﺳﻔر إرﻣﯾﺎ وأﺳﻔﺎر اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﺟدﯾد -:
ﺿم اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﺟدﯾد 41إﺷﺎرة ﺿﻣﻧﯾﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺳﻔر إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻣﻧﮭم 7ﻣﺑﺎﺷرﯾن .
أﺷﺎر ﻣﺗﻰ اﻟﺑﺷﯾر إﺷﺎرﺗﯾن ﺻرﯾﺣﺗﯾن ﻋن ﺳﻔر إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻓﻲ -:
.١ﻗﺗ ل أطﻔ ﺎل ﺑﯾ ت ﻟﺣ م وﺑﻛ ﺎء راﺣﯾ ل ﻋﻠ ﯾﮭم ﺣﯾ ث ﻗﺑرھ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟراﻣ ﺔ )ﻣ ت ،١٧ :٢
إر(١٥ :٣١
.٢ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ طرد رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع ﻓﻲ ﯾوم اﺛﻧﯾن اﻟﺑﺻ ﺧﺔ اﻟﺑﺎﻋ ﺔ ﻣ ن اﻟﮭﯾﻛ ل ﻗ ﺎﺋﻼ "ﺑﯾﺗ ﻲ ﺑﯾ ت
اﻟﺻﻼة ﯾدﻋﻰ وأﻧﺗم ﺟﻌﻠﺗﻣوه ﻣﻐﺎرة ﻟﺻوص " )ﻣت ١٣ :٢١؛ إر .(١١ :٧
ﻛ ﺎن ﺳ ﻔر إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﺳ ﻧدا ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺟﻣ ﻊ أورﺷ ﻠﯾم اﻷول ﻓ ﻲ ﺳ ﻔر اﻷﻋﻣ ﺎل )أع ١٦ :١٥؛
إر.(١٥ :١٢
١٤
وﺟ د ﻓﯾ ﮫ ﻣﻌﻠﻣﻧ ﺎ ﺑ وﻟس ﻣﺻ در ﺗﻌزﯾ ﺔ ﻟﻠﻧﻔ وس اﻟﺳ ﺎﻗطﺔ )إر ٣٤ :٣١؛ ﻋ ب :١٠
.(١٦
ﻛﻣﺎ ﺳﺑق وﻗﻠﻧﺎ أن ﻣﻌﻠﻣﻧﺎ ﯾوﺣﻧﺎ وﺟد ﻓﯾﮫ ﻧﺑوة ﻋن ﺳﻘوط ﺑﺎﺑل )رؤ ٢ :١٨؛ إر :٥١
.(٨
) (١١أﺳﻠوب ﺳﻔر إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﺷﻌري اﻟﺑﺳﯾط -:
-ﺣﻣل إرﻣﯾﺎ أﺳﻠوﺑﺎ ﺷﻌرﯾﺎ ﺑﺳﯾطﺎ ﻋﻛس إﺷﻌﯾﺎء اﻟذي ﺣﻣل أﺳﻠوﺑﺎ ﻓﺧﻣﺎ ،وﺟ ﺎء ﺷ ﻌره
ﻛﺎﻵﺗﻲ -:
.١أﺑﯾﺎت ﺷﻌرﯾﺔ ﻣن ﻣﻘطﻌﯾن ﻣﺛل )إر٢٦ :٢؛ ٢٠ :٣؛ .(٢٧ :٥
.٢ﯾﻛرر اﻟﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻘدﯾم ﻋﻧﺎﺻر ﺟدﯾدة ﻣﺛل )إر٥ :١؛ ٢٥ :٥؛ ٤ :١٠؛ .(٢١ :١٥
.٣أﺑﯾﺎت ﺷﻌرﯾﺔ ﻣن أﻛﺛر ﻣن ﻣﻘطﻌﯾن ﻣﺛل -:
اﻟﺷﻌر اﻟﻣﺗوازي ﻣﺛل )إر ٦ :٢؛ ١١ :٢؛ ٣٢ :٢؛ .(١٥-١٤ :١٨
ﺷﻌر ﺷرطﻲ ﻣﺛل )إر .(٢-١ :٤
ﺷﻌر ﻣﺗوازي وﻣﺗﻌﺎدل اﻷﺑﯾﺎت ﻣﺛل )إر ١٨ :٢؛ ١٣ :٦؛ .(٩-٨ :١٤
.٤أﺑﯾﺎت ﺷﻌر ﻣﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻋﻛﺳﯾﺔ ﻣن 6-3ﻓﻘرات ﻣﺛل )إر .(١٠ :١
-ﺣﻣل ﺳﻔر إرﻣﯾﺎ 15ﻗطﻌﺔ ﺷﻌرﯾﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ.
) (١٢ﻣﺻر وﺑﺎﺑل ﻓﻲ ﺳﻔر إرﻣﯾﺎ -:
ﻣﺻر ﺗﻣﺛل ﻣﺣﺑﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻟم ﺑﺧﺻوﺑﺔ ﻧﯾﻠﮭﺎ وﺑﺎﺑل ﺗﻣﺛل ﻛﺑرﯾﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﻟم.
ﻓﻘد ﺣذر إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻣن اﻟﻧزول إﻟﻰ ﻣﺻر أي ﻣﺣﺑﺔ اﻟﻌ ﺎﻟم أو اﻟﻠﺟ وء إﻟ ﻰ ﺑﺎﺑ ل ﺣﯾ ث
اﻟﻛﺑرﯾﺎء اﻟﻣﮭﻠك.
) (١٣ﻋﻼﻗﺔ إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﺑﻣﻌﻠﻣﻧﺎ ﺑوﻟس اﻟرﺳول -:
.١اھﺗﻣﺎ ﻛﻼھﻣﺎ ﺑﺈﺻﻼح اﻟﻘﻠب داﺧﻠﯾﺎ.
.٢ﻛﻼھﻣﺎ رﺟﺎل أﻟم ودﻣوع )إر ١ :٩؛ أع .(١٦ :٩
.٣ﻛﻼھﻣﺎ دﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﺧدﻣﺔ ﻣن ﺑطن أﻣﮫ )إر٥-٤ :١؛ ﻏﻼ .(١٥ :١
) (١٤اﻟﻣﺳﯾﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻔر إرﻣﯾﺎ -:
-ﺣﻣل إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﺻورة اﻟﻣﺳﯾﺎ رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع ﻓﻲ -:
.١إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﺣﻣل أﺛﻘﺎل ﺧطﺎﯾﺎ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ وﻛﺎن ﯾﺋن ﺑﺄن ﻗﻠﺑ ﮫ ﯾوﺟﻌ ﮫ وﯾﺷ ﺗﮭﻲ اﻟﺳ ﻛﻧﻲ ﻓ ﻲ
اﻟﺑرﯾﺔ )إر (2:9وﻛﺎن رﺟل دﻣوع إذ ﻗﺎل ﻟﯾت رأﺳﻲ ﻣﺎء وﻋﯾﻧ ﻲ ﯾﻧﺑ وع دﻣ وع ﺣﺗ ﻰ
أﺑﻛﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺗﻠﻰ ﺑﻧت ﺷﻌﺑﻲ )إر .(1:9
-ورﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع اﻟﻣﺳﯾﺢ ﺣﻣل أﺛﻘﺎﻟﻧﺎ اﻟﺧﻔﯾﺔ واﻟظﺎھرة وﺑﻛﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ أورﺷﻠﯾم )ﻣت(27:23
وﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻌﺎزر ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﻣﺎت )ﯾو.(35:11
١٥
.٢اﺑﻐض اﻟﺷﻌب ورﺟﺎل ﻗرﯾﺔ ﻋﻧﺎﺛوث إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻟﺗوﺑﯾﺧﮫ ﻟﻠﺷﻌب ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺧطﺎﯾ ﺎھم ،ھﻛ ذا رﺑﻧ ﺎ
ﯾﺳ وع أﺑﻐﺿ ﺗﮫ اﻟﻘﯾ ﺎدات ﻷﻧ ﮫ ﺷ ﮭد ﻋﻠ ﯾﮭم وﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺷ رھم ورﻓﺿ وه ﺑ ﻼ ﺳ ﺑب ﻓﻛ ﺎن
ﻣﺿ طﮭد ﻛﺈرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻷﻧ ﮫ ﻧ ور وھ م ظﻠﻣ ﺔ )ﯾ و (20:3وﻷن أﻋﻣ ﺎل اﻟﯾﮭ ود ﻛﺎﻧ ت ﺷ رﯾرة
)ﯾو .(7:7
.٣ﺗﻧﺑﺄ إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻋن ﺧراب أورﺷﻠﯾم وأﻧﮫ ﺳﯾﺄﺗﻰ ﻣﻠوك اﻟﺷﻣﺎل ﻟﯾﺿﻊ ﻛ ل واﺣ د ﻣ ﻧﮭم
ﻛرﺳ ﯾﮫ ﻋﻧ د ﻣ دﺧل أورﺷ ﻠﯾم وﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻛ ل أﺳ وارھﺎ )إر ،(١٦ ،١٥ :١ﻛ ذﻟك ﺗﻧﺑ ﺄ رﺑﻧ ﺎ
ﯾﺳ وع ﻋ ن ﺧ راب أورﺷ ﻠﯾم ﻗ ﺎﺋﻼ " ﻛ م ﻣ رة أردت أن أﺟﻣ ﻊ ﺑﻧﯾ ك ﻓﯾ ك ﻛﻣ ﺎ ﺗﺟﻣ ﻊ
اﻟدﺟﺎﺟﺔ ﻓراﺧﮭﺎ ﻓﻠم ﺗرﯾدوا ھوذا ﺑﯾﺗﻛم ﯾﺗرك ﻟﻛم ﺧراﺑﺎ " )ﻣت.(37،38
.٤ﻛ ﺎن إرﻣﯾ ﺎ رﻏ م ﻣ ﺎ ﺣ ل ﺑﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ ﻧﺑ ﻲ اﻟرﺟ ﺎء ﻓﻛ ﺎن رﺟ ﺎؤه ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺟ ﺊ اﻟﻣﺳ ﯾﺎ ھ و ﻛ ل
اﻟرﺟﺎء إذ ﺳﻣﻰ اﻟﻣﺳﯾﺎ اﻟرﺟ ل اﻟﻐﺻ ن اﺳ ﻣﮫ ﯾ ﻧﺟﺢ وﯾﺟ ري ﺣﻘ ﺎ وﻋ دﻻ ﻓ ﻲ أﯾﺎﻣ ﮫ ..
وﯾدﻋوه اﻟرب ﺑرﻧﺎ )إر.(٦ ،٥ :٢٣
-ھﻛ ذا ﺗﻧﺑ ﺄ إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻋ ن ﻣﺟ ﺊ رﺑﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺳ وع وﻋ ن ﻗط ﻊ ﺑﻧ ﻲ إﺳ راﺋﯾل ﻟﺣﯾﺎﺗ ﮫ ﻣﺛ ل ﺷ ﺟرة
ﻣﺛﻣرة ﯾﻘطﻌوﻧﮭﺎ )إر .(١٩ :١١
.٥ﯾﻘﯾم اﻟرب ﻋﮭدا ﺟدﯾدا ﻟﯾس ﻣﺛل اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﻘدﯾم ﻣ ﻊ اﻵﺑ ﺎء ﺑ ل ﯾﻛﺗ ب اﻟ رب ﻧﺎﻣوﺳ ﮫ ﻓ ﻲ
ﻗﻠوب أﺑﻧﺎﺋﮫ وﯾﺟﻌل روﺣﮫ ﻓﻲ داﺧﻠﮭم وﻛل واﺣد ﻣن اﻟﺷﻌب ﯾﻌرف اﻟرب ﻣ ن ﻛﺑﯾ رھم
إﻟﻰ ﺻﻐﯾرھم )إر.(٣٤ -٣١ :٣١
.٦ﺷ ﺑﮫ إرﻣﯾ ﺎ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﻧﻔﺳ ﮫ ﻣﺛ ل رﺑﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺳ وع ﻛﺧ روف داﺟ ن )أﻟﯾ ف( ﯾﺳ ﺎق إﻟ ﻰ اﻟ ذﺑﺢ
)إر (9:11ھﻛذا ﻗﯾل ﻋن رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع ﻣﺛ ل ﺷ ﺎه ﺗﺳ ﺎق إﻟ ﻰ اﻟ ذﺑﺢ وﻣﺛ ل ﻧﻌﺟ ﺔ ﺻ ﺎﻣﺗﺔ
أﻣﺎم ﻣن ﯾﺟزھﺎ )إش ٧ :٥٣؛ أع .(٣٢ :٨
.٧اﺣﺗﻣل إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻌﺎر ﻷﺟل اﻟرب ) (15:15ھﻛذا رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳ وع ﺣﻣ ل ﻋ ﺎر ﺧطﺎﯾﺎﻧ ﺎ ﻷﺟﻠﻧ ﺎ
" ﻷن ﺗﻌﯾﯾرات ﻣﻌﯾرﯾك وﻗﻌت ﻋﻠﻰ " )رو.(3:15
.٨ﺟﺎء إرﻣﯾﺎ ﺑﺄﺳﺋﻠﺔ ﻻ إﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﮭﺎ إﻻ ﺑﻣﺟﺊ اﻟﻣﺳﯾﺎ ﻣﺛل -:
.١ﻛﯾف أﺻﻔﺢ ﻋن ھذه ؟ )إر (7:5واﻟرد ﻓﻲ )أف ( 7:1ﺧﻼل اﻟﻣﺳﯾﺎ.
.٢أﻟﯾس ﺑﻠﺳﺎن ﻓﻲ ﺟﻠﻌﺎد؟ أم ﻟﯾس ھﻧﺎك طﺑﯾب؟ )إر .(22:8
.٣ھ ل ﯾﻐﯾ ر اﻟﻛوﺷ ﻲ ﺟﻠ ده أو اﻟﻧﻣ ر رﻗط ﮫ؟ )إر (23:13واﻟ رد )ﻏ ل (15:6وﻓ ﻲ
)رو (4:6ﺧﻼل اﻟﻣﺳﯾﺎ.
.٤إن ﺟرﯾ ت ﻣ ﻊ اﻟﻣﺷ ﺎة ﻓ ﺄﺗﻌﺑوك ﻓﻛﯾ ف ﺗﺑ ﺎري اﻟﺧﯾ ل؟ وإن ﻛﻧ ت ﻣﻧﺑطﺣ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ أرض
اﻟﺳﻼم ﻓﻛﯾف ﺗﻌﻣل ﻓﻲ ﻛﺑرﯾﺎء اﻷردن؟ )إر (5:12واﻟرد ﻓﻲ )1ﻛو (57:15ﺧﻼل
اﻟﻣﺳﯾﺎ.
١٦
) (١٥اﻟﻣﺳﯾﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻔر إرﻣﯾﺎ -:
.١ﺑﻠﺳﺎن ﺟﻠﻌﺎد )إر.(22:8
.٢طﺑﯾب ﺑﻧت ﺷﻌﺑﻲ )إر.(22:8
.٣اﻟراﻋﻲ اﻟﺻﺎﻟﺢ )إر.(10:31
.٤رﺟﺎء اﻟﻛﻧﯾﺳﺔ وﻣﺧﻠﺻﮭﺎ )إر٨ :١٤؛ .(٣٤ :٥٠
.٥اﻟﻔﺧﺎري اﻷﻋظم )إر.(6:18
.٦ﻏﺻن اﻟﺑر )إر.(5:23
.٧داود اﻟﻣﻠك )إر .(9:30
) (١٦أھم ﻧﺑواﺗﮫ ﻋن اﻟﻣﺳﯾﺎ -:
ﻣﯾﻼده اﻟﺟﺳدي ﻛﺎﺑن داود )إر٥ :٢٣؛ (١٥ :٣٣ﻣﻊ ) أع ٢٢ :١٣؛ رو .(٣ :١
ﻻھوت اﻻﺑن اﻟرب ﺑرﻧﺎ )إر (٦ :٢٣ﻣﻊ ) ١ﻛو .(٣٠ :١
ﻗﺗل أطﻔﺎل ﺑﯾت ﻟﺣم )إر (١٥ :٣١ﻣﻊ )ﻣت .(١٨ ،١٦ :٢
ﺗﻘدﯾم ﻧﻔﺳﮫ ذﺑﯾﺣﺔ ﺣب )إر.(9:11
ﺣﻣﻠﮫ اﻟﻌﺎر )إر.(15:15
ﻋدم ﺟﻠوﺳﮫ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﻠس اﻟﻣﺎزﺣﯾن )إر .(17:15
) (١٧أﻗﺳﺎم اﻟﺳﻔر -:
.١دﻋوة إرﻣﯾﺎ ورﺳﺎﻟﺗﮫ )ص .(1
.٢ﻧﺑواﺗﮫ ﻣﺛل ﺳﻘوط أورﺷﻠﯾم )ص - ٢ص (٣٣ﻣﻊ اﻟوﻋد ﺑﺎﻟرﺟوع ﻣن اﻟﺳﺑﻲ.
.٣ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﺳﻘوط أورﺷﻠﯾم )ص - ٣٤ص .(٤٥
.٤ﻧﺑواﺗﮫ ﻋن اﻷﻣم اﻟﻐرﯾﺑﺔ )ص - ٤٦ص .(٥١
اﻹﺻﺣﺎح اﻷول
دﻋوة إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﺧدﻣﺔ
) (١دﻋوة إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻗﺑل ﺗﺻوﯾره وﺧروﺟﮫ ﻣن اﻟرﺣم -:
oزﻣﺎن وﻣﻛﺎن اﻟدﻋوة :ﻧﻘول ھﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﺧﺗﺻﺎر ﻧظرا ﻟﻛون ھذه اﻟﺟزﺋﯾﺔ ﻗﯾﻠت ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﻘدﻣﺔ.
oأوﺿﺢ أن إرﻣﯾﺎ ھو اﺑن ﺣﻠﻘﯾﺎ ﻣن اﻟﻛﮭﻧﺔ أي أﻧﮫ ﻣن ﺳﻼﻟﺔ ﻛﮭﻧوﺗﯾﺔ إذ ھ و ﻣ ن ﻧﺳ ل
أﺑﯾﺎﺛﺎر اﻟﻛﺎھن اﻟذي ﻋزﻟﮫ ﺳﻠﯾﻣﺎن وھو ﻣن ﻧﺳل ﻋﺎﻟﻲ اﻟذي رﻓﺿﮫ اﻟرب.
oﻋﻧﺎﺛوث :ﺗﻘﻊ ﺷﻣﺎل ﺷرق أورﺷﻠﯾم ﺑــ 3ﻣﯾل.
oﺗطل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑرﯾﺔ ﯾﮭوذا ،ﻛﻣﺎ أﻧﮭﺎ ﻗرﯾﺑﺔ ﻣن اﻟﮭﯾﻛل ﻓﻲ أورﺷﻠﯾم.
١٧
oﺗﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺑط ﺑﻧﯾﺎﻣﯾن.
oزﻣﺎن اﻟدﻋوة :ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺳ ﻧﺔ اﻟـ ـ 13ﻣ ن ﻣﻠ ك
ﯾوﺷ ﯾﺎ اﻟ ذي ﺣﻛ م 31ﻋﺎﻣ ﺎ وھ ﻲ ﻋ ﺎم
626ق .م واﺳﺗﻣر أﯾﺎم ﯾﮭوآﺣﺎز اﻟذي ﺣﻛم
3ﺷ ﮭور ﺛ م أﯾ ﺎم ﯾﮭوﯾ ﺎﻗﯾم اﻟ ذي ﺣﻛ م
11ﺳ ﻧﺔ ﺛ م أﯾ ﺎم ﯾﮭوﯾ ﺎﻛﯾن اﻟ ذي ﺣﻛ م 3
ﺷ ﮭور وأﺧﯾ را أﯾ ﺎم ﺻ دﻗﯾﺎ اﻟ ذي ﺣﻛ م
11ﺳﻧﺔ وﻛﺎن اﻟﺳﺑﻲ.
oﻓﻣﺟﻣ وع ﺳ ﻧوات ﻧﺑوﺗ ﮫ 18 :ﻓ ﻲ أﯾ ﺎم
ﯾوﺷﯾﺎ ٣ +ﺷﮭور ﻓﻲ أﯾﺎم ﯾﮭوآﺣﺎز ١١ +
ﺳ ﻧﺔ أﯾ ﺎم ﯾﮭوﯾ ﺎﻗﯾم ٣ +ﺷ ﮭور أﯾ ﺎم
ﯾﮭوﯾ ﺎﻛﯾن ١١ +ﺳ ﻧﺔ أﯾ ﺎم ﺻ دﻗﯾﺎ ﻓﺗﻛ ون
40.6ﺳﻧﺔ ﺣﺗﻰ اﻟﺳﺑﻲ.
ﻛﯾف ﻛﺎﻧت اﻟدﻋوة ؟ وﻣﺎ ھو ﻧﺻﮭﺎ ؟
oﻛﺎﻧ ت اﻟ دﻋوة ﺑﺻ ﯾﻐﺔ )ﻓﻛﺎﻧ ت ﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ اﻟ رب
إﻟ ﻰ ﻗ ﺎﺋﻼ ( ،ﻟﻘ د دﻋ ﻰ ﷲ ﻣوﺳ ﻰ ﺧ ﻼل
اﻟﻠﮭﯾ ب ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌﻠﯾﻘ ﺔ ﻟﯾﮭﺑ ﮫ ﻣﺧﺎﻓﺗ ﮫ ،وﻛﺎﻧ ت
دﻋوة ﷲ ﻹﺷﻌﯾﺎء وﺣزﻗﯾﺎل ﺧ ﻼل رؤى ﷲ
)إش (6و)ﺣ ز (1ﻓﺈﺷ ﻌﯾﺎء أﺣ س ﺑﺛﻘ ل
ﺧطﺎﯾﺎه ﻓطﮭره ﷲ ﺑﺎﻟﺟﻣرة إذ ﻣﺳت ﺷ ﻔﺗﯾﮫ
وﺣزﻗﯾﺎل اﻧطرح ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﮭﮫ أﻣﺎ إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻓﻛﺎﻧت ﻟﻐﺔ اﻟﺻداﻗﺔ واﻟﻣﻌرﻓﺔ اﻟﻘدﯾﻣﺔ.
" oﻗﺑﻠﻣ ﺎ ﺻ ورﺗك ﻓ ﻲ اﻟ ﺑطن ﻋرﻓﺗ ك ،وﻗﺑﻠﻣ ﺎ ﺧرﺟ ت ﻣ ن اﻟ رﺣم ﻗدﺳ ﺗك ،ﺟﻌﻠﺗ ك ﻧﺑﯾ ﺎ
ﻟﻠﺷﻌوب ".
oﻛﺎن ﷲ ﺑﻌﻠﻣﮫ اﻟﺳﺎﺑق ﯾﻌرف إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻗﺑﻠﻣﺎ ﯾﺗﺻ ور ﻓ ﻲ ﺑط ن أﻣ ﮫ ﻛﺟﻧ ﯾن ﻓﻠ م ﯾﺧﺟ ل ﷲ
أن ﯾﻌرﻓﮫ وھو ﻓﻲ ﺑطن أﻣﮫ.
oﻋﺎدة ﯾﻌرف اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﻣن أﻋﻣﺎﻟﮫ اﻟﺻﺎﻟﺣﺔ ﻋﻧد ﷲ أﻣﺎ اﻟذي ﻏﯾر ذﻟ ك ﻛ ﺄن ﷲ ﻻ ﯾرﯾ د
أن ﯾﻌرﻓﮫ.
oوﻗد ﺗﻌﻧﻲ ﻛﻠﻣﺔ ﻣﻌرﻓﺔ ﻋﮭدا ﺑﯾن إرﻣﯾﺎ وﷲ ﺣﺗﻰ ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﺻﯾر ﻧﺑﯾ ﺎ ﯾﻌﻣ ل ھ و ﻛوﺳ ﯾط
وﯾﻌﻣل ﻋﮭد ﺑﺷﻌﺑﮫ ﻣﻊ ﷲ.
١٨
oأﻣﺎ ﺗﻘدﯾﺳﮫ ﻓﮭو ھﻧﺎ ﺗﺧﺻﯾﺻﮫ ﻟﯾﻛون ﻧﺑﯾﺎ وھﻧﺎ إﺷﺎرة رﻣزﯾﺔ إﻟ ﻰ رﺑﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺳ وع إذ ھ و
ﻣﻌ روف ﻣ ن أﺑﯾ ﮫ ﻗﺑ ل ﻛ ل اﻟ دھور ﻣﻧ ذ اﻷزل وھ و ﻗ دوس ﷲ وھ ذا دﻋ ﺎه ﺑ ﮫ اﻟﻣ ﻼك
ﻏﺑ﷼ ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﺑﺷر اﻟﺳﯾدة اﻟﻌذراء ﻓﻲ )ﻟو .(1
oرﻏم ھذا ﻗد ﻛرس رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳ وع ﻋﻧ دﻣﺎ ﺗﺟﺳ د ﺣﯾﺎﺗ ﮫ ﻓ ﻲ ﺧدﻣ ﺔ ﻣﻠﻛ وت اﻟﺳ ﻣوات وﷲ
اﻵب وﻗﺎل ﻷﺟﻠﮭم أﻗدس أﻧﺎ ذاﺗﻲ أي ﯾﺧﺻص ذاﺗﮫ )ﯾو .(19:17
oﻓﻸن ﷲ ﻟ م ﯾﺧﺟ ل أن ﯾﻘ دس إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ رﺣ م أﻣ ﮫ ﻗﺑ ل ﺧروﺟ ﮫ ھﻛ ذا ﻗ دس رﺣ م أﻣ ﮫ
اﻟﻌ ذراء وﺗﺟﺳ د ﻣﻧﮭ ﺎ وأﺧ ذ ﻣﻧﮭ ﺎ ﻧﺎﺳ وﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﻣ ل اﻟ روح اﻟﻘ دس ﺑﺣﻠوﻟ ﮫ أﻗﻧوﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ
أﺣﺷﺎء اﻟﻌذراء.
oوھﻧﺎ ﷲ ﯾﻘدﺳﻧﺎ.
oوھﻧ ﺎ دور اﻟﻘداﺳ ﺔ ﻗﺑ ل اﻟ دﺧول ﻓ ﻲ ﺧدﻣ ﺔ اﻟ رب ﻓﻛ ل ﺧدﻣ ﺔ ﺗﺣﺗ ﺎج ﻗﺑﻠﮭ ﺎ ﺗﻘ دﯾس
وﺗطﮭﯾر إذ ﺗﻌﻧﻲ ﻛﻠﻣﺔ ﺗﻘدﯾس ﻏﯾر ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻧﻲ ﺗﺧﺻﯾص ﻓﮭﻲ ﺗﻌﻧﻲ ﻏﯾر أرﺿ ﻲ إذ ﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ
giaﺗﻌﻧﻲ اﻷرض أﻣﺎ aghiأي ﻏﯾر أرﺿﻲ.
oﻟﯾس ﻓﻲ أﺣد ﻣن اﻟذﯾن دﻋوا ﻛﻠﮭم ﺣﺗﻰ إﺑراھﯾم أﺑ و اﻵﺑ ﺎء ﻣﺛ ل دﻋ وة إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﺑ ﺄن ﷲ
ﻋرﻓ ﮫ وﻗدﺳ ﮫ ﺑ ل ﺟﻌﻠ ﮫ ﻧﺑﯾ ﺎ ﻟ ﯾس ﻟﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ ﻓﻘ ط ﺑ ل ﻟﻠﺷ ﻌوب وھﻧ ﺎ إﺷ ﺎرة إﻟ ﻰ ﺧ روج
اﻟﻧﺑوة إﻟﻰ اﻷﻣم ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﺟدﯾد ﺑواﺳطﺔ رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع واﻟﻛﻧﯾﺳﺔ.
oوھو ﻧﺑﯾﺎ ﻟﻠﺷﻌوب ﻛوﻧﮫ ﺗﻧﺑﺄ ﻋن ﺷﻌوب ﻓﻲ ﻧﺑواﺗﮫ ﻣﺛل -:
ﺑﺎﺑ ل ﻓ ﻲ )إر ،(١٤ -١٢ :٢٥وﻣﺻ ر )إر ،(49وﻓﻠﺳ طﯾن وﻣ وآب )إر ،(48وﺑﻧ ﻲ
ﻋﻣون )إر ،(49وأدوم )إر ،(49ودﻣﺷق )آرام( )إر .(49
) (٢اﻋﺗذار أم اﺗﺿﺎع -:
ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ دﻋﻰ ﷲ إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻗﺎل " :آه ﯾ ﺎ ﺳ ﯾد ﻻ أﻋ رف أن أﺗﻛﻠ م ﻷﻧ ﻲ وﻟ د" ،ﻓﻘ ﺎل ﻟ ﮫ ﷲ:
"ﻻ ﺗﻘل إﻧﻲ وﻟد ﻹﻧﻲ إﻟﻰ ﻛل ﻣن أرﺳﻠك ﺗذھب وﺗﺗﻛﻠم ﺑﻛل ﻣﺎ آﻣرك ﺑﮫ".
اﻋﺗذر إرﻣﯾﺎ ﺑﺳﺑب ﺻﻐر ﺳﻧﮫ ﺣﯾث ﻛﻠﻣﺔ وﻟد ھﻲ ﻣن ﺳن اﻟوﻻدة إﻟﻰ اﻟﺛﻼﺛﯾﻧﺎت.
ﻓﻘ د ﯾﻛ ون اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن ﺷ ﯾﺧﺎ ﻟﻛ ن داﺧﻠﯾ ﺎ وروﺣﯾ ﺎ ھ و وﻟ د ﺻ ﻐﯾر ،وﻗ د ﯾﻛ ون اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن
ﺻﻐﯾرا وھو داﺧﻠﯾﺎ ﺷﯾﺧﺎ ﻛﺑﯾرا ﻟﮭذا اﻋﺗرض ﷲ ﻋﻠﻰ إرﻣﯾﺎ وﻗﺎل ﻻ ﺗﻘل إﻧﻲ وﻟد.
ﺳﺑب اﻻﻋﺗذار ﺻ ﻐر اﻟﺳ ن وﻋ دم اﻟﻘ درة أو ﻋ دم اﻟﻣﻌرﻓ ﺔ ﺑ ﺎﻟﻛﻼم ،ﻓﻘ د ﺷ ﻌر ﻣوﺳ ﻰ
ﺑﻌﺟز ﻟﺳﺎﻧﮫ وأﯾﺿﺎ إرﻣﯾﺎ رﻏم أﻧﮭﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﻣﻠوﺋﯾن ﻣﺣﺑﺔ ﻟﺷﻌﺑﮭﻣﺎ.
ﻓﺈرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻛ ﺎن ﯾﺣ ب ﷲ وﯾﺣ ب أن ﯾﺗواﺟ د ﻣﻌ ﮫ أﻛﺛ ر ﻣ ن اﻟﻧ ﺎس ﻟﮭ ذا أﻛ د ﷲ ﻋﻠﯾ ﮫ أﻧ ﮫ
ﯾﻛون ﻣﻌﮫ ،أﻣﺎ إﺷﻌﯾﺎء ﻓﻛﺎن ﻣﺣﺑﺎ ﻟﺷﻌﺑﮫ وﯾﻔﺿل اﻟﺗواﺟد ﻣﻊ أﺧوﺗﮫ.
١٩
ﻛﻼ ﻣن ﻣوﺳﻰ وإرﻣﯾﺎ ﺷﻌرا ﺑﺿﻌﻔﮭﻣﺎ أﻣﺎ إﺷ ﻌﯾﺎء ﻓﻛ ﺎن ﻣ ﻊ ﺷ ﻌوره ﺑﺧطﯾﺗ ﮫ وﺧطﯾ ﺔ
ﺷﻌﺑﮫ أﻧﮫ ﻧﺟس اﻟﺷﻔﺗﯾن وﺷﻌﺑﮫ ھﻛذا ﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﺷﻌر ﺑﻘ وة ﻣ ن دﻋ ﺎه وﻗدرﺗ ﮫ ﻓﻛ ﺎن ﻛ ﺎرزا
واﺛﻘﺎ ﺑﻣن دﻋﺎه.
ﺗﺷﺎﺑﮫ إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻣﻊ رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع ﻓﻲ إﺧ ﻼء رﺑﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺳ وع ﻟذاﺗ ﮫ وﻣﺟ ده ﻓﻌ ﺎش ﯾﻧﻣ و وﯾﺗﻘ دم
ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳن واﻟﺣﻛﻣﺔ ﻋﻧد ﷲ واﻟﻧﺎس ﻣن ﻧﺎﺣﯾﺔ اﻟﻧﺎﺳوت ﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﻛﺎﻣل وﻗدوس ﻣن ﻧﺎﺣﯾ ﺔ
اﻟﻼھوت ﻓﺈرﻣﯾﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻛوﻟد ﺿﻌﯾف ﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﯾﻣﻠك ﻧﺿﺟﺎ روﺣﯾﺎ ﻛﺑﯾرا.
ﺗﺷﺎﺑﮫ إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻣﻊ ﻣوﺳﻰ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ إذ اﻋﺗرﻓﺎ ﻛﻼھﻣﺎ ﺑﺿﻌف ﻟﺳﺎﻧﮫ ﻟﻛن ھﻣ ﺎ اﻻﺛﻧ ﺎن ﺗﺷ ﻔﻌﺎ
ﻓﻲ ﺷﻌﺑﮭﻣﺎ إذ ﻛﺎﻧت ﻟﮭﻣﺎ ﻣﺣﺑﺔ ﻗوﯾﺔ ﻟﺷﻌﺑﮭﻣﺎ وﻛﻼھﻣﺎ اﺳﺗﺟﺎب ﻟﮫ ﷲ.
ﻛﻼھﻣﺎ ﻧﺎل وﻋدا ﺑﺄن ﷲ ﯾﺿﻊ ﻛﻼﻣﮫ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻣﮫ )إر (8:1و)ﺣز .(12:3
ﺧﻠ ص ﻣوﺳ ﻰ ﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ ﻣ ن ﻋﺑودﯾ ﺔ ﻓرﻋ ون أﻣ ﺎ إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻓ ﺄراد أن ﯾﺧﻠ ص ﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ ﻣ ن
ﺧطﺎﯾﺎھم.
ﻛﻼھﻣ ﺎ ﻋﻣ ل ﻋﮭ دا ﺑ ﯾن اﻟﺷ ﻌب وﷲ وإرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﺗﻛﻠ م ﻋ ن اﻟﻌﮭ د اﻟﺟدﯾ د )إر -٣١ :٣١
.(٣٤
) (٣ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﺣﺻﯾﻧﺔ وﻋﻣود ﺣدﯾد وأﺳوار ﻧﺣﺎس -:
-ﺷﺟﻊ اﻟرب إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻵﺗﻲ -:
.١ﻗﺎﺋﻼ ﻟﮫ " ﻻ ﺗﺧف ﻣن وﺟوھﮭم ﻷﻧﻲ أﻧﺎ ﻣﻌك ﻷﻧﻘذك "-:
ﻻ ﺗﺧف ﻣن ﺷﻲء ﻣن اﻟﻧ ﺎس ﻷن اﻟﻧ ﺎس ﻋﺎﻣ ﺔ ﻋﻧ دﻣﺎ ﯾ وﺑﺧﮭم اﻷﻧﺑﯾ ﺎء ﯾﺿ طﮭدوﻧﮭم
ﻓﻣن ﻣن اﻷﻧﺑﯾﺎء ﻟم ﯾﺿطﮭده اﻟﯾﮭود؟! وﺣﺗﻰ إرﻣﯾﺎ وﺿﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺟ ب ﯾﺄﻛ ل ﺧﺑ زة واﺣ دة
وﻗﻠﯾل ﻣن اﻟﻣﺎء ﻟﻛﻧﮫ اﺣﺗﻣل.
وﯾؤﻛد ﷲ أﻧﮫ ﻻ ﯾﻧزع اﻻﺿطﮭﺎد أو اﻟﺿﯾﻘﺔ ﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﯾﻘدم اﻟﻣﻌﯾ ﺔ ﻣﻧ ﮫ ﻓﯾﻛ ون ﻣ ﻊ ﺧﺎدﻣ ﮫ
وﻣﻊ ﺑﻧﯾﮫ.
ﻷن اﻟﺧ وف ﻓ ﻲ ﻣواﺟﮭ ﺔ اﻟﺣ ق ﺧطﯾ ﺔ ﻛﻣ ﺎ ﯾﻘ ول اﻟﻛﺗ ﺎب ﻻ ﺧ ﺎﺋﻔون ﯾرﺛ ون ﻣﻠﻛ وت
اﻟﺳ ﻣوات وﻗ د ﻋ دد ﺳ ﻔر اﻟرؤﯾ ﺎ اﻟﺧطﺎﯾ ﺎ اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﺗﻣﻧ ﻊ دﺧ ول أورﺷ ﻠﯾم اﻟﺳ ﻣﺎﺋﯾﺔ وﻣ ن
ﺿﻣﻧﮭﺎ اﻟﺧوف.
ﻟﻘد ﻛﺎﻧت ﻧﮭﺎﯾﺔ إرﻣﯾﺎ ﺑرﺟﻣ ﮫ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣﺻ ر ﻟﻛ ن ﷲ ﻛ ﺎن ﻣﻌ ﮫ ،وﻗ د ﻧﺷ ر ﻣﻧﺳ ﻰ إﺷ ﻌﯾﺎء
اﻟﻧﺑﻲ إﻟﻰ ﺟزﺋﯾن ﺑﻣﻧﺷﺎر ﺧﺷب ﻟﻛن ﷲ ﻗواه.
.٢أﻋطﺎه ﷲ ﻣﺛﺎل ﺑﺄن ﯾﺟﻌﻠﮫ ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﺣﺻﯾﻧﺔ وﻋﻣود ﺣدﯾد وأﺳوار ﻧﺣﺎس -:
oﺟﻌﻠﮫ ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﯾﺿم إﻟﯾﮫ أو إﻟﻰ اﻟرب أﺑﻧﺎء ﻛﺛﯾ رﯾن ﻓ ﺎﻟﻧﺑﻲ واﻟﺧ ﺎدم ھ و ﻣدﯾﻧ ﺔ ﺗﻘﺑ ل ﻛ ل
أﺣد ﻣن اﻟذﯾن ﻏرﻗوا ﻓﻲ ﺧطﺎﯾﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﻟم ﻟﯾﻛون ﻣﻧﻘذا ﻟﮭم ،وﷲ ھو ﺳر ﺗﺣﺻﯾن اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ
٢٠
ﻓﺎ ھو اﻟذي ﯾوﺳﻊ ﻗﻠب اﻟﻧﺑﻲ واﻟﺧﺎدم وھو اﻟذي ﯾﻌطﯾﮫ اﻟﻘوة ﻓﻛﻠﻣﺔ ﷲ ھﻲ اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ
اﻟﺣﺻﯾﻧﺔ.
oأﻣﺎ اﻷﺳوار اﻟﻧﺣﺎس ﻓﮭﻲ ﯾﺧﺗﻔﻲ ﺧﻠﻔﮭﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻓﮭﻲ وﻋود ﷲ ووﺻﺎﯾﺎه اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺻ د ﻛ ل
ھﺟﻣﺎت اﻟﻌدو اﻟﺷرﯾرة وﺳﮭﺎﻣﮫ اﻟﻣﻣﺗﻠﺋﺔ ﻧﺎرا.
oوﻋﻣود ﺣدﯾد أي ھﯾﻛل ﻣﻘدس ﻗوي ﻻ ﯾﻘ در ﻋ دو اﻟﺧﯾ ر أو ﻣﻠ وك اﻟﻌ ﺎﻟم ﻋﻠ ﻰ ھدﻣ ﮫ،
ﻓﯾﮫ ﯾوﺿﻊ اﻟﻘﻠب وﯾﻘدم ذﺑﯾﺣﺔ اﻻﺗﺿﺎع واﻟﺣب واﻟﻧﺎس " ﻣن ﯾﻐﻠب أﺟﻌﻠ ﮫ ﻋﻣ ودا
ﻓﻲ ھﯾﻛل أﺑﻲ " )رؤ.(12:3
" .٣ﻻ ﺗﺧف ﻣن وﺟوھﮭم وﻻ ﺗرﺗﺎع ﻟﺋﻼ أرﯾﻌك ،ﯾﺣﺎرﺑوﻧك وﻻ ﯾﻘدرون ﻋﻠﯾك" -:
إذ وﻋ د ﷲ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻣﻌﯾ ﺔ ﻣﻧ ﮫ ﻓ ﻼ ﯾﻧظ ر إﻟ ﻰ وﺟ وھﮭم اﻟﺻ ﻠﺑﺔ ﻓ ﺎ ﯾﻌط ﻲ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ
واﻟﺧﺎدم ﻗﻠب ﺣﻧون وﺣﺎزم ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔس اﻟوﻗت ووﺟﮫ ﺻﻠب.
ﻟﻛ ن اﻟﺧ وف ﻣ ن اﻟﻧ ﺎس ھ و ﻧ وع ﻣ ن اﻟﺟ ﺑن أو ارﺗﺧ ﺎء اﻹﯾﻣ ﺎن ﻓ ﺎ ﻋﻧ دﻣﺎ ﯾﺷ ﺎھد
اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ارﺗﺎع وﺧﺎف ﻣن اﻟﻧﺎس ﻓﺈن اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻣن داﺧﻠﮫ ﯾرﺗﺎع وھﻧﺎ ﻧوع ﻣن اﻟﺗﺣذﯾر.
وﻗﺎل أﯾﺿﺎ "ﯾﺣﺎرﺑوﻧك وﻻ ﯾﻘدرون ﻋﻠﯾك" ﻟم ﯾرﻓﻊ ﷲ اﻟﺣرب ﺿد اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﻟﻛ ن أﻋط ﺎه
اﻟﻧﺻرة ھﺑﺔ ﻣن ﷲ وﻟﯾس إﻣﻛﺎﻧﯾﺎت اﻟﻧﺑﻲ.
) (٤ﻋﻣل ﻛﻠﻣﺔ ﷲ " ﺗﻘﻠﻊ وﺗﺑﻧﻲ ﺗﮭدم وﺗﻐرس" ورؤﯾﺗﺎ ﻗﺿﯾب اﻟﻠوز واﻟﻘ در اﻟﻣﻧﻔ وخ
ﻧﺎﺣﯾﺔ اﻟﺷﻣﺎل -:
ﻣد ﷲ ﯾده وﻟﻣس ﻓم إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻓﻘدﺳﮫ ﻓ ﺈن ﻛ ﺎن إﺷ ﻌﯾﺎء ﺗﻘ دس ﺑ ﺎﻟﺟﻣرة وھ ﻲ رﻣ ز ﻟﺳ ر
اﻟﺗﻧﺎول ﻓﺈن إرﻣﯾﺎ ﺗﻘدس ﻓ ﻲ ﻓﻣ ﮫ إذ ﻣ د ﷲ ﯾ ده ﻓ ﻲ ﻓﻣ ﮫ وﯾ د ﷲ أي ﷲ اﻟﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ ﻓﮭﻧ ﺎ
ﺗﻘ دس ﺑوﺿ ﻊ ﷲ ﻛﻠﻣﺗ ﮫ ﻓ ﻲ ﻓﻣ ﮫ ﻓﺎﻟﻘداﺳ ﺔ أوﻻ ﺛ م اﻟﻣ لء ﻣ ن ﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ ﷲ اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﺗؤھ ل
ﻟﻠﺧدﻣﺔ ،ھﻛذا دﻋﻲ إرﻣﯾﺎ...
اﻟﻘﻠﻊ واﻟﮭدم :ﻋﻣل اﻟﻧﺑﻲ أن ﯾﻘﻠﻊ وﯾﮭدم ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﻣﺎﻟك ﻟﯾس اﻟﻣﻣﺎﻟك اﻟﺑﺷ رﯾﺔ ﻟﻛ ن ﻓ ﻲ
ﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ إﺑﻠﯾس إذ ﯾﮭدم وﯾﻘﻠﻊ اﻟﺷر ،ﻣﺛﻠﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﯾﺻﺎب ﺑﯾت ﺑ ﺎﻟﺑرص ﻛﺎﻧ ت ﺗﻘﻠ ﻊ وﺗﮭ دم
ﻛل ﺣﺟﺎرﺗﮫ وﺗﺻﯾر ﺗراﺑﺎ )طﯾن اﻟﺷوارع( و ُﯾﺧرج ﺧﺎرج اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﻷﻧﮫ ﻧﺟس.
oﻓ ﻼ ﯾﻛﻔ ﻲ اﻗ ﺗﻼع اﻟﺷ ر ﻓﻘ ط دون اﻟﻘﺿ ﺎء ﻋﻠﯾ ﮫ ﻛﻠﯾ ﺔ ﻣﺛﻠﻣ ﺎ ﻋﻣ ل ﯾوﺷ ﯾﺎ إذ اﻗﺗﻠ ﻊ
اﻷﻧﺻﺎب واﻟﺳواري وﻣذاﺑﺢ اﻷوﺛﺎن وطﺣﻧﮭﺎ وزراھﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺑور اﻟﺷﻌب اﻟذي ﻋﺑدھﺎ.
oھ و اﻗ ﺗﻼع وھ دم أﺑﻧﯾ ﺔ إﺑﻠ ﯾس اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﺗﺑﻧ ﻰ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟرﻣ ل أي ﻟ ﯾس أﺳﺎﺳ ﮭﺎ رﺑﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺳ وع
ﻓﯾﺄﺗﻲ اﻟﻣطر واﻷﻧﮭﺎر ﺗﻛﺗﺳﺣﮭﺎ.
oﻓﻣﺎ ھو اﻟذي ﯾﻘﻠﻊ ﻣ ن اﻟﺷ ر؟ ھ ﻲ اﻷﻓﻛ ﺎر اﻟﺷ رﯾرة واﻟﻘﺗ ل واﻟزﻧ ﺎ واﻟﻔﺳ ق واﻟﺳ رﻗﺔ
وﺷﮭﺎدة اﻟزور واﻟﺗﺟدﯾف )ﻣت.(19:15
٢١
أﻣﺎ ﻛﯾف ﺗﺑ ﺎد وﺗﻘﻠ ﻊ؟ ﻓﮭ ذا أﯾﺿ ﺎ واﺿ ﺢ ﻣ ن ﻣﺛ ل زوان اﻟﺣﻘ ل إذ ﻓ ﻲ زﻣ ﺎن اﻟﺣﺻ ﺎد o
)اﻟدﯾﻧوﻧ ﺔ( ﯾﺟﻌ ل ﷲ اﻟﻣﻼﺋﻛ ﺔ ﯾﺟﻣﻌ ون اﻟ زوان وﯾﺣزﻣوﻧ ﮫ ﺣزﻣ ﺎ وﯾﺣ رق ﺑﺎﻟﻧ ﺎر
)ﻣت.(30:13
وإن ﻛﺎن أﯾﺿﺎ رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع ﺑﻌﻣل ﻣﻣﻠﻛﺗﮫ ھدم ﻣﻣﺎﻟك اﻟﺷر وھﻲ ﺑﺎﺑ ل ،ﻣ ﺎدي وﻓ ﺎرس، o
اﻟﯾوﻧﺎن واﻟروﻣﺎن ،ﻛﻣﺎ ﻗطﻊ ﺣﺟر ﺑﻐﯾر ﯾد إﻧﺳﺎن وﻛﺳر اﻟﺗﻣﺛ ﺎل اﻟﻣﻛ ون ﻣ ن اﻟﻣﻣﺎﻟ ك
اﻟﺗﻲ ﺳﺑق ذﻛرھﺎ )دا.(34:2
ﻛذﻟك اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﮭدم ھﻲ ﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ اﻟظﻠﻣﺔ ﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ إﺑﻠﯾس وﺟﻧوده. o
وھﻲ اﻟﻣﻌﻣودﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ﻓﯾﮭﺎ ﻧﺧﻠﻊ اﻹﻧﺳﺎن اﻟﻌﺗﯾق وﻧﻠﺑس اﻟﺟدﯾد. o
اﻟﺑﻧﺎء :اﻟﺑﻧ ﺎء وزرع اﻹﯾﻣ ﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﻣ ل ﺑﺎﻟﻣﺣﺑ ﺔ وﺛﻣ ر اﻟﻔﺿ ﺎﺋل وﺛﻣ ر اﻟ روح " ﻣﺣﺑ ﺔ،
ﻓرح ،ﺳﻼم ) " ... ،ﻏل .(٢٣ ،٢٢ :٥
وھو اﻟﺑﻧﺎء اﻟﻣﺑﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﯾﻣﺎن اﻟﺻﺣﯾﺢ ﺑرﺑﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺳ وع اﻟ ذي ھ و اﻟﺻ ﺧرة وھ و اﻟ ذي -
ﯾﺛﺑت أﻣﺎم اﻷﻣطﺎر )اﻟﺗﺟﺎرب( واﻷﻧﮭﺎر.
رؤﯾﺎ ﻗﺿﯾب اﻟﻠوز -:
ﺷﺟرة اﻟﻠوز ھﻲ أول اﻷﺷﺟﺎر اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺛﻣر ﻓﻲ إﺳراﺋﯾل ﺣﯾث ﺗﺑدأ ﺗﺛﻣر ﻓﻲ ﺷﮭر .2
وﷲ ﺳﺎھر ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻠﻣﺗﮫ ﻟﯾﺟرﯾﮭﺎ ﻓﮭذا ﻣﺛﺎل ﻟﻛﻲ ﯾﺳﮭر اﻟراﻋ ﻲ وﻛ ل راﻋ ﻲ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ
ﷲ ﻟﻛﻲ ﯾﺗﻌﻠﻣﮭﺎ وﯾﻌﻠﻣﮭﺎ وھذا ﻣﺎ ﯾﻘدﻣﮫ ﻟﻣﺧدوﻣﯾﮫ.
ﻗﺿ ﯾب اﻟﻠ وز أو اﻟﻠ وز ھ و ﺛﻣ رة ﻋﻣ ل ﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ ﷲ ،ﻓ ﺎﻟﻠوز ﺑﮭ ﺎ ﻏ ﻼف ﻗ وي ﺟ دا ﯾﻣﺛ ل
اﻟﻧﺎﻣوس اﻟﺣرﻓﻲ ھذا اﻟذي ﻟﻣﺎ اﻛﺗﻔﻰ ﺑﮫ ﺑﻧﻲ إﺳراﺋﯾل ﺟﻔوا وﺑﺎدوا وﺻﺎروا ﺑﻼ ﺛﻣر.
وﯾوﺟد ﻏﻼف آﺧر أﻗل ﻗوة ﺣول ﺛﻣرة اﻟﻠوز وھو ﯾﻣﺛل اﻟﺳﻠوك اﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﮭو ﻣﺎ ﻋﻠ م
ﺑﮫ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻟم ﻟﻛن ھﯾﮭﺎت ﻟم ﯾﺛﻣروا ﺛﻣرا ﺟﯾدا.
أﻣﺎ اﻟﺛﻣ رة اﻟﺟﯾ دة ﻓﮭ ﻲ ﺛﻣ رة ﻋﻣ ل اﻟ روح اﻟﻘ دس ﻓ ﻲ اﻟ ﻧﻔس ﺑواﺳ طﺔ ﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ ﷲ ﻓ ﻲ
اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﺟدﯾد ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻣل اﻟروﺣﻲ.
رؤﯾﺎ اﻟﻘدر اﻟﻣﻧﻔوخ ﻓوھﺗﮫ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺷﻣﺎل -:
اﻟﻘدر ھم ﺑﻧﻲ إﺳراﺋﯾل أو اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن اﻟﻐﯾ ر ﺣ ذر ﻓوھﺗ ﮫ اﻟﻣﻧﻔوﺧ ﺔ ﺗﻣﺛ ل اﺗﺟﺎھ ﮫ وﻗﻠﺑ ﮫ،
أﻣﺎ اﻟﺷﻣﺎل ﺣﯾث ﺗﺄﺗﻲ ﺣﯾل إﺑﻠﯾس وﺗﺟﺎرﺑﮫ وﺗﻔﺳد ﻣ ﺎ ﺑ داﺧل اﻟﻘ در وﺣرﻓﯾ ﺎ ھ ﻲ ﺑﺎﺑ ل
اﻟﺗﻲ ﺳوف ﺗﺄﺗﻲ ﻋن ﻗرﯾب ﻟﺗﻔﺳد أورﺷﻠﯾم ﺑواﺳطﺔ ﻧﺑوﺧذ ﻧﺻر.
) (٥اﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻣل -:
إذ ﻓﺳر اﻟرب رؤﯾﺔ اﻟﻘدر اﻟﻣﻧﻔوخ وﻓوھﺗﮫ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺷﻣﺎل ﻓﻘ ﺎل ﻹرﻣﯾ ﺎ أﻧ ﮫ ﯾﺟﻣ ﻊ ﻣﻣﺎﻟ ك
ﯾﺄﺗون ﻣن اﻟﺷﻣﺎل وھﻲ ﺟﯾش ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻر اﻟذي ﯾﺷﻣل ﻛل وﻻﯾﺎت ﺑﺎﺑل.
٢٢
وﯾﺟﺗﻣﻌون ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣدﺧل اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ وﻋﻠﻰ أﺳوارھﺎ وﺣواﻟﯾﮭﺎ أي ﯾدﺧﻠوا اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﻣن ﺑﺎﺑﮭﺎ
وﯾﺣﺎﺻروھﺎ )ﺣواﻟﯾﮭﺎ( وﯾﮭدﻣوا ﺳورھﺎ )ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳوارھﺎ( وﯾﺣرﻗوھﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺎر.
وﻗﺎل ﷲ ﺗﻣﻧطق وﻗ م ﻛﻠ م ﺑﻧ ﻲ ﯾﮭ وذا ﺑﻛ ل ﻣ ﺎ آﻣ رك ﺑ ﮫ وﻻ ﺗرﺗ ﺎع ﻣ ن وﺟ وھﮭم ﻟ ﺋﻼ
أرﯾﻌك".
واﻟﻣﻧطﻘﺔ ﻋﻼﻣﺔ ﻣﻧطﻘﺔ اﻟذھن ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳك واﻹﻣﺎﺗﺔ ﻛﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﯾﻌﻣل اﻷﻧﺑﯾﺎء ﻣﺛل إﯾﻠﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ
وﯾوﺣﻧﺎ اﻟﻣﻌﻣدان.
وأﯾﺿﺎ اﻟﻣﻧطﻘﺔ ﻋﻼﻣﺔ اﻻﺳﺗﻌداد ﻷﻛل اﻟﻔﺻﺢ وﻋﻼﻣﺔ اﻻﺳﺗﻌداد ﻟﻠﻌﺑور واﻟﻐرﺑ ﺔ ﺣﺗ ﻰ
ﯾﻌﺑر ﺑﺷﻌﺑﮫ إﻟﻰ أورﺷﻠﯾم اﻟﺳﻣﺎﺋﯾﺔ.
اﻹﺻﺣﺎح اﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ
ﻋرض ﻟﻔﺿﺎﺋل أورﺷﻠﯾم اﻷوﻟﻰ وﻣرﻛزھﺎ ﻟدي ﷲ
ﻣﻊ ﻋرض ﻟﺛﻣر ﺧطﺎﯾﺎھﺎ وإھﻣﺎﻟﮭﺎ وﺳر ﺿﻌﻔﮭﺎ
) (١ﻓﺿﺎﺋﻠﮭﺎ اﻷوﻟﻰ -:
ﻗﺑل أن ﯾﺗﻛﻠم ﻋﻠﻰ أﺧطﺎء أورﺷﻠﯾم ﻗﺎل ﻹرﻣﯾﺎ اذھب وﻧ ﺎد ﻓ ﻲ أذﻧ ﻲ أورﺷ ﻠﯾم إذ ﷲ ﻻ
ﯾرﯾد أن ﯾﻔﺿﺣﮭﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧطﺎﯾﺎھﺎ.
وﯾذﻛر ﻗﺑل أن ﯾﻌﺎﻗب ﺣﺑﮭﺎ ﻟﮫ ﻛﻌروس ذھﺑت وراء ﻋرﯾﺳﮭﺎ ﻋرﯾس ﺻ ﺑﺎھﺎ إذ أﻧﻘ ذھﺎ
ﻣن ﻋﺑودﯾﺔ ﻓرﻋون وﺻﯾرھﺎ ﺳﯾدة وﻋروس ﺣرة ﻣﺧطوﺑﺔ ﻟﮫ.
ذﻛر ﻟﮭﺎ ذھﺎﺑﮭﺎ وراءه ﻓﻲ اﻟﺑرﯾﺔ ﻓ ﻲ أرض ﻏﯾ ر ﻣزروﻋ ﺔ دﻟﯾ ل ﺣﺑﮭ ﺎ ﻟ ﮫ إذ ﻟ م ﯾ ذﻛر
ﺗذﻣراﺗﮭﺎ اﻟداﺋﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﯾﮫ.
ﺑل ﻛﺎن ھو ﻛل ﺷﻲء ﻟﮭﺎ إذ ظﻠﻠﮭﺎ ﻣن ﺣر اﻟﺷﻣس ﺑﺳﺣﺎﺑﺔ وظﻼم اﻟﻠﯾل ﺑﻧ وره ﺑﻌﻣ ود
اﻟﻧور وإذ ﺟﺎﻋت أﻋطﺎھﺎ اﻟﻣن وإذ ﻋطﺷت أﻋطﺎھﺎ اﻟﻣﺎء ﻣن ﺻﺧرة ﻛﺎﻧت ﺗﺗﺑﻌﮭم ﻓﻲ
اﻟﺑرﯾﺔ.
ذﻛر ﻟﮭﺎ اﻷرﺑﻌﯾن ﻋﺎﻣﺎ اﻟﺗﻲ ﻗﺿﺗﮭﺎ وراءه ﻓﻲ ﺑرﯾ ﺔ ﺳ ﯾﻧﺎء ،ﺛﯾﺎﺑﮭ ﺎ ﻟ م ﺗﺑﻠ ﻲ ورﺟﻠﯾﮭ ﺎ
ﻟم ﺗﺗورم وﻧﻌﻠﮭﺎ ﻟم ﯾﺗﻣزق ﻓﻛﺎن ﻟﮭﺎ طﺑﯾﺑﺎ وﻧﺳﺎج وﻣﮭﻧدس إذ ﻋرﻓﮭ ﺎ ﻛﯾ ف ﺗﻌﻣ ل ﻟ ﮫ
ﺧﯾﻣﺔ ﺑﺣزق إذ ﻣﻸ ﷲ ﺑﺻﻠﺋﯾل ﺑروح اﻟﻔﮭم واﻟﺣﻛﻣﺔ ﻓﻌﻣل ﻛل ﺻﻧﺎﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺧﯾﻣﺔ.
) (٢إﺳراﺋﯾل ﻗدس ﻟﻠرب -:
-إﺳراﺋﯾل ﻗدس ﻟﻠرب )ﺑﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ( -:
.١ﺑﻣﻌﻧﻰ أﻧﮭﺎ أﻗدس ﺷﻌب وﺳط ﺷﻌوب اﻟﻌﺎﻟم.
٢٣
.٢ﺑﻣﻌﻧﻰ أن ﷲ اﺧﺗﺎر ھذا اﻟﺷﻌب وﺧﺻﺻﮫ ﻟﮫ ﻓﻘط.
.٣ﺑﻣﻌﻧﻰ أﻧﮫ ﺑﮭم ﯾﻘدس ﺑﺎﻗﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟم ﺑﺷﻌوﺑﮫ.
.٤ﻓﺈذا ﻛﺎﻧت اﻟﺑﻛور ﻣن اﻟﻐﻼت ﺗﻌطﻰ ﻟﻠرب ﻓﺗﺗﺑﺎرك ﺑﮭﺎ ﻛل اﻟﻣﺣﺎﺻ ﯾل ھﻛ ذا إﺳ راﺋﯾل
ﺷﻌب ﺧﺻﺻﮫ ﷲ ﻟﮫ وﺑﮫ ﯾﻘدس ﻛل ﺷﻌوب اﻟﻌﺎﻟم.
.٥إﺳراﺋﯾل ﻣﺛل رﺋﯾس اﻟﻛﮭﻧ ﺔ اﻟ ذي وﺿ ﻊ ﺻ ﻔﯾﺣﺔ ذھﺑﯾ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ رأﺳ ﮫ ﻣﻛﺗ وب ﻋﻠﯾﮭ ﺎ
ﻗدس ﻟﻠ رب وﯾ دﺧل ﺑﮭ ﺎ ﻣ رة واﺣ دة ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺳ ﻧﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻋﯾ د اﻟﻛﻔ ﺎرة وﯾﻘ دم ذﺑ ﺎﺋﺢ ﻋ ن
ﺧطﺎﯾﺎه وﻋن ﺧطﺎﯾﺎ اﻟﺷﻌب ﻓﯾﻘﺑﻠﮭﺎ ﷲ.
.٦ھﻲ رﻣز ﻹﺳراﺋﯾل اﻟﺟدﯾد ﻛﻧﯾﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﺟدﯾد اﻟﺗﻲ أﺧذ أﻗﻧوم اﻟﻛﻠﻣﺔ رﺋ ﯾس اﻟﻛﮭﻧ ﺔ
اﻷﻋظم ﺟﺳد ﻣن اﻟﺑﺷ ر واﺳ ﺗطﺎع ﺑﻛوﻧ ﮫ إﻟﮭ ﺎ ﻣﺗﺟﺳ دا أن ﯾ دﺧل ﻟ ﯾس إﻟ ﻰ أﻗ داس
اﻷرض ﺑل إﻟﻰ ﻗدس اﻷﻗداس ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳﻣﺎء وﯾﺷﻔﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻧﯾﺳﺗﮫ ﺷﻔﺎﻋﺔ ﻛﻔﺎرﯾﺔ ﺻ ﺎﻧﻌﺎ
ﺻﻠﺣﺎ ﺑﯾن ﷲ واﻟﻧﺎس.
) (٣ﻋﻘوﺑﺎت ﻟﻣن ﯾﻌﺎدي ﺷﻌﺑﮫ -:
.١ﻓﺎﻟذي ﯾﻌﺗدي ﻋﻠﻰ إﺳراﺋﯾل إذ ھﻲ ﺑﺎﻛورة ﻏﻼت اﻟﺷﻌوب ﻛﺄﻧﮫ ﯾﻌﺗدي ﻋﻠﻰ ﷲ.
.٢ﻓﺈذا ﻛﺎن ﷲ ﺳ ﻣﺢ ﻟﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻ ر ﺳ ﺑﻲ ﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ ﻟﻛﻧ ﮫ ﯾﻌ ود وﯾؤدﺑ ﮫ ﻷﻧ ﮫ ﺗط ﺎول ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﷲ
وﻋﻧ دﻣﺎ اﻏﺗ ر أﻧزﻟ ﮫ ﷲ ﻣﺛ ل اﻟﺣﯾواﻧ ﺎت ﻟﻣ دة 7ﺳ ﻧوات ﻛ ﺎن ﯾﺄﻛ ل اﻟﻌﺷ ب ﻣﺛ ل
اﻟﺣﯾواﻧﺎت ﺛم رد ﻟﮫ ﻋﻘﻠﮫ ﻓﺗﺄدب.
.٣اﻋﺗﺑر ﷲ اﻟذي ﯾﻌﺗدي ﻋﻠﻰ إﺳراﺋﯾل ﯾﺄﺛم إﻟﻰ ﷲ.
ﻟﻛن إﺳراﺋﯾل اﻋﺗﺑر اﻟﺑﻧوة ﺗﻘﯾﯾدا ﻟﻠﺣرﯾﺔ.
وأراد أن ﯾﻛﺳر ﻧﯾر اﻟﺑﻧوة ﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﻛﺎن ﻻ ﯾدري أﻧﮫ ﯾﺿﯾﻊ ﻧﻔﺳﮫ وﯾﻔﻘدھﺎ )إر .(20:2
وﻗد وﺻف ﷲ إﺳراﺋﯾل ﺑﺄﻧﮭﺎ ﻛرﻣﺗﮫ )إر .(21:2
ﺑل وأﻧﮭﺎ ﻛﻣﺎ ﺳﺑق وﻗﻠﻧﺎ ﻋروﺳﮫ اﻟﺗﻲ ﻻ ﺗﻧﺳﻲ ﻣﻧطﻘﺗﮭﺎ )إر .(32:2
ووﺻﻔﮭم أﻧﮭم ﺷﻌﺑﮫ )ﺷﻌﺑﻲ( )إر.(٣٣ ،٣٢ ،١٣ ،١١ :٢
) (٤ﷲ ﻟم ﯾﮭﻣل ﺷﻌﺑﮫ -:
ﻓﺎ ﺳﺎر ﺑﮭم ﻓﻲ أرض ﻟم ﯾﺳﻠﻛﮭﺎ إﻧﺳﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻟﺑرﯾﺔ ﺣﺗﻰ أدﺧﻠﮭم أرض اﻟﻣﯾﻌﺎد وھ ﻲ
أرض ﺑﺳﺎﺗﯾن أرض ﺧﺻﺑﺔ.
ﻓﺎﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن ﺻ ﺎر ﻣﺛ ل اﻷرض اﻟﯾﺎﺑﺳ ﺔ ﻣﺛ ل اﻟﺑرﯾ ﺔ اﻟﻣوﺣﺷ ﺔ ﻟﻛ ن ﷲ ﺑﺗﺣﻧﻧ ﮫ ﺗﺟﺳ د
وﺻﻠب وطﻌن ﻟﻛﻲ ﻧدﺧل ﻛﻌروس إﻟﻰ ﺑﺳﺗﺎﻧﮫ وﺟﺳده وﯾﺣﻣﻠﻧﺎ ﻓﯾﮫ ﻓﻧﺟد ﻋذوﺑ ﺔ ھﻛ ذا
ﺻرﻧﺎ ﻣﺗﺣدﯾن ﺑﮫ.
ﻟﻛن إذ ﺻﺎر ﺑﻧﻲ إﺳراﺋﯾل وراء اﻟﺑﺎطل ﻓﺻﺎروا ﺑﺎطﻼ وھذا ﻟﮫ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ -:
٢٤
.١اﻟﺑﺎطل أي اﻟﻐش وﻋدم اﻟﺣق ﻟﻛ ن ﷲ ھ و اﻟﺣ ق وﺣ ده ﻓ ﺈذا ﺳ ﺎر اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن وراء ﷲ
واﺗﺣد ﺑﮫ ﺻﺎر ﺣﻘﺎ ﻷﻧﮫ ﯾﺗﺑﻊ اﻟﺣ ق أﻣ ﺎ ﻣ ن ﺳ ﺎر وراء إﻟ ﮫ أو أي ﺷ ﻲء ﯾﺑﻌ ده ﻋ ن
ﷲ ﺻﺎر ھﺑﺎء ﻻ ﺷﻲء.
.٢واﻟﺑﺎط ل ﯾﻌﻧ ﻲ Habelإﺷ ﺎرة إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﺑﻌ ل Baalاﻟ ذي ھ و إﻟ ﮫ اﻟﺧﺻ وﺑﺔ ﻋﻧ د
اﻟﻛﻧﻌ ﺎﻧﯾﯾن وﯾﺟﻠ ب اﻟﻣط ر وﻟﻸﺳ ف ﻋﺑ ده ﺑﻧ ﻲ إﺳ راﺋﯾل ﻓﺻ ﺎروا ﻣﺛ ل ﻋﺎﺑ دي اﻟﺑﻌ ل
وﻧﺳوا ﷲ وﺻﺎروا ﺑﺎطﻼ.
) (٥أﺳﺑﺎب ﺗرك اﻟﺷﻌب -:
.١اﻟﻛﮭﻧﺔ :ﻟم ﯾﻛوﻧوا ﻓﻲ وظﯾﻔﺗﮭم ﺑطرﯾﻘﺔ ﺻﺣﯾﺣﺔ إذ ﻟﯾس وظﯾﻔﺗﮭم ﺗﻘدﯾم اﻟذﺑﺎﺋﺢ دون
ﻣﺻﺎﻟﺣﺔ اﻹﻧﺳﺎن أو اﻟﻧ ﺎس ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﷲ ﻓﻣ ﺎذا ﺗﻔﯾ د اﻟ ذﺑﺎﺋﺢ إذا ﻗ دﻣت ﺑطﻘ س ﺳ ﻠﯾم دون
روح أو ﺗﺷﻔﻊ ﻣن اﻟﻛﺎھن ﺣﺗﻰ ﯾﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﯾن اﻟﺷﻌب وﷲ؟ وھم ﯾﻣﺛﻠوا طﺎﻗﺎت اﻹﻧﺳﺎن.
.٢أھ ل اﻟﺷ رﯾﻌﺔ :ﺑ دل ﻣ ن أن ﯾﻌﻠﻣ وا اﻟﻧ ﺎس ﻻ ھ م ﻋﻠﻣ وا اﻟﻧ ﺎس وﻻ ھ م ﻋرﻓ وا ﷲ،
ﺣﻔظوا اﻟﺷرﯾﻌﺔ دون روح ،وأھل اﻟﺷرﯾﻌﺔ ﯾﻣﺛﻠوا ﻋﻘل اﻹﻧﺳﺎن اﻟذي ﻓﺳد.
.٣اﻟرﻋ ﺎة :وھ م ﻣ ن اﻟﻣﻠ وك واﻟرؤﺳ ﺎء ظﻠﻣ وا اﻟﻔﻘ راء وﻟ م ﯾﻧﺻ ﻔوھم ،وھ م ﯾﻣﺛﻠ وا
ﺣواس اﻹﻧﺳﺎن اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺑﻌد ﻋن ﷲ وﺗﻌﺻﺎه.
.٤اﻷﻧﺑﯾ ﺎء :ﺑ دل ﻣ ن أن ﯾﻌرﻓ وا ﷲ وﯾﺗﻧﺑ ﺄوا ﺑﻌﻣ ل اﻟ روح اﻟﻘ دس ﻓﮭ م ﺗﺑﻌ وا أرواح
ﺷ ﯾﺎطﯾن ﻣﻠﻘ ﺔ ﺿ د ﷲ وﺿ د ﻣﻣﻠﻛﺗ ﮫ وﺻ ﺎروا ﻣ ﻊ ﻣﻣﻠﻛ ﺔ إﺑﻠ ﯾس ﻣ ﻊ اﻟﺑﻌ ل وﺗﻧﺑ ﺄوا
ﺑﺎﻟﺳﻼم وﻟﯾس ﺳﻼم ،وھم ﯾﻣﺛﻠوا ﻣن ھم ﺿد ﷲ ﯾﻘﺎوﻣوه وﯾﻘﺎوﻣوا ﻛﻧﯾﺳﺗﮫ.
.٥ﻋدم ﺗﻣﺛﻠﮭﺎ ﺣﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻷﻣم )ھل ﺑدﻟت أﻣﺔ إﻟﮭﮭﺎ؟( -:
ﯾﻌﻠن ﷲ ﻣﺣﺎﻛﻣﺗﮫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ ﻛﺄﻧﮫ زوﺟﺔ ﺧﺎﺋﻧﺔ.
ﻓﯾﺟﻌﻠﮫ ﯾﻧظر ﻏرﺑﺎ إﻟﻰ ﺟزر اﻟﺑﺣر ﻓﻲ ﻛﺗﯾم أي ﻛرﯾت وﺷرﻗﺎ وﺟﻧوﺑﺎ إﻟ ﻰ ﻗﯾ دار ﺣﯾ ث
ﯾﺳﻛن ﻗﯾدار وھم أﺑﻧﺎء إﺳﻣﺎﻋﯾل ،ھل ھذه اﻷﻣم اﻟوﺛﻧﯾﺔ ﺑدﻟت آﻟﮭﺗﮭﺎ اﻟوﺛﻧﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ھ ﻲ
ﻟﯾﺳت آﻟﮭﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻣرة!
ﻻ ﯾوﺟد ﻣن ﻋﻣل ﻣﺛل ﺷﻌب إﺳراﺋﯾل ﺑدﻟوا اﻹﻟﮫ اﻟﺣﻘﯾﻘﻲ اﻟذي ﺗﺑﻧﺎھم ﻟﮫ ﺷ ﻌﺑﺎ ﻛﺄﺑﻧ ﺎء
ﻟﮫ ﻟﻛﻧﮭم رﻓﺿوه وﺑدﻟوه ﺑﺎﻵﻟﮭﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ھﻲ ھﺑﺎء وﺑﺎطل.
" .٦ﺗرﻛوﻧﻲ أﻧﺎ ﯾﻧﺑوع اﻟﻣﺎء اﻟﺣﻲ " -:
ﯾﺗﻛﻠم إرﻣﯾﺎ اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻋن ﷲ إذ ﺗرﻛﮫ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ وﺗﻠذذوا ﺑ دل ﻣ ن ﯾﻧﺑ وع اﻟﻣ ﺎء اﻟﻌ ذب ﺣﻔ روا
ﻓﻲ ﻣﻧﺎزﻟﮭم آﺑﺎرا ﻻ ﺗﺿﺑط ﻣﺎء أي ﺗﺄﺗﻲ ﺑﻣﺎء ﻟﻔﺗرة ﺛ م ﺗﺗﺷ ﻘق اﻵﺑ ﺎر وﯾﺗﺳ رب اﻟﻣ ﺎء
ﻓﺎﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﯾرﯾد اﻟراﺣﺔ وﻻ ﯾﺗﻌب ﺣﺗﻰ ﯾﺣﺿر ﻣﺎء ﻣن اﻟﯾﻧﺑوع ﺧﻼل اﻟطرﯾق اﻟﺿﯾق.
٢٥
وﻣﺎ ھو اﻟﯾﻧﺑوع إﻻ ﻋﻣ ل اﻟ روح اﻟﻘ دس ﻓﯾﻧ ﺎ وﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌﮭ د اﻟﺟدﯾ د ﻋﻣ ل اﻟ روح اﻟﻘ دس
ﺑواﺳطﺔ اﻟﻣﻌﻣودﯾﺔ.
وﻣﺎ ھﻲ اﻵﺑﺎر إﻻ -:
-١ھﻲ إﻣﺎ ﺧطﺎﯾﺎ اﻟﻠذة وھﻲ ﺗﻣﺛل اﻹﻧﺳﺎن اﻟﺟﺳداﻧﻲ اﻟذي ﯾﺣﺎول أن ﯾﺷﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺳﮫ ﺑﮭﺎ ﻓﻼ
ﺗﺷﺑﻊ.
-٢وھﻲ اﻟﻛﺑرﯾﺎء واﻟﺗﺳﻠط ،ھﻲ اﻹﻧﺳﺎن اﻟطﺑﯾﻌﻲ اﻟذي ﯾﺣب اﻟﺟﺎه واﻟﺳﻠطﺎن واﻟذات ﻓ ﻼ
ﺗﺷﺑﻌﮫ أﯾﺿﺎ.
-٣وھﻲ ﻣﻌﻣودﯾﺔ اﻟﮭراطﻘﺔ ﺧﺎرج اﻟﻛﻧﯾﺳﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ﻻ ﺗﻌطﻲ ﻣﺎء ﻣن اﻟﯾﻧﺑوع.
-رﺑﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺳ وع ھ و ﯾﻧﺑ وع اﻟﻣ ﺎء اﻟﺣ ﻲ )ﯾ و (٣٨ ،٣٧ : ٧واﻷﻧﮭ ﺎر اﻟطﺎﻟﻌ ﺔ ﻣﻧ ﮫ ھ م
اﻟﻘدﯾﺳﯾن اﻟﻛﺎﻣﻠﯾن أﻣﺎ اﻟﻧﮭﯾرات ﻓﮭم اﻷﻗل ﻗداﺳﺔ وﻗد ﯾوﺟد ﻣن ھم ﻣﺟرد ﻧدي.
-٤اﻵﺑ ﺎر ﻛ ررت ﻣ رﺗﯾن ﻓﮭ ﻲ ﺗﻣﺛ ل اﻻﺗﻛ ﺎل إﻣ ﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻣﺻ ر وﻓرﻋوﻧﮭ ﺎ أو ﻋﻠ ﻰ أﺷ ور
ﺑﻛﺑرﯾﺎﺋﮭﺎ.
-ﻓﻘ د ﺗرﻛ ت إﺳ راﺋﯾل ﯾﻧﺑوﻋﮭ ﺎ ﻓﺻ ﺎرت ﻣﺛ ل ﺟ زة اﻟﺻ وف اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﻟﺟ دﻋون ﻓ ﻲ ﺳ ﻔر
اﻟﻘﺿﺎة ،ﺻﺎرت ھﻲ ﺟﺎﻓﺔ وﺣوﻟﮭﺎ طل أي ﺗرﻛ ت إﺳ راﺋﯾل إﯾﻣﺎﻧﮭ ﺎ ﺑ ﺎ ﻋﻧ دﻣﺎ ﺗﺟﺳ د
وآﻣﻧت اﻷﻣم ﺣوﻟﮭﺎ.
.٧ﻣﯾﺎه ﺷﯾﺣور وﻣﯾﺎه اﻟﻧﮭر -:
إذ ﻗﺎل اﻟرب ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﺳﺎن إرﻣﯾﺎ " :أﻣﺎ ﺻﻧﻌت ھذا ﺑﻧﻔﺳ ك إذ ﺗرﻛ ت اﻟ رب إﻟﮭ ك ﺣﯾﻧﻣ ﺎ
ﻛﺎن ﻣﺳ ﯾّرك ﻓ ﻲ اﻟطرﯾ ق ،واﻵن ﻣ ﺎ ﻟ ك وطرﯾ ق ﻣﺻ ر ﻟﺷ رب ﻣﯾ ﺎه ﺷ ﯾﺣور وﻣ ﺎ ﻟ ك
وطرﯾق أﺷور ﻟﺷرب ﻣﯾﺎه اﻟﻧﮭر؟" -:
أي ﻟﻣﺎذا ﺗرﻛت طرﯾق اﻟرب اﻟﯾﻧﺑوع اﻟﺣﻘﯾﻘﻲ ﻟﺗﺗﻛل ﺗ ﺎرة ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺷ ﯾﺣور أي ﻣﯾ ﺎه اﻟﻧﯾ ل
ﻛﺛﯾرة اﻟطﻣﻲ )إش (3:23أو ﺗﺗﻛل ﻋﻠﻰ أﺷور ﺑﻣﯾﺎه ﻧﮭره اﻟﻣﻠﯾﺋﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻛﺑرﯾﺎء.
ﻓﺄﯾن اﺗﻛﺎل اﻟﺷﻌب ﻋﻠﻰ ﷲ! ﻓﮭل ﻗﺎدﺗ ﮫ ﻣﯾ ﺎه ﺷ ﯾﺣور اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﻟﻔرﻋ ون أو ﻣﯾ ﺎه أﺷ ور؟!
ﻓﻔرﻋون وأﺷور ھﻣﺎ أﺳود ﺗﺄﻛل اﻷﻣم ﺳواء ﺑﺎﻟﻠذة ﻣﺛل ﻣﺻر وﺧﯾراﺗﮭ ﺎ أو ﺑﺎﻟﻛﺑرﯾ ﺎء
ﻣﺛل أﺷور.
أﻻ ﯾذﻛر ﺷﻌب إﺳراﺋﯾل ﺳﺑﻲ إﺳراﺋﯾل ﺑواﺳطﺔ أﺷور 721ق.م.
أﻻ ﯾذﻛروا ﻗﺗل ﻓرﻋون ﻧﺧو ﻟﯾوﺷﯾﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟدو.
.٨ارﺗﺑﺎط أورﺷﻠﯾم ﺑﺎﻵﻟﮭﺔ اﻟﺑﺎطﻠﺔ ﺟﻌﻠﮭﺎ ﺑﺎطﻠﺔ -:
.١إذ ﺳﺎرت أورﺷ ﻠﯾم وراء اﻵﻟﮭ ﺔ اﻟوﺛﻧﯾ ﺔ ﻓ ﺈن ﻛﺎﻧ ت آﻟﮭ ﺔ ﺣﻘﯾﻘ ﺔ ﻓﻠﯾﻘوﻣ وا ﻟﯾﺧﻠﺻ وھﺎ
ﻟﻛﻧﮭﺎ آﻟﮭﺔ ﻣﯾﺗﺔ ﺑﺎطﻠﺔ ﻓﺻﺎرت أورﺷﻠﯾم ﻣﺛﻠﮭﺎ ﺑﺎطﻠﺔ ﻛﺄن ﻻ وﺟود ﻟﮭﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷرض.
٢٦
.٢أﻛﺑر ﺗوﺑﯾﺦ ﻟﮭﺎ ﻟﯾس اﻟذي ﯾوﺑﺧﮭﺎ ﺑﮫ ﷲ ﻟﻛن ﺑواﺳ طﺔ اﻟﺷ ر واﻟﻌﺻ ﯾﺎن ﯾ ﺋن اﻟﺿ ﻣﯾر
ﻣن اﻟﺷر وﯾﻠوم اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﻓﻼ ﯾﺳﺗطﯾﻊ اﻟﻔﻛﺎك ﻣﻧﮫ ﺣﺗﻰ وﻟو ﻧﺎم !!
.٣ﯾﺻﯾر اﻟﺷر ﻣﺛل آﺗون ﻧﺎر ﯾﺗﻘد ﺗﺣت أورﺷﻠﯾم ﻟﯾﺣرﻗﮭﺎ وﻣﺛ ل ﺣﺑ ﺎل ﺗﺟ ذﺑﮭﺎ إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﺷ ر
ﻓﻼ ﺗﺳﺗطﯾﻊ أن ﺗﻔﻠت.
ﺗﺷﺑﯾﮫ أورﺷﻠﯾم ﺑــ ٤ﺗﺷﺑﯾﮭﺎت -:
.١ﻛﺣﯾوان ﺟﺎﻣﺢ :ﻻ ﯾطﯾﻊ ﺻﺎﺣﺑﮫ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﯾﻔﻘد ﻛل ﺷﻲء.
.٢ﻛﻛرﻣ ﺔ ﻣﻧﺗﻘ ﺎة :ﻣﺛﻠﻣ ﺎ ﻗ ﺎل ﻓ ﻲ )إش (٥ﻛرﻣ ﺔ ﺳ ورق أي ﺧﺻ ﺑﺔ وﻗ د ﻣﺛ ل ﷲ ﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ
ﺑﺄرﺑﻊ أﻧواع ﻣن اﻟزروع ﺑﺎﻟﻛرﻣﺔ واﻟزﯾﺗوﻧﺔ واﻟﺗﯾﻧﺔ واﻟﻌوﺳﺞ.
ﻓﺎﻟﻛرﻣﺔ ﺗﻌطﻲ ﻋﻧﺑﺎ ﺟﯾدا ﯾﻌﻣل ﻣﻧﮫ اﻟﺧﻣر رﻣزا ﻟﻠﻔرح.
واﻟﺗﯾﻧﺔ ﺑﮭﺎ ﺑذور ﻻذﻋﺔ ﻟﻛن ﯾﺟﻣﻌﮭﺎ ﻏﻼﻓﮭ ﺎ ﻓﺗﺻ ﯾر ﺟﯾ دة اﻟطﻌ م ﻋﻼﻣ ﺔ اﻟوﺣ دة ﺑ ﯾن
أﻋﺿﺎء اﻟﻛﻧﯾﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺟﺳد اﻟواﺣد.
اﻟزﯾﺗوﻧﺔ ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﺛﻣر ﺛﻣرھﺎ اﻟذي ﯾﺻﻧﻊ ﻣﻧﮫ زﯾت اﻟﻣﺳﺣﺔ اﻟذي ﻛ ﺎن ﯾﻣﺳ ﺢ ﺑ ﮫ اﻟﻛﮭﻧ ﺔ
واﻟﻣﻠ وك واﻷﻧﺑﯾ ﺎء ،وھ و ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌﮭ د اﻟﺟدﯾ د زﯾ ت اﻟﻣﯾ رون ﺑﻌ د إﺿ ﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺣﻧ وط اﻟ ذي
ﻛﺎﻧت ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺳد رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع و 30ﻧوع ﻣن اﻷﻋﺷﺎب اﻟﻌطرﯾﺔ.
اﻟﻌوﺳﺞ ﻧﺑﺎت ﻟﮫ راﺋﺣﺔ ﺟﯾدة ﻟﻛن إذا ﻓﺳد ﻻ ﯾﺻﻠﺢ ﻟﺷﻲء ﺳوى اﻟﺣرﯾق ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺎر.
.٣ﻛزاﻧﯾﺔ :ﻧظرا ﻟﺗﻘدﯾﻣﮭﺎ ذﺑﺎﺋﺢ ﻟﻠﺑﻌل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻛﻣﺔ اﻟﺧﺿراء وﻗﺗل اﻷطﻔﺎل ﺑﺈﺟﺎزﺗﮭم ﻓ ﻲ
اﻟﻧﺎر ،وﻛزاﻧﯾﺔ ﻛﺎﻧت ﻣﺗﻛﺑرة وﻛﺳرت ﻋﻧﮭﺎ ﻧﯾر اﻟﺑﻧوة واﻋﺗﺑرﺗﮫ ﻋﺑودﯾﺔ.
.٤ﻛﺟﻔﻧ ﺔ ﻏرﯾﺑ ﺔ :ﺻ ﺎرت ﺑ دل ﻣ ن أن ﺗﻛ ون ﺣﺳ ب ﺧﻠﻘﺗﮭ ﺎ اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﺑﮭ ﺎ ﺧﻠﻘﮭ ﺎ ﷲ ﻛ رم
ﺳ ورق أي ﻋﻧﺑ ﮫ ﺟﯾ د أﺻ ﺑﺣت ﺳ روغ ﺟﻔﻧ ﺔ أي ﻟﮭ ﺎ ﻋﻧ ب رديء ﻻ ﯾﺳ ﺗﻔﺎد ﻣﻧ ﮫ
ﺑواﺳطﺔ أي أﺣد ،ﻏرﯾب ﻋن ﷲ وﺑﻌﯾد ﻋﻧﮫ.
ﻓﺟﻠﺑت أورﺷﻠﯾم واﻟﻌﺎﻟم ﻛﻠﮫ واﻹﻧﺳﺎن اﻟﻣوت ﺑواﺳطﺔ ﻧﻔﺳﮫ ﻋ ن طرﯾ ق ﺣﺳ د إﺑﻠ ﯾس
ﻛﻣﺎ ﯾﻘول اﻟﻘدﯾس ﺑﺎﺳﯾﻠﯾوس ﻓﻲ ﻗداﺳﮫ اﻟﻘﺑطﻲ.
وﺻﺎرت اﻟروح اﻹﻧﺳﺎﻧﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺣﻣل ﺻورة ﷲ ﻛﺳروغ ﺟﻔﻧﺔ ﺻ ورة ﺑﺎھﺗ ﺔ ﺑﻣﺧﺎﻟﻔ ﺔ
وﺻﯾﺔ ﷲ ﻓورث اﻟﺟﻧس اﻟﺑﺷري اﻟﺧطﯾﺔ.
ﺻﺎرت ﺑدل ﻣن زرع ﺣق ﻛﻠﮭﺎ ﺻﺎرت ﺳ روغ ﺟﻔﻧ ﺔ ﻏرﯾﺑ ﺔ ﺻ ﺎر ﻟ ﯾس ﻓﯾﮭ ﺎ ﺣ ق ﺑ ل
ﻛﻠﮭﺎ ﺑﺎطل.
ﻟﮭذا ﻛﺎن اﻟﺣل اﻟوﺣﯾد ھو ﺗﺟﺳد ﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ ﷲ ﻟﯾﻔ دي اﻟﺑﺷ رﯾﺔ وﯾﺻ ﯾر ھ و ﻛرﻣ ﺔ ﺣﻘﯾﻘﯾ ﺔ
ﺣﺗﻰ ﺗﺛﻣر اﻟﻛرﻣﺔ اﻟﺑﺷرﯾﺔ وﺗﺻﯾر ﺳورق ﻣرة أﺧرى ﻛﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ )ﯾو.(5:15
أﻧواع ﻣن اﻟﺧطﺎﯾﺎ -:
٢٧
ﻗ ﺎل ﷲ ﻋﻠ ﻰ أورﺷ ﻠﯾم أن ﻻ ﺗﻔﻛ ر ﻓ ﻲ ذاﺗﮭ ﺎ أن ﺧطﯾﺗﮭ ﺎ ﺑﺳ ﯾطﺔ ﻣﺟ رد اﺗﺳ ﺎخ ﯾطﮭ ر
ﺑﺎﻷﺷﻧﺎن أي ﺑﺎﻟﺻﺎﺑون ﻟﻛن ﻟو ﺟﺎءت ﺑﻛل أﺷﻧﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﻟم ﻻ ﺗﻣﺣﻲ ﺧطﯾﺗﮭﺎ.
ﻓﺎﻟﺧطﯾ ﺔ اﻟﺛﻘﯾﻠ ﺔ ﺗﺣﺗ ﺎج ﻟ ﯾس ﻓﻘ ط إﻟ ﻰ ﺗوﺑ ﺔ ﺑ ل إﻟ ﻰ روح ﷲ اﻟ روح اﻟﻘ دس اﻟ ذي
وﺻف ﺑﺄﻧﮫ روح اﻹﺣراق اﻟذي ﯾطﮭر ﻣن اﻟﺧطﺎﯾ ﺎ اﻟﺛﻘﯾﻠ ﺔ واﻟﻌﻣﯾﻘ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟ ﻧﻔس اﻟ ذي
أﺧذﺗﮫ ﻛﻧﯾﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﺟدﯾد ﺑﻌد ﺻ ﻌود رﺑﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺳ وع ﺑـ ـ 10أﯾ ﺎم ﻓ ﻲ ﯾ وم اﻟﺧﻣﺳ ﯾن ﻓ ﻲ
)أع (2ﻛﻣﺎ ﺗﻧﺑﺄ إﺷﻌﯾﺎء اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻋن ﻏﺳل اﻟﺳﯾد ﻟﻘذر ﺑﻧﺎت أورﺷﻠﯾم ﺑروح اﻹﺣراق ﻓﻲ
)إش.(4:4
ﻓ روح اﻹﺣ راق أي اﻟ روح اﻟﻘ دس ﯾﻐﺳ ل اﻟﺧطﺎﯾ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻣﻌﻣودﯾ ﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻣ ﺎء واﻟ روح أي
ﺑﺎﻟروح اﻟﻘدس وﻧﺎر ﻛﻣﺎ ﻗﺎل اﻟﻘدﯾس ﯾوﺣﻧﺎ اﻟﻣﻌﻣدان ﻋن ﻣﻌﻣودﯾﺔ رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع.
ﺻ ﺎرت ﺧطﯾﺗﮭ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟ وادي أي اﻧﺣ درت إﻟ ﻰ وادي ھﻧ وم اﻟ ذي ﻓﯾ ﮫ ﺗﺣ رق اﻷطﻔ ﺎل
ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺎر ﻟﺗﻘدﻣﮭم ﻟﻠﺑﻌل.
أﯾﺿ ﺎ ﺻ ﺎرت ﻛﻧﺎﻗ ﺔ وھ ﻲ أﻧﺛ ﻰ اﻟﺟﻣ ل ﻻ ﺗﮭ ﺗم ﺑﻌطﺎﯾ ﺎ ﷲ ﻣ ن أرض وﻋﺷ ب وﺗرﺑﯾ ﺔ
أوﻻدھﺎ اﻟﺻﻐﺎر ﻟﻛن راﺣت ﺗﺷﺗم اﻟرﯾﺎح ﻟﺗﺑﺣث ﻋن ذﻛر ﻟﺗﺗﻣم ﺧطﯾﺗﮭﺎ إذ ﻣﻌ روف أن
اﻟﺣﯾواﻧﺎت ﺗﺷم ﻣن ﺑﻌﯾد راﺋﺣﺔ اﻟذﻛور.
ﻓﻧﺻﺣﮭﺎ ﷲ ﺑﺄﻧﮭﺎ ﻟو ﺳﻠﻛت ﻓ ﻲ وﺻ ﺎﯾﺎه ﻻ ﺗﻌ ود ﺗﺣ س ﺑظﻣ ﺄ ﺣﻠﻘﮭ ﺎ ورﺟﻠﮭ ﺎ ﻣ ن أن
ﺗﻛون ﺣﺎﻓﯾﺔ ﻟﻛﻧﮭﺎ ﻟ م ﺗﻛ ن ﺗﻧظ ر إﻟ ﻰ ﻧﻔﺳ ﮭﺎ ﻟﺗراﺟﻌﮭ ﺎ ﺑ ل ذھﺑ ت وراء اﻟﺑﻌﻠ ﯾم ﺣﺎﻓﯾ ﺔ
ظﻣﺂﻧﺔ وزادت ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧطﯾﺗﮭﺎ ﺧطﯾﺔ.
ﻓﻘد ﻓﻘد اﻟرؤﺳﺎء اﻟﺣﻛﻣﺔ واﻟﻣﻠوك واﻟﻛﮭﻧﺔ واﻷﻧﺑﯾﺎء وأﻋطوا ﷲ اﻟﻘﻔﺎ إذ أﺣﺳ وا أﻧﮭ م
ﺑﻌﯾ د ﻋﻧ ﮫ وﻋﺑ دوا اﻟﺣﺟ ر أي اﻵﻟﮭ ﺔ اﻟوﺛﻧﯾ ﺔ اﻟﺣﺟرﯾ ﺔ واﻟﻌ ود وھ ﻲ اﻵﻟﮭ ﺔ اﻟوﺛﻧﯾ ﺔ
اﻟﺧﺷﺑﯾﺔ.
وﻛﻠﻣﺔ إﻋطﺎء اﻟﻘﻔﺎ ﻧﻼﺣظﮭﺎ أن اﻟﻛﺎروﺑﯾم ﻟ ﮫ ﻓ ﻲ رأﺳ ﮫ أرﺑ ﻊ أوﺟ ﮫ وﻻ ﯾوﺟ د ﻟ ﮫ ﻗﻔ ﺎ
وﻛﻠﮫ ﻣﻶن ﻋﯾوﻧﺎ ھﻛذا ﻣن ﯾوﺟد ﻓﻲ ﺣﺿرة ﷲ داﺋﻣﺎ.
ﻓﻠﮭذا ﯾﺟب أن ﯾﻛون اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﻣﺛل اﻟﻛﺎروﺑﯾم ﯾﺗطﻠﻊ إﻟﻰ ﷲ ﺑﻼ ﻋﺎﺋق.
اﻟﺗﻌرج ﺑﯾن اﻟﻔرﻗﺗﯾن -:
ﻗﺎل ﷲ ﻟﮭم أﻧﮭم ﯾﻘوﻟون ﻟﻠﻌود أﻧت أﺑﻲ وﻟﻠﺣﺟر أﻧت وﻟدﺗﻧﻲ -:
أي ﺟﻌﻠوا اﻟﺣﺟر اﻟﻣ ذﻛر وھ و اﻟﺑﻌ ل ﻛ ﺎﻷﻧﺛﻰ ﺗﻠ د واﻟﻌ ود أي اﻟﻠ وح اﻟﺧﺷ ب أﻧ ت أﺑ ﻲ
وھو ﻣؤﻧث ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻛل اﻟﻌﺷﺗﺎروت.
ﻛﺄﻧﮭم ﺑﻌﺑﺎدة اﻷوﺛﺎن ﻓﻘدوا ﺣﺗﻰ اﻟﺗﻔﻛﯾر اﻟطﺑﯾﻌﻲ اﻟﻣﻣﻧوح ﻣن ﷲ.
٢٨
ﻓ ﺎ ﻗ ﺎل ﻟﮭ م ھ ل ﯾﺧﻠﺻ ﻛم اﻟﺣﺟ ر واﻷوﺛ ﺎن! ﻓ ﺈن ﺻ رﺧوا إﻟﯾ ﮫ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺿ ﯾﻘﺔ ﻓﮭ ل
ﯾﺧﻠﺻﮭم ..طﺑﻌﺎ ﻻ ﯾﺳﺗطﯾﻊ ﻓﻠﻣﺎذا ﯾﻌرﺟوا وﯾﺿﻌوا ﺟﺎﻧب ﷲ آﻟﮭﺔ ﻏرﯾﺑﺔ ﻟﺗﺧﻠﺻﮭم؟!
ﺛﻣﺎر ﺧطﺎﯾﺎ اﻟﺷﻌب -:
.١ھرﺑوا )اﻟﺷﻌب اﻟﯾﮭودي( ﻣن ﷲ ﻷﻧﮫ ﺻﺎر ﻟﮭم ﻛﺄرض ﺑرﯾﺔ وأرض ظﻼم -:
-ﻟم ﯾﻛن ﷲ ھﻛذا ﻛﻣﺎ ﯾﻘوﻟون ﻓﮭو ﯾﻌطﻲ ﻋطﺎﯾﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻛل اﻟﺑﺷر ﻣﺛل اﻟﺷ ﻣس واﻟﻣط ر
واﻟﻐذاء واﻟﮭواء وﻏﯾره ،أﻣﺎ اﻟﻌطﺎﯾﺎ اﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﯾﻌطﯾﮭﺎ ﻟﻣﺳﺗﺣﻘﯾﮭﺎ.
-ﻟم ﯾﻛن ﻟﮭ م ﷲ ﺑرﯾ ﺔ ﺑ ﻼ ﻣ ﺎء أو أرض ﻣظﻠﻣ ﺔ ﻓﻛ ﺎﻧوا ﻓ ﻲ أرض ﻣﺻ ر ﻓﺧﻠﺻ ﮭم ﻣ ن
ﻋﺑودﯾ ﺔ ﻓرﻋ ون وظﻠﻠﮭ م ﺑﻌﻣ ود اﻟﺳ ﺣﺎب وﻋﻣ ود اﻟﻧ ور وأﻋط ﺎھم اﻟﻣ ن واﻟﻣ ﺎء ﻣ ن
اﻟﺻ ﺧرة وأﻋط ﺎھم أرض ﻣﯾ راﺛﮭم أرض ﺗﻔ ﯾض ﻟﺑﻧ ﺎ ً وﻋﺳ ﻼ ً أرض ﺣﻧط ﺔ وﺷ ﻌﯾر
وزﯾﺗون وﻛروم.
-ﻟﻛن ﻟﻣﺎ ﺟﺎء رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع إﻟﯾﮭم ﺻ ﻠﺑوه ﻓﺻ ﺎر ﻟﮭ م ﷲ ﺑرﯾ ﺔ وظ ﻼم وأﻣ ﺎ ﻟﻸﻣ م ﻓﺻ ﺎر
ﻟﮭم ﻧور وﺧﻼص وﺛﻣﺎر.
-وﻟﻣﺎذا ﯾﻘوﻟون )اﻟﯾﮭود( ھﻛذا إذ طﺑﯾﻌﺔ ﷲ ﻧﺎر آﻛﻠﺔ )ﺗث (24:4ﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﻟﯾﺳت ﻧﺎر ﻣﺎدﯾﺔ
وھو ﻧور وﻟﯾس ﻓﯾﮫ ظﻠﻣﺔ اﻟﺑﺗﺔ )1ﯾو .(5:1
.٢ﺑﻛﺗﮭﺎ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧطﯾﺗﯾن ھﻣﺎ -:
ﻟﻣﺎذا ﺗﺣﺳن اﻟﮭﻧدام وﺗظﮭر اﻟﻣﺣﺑﺔ ﻟﻶﺧرﯾن؟
أذﯾﺎﻟﮭﺎ ﺑﮭﺎ دم اﻟﻣﺳﺎﻛﯾن واﻟﻔﻘراء.
أي وﺟ د ﺑﮭ ﺎ ﺧطﯾ ﺔ اﻟزﻧ ﻰ ﺳ واء اﻟروﺣ ﻲ أو اﻟﺟﺳ دي إذ أﺣﺳ ﻧت اﻟزﯾﻧ ﺔ اﻟﺧﺎرﺟﯾ ﺔ
وﻟﯾﺳ ت اﻟداﺧﻠﯾ ﺔ ﺣﺗ ﻰ ﺗﺟ ذب ﻟﮭ ﺎ ﻣﺣﺑ ﯾن وﺗظﮭ ر اﻟﻣﺣﺑ ﺔ ﻟﻛﻧﮭ ﺎ ﻣﺣﺑ ﺔ ﻏﺎﺷ ﺔ ﺗﺳ ﺑب
اﻟﺧطﯾﺔ وھﻲ ﺑﺳﺑب اﻟﺧطﯾﺔ وﻟﯾس ﻟﺳﺑب اﻟﺑر.
زﯾﻧت ﻧﻔﺳﮭﺎ ﻟﻛن ظﮭ ر ﻋﻠ ﻰ أذﯾ ﺎل ﺛوﺑﮭ ﺎ اﻟﻣ زرﻛش دﻣ ﺎء اﻟﻔﻘ راء واﻟﻣﺳ ﺎﻛﯾن اﻟ ذﯾن
ظﻠﻣﺗﮭم أورﺷﻠﯾم.
.٣ﺗﺑرﯾر ذاﺗﮭﺎ :أﺧطﺄت أورﺷﻠﯾم وﻗﺎﻟت ﻟم أﺧطﺊ ﻓﺎرﺗد ﻏﺿب ﷲ ﻋﻠﻲّ ،ﻓﻣن ھ و اﻟ ذي
ﯾﺗﺑرر أﻣﺎم ﷲ! ﻓﻌﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﺑرئ اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﻧﻔﺳﮫ ﯾﻛون ﻣﺗﮭﻣﺎ ﺑﺧطﺎﯾﺎ ﻛﺛﯾرة وﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﻌﺗرف
ﺑﺄﻧﮫ أﺧطﺄ ﯾرﻓﻊ ﷲ ﻋﻧﮫ ﺧطﺎﯾﺎه ﻷﻧﮫ أﻗر ﺑﮭﺎ.
.٤ﯾﺣطم ﻣﻛﺎﺳﺑﮭﺎ اﻟﺷرﯾرة -:
)ﺗﺧﺑطﮭﺎ ﺑﯾن ﻣﺻر وأﺷور( -:
ﻟم ﺗﻌﺗﻣد ﻋﻠﻰ ﷲ ﺑﻌدﻣﺎ اﻋﺗﻣدت ﻋﻠﻰ أﺷور وﺧزﯾت ﻣﻧﮭﺎ.
٢٩
ﻗررت أن ﺗﻌﺗﻣد ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺻر وﺳوف ﺗﺧزى ﻣﻧﮭﺎ ﺑل وﺗﺧرج إﻟﻰ اﻟﺳ ﺑﻲ واﺿ ﻌﺔ ﯾ دﯾﮭﺎ
ﻋﻠﻰ رأﺳﮭﺎ ﻷن ھذه ھﻲ ﺷرﯾﻌﺔ اﻟﻣﺳﺑﯾﯾن واﻟﺣزاﻧﻰ.
اﻹﺻﺣﺎح اﻟﺛﺎﻟث
ﷲ ﯾطﻠب ﻋروﺳﮫ )اﻟﺗوﺑﺔ واﻟرﺟوع إﻟﻰ ﷲ(
) (١ﷲ ﯾطﻠب ﻋروﺳﮫ )اﻟﻣطﻠﻘﺔ اﻟزاﻧﯾﺔ( -:
ﷲ ﯾطﻠب ﻋروﺳﮫ اﻟﺗﻲ طﻠﻘﮭﺎ وﺻ ﺎرت ﻟرﺟ ل آﺧ ر ﻣ ن ﻣﺣﺑﺗ ﮫ ﻟﮭ ﺎ رﻏ م أن ھ ذا ﺿ د
اﻟﺷرﯾﻌﺔ )ﺗث ،(٤ -١ :٢٤ﻟﻛن ﻣﺣﺑﺗ ﮫ أﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻣ ن اﻟﺷ رﯾﻌﺔ إذ دﺧ ل ط رف ﺛﺎﻟ ث ﺑ ﯾن
ﷲ وﻋروﺳﮫ.
أﻣﺎ ﻋن ﺻﻔﺎت ھذه اﻟﻌروس اﻟﻣطﻠﻘﺔ ﻓﮭﻲ -:
.١ﺗزوﺟت ﺑرﺟل آﺧر :طﻠﻘت ﻣن ﷲ وﺗزوﺟ ت ﺑرﺟ ل آﺧ ر ﺣﺗ ﻰ ﻟ و ﻣ ﺎت ھ ذا اﻵﺧ ر ﻻ
ﯾﺟوز ﻟﮭﺎ اﻟرﺟوع )ﺗث .(٤ -١ :٢٤
.٢ﻟﮭﺎ أﺻﺣﺎب زﻧﺎة ﻛﺛﯾرون :ﻟم ﺗﺳ ﻘط ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺧطﯾ ﺔ ﻋ ن ﻏواﯾ ﺔ ﺑواﺳ طﺔ أﺣ د ﻟﻛ ن ﺑﻛ ل
رﻏﺑﺗﮭ ﺎ ﺑ ل أﺻ ﺑﺣت ﺗﻌﻣ ل ھ ذا ﺑﻛ ل ﺗﺳ ﻠط دون ﺣﯾ ﺎء وﻗ د ﻓﺳ ر اﻵﺑ ﺎء أن اﻟزﻧ ﺎة
اﻟﻛﺛﯾرﯾن ھم اﻟﺷﯾﺎطﯾن اﻟذﯾن أﻏووا أورﺷﻠﯾم ﺑﻌﻣﻠﮭﺎ ھذا.
.٣ﺧﯾﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛل ﻣﻛﺎن :ﻓﻘد ﻛﺎﻧت ﺗﻌﻣل ﺧﯾﺎﻧﺗﮭﺎ ﻣن ﻋﺑﺎدة اﻵﻟﮭﺔ اﻟﻐرﯾﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﮭﺿﺎب،
وﻓ ﻲ اﻟطرﻗ ﺎت ﺗﺟﻠ س ﻛﺎﻟرﺟ ل اﻷﻋراﺑ ﻲ ﺗﻧﺗظ ر ﻣ ن ﺗﺧط ﺊ ﻣﻌ ﮫ وﺣﺗ ﻰ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺑرﯾ ﺔ
ﻓﺻﺎرت ﻛل اﻷراﺿﻲ ﻧﺟﺳﺔ ﺑﺳﺑﺑﮭﺎ.
.٤ﻧﺗﺎج ﺷرورھﺎ اﻣﺗﻧﺎع اﻟﻐﯾث واﻟﻣطر اﻟﻣﺗﺄﺧر.
.٥ﻟﮭﺎ ﺟﺑﮭﺔ زاﻧﯾﺔ :إذ ﻛﺎﻧت ﻧﺳﺎء إﺳراﺋﯾل ﻟﮭﺎ ﺑرﻗﻊ أو ﻏطﺎء ﻟﻠرأس أﻣﺎ اﻟﻣرأة اﻟزاﻧﯾﺔ
ﻓﺗﺿﻊ ﻋﻼﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺑﮭﺗﮭﺎ ﺣﺗﻰ ﯾﻌرﻓﮭﺎ ﻛل ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻲ اﻟﺷر ﻟﯾﺧطﺋوا ﻣﻌﮭﺎ ﻓﺻﺎرت ﺻ ﻠدة
اﻟوﺟﮫ ﻣﺗﺟﺎﺳرة ﻏﯾر ﺧﺟﻠﺔ ﻣن أﺟل ﺧطﺎﯾﺎھﺎ.
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.٦ﷲ أب رﻏم زﯾﻐﺎن ﻋروﺳﮫ :أﻟﯾس أورﺷﻠﯾم ﺗدﻋو ﷲ رﺑﮭﺎ ﯾﻌرﻓﮭ ﺎ ﻣﻧ ذ ﺻ ﺑﺎھﺎ ﻓﮭ و
ﻻ ﯾﻐﺿب ﻋﻠﯾﮭﺎ إﻟﻰ اﻷﺑد ﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﯾرق إﻟﯾﮭﺎ ﻟﻛﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﻘول ﺑﺎﻟﺑر وﻻ ﺗﻌﻣل ﺑ ﮫ ،ﻓﻘ ﺎل ﷲ ھ ل
ﺗﻛﻠﻣت وﻋﻣﻠت؟ ﻓﮭﻲ ﺗﻛﻠﻣت وﻟم ﺗﻌﻣل ﻟﻛﻧﮭﺎ ﻋﻣﻠت اﺳﺗطﺎﻋﺗﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺷر ﻓﻘط.
) (٢ﺧطﺔ ﷲ ﻟﻌودة ﯾﮭوذا -:
.١ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﺧﯾﺎﻧﺔ إﺳراﺋﯾل وﯾﮭوذا -:
ﺑدأ ھ ذا اﻟﺗ ﺎرﯾﺦ ﺑﺎﻧﻘﺳ ﺎم اﻟﻣﻣﻠﻛ ﺔ ،إذ ﺗﺑ ﻊ اﻟﻌﺷ ر أﺳ ﺑﺎط ﯾرﺑﻌ ﺎم ﺑ ن ﻧﺑ ﺎط ،واﻟﺳ ﺑطﺎن
ﯾﮭوذا وﺑﻧﯾﺎﻣﯾن رﺣﺑﻌﺎم.
ﻓﺈﺳ راﺋﯾل ﺣﺎرﺑ ت ﷲ ﻋﻼﻧﯾ ﺔ إذ أﻗ ﺎم ﯾرﺑﻌ ﺎم ﻋﺟ ﻼ ذھﺑﯾ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ دان ﻓ ﻲ أﻗﺻ ﻰ اﻟﺷ ﻣﺎل
وﻓﻲ ﺑﯾت إﯾل ﻗرب ﯾﮭوذا ﺣﺗﻰ ﯾﻧﺳﻰ اﻟﺷﻌب اﻟﮭﯾﻛل وﻻ ﯾﺣﻧوا إﻟﯾﮫ وﻻ ﯾﻌودوا ﯾطﻠﺑوا
ﷲ.
أﻧﺷﺄ ﯾرﺑﻌﺎم ﻛﮭﻧﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺟل طﺑﻌﺎ ﻟﯾﺳوا ﻣن ﺳﺑط ﻻوي )٢ﻣل(.
وﺑﮭذا أﺧطﺄ ﻛل ﻣﻠوك وﺷﻌب إﺳراﺋﯾل إذ ﺳﻠﻛوا ﻓﻲ طرﯾق ﯾرﺑﻌﺎم ﺑن ﻧﺑ ﺎط اﻟ ذي ﺟﻌ ل
إﺳراﺋﯾل ﯾﺧطﺊ.
وازداد اﻟﺷر أﻛﺛر ﻓﻲ ﻋﮭد أﺧﺎب ﺑواﺳطﺔ زوﺟﺗ ﮫ اﻟﻔﯾﻧﯾﻘﯾ ﺔ إﯾزاﺑ ل اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﻋﻣﻠ ت ھﯾﻛ ل
ﻟﻠﺑﻌل ﻓﻲ ﯾزرﻋﯾل وﻛﺎن ﻛﮭﻧ ﺔ اﻟﺑﻌ ل واﻟﺳ واري ﯾ ﺄﻛﻠوا ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻣﺎﺋ دﺗﮭﺎ إﻟ ﻰ أن أﺑ ﺎد ﷲ
أﺧﺎب وﻧﺳﻠﮫ ﺑواﺳطﺔ آرام وﯾﺎھو ﺑن ﻧﻣﺷﻲ.
ﻟﻛن ﻣ ﻊ ھ ذا ظ ل ﺷ ﻌب إﺳ راﺋﯾل ﺿ د ﷲ ﻓﻠﮭ ذا ﺳ ﺑﺎه ﷲ ﺑواﺳ طﺔ اﻷﺷ ورﯾﯾن وﻛﺄﻧ ﮫ
طﻠق إﺳراﺋﯾل ﻓﺗرﻛت ﺑﯾت اﻟزوﺟﯾﺔ وھﻲ إﺳراﺋﯾل إﻟﻰ أﺷور.
أﻣﺎ ﯾﮭوذا ﻓﻠم ﺗﺗﻌظ وظﻠت ﺧﺎﺋﻧﺔ ﻗرﻧﺎ ﺑﻌد ﺳﺑﻲ إﺳراﺋﯾل ﺑواﺳطﺔ أﺷور ) 721ق.م(.
ﻟﻛ ن ﯾﮭ وذا ﻛﺎﻧ ت ﺿ د ﷲ ﻟﻛﻧﮭ ﺎ ﺗظ ﺎھرت أﻧﮭ ﺎ ﻣﻌ ﮫ ﺗﻘ دم اﻟ ذﺑﺎﺋﺢ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﮭﯾﻛ ل وﯾ رﻣم
ﻣﻠوﻛﮭﺎ اﻟﮭﯾﻛل.
ﻟﻛ ن ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺣﻘﯾﻘ ﺔ زﻧ ت ﻣ ﻊ اﻟﺣﺟ ر واﻟﺧﺷ ب وﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻛ ل ﺗ ل أو ﻣرﺗﻔ ﻊ أﺧﺿ ر وﻋﺑ دت
اﻟﺑﻌل.
ظﻧت ﯾﮭوذا أن ﷲ ﻻ ﯾﺳﺑﯾﮭم ﺑﺳﺑب وﺟود اﻟﮭﯾﻛل ﻷﻧﮫ ھﯾﻛﻠﮫ.
رﻏ م وﺟ ود ﻋ دد ﻏﯾ ر ﻗﻠﯾ ل ﻣ ن ﻣﻠوﻛﮭ ﺎ ﺻ ﺎﻟﺣﯾن ﻟﻛ ن اﻟﺷ ﻌب ﻛ ﺎن وﺻ ل إﻟ ﻰ ﺣﺎﻟ ﺔ
اﻟﻼﻋودة ﻣن اﻟﺷر.
.٢ﯾﻧطﺑق ﻣﺎ ﺣدث ﻓﻲ إﺳراﺋﯾل وﯾﮭوذا ﻋﻠﯾﻧﺎ !
" ﻓﻘﻠت ﺑﻌدﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻠت ﻛل ھذه ارﺟﻌﻲ إﻟﻰ ﻓﻠم ﺗرﺟﻊ .ﻓرأت اﺧﺗﮭﺎ اﻟﺧﺎﺋﻧﺔ ﯾﮭوذا ".
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إذ ﻛﺎﻧ ت إﺳ راﺋﯾل اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﻋ رف آﺑﺎؤھ ﺎ إﺑ راھﯾم وإﺳ ﺣق وﯾﻌﻘ وب ﺑﺎﻹﯾﻣ ﺎن واﻟﻘداﺳ ﺔ
ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﻋﺑدت اﻷوﺛ ﺎن واﻧﺣ درت إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﺷ ر ﻗ د رﻓﺿ ﮭﺎ ﷲ وﺳ ﺑﺎھﺎ وھ دم ھﯾﻛﻠﮭ ﺎ إﻟ ﻰ
ﻏﯾر رﺟﻌﺔ ﻓﻛم ﻧﻛون ﻧﺣن اﻟذﯾن ﺻرﻧﺎ ﻣﺛل ﯾﮭوذا إذ ﻟ م ﻧ ﺗﻌظ ﺑﻣ ﺎ ﺣ دث ﻓ ﻲ إﺳ راﺋﯾل
ﺳﯾﺣدث ﻟﻧﺎ ﻛﻣﺎ ﺣدث ﻟﯾﮭوذا.
ﺑل ﻧﺣن أﺻﻼ ﻛﻧﺎ ﻧﻌﺑد اﻷوﺛ ﺎن ودﻋﺎﻧ ﺎ ﷲ إﻟ ﻰ ﻣﻌرﻓﺗ ﮫ وﺻ رﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻹﯾﻣ ﺎن واﻟﻣﻌﻣودﯾ ﺔ
ورﺛﺔ ﺧﯾرات اﻵﺑﺎء وإﯾﻣﺎﻧﮭم وﺻ رﻧﺎ أوﻻد ﻟﻶﺑ ﺎء إﺑ راھﯾم وإﺳ ﺣق وﯾﻌﻘ وب ﻟﻛ ن إن
ﺗﻛﺑرﻧﺎ وﻋﻣﻠﻧﺎ ﻣﺛل إﺳراﺋﯾل ذات اﻷﺳﺑﺎط اﻟﻌﺷرة أو ﯾﮭوذا ﻓﺳﻧﺻﯾر ﻣﺛ ل ﻧﮭ ﺎﯾﺗﮭم ﺑ ﻼ
ھﯾﻛل وﺑﻼ ﻋﺑﺎدة وﻧطرح ﻓﻲ اﻟظﻠﻣﺔ اﻟﺧﺎرﺟﯾﺔ إذ ﻋﻣ ل ﷲ ھ ذا ﻣ ﻊ ﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ أﻓﻠ م ﯾﻣﻛﻧ ﮫ
أن ﯾﻌﻣ ل ھ ذا ﻣﻌﻧ ﺎ ...ﻣﻣﻛ ن إن ﻟ م ﻧﺗ ب إﻟﯾ ﮫ ﺑﻛ ل ﻗﻠوﺑﻧ ﺎ وﻧﺻ ﯾر ﺑﻛ ل دﻗ ﺎﺋق ﺣﯾﺎﺗﻧ ﺎ
ﻣﻘدﺳﯾن ﻟﮫ.
.٣أﻧﮭﺎ ﻧﺟﺳت اﻷرض وزﻧت ﻣﻊ اﻟﺣﺟر وﻣﻊ اﻟﺷﺟر -:
oﻟﻘد ﺧﻠق ﷲ اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﺳﯾد ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛل اﻟﺧﻠﯾﻘﺔ ﺣﺗﻰ ﯾﺳﺗﺧدﻣﮭﺎ وﺻﺎر ﻛﻣﻠك ﻓﻲ ﻗﺻره ﻟ ﮫ
إﻣﻛﺎﻧﯾﺎت ﺟﺑﺎرة.
oﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﺑﻌدم طﺎﻋﺔ وﺻﯾﺔ ﷲ ﺳﻘط وﻋﺑد اﻟﺣﺟﺎرة وﻋﻣل ﻣﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﻣﺎﺛﯾل ﻟﻠﻌﺑﺎدة وﺻﻧﻊ ﻣن
اﻟﺧﺷب ھﯾﺎﻛل ﻟﯾﻌﺑدھﺎ ﻓﯾﮭﺎ.
oﻓﺗﻧﺟﺳت اﻷرض ﺑﺧطﯾﺔ آدم إذ ﺻﺎرت ﺗﻧﺗﺞ ﺷوﻛﺎ وﺣﺳﻛﺎ ھذا اﻟذي رﻓﻌﮫ رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳ وع
ﻓوق رأﺳﮫ ﻛﺈﻛﻠﯾل ﺷوك ﻟﯾرﻓﻊ ﻋﻧﺎ ﻟﻌﻧﺔ اﻟﺧطﯾﺔ.
oوﻗد ﺗﻛررت ﻛﻠﻣﺔ ارﺟﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ھ ذا اﻟﺳ ﻔر ﻓﮭ و ﺳ ﻔر اﻟﺗوﺑ ﺔ واﻟﺗوﺑ ﺔ ھ ﻲ اﻟرﺟ وع إﻟ ﻰ
ﷲ.
oﷲ ﯾﻐﺿب ﻟﯾس ﺑﺳﺑب اﻟﺧطﯾﺔ إذ ﻗد ﺗﻛون ﺑﺳﺑب اﻟﺿﻌف اﻟﺑﺷري ﻟﻛن ﯾﻐﺿب ﺑﺳ ﺑب
ﻋدم اﻟرﺟوع واﻟرﻏﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺑﻘﺎء ﺑﻌﯾدا ﻋﻧﮫ وﻋدم اﻟﺗﻐﯾر ،ﻟﻛن اﻟﻧﻔس ﻋﻠﯾﮭﺎ أن ﺗﻌرف
أن ﷲ ﯾﻧﺎدﯾﮭﺎ أن ﺗرﺟﻊ ﻓﻼ ﯾﻌود ﯾ ذﻛر ﻟﮭ ﺎ ﻣﺎﺿ ﯾﮭﺎ إن رﺟﻌ ت ﻓ ﻼ ﺗﯾ ﺄس ﻓ ﺈن اﻟزﻧ ﺎة
ﯾﺳﺑﻘوﻧﻧﺎ إﻟﻰ ﻣﻠﻛوت اﻟﺳﻣوات وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻔﺿﻼء أن ﯾﺧﺎﻓوا ﻣن اﻟﺳﻘوط أﯾﺿﺎ.
.٤ﺧطر اﻟرﺟوع اﻟﻛﺎذب إذ ﯾﻘول ﻋن ﯾﮭوذا ﻟم ﺗرﺟﻊ ﺑﻛل ﻗﻠﺑﮭﺎ ﺑل ﺑﺎﻟﻛذب ﯾﻘول اﻟرب -:
إذ ﯾﻘول اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﺳﻼم وﻻ ﺳﻼم وﯾ وھم ﻧﻔﺳ ﮫ ﺑﺎﻟﺗوﺑ ﺔ وﻻ ﺗوﺑ ﺔ ﻣﺛﻠﻣ ﺎ ﻋﻣﻠ ت ﯾﮭ وذا،
ﻓﺎﻟﺗوﺑﺔ ﻋودة إﻟﻰ ﷲ وﻋدم اﻟﻌودة إﻟﻰ اﻟﺷر ﻣطﻠﻘﺎ.
ﻓﻣﮭﻣﺎ ﺣﺎول اﻹﻧﺳﺎن أن ﯾزﯾن ﻧﻔﺳﮫ ﺑﺑرﻗ ﻊ اﻟﺳ ﻼم اﻟﻛ ﺎذب ﻓ ﺈن ﷲ ﯾظﮭ ر ﻟ ﮫ ﻣﻌرﻓﺗ ﮫ
ﺑﺄﻏواره ﻓﮭو ﻓﺎﺣص اﻟﻘﻠوب واﻟﻛﻠﻲ.
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.٥طرﯾق اﻟﺗوﺑﺔ -ﺧطوات اﻟﺗوﺑﺔ -:
.١اﻟرﺟوع إﻟﻰ ﷲ :دﻋﻲ ﷲ اﻟﻧﻔس اﻟﺑﺷرﯾﺔ ﻟﻠرﺟوع إﻟﯾﮫ ﻷن ﷲ ﯾﺷﺗﺎق إﻟ ﻰ رﺟوﻋﻧ ﺎ
إﻟﯾﮫ وإﻟﻰ ﺧﻼﺻﻧﺎ ﻣﮭﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن وﺿ ﻌﻧﺎ وﺧطﺎﯾﺎﻧ ﺎ وﺣﺎﻟﻧ ﺎ أﻛﺛ ر ﻣﻣ ﺎ ﻧﺷ ﺗﺎق ﻧﺣ ن ﻟﻛﻧ ﮫ ﻻ
ﯾﻘﺗﺣم اﻟﻧﻔس ﻓﮭو ﯾﻧﺎدﯾﮭﺎ أن ﺗرﺟﻊ !!
.٢اﻟﺗﻌرف ﻋﻠﻰ ﷲ )اﻟ رؤوف اﻟ ذي ﻻ ﯾﺣﻘ د إﻟ ﻰ اﻷﺑ د( :ﻣﮭﻣ ﺎ ﻛﺎﻧ ت ﺣﺎﻟ ﺔ اﻟ ﻧﻔس ﻓ ﺎ
ﻣﺳﺗﻌد أن ﯾﻐﻔر ﻷﻧﮫ رؤوف وﻣﺗﺣﻧن ﻓﮭﻲ دﻋ وة ﻟﻠﺗﻌ رف ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻣﺣﺑ ﺔ ﷲ ﻟﻠﺑﺷ ر اﻟﺗ ﻲ
ﺗﻔوق ﻛل وﺻف ﻓﮭو ﻻ ﯾﺣﻘد إﻟﻰ اﻷﺑد وﻟﯾس إﻟﮭﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﯾﺎ وﻟﯾس ﻋﺎدﻻ دون رﺣﻣﺔ.
.٣اﻻﻋﺗراف ﺑﺎﻟﺧطﯾﺔ " اﻋرﻓﻲ ﻓﻘط إﺛﻣك" -:
ﯾرﯾد ﷲ ﻣن إﺳراﺋﯾل اﻟﻌﺎﺻﯾﺔ وﻣن اﻟﻧﻔس أن ﺗﻌ رف إﺛﻣﮭ ﺎ ﻓ ﺈن ﻋ رف اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن إﺛﻣ ﮫ
رﺟﻊ ﻋﻧﮫ وﺗﺎب .
وﯾﻘول ﯾوﺣﻧﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﯾﺎن أن اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﺗﻘدم ﻣن درﺟﺔ إﻟﻰ درﺟﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺗﺄﻣ ل ﻓ ﻲ ﷲ
ﻣﻊ ﺻﻔﺎء اﻟذھن ﯾﺟد أو ﯾﻌرف ﻣدى ﺣﻘﺎرﺗﮫ اﻟﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﻧت ﻟﮫ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ !!
.٤ﻛل ﺧطﯾ ﺔ ﻣوﺟﮭ ﺔ إﻟ ﻰ ﷲ " إﻟ ﻰ اﻟ رب اذﻧﺑﺗ ﻲ" :ﻛ ل ﺧطﯾ ﺔ ﻣوﺟﮭ ﺔ ﻟ ﯾس ﻓﻘ ط إﻟ ﻰ
اﻟﺑﺷر ﺑل أﺻﻼ إﻟ ﻰ ﷲ ﺧ ﺎﻟق ھ ؤﻻء اﻟﺑﺷ ر ﻟﮭ ذا ﺻ رخ داود ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻣزﻣ ور 51ﻗ ﺎﺋﻼ
"ﻟك وﺣدك أﺧطﺄت واﻟﺷر ﻗداﻣك ﺻﻧﻌت" ،وھ ذا ﻋﻧ دﻣﺎ ﺗ ﺎب وﻋ وم ﻛ ل ﻟﯾﻠ ﺔ ﺳ رﯾره
ﺑدﻣوﻋﮫ.
.٥إدراﻛﻧﺎ ﻟﻣرﻛزﻧﺎ " ارﺟﻌوا أﯾﮭﺎ اﻟﺑﻧ ﯾن اﻟﻌﺻ ﺎة" :ﻣ ن أﺷ ﻧﻊ ﻣ ﺎ ﯾﻛ ون أن ﻧﺧط ﺊ إﻟ ﻰ
أﺑوﻧﺎ أو ﯾﺧطﺊ اﻷﺑﻧﺎء إﻟﻰ واﻟدﯾﮭم ﻓﮭذا ﻓﻲ ﺑﻧﻲ اﻟﺑﺷر ﺻﻌب ﺟدا ﻓﻛ م ﯾﻛ ون ﻋﻧ د ﷲ
ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﻧﺻﺑﺢ ﻋﺻﺎه وﻧﺣن أﺑﻧﺎؤه...
.٦ﷲ وﺣده ھو اﻟﻣﺧﻠص " ارﺟﻌوا إﻟﻲ ﻓﺄﺷﻔﻲ ﻋﺻﯾﺎﻧﻛم" :اﻟﺛﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻣل ﷲ وﻓﻲ ﷲ
أﻧﮫ اﻟﻣﺧﻠص ھﻲ أﺳﺎس اﻟﺧﻼص ﻣن اﻟﺧطﺎﯾﺎ وھو وﺣده اﻟﻣﺧﻠص ﻛﻣﺎ ﯾﻘ ول إﺷ ﻌﯾﺎء
اﻟﻧﺑﻲ وھو اﻟﺷﺎﻓﻲ ﻣن اﻟﻌﺻﯾﺎن ﻷﻧﮫ ھو وﺣده اﻟطﺑﯾب.
ﻣن ھم ھؤﻻء اﻟراﺟﻌﯾن إﻟﻰ ﷲ ؟
ھؤﻻء ھم اﻟﯾﮭود أي إﺳراﺋﯾل ﻛﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ )إر.(٢٠ ،١٩ :٣
وھم أﯾﺿﺎ اﻷﻣم ﻛﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ )إر .(22:3
-ﻓﻘد ﻋﺻت إﺳراﺋﯾل ﷲ وﻋﺑدت اﻷوﺛﺎن وﻋﺻت اﻷﻣم وﻋﺑ دت أﯾﺿ ﺎ اﻷوﺛ ﺎن ﻟﻛ ن ﷲ
ﯾدﻋو اﻟﻛل ﻟﻠرﺟ وع ﺣﺗ ﻰ ﺗﻛﻣ ل اﻟﻛﻧﯾﺳ ﺔ إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﻣ لء وإن ﻋﺻ ت إﺳ راﺋﯾل ﻗ دﯾﻣﺎ ﺣﺗ ﻰ
ﯾدﺧل اﻷﻣم ﻓﺈﻧﮭﺎ ﺳﺗرﺟﻊ ﻓﻲ أواﺧر اﻷﯾﺎم ﻛﻣﺎ ﯾﻘول ﻣﻌﻠﻣﻧﺎ ﺑوﻟس ﻓﻲ )رو.(26:11
.٦ﺑرﻛﺎت اﻟرﺟوع إﻟﻰ ﷲ -:
٣٣
(١ﯾﺿﻣﻧﺎ إﻟﻰ ﻛﻧﯾﺳﺗﮫ ﺣﺗﻰ ﻟو ﻛﺎن اﻟراﺟﻊ واﺣ د :ﺑ ﯾن ھﻧ ﺎ أھﻣﯾ ﺔ اﻟ ﻧﻔس اﻟواﺣ دة اﻟﺗ ﻲ
ﺗرﺟﻊ إﻟﯾﮫ ﻓﺈن رﻓﺿت اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﻛﻠﮭﺎ أن ﺗرﺟﻊ وﻛﺎن واﺣد ﻓﻘط ﻓﻲ وﺳط اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﯾﻘﺑﻠ ﮫ
وإن رﻓﺿﺗﮫ ﻛل اﻟﻌﺷﺎﺋر ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘرى ورﺟﻊ اﺛﻧﺎن ﻓﻘط ﯾﻘﺑﻠﮭم.
-ﻟﻘد ﻛﺎن اﻟﻌ ﺎﻟم ﻛﻠ ﮫ وﺛﻧﯾ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ ﻋﮭ د إﺑ راھﯾم وﻛﻠ م اﻟ رب إﺑ راھﯾم ﻓ ﺂﻣن ﺑ ﮫ وﺑﺎرﻛ ﮫ ﷲ
وﺻﺎر ﺷﻌﺑﺎ ﻣﻘدﺳﺎ وأﺻﺑﺢ ھو أﯾﺿﺎ أﺳﺎس ﻛﻧﯾﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﺟدﯾد ﻣن ﺟﮭﺔ إﯾﻣﺎﻧﮫ.
(٢ﯾرﺳل ﷲ رﻋﺎة ﻣﻘدﺳﯾن ﻟﮭم ﻣﻌرﻓﺔ ﺣﺳب ﻗﻠب ﷲ :إذ ﻗد ﯾﺟﻌل ﷲ اﻟﺧدام أو اﻟرﻋﺎة
ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻗﺳوة ﺑﺳﺑب ﺗﺑﻠد اﻟرﻋﯾﺔ ﻓﻠﮭذا ﻻ ﯾدﯾن أﺣد ﻣن اﻟرﻋﯾﺔ اﻟﺧدام ﺑل ﯾدﯾن ﻧﻔﺳﮫ
أن ﻗﺳﺎوﺗﮫ ﺟﻌﻠت اﻟﺧدام ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻗﺳوة ﺣﺗﻰ ﺗﺗوب اﻟرﻋﯾﺔ.
-ﻓﯾرﺳل ﷲ رﻋﺎة ﺣﺳب ﻗﻠﺑﮫ ﻟﮭم ﻣﻌرﻓﺔ روﺣﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ھﻲ أﻋظ م ﻋطﯾ ﺔ ﯾﻌطﯾﮭ ﺎ اﻟ روح
اﻟﻘدس ﻟﺧداﻣﮫ ﻟﯾرﻋوا اﻟﺷﻌب ﺑﻔﮭم إﻟﻰ ﻣراﻋﻲ اﻟﻣﻌرﻓﺔ ﺣﯾث ﯾﻌﻠن ﷲ ﻟﻠراﻋ ﻲ أﻣ ور
روﺣﯾﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﯾﺔ ﻓﯾﺗﮭﻠل ﻣﻊ رﻋﯾﺗﮫ.
(٣اﻟﺛﻣر اﻟﻣﺗﻛﺎﺛر :إذ ﯾﺻﯾر اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﺑرﻛﺔ ﺣﺗﻰ ﻟﻛل ﺟﯾﻠﮫ ﻓﺑﺳ ﺑب ﯾوﺳ ف ﺑ ﺎرك ﷲ ﺑﯾ ت
ﻓوطﯾﻔﺎر ﺑل ﻛل أرض ﻣﺻر ﺑﺳﺑب ﺣﻛﻣﺔ ﯾوﺳف.
-وﺑﺎرك ﷲ ﻓﻲ ﺑﯾت ﻓرﻋون ﺑﺳﺑب إﺑراھﯾم.
-ھﻛذا ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﺑﺎرك ﷲ إﻧﺳﺎن ﯾرﺟﻊ إﻟﯾﮫ ﻓﯾﻛون ﺑرﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛل وﻓﻲ ﻛل وﻗت.
(٤ﯾرﺟﻊ إﻟﯾﻧﺎ ﺑﻧﻔﺳ ﮫ )ﻻ ﯾﻌ ودوا ﯾ ذﻛروا ﺗ ﺎﺑوت اﻟﻌﮭ د( :ﻻ ﯾﻌ ود اﻟﺑﺷ ر ﺧﺻوﺻ ﺎ ﺣﺗ ﻰ
اﻟﯾﮭ ود ﯾﺗﻛﻠﻣ وا ﻋ ن ﺗ ﺎﺑوت اﻟﻌﮭ د أﻧ ﮫ أﺳ ﺎس اﻟﻌﻼﻗ ﺔ ﻣ ﻊ ﷲ وﻻ ﯾﻌ د ﺣﺗ ﻰ ﯾﺧط ر
ﺑﺄﻓﻛ ﺎرھم وﻻ ﯾذﻛروﻧ ﮫ ﺑﻠﺳ ﺎﻧﮭم وﻻ ﯾﺗﻌﮭدوﻧ ﮫ أو ﯾﮭﺗﻣ وا ﺑ ﮫ أو ﯾﺻ ﻧﻌوﻧﮫ ﻓﮭ و اﻟ ذي
ﺗﻛون اﻟﺣﺿرة اﻹﻟﮭﯾﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏطﺎﺋﮫ وھو اﻟﺣﺎوي ﻟوﺣﻲ اﻟﺷرﯾﻌﺔ وﻗﺳط اﻟﻣن.
-ﺑل ھذا ﻛﻠﮫ رﻣوز ﻓﯾﺻﯾر ﷲ ﻣﻌروﻓﺎ وﻟﻛﻧﯾﺳ ﺗﮫ ﻋﻼﻗ ﺔ ﻗوﯾ ﺔ ﺑ ﮫ ،أن ﯾﺗﺟﺳ د ﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ ﷲ
اﻟﺧﺑز اﻟﺣﻲ اﻟﻧﺎزل ﻣن اﻟﺳﻣﺎء ﻓﻼ ﯾﻌ وز اﻟﺑﺷ ر ﺷ ﻲء ﻣ ن اﻟرﻣ وز اﻟﻘدﯾﻣ ﺔ ﻛﻣ ﺎ ﺣ دث
ﻓﻲ ﻛﻧﯾﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﺟدﯾد.
(٥رﺟ وع اﻷﻣ م إﻟ ﻰ ﷲ :إذ ﺗرﺟ ﻊ اﻷﻣ م ﻻﺳ م اﻟ رب أي ﺷﺧﺻ ﮫ أو ﻣﺟ ده ﻛﻣ ﺎ ﯾﻘ ول
اﻟﻘدﯾس ﻛﯾرﻟس اﻟﻛﺑﯾر ،وﯾﻛون ھ ذا اﻟرﺟ وع إﻟ ﻰ أورﺷ ﻠﯾم ﺣﯾ ث وﻟ دت ﻛﻧﯾﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻌﮭ د
اﻟﺟدﯾد وﯾﻛون اﻷﻣم ﻓﻲ طﺎﻋﺔ ﷲ ﻻ ﯾﻌودوا ﯾﻣﺷ ون وراء ﻋﻧ ﺎد ﻗﻠ وﺑﮭم إذ ﯾﺗﻣﺳ ﻛون
ﺑﻛﻧﯾﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﺟدﯾد وأورﺷﻠﯾم اﻟﺳﻣﺎﺋﯾﺔ.
(٦اﻟﺷ ﻔﺎء ﻣ ن اﻟطﺑﯾﻌ ﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺳ ﯾﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠ ﺔ ﻓﯾﻧ ﺎ :ﯾﺷ ﻔﻲ ﷲ أﺑﻧ ﺎءه اﻟﻌﺎﺻ ﯾن ﺑﻌﻣ ل روﺣ ﮫ
اﻟﻘدوس ﻓ ﻲ داﺧﻠﮭ م ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻌﮭ د اﻟﺟدﯾ د إذ ﺑﺎﻟﺗوﺑ ﺔ ﺑﻌﻣ ل اﻟ روح اﻟﻘ دس ﯾﺗﺟ دد اﻟ داﺧل
ﯾوﻣﺎ ﻓﯾوﻣﺎ واﻟروح اﻟﻘدس ھو اﻟذي أﺧذﻧﺎه ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﻌﻣودﯾﺔ وﺳر اﻟﻣﯾرون.
.٧ﻣﺿﺎر اﻟﻌﺻﯾﺎن -:
٣٤
.١ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﻛﺎن اﻟذي ُﻋﻣِل ﻓﯾﮫ اﻟﺷ ر ﺑواﺳ طﺔ ﺷ ﻌب إﺳ راﺋﯾل ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﮭﺿ ﺎب ﯾﻛ ون ﻓﯾ ﮫ
ﻣذﻟﺗﮭم وﺑﻛﺎءھم ﺣﯾث ﯾﺳﺎﻗون إﻟﻰ اﻟﺳﺑﻲ ﻷﻧﮭم ﻋوﺟوا طرﯾﻘﮭم.
.٢ﻓﻘدان اﻟﺳﻼم اﻟداﺧﻠﻲ وھو ﺛﻣر اﻟدﺧول ﻓﻲ اﻟطرﯾق اﻟﻣﻌوج.
.٣اﻻﻋﺗﻣﺎد اﻟﺑﺎطل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻵﻟﮭﺔ اﻟﻛﺎذﺑﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ﯾﻌﺑدھﺎ اﻟﺷ ﻌب ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻵﻛ ﺎم إذ ﻛﺎﻧ ت ﺗﺿ ر
روﺣﯾﺎ وﻻ ﺗﻔﯾد إذ ﻻ ﺗﻌطﯾﮭم ﻣﺎ ﯾطﻠﺑوﻧﮫ ،وﻛﻠﻣﺔ آﻛ ﺎم ﺗﻌﻧ ﻲ اﻟﺧﻼﻋ ﺔ ،ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﻌﻛ س
إﻟﮫ إﺳراﺋﯾل ﷲ ﯾﻌطﻲ اﻟﺧﻼص وﺑرﻛﺎت ﻛﺛﯾرة ﺟدا ،ﻓﻘ د ﻛﺎﻧ ت أﻋﻣ ﺎل ﻣوﺳ ﻰ ﺑﻘ وة
ﷲ وﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﺟدﯾد وﺟِد ﺳﯾﻣون اﻟذي ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳﺎﻣرة ﯾﻌﻣل آﯾﺎت ﺑﺎھرة ﺑﻘوة إﺑﻠﯾس
ﻓﻲ )أع (10:8وھﻲ طﺑﻌﺎ ﻣﺧﺎدﻋﺔ )2ﺗس.(9:2
.٤اﻟ دﺧول إﻟ ﻰ ﺧ زي وﻋ ﺎر اﻟﺧطﯾ ﺔ :اﻵﺑ ﺎء اﻟ ذﯾن ﯾ ﺗﻛﻠم ﻋﻠ ﯾﮭم إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ھ م إﺑ راھﯾم
وإﺳﺣق وﯾﻌﻘوب اﻟذﯾن أﺧطﺄ إﻟﯾﮭم أﺑﻧﺎؤھم اﻟﯾﮭود وﺿﯾﻌوا ﺗﻌب إﯾﻣﺎﻧﮭم.
وﻗد ﺿر ھذا اﻟﺧطﺄ ﻏﻧﻣﮭم وﺑﻘرھم أي ﺿر رﻋﯾﺗﮭم ﻓﺄﺻﺑﺣوا ﺧطﺎة.
وﺿر اﻟﺑﻧﯾن واﻟﺑﻧ ﺎت أي ﺿ ر أﻋﻣ ﺎل أو أﻓﻛ ﺎر اﻟ روح وأﻓﻛ ﺎر اﻟﺟﺳ د أﺻ ﺑﺣت ﻣﻠوﺛ ﺔ
ﺑﺎﻟﺧطﯾﺔ.
ﺻ ﺎر اﻟﺧ زي ﻟﮭ م ﻣﺛ ل ﺑرﻗ ﻊ ﯾﺗﻐط وا ﺑ ﮫ ھﻛ ذا ﺣﺎﻟ ﺔ اﻟ ﻧﻔس اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﺗﺑﻌ د ﻋ ن ﷲ ﻓﻛ ﺎن
ﻣوﺳﻰ ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﺗﻘﺎﺑل ﻣ ﻊ ﷲ ﯾرﻓ ﻊ اﻟﺑرﻗ ﻊ وﻋﻧ دﻣﺎ ﯾﺧﺎط ب اﻟﺷ ﻌب ﻛ ﺎن ﯾﺿ ﻊ اﻟﺑرﻗ ﻊ
ﻓﺎﻟﺑرﻗﻊ ھو ﺧزي ﺑﻧﻲ إﺳراﺋﯾل واﻟﺧزي ھو ﺧﺟل اﻟﻧﻔس وﻋدم ﻗ درﺗﮭﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻣواﺟﮭ ﺔ
ﷲ ﻟﻛن ﺑﺎﻟﺗوﺑﺔ واﻻﻋﺗراف ﻧرﻓﻊ اﻟﺑرﻗﻊ اﻟذي ﻟﻠﺧزي واﻟﺧطﯾﺔ ) 1ﺗﻲ.(8:2
وأﺣﯾﺎﻧﺎ ﯾﺳﻣﻲ اﻟﺑﻌض ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﻘدﯾم أﻣﺎﻛن ﺑﻌﻧوان دﺣرﺟﺔ اﻟﻌﺎر ﻣﺛل اﻟﺟﻠﺟﺎل اﻟﺗ ﻲ
ﻏرب ﻧﮭر اﻷردن ﺣﯾث دﺣرﺟوا ﻋﺎر ﻣﺻ ر )ﺗ ث (9:5وﺳ ﻣﻰ ﺷ ﺎول اﺑﻧ ﮫ إﯾﺷﺑوﺷ ت
)2ﺻم.(8:2
اﻹﺻﺣﺎح اﻟراﺑﻊ
اﻟﺗــــزﯾن ﺑﺎﻟﺗــــــوﺑﺔ
) (١طﻠب ﻗداﺳﺔ اﻟﻔم -:
ﯾطﻠب اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ھذا اﻹﺻﺣﺎح واﻹﺻﺣﺎح اﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ اﻟﺗوﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻛل ﺷﻌري ﻣوزون ﯾﺣ ث
ﺑﮫ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺗوﺑﺔ ﻛﻌظﺔ ﻣﻘدﻣﺔ ﻟﮭم.
ﯾطﻠب رﺟوع إﺳراﺋﯾل إﻟﻰ ﷲ.
وﯾطﻠب رﺟوع ﻋن اﻟﺷر واﻟﻣﻛرھﺎت ﻣن أﻣﺎﻣﮫ وھﻲ اﻟﻌﺑﺎدة اﻟوﺛﻧﯾﺔ.
٣٥
ﯾطﻠب ﻧزع ﻣﻛرھﺎﺗﮭﺎ ﻣن ﻓﻣﮭﺎ أي اﻟﻧطق ﺑﺎﻷوﺛﺎن أو أﺳ ﻣﺎﺋﮭﺎ وﻛﺄﻧﮭ ﺎ ﻋ روس ﺧﺎﺋﻧ ﺔ
ﺗطﻠ ب رﺟ ل آﺧ ر رﻏ م أن زوﺟﮭ ﺎ ﯾطﻠﺑﮭ ﺎ ﻋ ن ﻣﺣﺑ ﺔ ﻣﺛ ل ﻧ ﺎر آﻛﻠ ﺔ ﻛﻣ ﺎ ﯾﻘ ول اﻷب
ﺷﯾرﯾﻣون.
ﻧ زع اﻟﺷ ر ﯾﺟﻌﻠﮭ ﺎ ﻻ ﺗﺗ وه إذ ﻻ ﯾﻌ رف اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن ھ دف ﺣﯾﺎﺗ ﮫ وھ دف ﻋﻣﻠ ﮫ ﻓ ﻲ ھ ذه
اﻟﺣﯾﺎة ﻓﯾﻘ ول ﻟﻣ ﺎذا أﺗﯾ ت إﻟ ﻰ ھ ذا اﻟﻌ ﺎﻟم؟ ﻻ ﯾﻌ رف أن ﯾطﻠ ب ﻣﻠﻛ وت ﷲ وھ ذه ﻛﻠﮭ ﺎ
ﺗزاد ﻟﻧﺎ ،ﻓﻣﻠﻛوت ﷲ داﺧﻠﻧﺎ أوﻻ أي ﻟﮭﺎ اﻷوﻟوﯾﺔ ﺛم ﺑﺎﻗﻲ اﻟطﻠﺑﺎت.
ﻓﻠﻛل إﻧﺳﺎن رﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﯾﺳﺗﺷﻔﮭﺎ ﻣن ﺧﻼل اﻷﺣداث واﻟﺣﯾﺎة.
ﻧزع اﻟﺷر ﺑﻧزع اﻟﻣﻛرھﺎت ﻣن اﻟﻔم وھﻲ -:
-٣اﻟﺷﺗﯾﻣﺔ. -٢اﻟﺣﻠﻔﺎن. -١اﻟﻛذب.
-٦اﻟﻛﻼم اﻟﺑﺎطل. -٥اﻹداﻧﺔ. -٤اﻟﻧﻣﯾﻣﺔ.
وطﻠب اﻟرب ﻣن ﻋروﺳﮫ إن ﺣﻠﻔت ﻻ ﺗﺣﻠف ﺑﺎطﻼ وھذا ﯾﻌﻧﻲ أن اﻟﻧﻔس اﻋﺗﺎدت ﻋﻠ ﻰ
اﻟﺣﻠف ﻛذﺑﺎ واﻟﻧطق ﺑﻼ ﺗﻔﻛﯾر أو ﺗﻌﻘل ،ﻓﯾﺟب ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻧﺳﺎن اﻟﺗﻔﻛﯾر ﻗﺑل اﻟﻛﻼم.
ﻓﺈن ﺣﻠﻔت ﺻدق ﺗﻛون اﻟﻌروس ﺑرﻛﺔ وﺑﺳﺑﺑﮭﺎ ﺗﺗﺑﺎرك ﻛل اﻟﺷﻌوب ﺑﺎ وﺗﺗﺑ ﺎرك ﺑ ﮫ،
وھو ﻣﺎ وﻋد ﺑﮫ ﷲ أﺑوﻧﺎ إﺑراھﯾم )ﺗك٣ :١٢؛ ١٨ :١٨؛ .(٤ :٢٦
) (٢ﺧﺗﺎن اﻟﻘﻠب واﻟدﺧول إﻟﻰ اﻟﻣدن اﻟﺣﺻﯾﻧﺔ ﻷن اﻷﺳد ﻗد أﺗﻰ ﻣن أرض اﻟﺷﻣﺎل -:
ﯾوﺟﮫ أوﻻ ﺣدﯾﺛﮫ إﻟﻰ رﺟ ﺎل أورﺷ ﻠﯾم وﻛﺄﻧ ﮫ ﯾ ذﻛرھم إﻟ ﻰ ﻣرﻛ ز أورﺷ ﻠﯾم وھ ﻲ ﺗﻣﺛ ل
ﻗﻠ ب اﻷﻣ ﺔ ،ﺑ ل ھ ﻲ ﺗﻣﺛ ل ﻗﻠ ب اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن اﻟ ذي ﯾﻣﻠ ك ﻋﻠﯾ ﮫ ﻣﻠ ك اﻟﻣﻠ وك رﺑﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺳ وع
اﻟﻣﺳﯾﺢ وﻛﺄن اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﯾوﺟﮫ اﻟدﻋوة ﻟﻧﺎ إﻟﻰ أورﺷﻠﯾم اﻟﺳﻣﺎﺋﯾﺔ أﻣﻧﺎ ﺟﻣﯾﻌﺎ )ﻏل.(16:4
اﺣرﺛوا ﻷﻧﻔﺳﻛم ﺣرﺛﺎ وﻻ ﺗزرﻋوا ﻓﻲ اﻷﺷواك -:
-اﻟﺣرث ﻋﻧد ﺑﻧﻲ إﺳراﺋﯾل ﻛﺎن ﺑﻧوارج ﺧﺷﺑﯾﺔ وﯾﻘﻠب اﻷرض ﻣن أﺳﻔل إﻟﻰ أﻋﻠﻰ.
-ھﻛذا ﻧﻌﻣل ﻣن ﺧﻼل اﻟﺻﻠﯾب ﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﺑﻧﺎ ﻟﻧﻧزع اﻷﺷواك ،ﻓﻣﺎ ھﻲ اﻷﺷواك اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﻧﻧزﻋﮭ ﺎ
ﺑﺎﻟﺻﻠﯾب؟
.١ھﻲ أﺷواك اﻟﺷﮭوات.
.٢ھﻲ أﺷواك اﻷﻓﻛﺎر اﻟﺧﺎطﺋﺔ.
.٣ھﻲ أﺷواك ھﻣوم اﻟﻌﺎﻟم.
.٤ھﻲ اﻟﺳﻛر واﻟﺗرف ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟم.
.٥ھﻲ أﺷواك اﻟﺿﯾق اﻟذي ﻧﺳﺗﻔﯾد ﻣﻧﮭﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺻوم.
-ھ ذه اﻷﺷ واك ﺗﻧ زع ﺑواﺳ طﺔ ﺳ ر اﻟﻣﻌﻣودﯾ ﺔ إذ ﺗﻧ زع اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن اﻟﻌﺗﯾ ق ﺑﻛ ل ﺷ ﮭواﺗﮫ
وﺧطﺎﯾﺎه اﻟﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻌﻣودﯾﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺧطﯾﺔ اﻟﺟدﯾﺔ.
-ﺛم ﺑﻌدﻣﺎ ﻧﺣرث اﻟﻘﻠب ﻧزرع ﻓﯾﮫ ﺑذار ،ﻓﻣﺎ ھﻲ ھذه اﻟﺑذار؟
٣٦
.١ھﻲ ﺑذار ﻛﻠﻣﺔ ﷲ اﻟﺗﻲ ھﻲ أﻣﺿﻰ ﻣن ﻛل ﺳﯾف ذي ﺣدﯾن ﺗﻧﻔذ إﻟ ﻰ داﺧ ل اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن
وﺗﺛﻣر ﻓﯾﮫ .١٠٠ ،٦٠ ،٣٠
.٢ھﻲ ﺑذار اﻟﻔﺿﯾﻠﺔ وداﺋﻣﺎ اﻟﻔﺿﺎﺋل ﻛل ﻓﺿﯾﻠﺔ ﺗؤدي إﻟﻰ ﻏﯾرھﺎ.
.٣ھﻲ ﺑذار اﻟروﺣﯾﺎت اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺧزﻧﮭﺎ اﻟﻧﻔس ﻓﻲ ﻣﺧﺎزن اﻟﻘﻠب.
.٤ھﻲ ﺑذار ﻛل ﺻ ﻼح ،ھ ﻲ ﺛﻣ ر اﻟ روح اﻟﻘ دس اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﯾﻌﻣﻠﮭ ﺎ اﻟ روح اﻟﻘ دس ﺑواﺳ طﺔ
ﺳر اﻟﻣﯾرون.
.٥ھﻲ ﺑ ذار ﺳ ر اﻹﻓﺧﺎرﺳ ﺗﯾﺎ اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﺗﻌط ﻲ ﻏﻔ ران ﻟﻠﺧطﺎﯾ ﺎ وﻓ رح وﺛﺑ ﺎت وﺣﯾ ﺎة أﺑدﯾ ﺔ
وﻗﯾﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﯾوم اﻷﺧﯾر.
أوﺻﺎھم ﺑﺧﺗﺎن اﻟﻘﻠب ﻟﻠرب وأن ﯾﻧزﻋوا ﻏرل ﻗﻠوﺑﮭم :ھم أوﺻﺎھم اﻟرب أن ﯾﺧﺗﺗﻧ وا
ﻟﻠرب وھذا ﻟﮫ ﻣﻌﻧﻰ أن ﺗﻛ ون ﻗﻠ وﺑﮭم ﻣﻘدﺳ ﺔ ﻟﻠ رب ﻓﻘ ط إذ ﻛ ﺎن ﺑﻌ ض اﻟ وﺛﻧﯾﯾن ﻓ ﻲ
ﻣﺻر ﯾﺧﺗﺗﻧوا ﻟﻶﻟﮭﺔ اﻟوﺛﻧﯾﺔ ،ﻓﻘداﺳﺔ اﻟﻘﻠب وﺗﻛرﯾﺳﮫ ھﻲ ﺣﺟر اﻷﺳﺎس.
ﻓﺧﺗﺎن اﻟﻘﻠب ھو ﺑﻌﻣل اﻟروح اﻟﻘدس اﻟذي أﺧذﺗﮫ اﻟﻧﻔس ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﻌﻣودﯾﺔ وھ ذا ﻣ ﺎ ﻗﺎﻟ ﮫ
ﻣﻌﻠﻣﻧﺎ ﺑوﻟس ﻓﻲ )رو .(٢٩ ،٢٨ :٢
أﻣﺎ اﻟﻐرﻟﺔ ھﻲ ﻧﺟﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻘﻠب ﻓﻲ ﻛل ﻣﺎ ﻓﯾﮫ ﻣ ن ﻓﻛ ر وﺗﺻ ورات أو ﻏﺿ ب أو ﺣﻘ د أو
ﻋدم ﻣﺣﺑﺔ أو ﻏﯾره ﻧﻧزﻋﮭﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺗوﺑﺔ ﺣﺗﻰ ﻧﺣﺎﻓظ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﯾﺎب اﻟﻣﻌﻣودﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻠوﺑﻧ ﺎ ﻧﻘﯾ ﺔ
داﺋﻣﺎ ﻟﮭذا ﯾﻘول اﻟﻧﺑﻲ "ﻣزﻗوا ﻗﻠوﺑﻛم ﻻ ﺛﯾﺎﺑﻛم" )ﯾؤ.(13:2
اﻻﺣﺗﻣﺎء ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣدن اﻟﺣﺻﯾﻧﺔ ﻣن اﻷﺳد اﻵﺗﻲ ﻣن اﻟﺷﻣﺎل :ﻧﺑﮫ ﷲ ﯾﮭوذا ﺷ ﻌﺑﮫ اﻟ ذي
أﺑﻘﺎه ﻷﺟل ﻗﺳﻣﮫ ﻟداود ﻋﺑده أن ﯾﺿرﺑوا ﺑﺎﻟﺑوق وأن ﯾﻧﺎدوا ﺑﺻوت ﻋﺎل.
وھﻧ ﺎ إﺷ ﺎرة إﻟ ﻰ ﻛﻠﻣ ﺔ ﷲ اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﺗﺣ ذر ﻣ ن اﻟﺧط ﺄ واﻟﺧطﯾ ﺔ وﻣ ن ﻧﺗﺎﺋﺟﮭ ﺎ اﻟﻣ دﻣرة
ﻟﻠﻧﻔس.
أوﺻﺎھم أن ﯾرﻓﻌوا راﯾﺔ واﻟراﯾﺔ ھ ﻲ اﻟﺻ ﻠﯾب واﻟطرﯾ ق اﻟﺿ ﯾق اﻟ ذي ﻧﮭﺎﯾﺗ ﮫ ﻣﺗﺳ ﻌﺔ
ﻟﻛن ﻣن اﻟﺿروري ﻟﺧﻼﺻﻧﺎ اﻟﻣﺿﻲ ﻓﯾﮫ ﻣﮭﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن اﻟﺛﻣن.
أوﺻ ﺎھم أن ﻻ ﯾﻘﻔ وا ﺑ ل ﯾرﻛﺿ وا إذ اﻟﺣﯾ ﺎة اﻟروﺣﯾ ﺔ ﺗﺣﺗ ﺎج ﻣ ن ﯾ رﻛض أي ﯾﺟ ري
ﺑﺳ رﻋﺔ ﺣﺗ ﻰ ﯾﺄﺧ ذ اﻟﺟﻌﺎﻟ ﺔ أي اﻟﻣﻛﺎﻓﺋ ﺔ ﻷن اﻟوﻗ ت ﻣﻘﺻ ر ﻟﮭ ذا أوﺻ ﺎﻧﺎ اﻟرﺳ ول
ﺑﺎﻟرﻛض.
أوﺻﺎھم أن ﯾدﺧﻠوا اﻟﻣدن اﻟﺣﺻﯾﻧﺔ -:
اﻟﻣ دن اﻟﺣﺻ ﯾﻧﺔ ھ ﻲ رﻣ ز ﻟرﺑﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺳ وع اﻟﺻ ﺧرة اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﻧﺣﺗﻣ ﻲ ﺑﮭ ﺎ وﻗ ت اﻟﺿ ﯾق
)ﻣز.(2:18
٣٧
اﻟﻣ دن اﻟﺣﺻ ﯾﻧﺔ ھ ﻲ اﻟﻛﻧﯾﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻣدﯾﻧ ﺔ اﻟﺣﺻ ﯾﻧﺔ ﺑﯾ ت اﻟﻣﻼﺋﻛ ﺔ ﻣﺣﺻ ﻧﺔ ﺑﺄﺳ رارھﺎ
وﻣﻼﺋﻛﺗﮭﺎ ﻓﮭﻲ ﺑﺷ ﻔﺎﻋﺔ ﻗدﯾﺳ ﯾﮭﺎ ﻗ ﺎدرة ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺣﻣﺎﯾ ﺔ اﻟ ﻧﻔس ﻷن اﻟﺿ ﯾق ﻻ ﺗﻧﻔ ﻊ ﻓﯾ ﮫ
اﻟﻣدن اﻟﻐﯾر ﺣﺻﯾﻧﺔ ﻷن أﺧطﺎر اﻟﺷﯾطﺎن ﻣﮭﻠﻛﺔ.
ﺧرج اﻷﺳد ﻣن ﻏﺎﺑﺗﮫ ﻟﯾﺟﻌل اﻟﻣدن ﺧرﺑﺔ -:
ﺧرج إﺑﻠﯾس ﻛﺄﺳد زاﺋ ر ﯾرﯾ د أن ﯾﺑﺗﻠ ﻊ اﻟ ﻧﻔس )١ﺑ ط ،(٩ -٨ :٥ھﻛ ذا ﯾﺄﺗﯾﻧ ﺎ ﺑﺣروﺑ ﮫ
ﻓﻧﺻﺢ ﷲ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ أن ﯾﺗﻧطﻘوا ﺑﺎﻟﻣﺳوح أي ﯾﻘدﻣوا ﺗوﺑﺔ ﺣﺗﻰ ﯾﺳﺗطﯾﻌوا أن ﯾﻐﻠﺑوه.
وﺗﺎرﯾﺧﯾﺎ ﯾﺗﺣدث اﻟرب ﻋن اﻟﺳﺑﻲ أﻣﺎ اﻷﺳد ﻓﮭو ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻر اﻟذي أﻋط ﺎه ﷲ اﻟﻧﺻ رة
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻌوب اﻟﻣﻧطﻘ ﺔ وﺣﺗ ﻰ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﯾﮭ وذا ﻷﻧﮭ ﺎ ﻟ م ﺗﺗ ب ﻋ ن ﻋﺑﺎدﺗﮭ ﺎ اﻟﺷ ﻛﻠﯾﺔ وﻗﻠﺑﮭ ﺎ
ﻣﺑﺗﻌد ﺑﻌﯾدا ﻋن ﷲ.
) (٣ﺗرك اﻷﻧﺑﯾﺎء اﻟﻛذﺑﺔ -:
ﻛﺎن اﻷﻧﺑﯾ ﺎء اﻟﻛذﺑ ﺔ ﯾﺧ دﻋوا اﻟﺷ ﻌب ﺑﺄﻧ ﮫ ﺳ ﻼم وﻻ ﺳ ﻼم وﻟ ن ﯾﻛ ون ﺟ وع أو ﺳ ﯾف
ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷرض وﺣ دث ھ ذا ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺳ ﺑﻲ ﺟ وع ﻓ ﻲ اﻷرض وﻗﺗ ل أﺑﻧ ﺎء أورﺷ ﻠﯾم ﺑﺎﻟﺳ ﯾف
ﻣﺛﻠﻣ ﺎ ﻗ ﺎل رﺑﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺳ وع وھ و ﯾﺑﻛ ﻲ ﻋﻠﯾﮭ ﺎ " :ﻟ و ﺗﻌﻠﻣ ﯾن زﻣ ﺎن اﻓﺗﻘ ﺎدك وﻣ ﺎ ھ و
ﻟﺳﻼﻣك" أﻧﮫ ﯾﺣﯾط أﻋداؤھﺎ ﺣوﻟﮭﺎ ﺑﻣﺗرﺳﺔ وﯾﻘﺗﻠوا ﺑﻧﯾﮭﺎ ﻓﯾﮭﺎ )ﻟو.(٤٤ -٤٢ :١٩
ھﻛذا أﯾﺿ ﺎ اﻟ ﻧﻔس ﻻ ﺗﺳ ﻣﻊ ﻟﻠﻣﺳ ﻛن أو اﻟﻣﻌ زي ﻟﮭ ﺎ ﺑ ل ﺗﺳ ﻣﻊ ﻟﻠ ذﯾن ﯾﺑﺗ رون ﺷ رھﺎ
ﺑﺎﻟﺳﯾف ﺣﺗﻰ ﺗﺗوب.
) (٤إدراك ﺧطﺔ ﷲ وﻗﺑول اﻟﺗﺄدﯾب -:
oھوذا ﻣﺛل اﻟزوﺑﻌﺔ أي اﻟرﯾﺢ ﻣن ﻛﺛرة ﻣرﻛﺑﺎت اﻟﻌدو وﻛﺎﻟﻧﺳور ﺗﺧطف وﺗﻘﺗل.
oﻓرأى اﻟﻧﺑﻲ اﻟﺧط ر اﻟﻘ ﺎدم ﻟﻠﺗﺄدﯾ ب ﻓﻌﻠ ﻰ ﯾﮭ وذا إن أرادت اﻟﺗوﺑ ﺔ ﺗﻘﺑ ل اﻟﺗﺄدﯾ ب ﻓﮭ وذا
ﺻوت اﻟﻣرﻛﺑﺎت ﻗرب إﻟﻰ دان وﺳرﻋﺎن ﻣﺎ ﯾﻧﺗﻘل إﻟﻰ أﻓراﯾم )إر .(15:4
oﻓﻣﺎذا ﺗﻔﻌل أورﺷ ﻠﯾم؟ ﺗﻐﺳ ل ﻗﻠﺑﮭ ﺎ ﻣ ن ﺷ رھﺎ اﻟ داﺧﻠﻲ وﻣ ن أﻓﻛ ﺎر ﻗﻠﺑﮭ ﺎ ﻓﺗﻐﯾ ر اﻟﻔﻛ ر
وﺗرﻓض اﻟﺷر وأﻓﻛﺎر اﻟﻛﺑرﯾﺎء اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺳﻘط اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻟﺷر.
oواﻟﻐﺳل ﯾﺗم ﺑﻌﻣل اﻟروح اﻟﻘدس ﺑﻐﺳل اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﻣن ﺷره ﺑﺎﻟﺗوﺑﺔ.
oﻓﺎﻹﻧﺳﺎن اﻟذي ﯾﻌﺎﻧد ﷲ ﯾﺻﯾر ﻛزوﺑﻌﺔ ﻣن اﻷﻓﻛﺎر اﻟﺷرﯾرة إﻟﻰ داﺧل ﻗﻠﺑ ﮫ وﻛﺎﻟﻧﺳ ور
ﻗﺎﺗﻠﺔ ﻟروﺣﮫ ﻓﺗﺣﺗﺎج إﻟﻰ ﻏﺳل ﺑﺎﺳﺗﻣرار.
oﻓﺎﻷﻋﻣﺎل اﻟﺣﺳﻧﺔ ھﻲ اﻟطرﯾق ﻟﻠﺗوﺑﺔ واﻟﺗﺧﻠص ﻣن ﻛل ﻣﺎ ھو ﺷرﯾر.
) (٥ﻗﺑول اﻷﻧﺑﯾﺎء اﻟﺣﻘﯾﻘﯾﯾن -:
٣٨
ﻧﻘ ل إرﻣﯾ ﺎ اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﻣﺷ ﺎﻋره ﺣﯾ ث ﺳ ﻣﻊ ﺑواﺳ طﺔ روح اﻟﻧﺑ وة ﺑ وق اﻟﺣ رب وﺻ وت
اﻟﻣﻌرﻛﺔ ﻓﺻرخ أن ﺟدران ﻗﻠﺑﮫ ﺗوﺟﻌﮫ وأﺣﺷﺎؤه أي داﺧﻠﮫ وھﻲ ﻣرﻛز اﻟﻣﺷﺎﻋر ﺗ ﺋن
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ.
ﺗﺻرخ إﻟﻰ اﻟرب ﻟﻛن اﻟرب أﻓﮭﻣﮫ أن اﻟﻘرار ﻓﻲ ﯾد ﺷﻌﺑﮫ إن ﺗﺎب ورﺟﻊ.
ﻓﻘ د أﻋﻠﻣ ﮫ اﻟ رب أﻧﮭ م إن ﻟ م ﯾﺗوﺑ وا ﻓﺳ ﺗﺧرب اﻷرض ،اﻟﺧﯾ ﺎم واﻟﺷ ﻘق أي اﻟﻣ دن
واﻟﻘري ﻓﺈن راﯾﺔ اﻟﺣرب ﻣرﻓوﻋﺔ وﺻوت ﺑوﻗﮭ ﺎ آت إﻟ ﻰ أذن إرﻣﯾ ﺎ ﻻ ﯾﺳ ﻛت ،ﻓﻌﻠ ﻰ
اﻟﺷﻌب ﺗﻘرﯾر ﻣﺻﯾره ﺑﻧﻔﺳﮫ وھﺎ ﻗد أﻋﻠم اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﺣﺗﻰ ﯾﻌﻠم ﺷﻌﺑﮫ أن ﯾرﺟﻌوا.
ﻓﻘد ﺷﺎرك إرﻣﯾﺎ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ إذ أﺻﺑﺢ ﻗﻠب اﻟﺷﻌب ﻣن ﻛﺛرة اﻟﺧطﯾﺔ وﺧوف اﻟﻌﻘوﺑﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﻣ ﺎء
إذ اﻧﻔﺻﻠت ﻋظﺎﻣﮫ ﻋﻧﮫ وﻟم ﯾﻌد ﻓﯾﮫ ﻗوة.
) (٦اﻟﺷﺑﻊ واﻻﺳﺗﻧﺎرة -:
ﯾﻛرر اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻛﻠﻣﺔ ﻧظر 4ﻣرات وﻛﺄﻧﮫ ﯾﻧظر ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﮭﺎت اﻷرض اﻷرﺑﻌﺔ ﺷﻣﺎل وﺟﻧوب
وﺷرق وﻏرب ﻓﺈذا ﻛل ﺷﻲء أﺻﺑﺢ ﺧراﺑﺎ.
اﻷرض ﺧرﺑﺔ أي ﺻﺎر اﻟﺟﺳد ﻟﯾس ﻓﯾﮫ ﺻﺣﺔ وﻛﺄﻧﮫ ﻋودة إﻟ ﻰ زﻣ ن ﻣ ﺎ ﻗﺑ ل اﻟﺧﻠﯾﻘ ﺔ
ﻟﻛن ﺑﻌﻣل روح ﷲ ﺗﺛﻣر اﻷرض ﺛﻣر اﻟروح ﻣﺣﺑﺔ وﻓرح وﺳﻼم وطول آﻧﺎة .. .وﺛﻣﺎر
.١٠٠ ،٦٠ ،٣٠
اﻟﺳ ﻣوات ﻻ ﻧ ور ﻓﯾﮭ ﺎ ﻏﺎﺑ ت ﺷ ﻣس اﻟﺑ ر واﻟﻘﻣ ر واﻟﻧﺟ وم إذ ﺿ ﻌف اﻹﯾﻣ ﺎن ﻓ ﻲ
أورﺷﻠﯾم وﻻ ﯾﺳﺗطﯾﻊ أﺣد أن ﯾﻌﻛ س ﻧ ور ﻣﻌرﻓﺗ ﮫ ﺑ ﺎ ﻟﻛ ن ﷲ ﯾﻌط ﻲ اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن ﺑﻌﻣ ل
روﺣ ﮫ اﻟﻘ دوس أن ﯾﺻ ﯾر ﺳ ﻣﺎء إذ ﯾﻧﯾ ر ﻋﻠﯾ ﮫ ظﻠﻣﺗ ﮫ وﺗﻌﻛ س اﻟﻛﻧﯾﺳ ﺔ وروﺣ ﮫ ﻧ ور
رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع ﺷﻣس اﻟﺑر.
اﻟﺟﺑﺎل ﺗرﺗﺟف واﻵﻛﺎم ﺗﻘﻠﻘﻠت ﺻﺎر اﻟﺛﺎﺑﺗون ﻣﺗزﻋزﻋ ون ﻷن اﻟﺛﺑ ﺎت ھﺑ ﺔ إﻟﮭﯾ ﺔ ﻟﻛ ن
ﷲ ﯾﻌطﻲ اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن ﺛﺑ ﺎت ﻓﯾ ﮫ إذ أﻋط ﻰ ﻟﻛﻧﯾﺳ ﺔ اﻟﻌﮭ د اﻟﺟدﯾ د أن ﺗﺛﺑ ت ﻓﯾ ﮫ ﺑﻌﻣ ل ﺳ ر
اﻹﻓﺧﺎرﺳﺗﯾﺎ )ﯾو.(56:6
ﻧظر اﻟﻧﺑﻲ إذا ﻻ إﻧﺳﺎن وﻛل اﻟطﯾور ھرﺑ ت واﻟﺑﺳ ﺗﺎن أﺻ ﺑﺢ ﺑرﯾ ﺔ إذ ﯾﺧ ﺎﻟف اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن
اﻟوﺻﯾﺔ ﻓﯾﺣﺻ د اﻟﻣ وت ﻓﺑﻣ وت اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن ﺗﮭ رب اﻟطﯾ ور اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﺟُﻌﻠ ت ﻷﺟﻠ ﮫ واﻟ زروع
ﺗﺟف وﺗﻌﻧﻲ أن ﻣوت اﻹﻧﺳﺎن روﺣﯾﺎ ﯾﺟﻌل اﻟﻘدﯾﺳﯾن ﯾﻧﻔ رون وﯾﮭرﺑ ون وﺗﻐﯾ ب ﻋﻧ ﮫ
ﺛﻣﺎر ﻋﻣل اﻟروح اﻟﻘ دس ،ﻟﻛ ن ﺑﻌ ودة اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن ﺑﺎﻟﺗوﺑ ﺔ وﺑﻧﻌﻣ ﺔ اﻟ روح اﻟﻘ دس ﯾرﺟ ﻊ
٣٩
اﻹﻧﺳﺎن إﻟﻰ ﷲ واﻟطﯾور اﻟﺗﻲ ھﻲ أرواح اﻟﻘدﯾﺳﯾن ﺗظﻠل ﻋﻠﯾﮫ وﺗﺷﻔﻊ ﻓﯾﮫ ﺑﺻ ﻠواﺗﮭم
واﻟﺑرﯾﺔ ﺗﺻﻧﻊ ﺑﺳﺗﺎن ﯾﺄﻛل ﻣﻧﮫ رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع ﺛﻣره اﻟﻧﻔﯾس ﻛﻣﺎ ﻗﺎل ﻟﻌروس اﻟﻧﺷﯾد.
وإذا ﻛﺎﻧت اﻟﻣدن أﻗﺻﯾت ﻣن وﺟﮫ اﻟرب ﻓﺈﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﻌود ﺗوﺟد ﺑﺎﻟﺗوﺑﺔ واﻟرﺟوع.
) (٧اﻟﺑر اﻟذاﺗﻲ -:
ظﻧت أورﺷﻠﯾم أﻧﮭﺎ ﻏﻧﯾﺔ ﻓﻠﺑﺳت اﻟذھب واﻟﻘرﻣز وزﯾﻧت ﻋﯾﻧﯾﮭﺎ ﺑﺎﻹﺛﻣد أي اﻟﻛﺣل ﻟﻛن
رذﻟﮭﺎ ﻣﺣﺑﯾﮭﺎ ھﻛذا ﻓﻌﻠت إﯾزاﺑل ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ رأت ﯾﺎھو ﻓﻛﺎﻧت ﻧﮭﺎﯾﺗﮭﺎ إذ أﻣر ﻓطرﺣوھﺎ ﻣن
اﻟﻛوة )٢ﻣل ،(٣٣ -٣٠ :٩ھﻛذا اﻟﻧﻔس اﻟﻣﺗﻛﻠ ﺔ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻏﻧﺎھ ﺎ اﻟروﺣ ﻲ ﺗﺻ ﯾر ﻻ ﺷ ﻲء
ﻟﮭ ذا ﯾﺷ ﯾر ﷲ ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟ ﻧﻔس أن ﺗﺷ ﺗري ﻣﻧ ﮫ وﻟ ﯾس ﻣ ن ﻏﯾ ره ذھﺑ ﺎ ﻟﺗﻛ ون ﻏﻧﯾ ﺔ
وﺳﻣﺎوﯾﺔ وﺗﺷﺗري ﻣﻧﮫ ﺛﯾﺎﺑﺎ ﺣﺗﻰ ﺗﺳﺗر ﻋرﯾﮭﺎ ﻣن اﻟﺑر وﺗﻛﺣل ﻋﯾﻧﯾﮭﺎ ﺑوﺻﺎﯾﺎه ﺣﺗ ﻰ
ﺗﺑﺻر ﻛل ﺷﻲء ﺟﯾدا )رؤ.(١٨ ،١٧ :٣
اﻹﺻﺣﺎح اﻟﺧﺎﻣس
ﺳـــــر اﻟﺗـــــﺄدﯾب
)ﺧطﺎﯾﺎ ﻛﺛﯾرة -ﻟﯾس ﺑﺎر واﺣد ﺑﯾن اﻟﺷﻌب -ﻋدم ﻗﺑول اﻟﺗﺄدﯾ ب اﻷول -إﺳ ﺎءة اﺳ ﺗﺧدام
ﻋطﺎﯾﺎ ﷲ -ﻗﺑ ول اﻟﻣﺧ ﺎدﻋﯾن -ﻓﻘ دان اﻟﺑﺻ ﯾرة اﻟداﺧﻠﯾ ﺔ -اﺻ طﯾﺎد اﻵﺧ رﯾن -ﺗﺟ ﺎوﺑوا
ﻣﻊ اﻟرﻋﺎة اﻷﺷرار(.
) (١ﷲ ﯾﺻﻔﺢ ﻋن أورﺷﻠﯾم إن وﺟد إﻧﺳﺎﻧﺎ واﺣدا ﺑﺎرا -:
طﻠب ﷲ ﻣن أورﺷﻠﯾم أن ﯾﺻطﻔوا ﻓﻲ ﻛل ﺷوارع اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ إن وﺟد إﻧﺳﺎﻧﺎ واﺣدا ﯾﻌﻣ ل
ﺑﻌدل أو ﺑﺎﻟﺑر ﻓﯾﺻﻔﺢ ﻋن اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ.
ﻓﻘد ﺳﺑق أن طﻠب إﺑراھﯾم ﻣن ﷲ ﻋن ﺳدوم إن وﺟد ﻓﯾﮭﺎ ٥٠ﺑﺎرا ﺛم ﺗدرج إﻟ ﻰ ١٠
ﻓﯾﺻﻔﺢ ﷲ ﻋن ﺳدوم ﻓﻠم ﯾوﺟد ﻓﺄﺣرﻗﮭﺎ ﺑﻧﺎر وﻛﺑرﯾت )ﺗك.(٢٤ ،٢٣ :١٨
ﻓﯾوﺳ ف ﻷﺟ ل ﺑ ره ﺑ ﺎرك ﷲ ﺑﯾ ت ﻓوطﯾﻔ ﺎر ﺑ ل ﻛ ل ﺷ ﻌب ﻣﺻ ر ﻷﺟ ل ﺑ ره وﺣﻛﻣﺗ ﮫ
وﻋﻔﺗﮫ.
واﺿﺢ ﻣﺎ وﺻﻠت إﻟﯾﮫ اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﺣﯾث ﻻ ﯾوﺟد ﺑﺎر واﺣد.
وﻓﻌﻼ ﺑر اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﻧﺳﺑﻲ ﻟﻛن اﻟﺑﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺣﻘﯾﻘﺔ ھو رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع اﻟﻛﻠﻲ اﻟﺑر اﻟ ذي رﻓ ﻊ ﻋ ن
ﻋﺎﻟﻣﻧﺎ ﺷره ﻋﻧد ﺻﻠﺑﮫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋود اﻟﺻﻠﯾب ﻟﻛن ﺑﺷروط اﺳﺗﺣﻘﺎﻗﺎت اﻟﺧﻼص.
) (٢رﻓﺿوا اﻟﺗﺄدﯾب -:
-ﻋﯾﻧﺎ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ واﻷﻣﻧﺎء أي اﻟذﯾن ﯾﺻﻧﻌون ﻛل ﺷﻲء ﺑﺄﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﺣﺳب ﻗﻠب ﷲ.
٤٠
-وﺗﻌﻧﻲ اﻟذﯾن ﯾﻌﻣﻠون ﺑﺈﯾﻣﺎن وﺑﺎﻟﻔﺿﺎﺋل ﻣﺛل اﻟرﺟﺎء واﻟﻣﺣﺑﺔ.
-أﻣ ﺎ ﷲ ﻓ ﺈذ ﻟ م ﯾﺟ د ﻣ ن ھ و أﻣ ﯾن ﻓ ﺄدﺑﮭم ﻟﻛ ﻧﮭم ﻟ م ﯾﺗوﺟﻌ وا ﻷن اﻷﻋﺿ ﺎء اﻟﻣﯾﺗ ﺔ ﻻ
ﺗﺣس ھﻛذا ﻣﮭﻣﺎ أدﺑﮭم ﷲ ﻓﮭم ﺑﻼ إﺣﺳﺎس ﻷﻧﮭم أﻣوات.
-أدﺑﮭم ﷲ ﺑﻛل وﺳﯾﻠﺔ -١ :ﺑﺎﻟﺿﻣﯾر -٢ .وﺑﺎﻟوﺻﯾﺔ.
-وﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﮭد اﻟﺟدﯾد ﺑﺳﯾﺎط اﻟروح اﻟﻘدس اﻟذي ﯾﺋن ﻓﯾﻧﺎ.
-رﻓض اﻟﺷﻌب اﻟﺗﺄدﯾب وﺻﺎروا ﻛﺎﻟﺻﺧر وﻛﺎن اﻟرﻓض ﻟﻧوﻋﯾن ﻣن اﻟﺷﻌب -:
.١اﻟﺟﮭﺎل :أو اﻟﺿﻌﻔﺎء إذ ھم ﯾرﻓﺿون ﺗﺄدﯾب ﷲ ﻟﺟﮭﻠﮭم ﺑﺎ ووﺻﺎﯾﺎه.
.٢اﻟﻌظﻣﺎء :ھم اﻟﻘﯾﺎدات ﺳواء اﻟﺷﻌﺑﯾﺔ أو اﻟﻣدﻧﯾﺔ أو اﻟدﯾﻧﯾﺔ ،رﻓﺿﮭم ﻟﻛﺑرﯾﺎﺋﮭم وﻟﯾس
ﻋن ﻋدم ﻣﻌرﻓﺔ.
-أﻣﺎ اﻟﺣﯾواﻧﺎت اﻟﺗﻲ ﺳﻠطﮭﺎ ﷲ ﻋﻠﯾﮭم ﻓﮭﻲ ٣أﻧواع -:
.١اﻷﺳ ود :وھ ﻲ ﺗﻛ ون ﻓ ﻲ اﻟ وﻋر أي اﻟﻐﺎﺑ ﺎت وﻗ د اﻧﻘرﺿ ت إذ ظﻠ ت ﻣوﺟ ودة ﻓ ﻲ
ﻓﻠﺳطﯾن ﺣﺗﻰ اﻟﻘ رن اﻟـ ـ ،١٢وﺗوﺟ د ﻓ ﻲ ﻏﺎﺑ ﺎت اﻷردن )إر (١٩ :٤٩أي ﺣوﻟ ﮫ أو
ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺑل ﺣرﻣون )ﻧش. (٨ :٤
-اﻷﺳد ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﺟوع ﯾﻔﺗرس أﻣﺎ إذا ﻛﺎن ﺷﺑﻌﺎن ﻓﻼ ﯾﻔﺗرس أﺣدا.
-اﺳﺗﺧدﻣﮫ ﺳﻠﯾﻣﺎن ﻓﻲ زﯾﻧﺔ ﻛرﺳﻲ ﻋرﺷﮫ )١ﻣل. (٣٦ ،٢٩ :٧
-اﺳﺗﺧدم ﻛرﻣز ﻟرﻋﺎﯾﺔ ﷲ ﻷوﻻده )رؤ ،(٥ :٥وﻟﻐﺿب ﷲ )إر .(٣٠ :٢٥
-اﺳﺗﺧدم ﻛرﻣز ﻹﺑﻠﯾس )١ﺑط ،(٨ :٥وﻛﺎن ﻋﻼﻣﺔ اﻟﺳﻼم أن اﻷﺳد ﯾرﺑض ﻣ ﻊ اﻟﺣﻣ ل
)إش.(٧ :١١
.٢اﻟذﺋب :ﯾﺧﺗﻠف ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺳطﯾن ﻋن أوروﺑﺎ ،وھ و ﯾﺄﻛ ل أﯾﻧﻣ ﺎ وﺟ د ﻓرﯾﺳ ﺔ ﺣﺗ ﻰ ﻟ و ﻛ ﺎن
ﺷﺑﻌﺎن ﻓﮭو ﺷره ﻟﻠدﻣﺎء )إش ،٦ :١١ﺣب.(٨ :١
-ﻏﺎﻟﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﯾﻛون ﯾﺧرج ﻟﻠﺣﺻول ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓرﯾﺳﺗﮫ ﻟﯾﻼ ﻟﯾﺻطﺎدھﺎ.
.٣اﻟﻧﻣر :ھو ﻣ ﺎ زال ﯾﻌ ﯾش ﻓ ﻲ ﻓﻠﺳ طﯾن واﻷﻣ ﺎﻛن اﻟﺧرﺑ ﺔ ،ﺳ رﯾﻊ اﻟﺣرﻛ ﺔ )دا،(٦ :٧
)ﺣب ،(٨ :١ھو ﯾﻛﻣن ﻟﻠﻔرﯾﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺻﻣت رھﯾب ﺣﺗﻰ ٣أﯾﺎم ﺛم ﯾﻧﻘض ﻋﻠﯾﮭﺎ.
-ﻓﮭذه ﻛﻠﮭﺎ ﻛﺎﻧت أدوات ﻟﺗﺄدﯾﺑﮭم ،ﷲ ﯾﺿﻊ أدوات ﻟﯾﻌﻠم ﺑﮭ ﺎ اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن ﻟ و ﻛ ﺎن اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن
ﯾﻌﻲ ﻋﻣل ﷲ ﻣﻌﮫ.
) (٣وﺻﻠوا إﻟﻰ ﻣرﺣﻠﺔ اﻟﻼﻋودة ﻣن اﻟﺷر -:
إذ ﻟم ﯾﻛن ﺑﺎر واﺣد ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ،وﻟم ﯾﻘﺑﻠوا اﻟﺗﺄدﯾب أدﺑﮭم ﷲ ﺑﺎﻟﺣﯾواﻧﺎت اﻟﻣﻔﺗرﺳﺔ.
ﺛم وﺻف ﻣﺎ وﺻﻠوا إﻟﯾﮫ -:
.١ﻛﺎن ﺷﻌب اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ اﻟﻣﻘدﺳﺔ ﯾﺗﺟﻣﻊ ﺣول ﺑﯾت زاﻧﯾ ﺔ ﻋﻠﻧ ﺎ ،اﻟﺷ ﻌب اﻟﻣﻘ دس ﻓ ﻲ ﻣدﯾﻧ ﺔ
اﻟﮭﯾﻛل !!
٤١
.٢أﺻﺑﺣوا ﻣﺛل اﻷﺣﺻﻧﺔ اﻟﻣﻌﻠوﻓﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ﻻ ﺗري ﺳوى ﺑطﻧﮭﺎ.
.٣ﻣﺛل اﻟﺑﮭﺎﺋم ﻛل واﺣد ﻣﺛل ﺣﺻﺎن ﯾﺻﮭل ﺑﺄﻧﻔﮫ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻣرأة ﻗرﯾﺑﮫ إذ ﻻ ﯾﺷﺑﻊ ﺑزوﺟﺗﮫ.
-ھل إذا ﻋﺎﻗب ﷲ ﯾﻛون ﻣﻠوﻣﺎ ؟! طﺑﻌﺎ ﻻ إذ ﻛﯾف ﻻ ﯾﻌﺎﻗب أﻣﺔ ﻣﺛل ھ ذه ؟ ﻓﻣ ﺎ اﻟﻔ رق
ﺑﯾﻧﮭم وﺑﯾن اﻷﻣم؟ ..ﻻ ﯾوﺟد.
) (٤ﻗﺑﻠوا ﻛﻠﻣﺎت اﻟﻣﺧﺎدﻋﯾن -:
إذ ﻗﺑل ﺑﻧو ﯾﮭوذا أﻗوال اﻷﻧﺑﯾﺎء اﻟﻛذﺑﺔ ﻓﻛﺎﻧت اﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﻛﺎﻵﺗﻲ -:
.١إذ ﻗﺑﻠوا ﻛﻠﻣﺎت اﻷﻧﺑﯾﺎء اﻟﻛﺎذﺑﺔ واﻟﺑﺎطﻠﺔ ﻓﺻﺎروا ھم ﺑﺎطﻼ.
.٢ﻋ ﺎﻗﺑﮭم ﷲ ﻟﻛ ن ﻟ ﯾس إﻟ ﻰ اﻟﻔﻧ ﺎء إذ ﺳ ﻣﺢ ﻟﻸﻋ داء ﺑﺎﻟﺻ ﻌود ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﺳ ورھﺎ وﺧراﺑﮭ ﺎ
ﺟزﺋﯾﺎ.
ﻓﺈن ﻛﺎﻧت اﻟﻧﻔس ﻻ ﺗﺗوب ﻓﺎ ﯾﻌﺎﻗﺑﮭﺎ ﻟﻛن ﻟﯾس ﺑﻌ د اﻟﺧطﯾ ﺔ ﻣﺑﺎﺷ رة ﻟﻛ ن ﻓ ﻲ زﻣ ﺎن
ﯾﻌرﻓﮫ ھو.
وﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﻌﺎﻗب ﯾﺑدأ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻘﺎب اﻟﺧﻔﯾف ﻓﺈن ﻟم ﺗرﺟ ﻊ ﯾﺛﻘ ل اﻟﺿ رﺑﺎت إﻟ ﻰ ﺳ ﺑﻊ أﺿ ﻌﺎف،
ھﻛذا ﻗﺎل ﻓﻲ )ﻻ .(١٨ :٢٦
وﻟﮭذا ﻟم ﯾﻔن إﺳراﺋﯾل أو ﯾﮭوذا إﻟﻰ اﻟﻧﮭﺎﯾﺔ ﻟﻛن ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﺟﺎء رﺑﻧ ﺎ ﯾﺳ وع وﻟ م ﯾﺳ ﻣﻌوا
ﻟ ﮫ ﻓﺄﺻ ﺑﺣوا ﯾﺳ ﺗﺣﻘوا اﻟﻔﻧ ﺎء ﻓﻘ ﺎل ﻟﮭ م ھ وذا ﺑﯾ ﺗﻛم ﯾﺗ رك ﻟﻛ م ﺧراﺑ ﺎ ،وﺑﻛ ﻰ ﻋﻠ ﻰ
أورﺷﻠﯾم )ﻟو ٣٤ :١٣؛ .(٢٠ :٢١
وإذ أﺻروا ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺑول اﻟﻛﻼم اﻟﺑﺎطل ﻋﺎﻗﺑﮭم أﯾﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻵﺗﻲ -:
.١أﺻﺑﺢ ﻛﻼم ﷲ ﻟﮭم ﻧﺎرا وھم ﺣطب ﻓﻛﺎﻧوا ﯾﺣﺗرﻗون ﻣن ﻛﻼﻣ ﮫ ﻟﻛ ﻧﮭم ﻟ و ﻛ ﺎﻧوا ﻓﺿ ﺔ
أو ذھب ﻟﻛﺎﻧوا ﺧرﺟوا أﻛﺛر ﻧﻘﺎء ﻓﻲ اﻟﺗﺟﺎرب ،ﻓﺎﻟﻧﺎر ﻣﻣﻛن أن ﺗﻔﯾد ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﺧرج ﻧ ورا
ﻓﻛل إﻧﺳﺎن ﺣﺳب ﺣﻛﻣﺗﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺗﺧدام ،ﻓﺎﻟﻣﻌﻠم اﻟﻧﺎﺟﺢ اﻟروﺣﻲ ھو اﻟذي ﯾﺟﻌل ﻛﻠﻣﺔ
ﷲ ﻧورا وﻧﺎرا ﺗﺣرق ﻣن ﯾﺧﺎﻟﻔﮭﺎ.
.٢ﻓﺈن ﺷﻌب ﷲ ﻟم ﯾﺳﻣﻊ وﺻﺎﯾﺎ ﷲ اﻟﻘرﯾﺑﺔ ﻣﻧ ﮫ ﻓﯾ ﺄﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﯾ ﮫ ﺑﺎﻟﺳ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺄﻣ ﺔ ﻣ ن ﺑﻌﯾ د ﻻ
ﯾﻌرف ﻛﻼﻣﮭﺎ وﯾﻔﮭﻣﮫ ﺑل ﻛﻼﻣﮭﺎ ﻛﻠﮫ ﻗﺳوة.
ﺻﻔﺎت اﻷﻣﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺳﺑﻲ ﺷﻌب ﷲ )وھﻲ ﺻﻔﺎت اﻟﺧطﯾﺔ وﻋﻣﻠﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻧﻔس( -:
.١أﻣﺔ ﻣن ﺑﻌد :أي ﻣن ﻣﻛ ﺎن ﺑﻌﯾ د ﻻ ﯾﻌرﻓ ﮫ ﺑﻧ ﻲ إﺳ راﺋﯾل ،ﻻ ﯾﻌ رف ﻟﻐﺗﮭ ﺎ ﻷﻧ ﮫ رﻓ ض
ﷲ اﻟﻘرﯾ ب ﻣﻧ ﮫ وھﻧ ﺎ ﻧﺗﯾﺟ ﺔ اﻟﺧطﯾ ﺔ إذ ﻧ رﻓض ﻧﺻ ﯾﺣﺔ اﻟﻘ رﯾﺑﯾن ﺗ ﺄﺗﻲ اﻟﻌﻘوﺑ ﺔ ﻣ ن
اﻟﺑﻌﯾدﯾن.
٤٢
.٢أﻣﺔ ﻗوﯾﺔ ﻣﻧذ اﻟﻘدم :ھﻲ أﻣﺔ ﻗوﯾﺔ ﻟﮭﺎ ﺟﯾﺷﮭﺎ اﻟﻘوي أﺧف ﻣن اﻟﻧﺳ ور ﻓ ﻲ ﺳ رﻋﺗﮫ،
ﻗدﯾﻣﺔ إذ ﻛﺎﻧت ﺑﺎﺑل اﻟﺣدﯾﺛﺔ ﻓﻲ أوج ازدھﺎرھﺎ ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﯾ د ﻧﺑوﺧذﻧﺻ ر ﻓﺈﻧﮭ ﺎ ﻛﺎﻧ ت ھﻧ ﺎك
ﺑﺎﺑل اﻟﻘدﯾﻣﺔ.
وھﻧ ﺎ رﻣ ز ﻟﻠﺧطﯾ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ ﻗوﺗﮭ ﺎ إذ ﺗﺳ ﺑب اﻟﻣ وت وﻓ ﻲ زﻣﺎﻧﮭ ﺎ إذ ھ ﻲ ﻣﻧ ذ ﻧﺷ ﺄة ﺣﯾ ﺎة
اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷرض.
وھ ﻲ رﻣ ز ﻹﺑﻠ ﯾس اﻟ ذي ھ و أﻗ وى إذ ﻛ ﺎن ﻣ ن رﺗﺑ ﺔ اﻟﻛ ﺎروﺑﯾم اﻟﻣظﻠ ل وﺳ ﻘط وﻣﻧ ذ
اﻟﻘدم ﯾﻘﺎوم ﷲ وأوﻻده )إش .(١٤
.٣ﻻ ﺗﻌرف ﻟﺳﺎﻧﮭﺎ :ﻟﺳﺎﻧﮭﺎ ﻏرﯾب ﻻ ﺗﻌرف ﻟﻐﺗﮭم وھﻲ ﻣن أﺻﻌب اﻟﻌﻘوﺑﺎت أن ﺗﺗﻌﺎﻣل
ﻣﻊ أﺣ د ﻻ ﺗﻔﮭ م ﻛﻼﻣ ﮫ وھ ذه ﻛﺎﻧ ت ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﺑداﯾ ﺔ ﻛﺎﻧ ت ﻓ ﻲ ﺑﻧ ﺎء ﺑ رج ﺑﺎﺑ ل إذ ﺑﻠﺑ ل ﷲ
اﻷﻟﺳ ﻧﺔ )ﺗ ك (٧ :١١وﻛﺎﻧ ت اﻟﺧطﯾ ﺔ ھ ﻲ اﻟﻛﺑرﯾ ﺎء وﻧﺗﯾﺟﺗ ﮫ ﻋ دم ﻓﮭ م ﻛ ل واﺣ د ﻟﻐ ﺔ
اﻵﺧر واﻟﺗﻲ ﻋﺎدت ﻟﺗﺗﺟﻣﻊ ﻓﻲ ﯾوم اﻟﺧﻣﺳﯾن ﻋﻧد ﺣﻠول اﻟ روح اﻟﻘ دس ﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﺗﻼﻣﯾ ذ
ﻓﻲ )أع .(٢
.٤ﺟﻌﺑﺗﮭم ﻗﺑر ﻣﻔﺗوح :إذ ھم ﺳﺑب ﻟﻣوت اﻟﻛﺛﯾرﯾن وﻛﺄن ﺳﮭﺎﻣﮭم ﻛﻠﮭﺎ ﻟﻠﻣوت ﻓﮭم ﻣﺛل
إﺑﻠﯾس ﺳﮭﺎﻣﮫ ﻣﻣﻠوءة ﻧﺎر وﻣوت ﻟﺑﻧﻲ اﻟﺑﺷر.
.٥ﻛﻠﮭم ﺟﺑﺎﺑرة :إذ اﻟﺧطﯾﺔ وإﺑﻠ ﯾس أﻗوﯾ ﺎء ﻟﻛ ن ھ م أﻗوﯾ ﺎء ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻣ ن ﻻ ﯾﺗﻛ ل ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﷲ
وﯾﺗﻛل ﻋﻠﻰ ذاﺗﮫ.
.٦ﯾﺄﻛﻠون ﺣﺻﺎدك :ﯾﺄﻛﻠون اﻟﺣﺻﺎد وھ و داﺋﻣ ﺎ زﻣ ﺎن اﻟﺣ رب ﻋﻧ د اﻟرﺑﯾ ﻊ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻣﻣﺎﻟ ك
اﻟﻘدﯾﻣﺔ.
واﻟﺣﺻﺎد اﻟذي ﯾﺗﺧزن ﻟﺗﺄﻛﻠﮫ اﻷﺳرة ﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﻟﺑﻧﯾن واﻟﺑﻧﺎت ﯾﺄﻛﻠﮫ اﻟﻐرﺑﺎء اﻟذﯾن ﯾﺳﺑوا
اﻟﺷﻌب وﻛﺄﻧﮭم ﯾﺄﻛﻠوا اﻟﺑﻧﯾن أي ﺣﯾﺎة اﻟروح واﻟﺑﻧﺎت أي اﻟﺟﺳد ﯾﻌﺗل ﺑﺎﻷﻣراض.
ﯾﺄﻛﻠون اﻟﻐﻧم واﻟﺑﻘر.
ﯾﺄﻛﻠون ﺟﻔﻧﺗﮫ أي ﻋﺻﯾر اﻟﻛرﻣﺔ أي اﻟﻔرح ،ﻓﺎﻟﺧطﯾﺔ ﺗﻔﻘد اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﻓرﺣﮫ.
ﯾﺄﻛﻠون ﺗﯾﻧﺗ ك اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﺗﻣﺛ ل اﻟوﺣ دة ،ﻓﺎﻟﺧطﯾ ﺔ ﺗﺟﻌ ل اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن ﺑﻣﻔ رده ﯾﺑﻌ د ﻋﻧ ﮫ اﻟﺟﻣﯾ ﻊ
وﯾﻔﻘد وﺣدﺗﮫ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻛﻧﯾﺳﺔ وﻣﻊ ﷲ وﻣﻊ ﻧﻔﺳﮫ ﻣﺛﻠﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن اﻻﺑن اﻟﺿﺎل ﻓﻲ )ﻟو .(١٥
.٧ﯾﮭﻠﻛون ﺑﺎﻟﺳﯾف ﻣدﻧك اﻟﺣﺻﯾﻧﺔ :أي اﻟﺧطﯾﺔ ﺗﮭﻠك ﻣ ﺎ ﯾﻔﺗﻛ ر اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن أﻧ ﮫ ﯾﻧﻘ ذه ﯾ وم
اﻟﺿ ﯾق ﻓ ﺈذا ﻛ ﺎن ﯾﺗﺣﺻ ن ﺑﺎﻟﻌ ﺎﻟم ﺑﻣرﻛ زه أو ﺳ ﻠطﺗﮫ أو ﻣﺎﻟ ﮫ ﺳ ﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺿ ﯾﻘﺔ وﯾ وم
اﻟدﯾﻧوﻧ ﺔ ﻣ ﺎذا ﯾﻧﻔ ﻊ اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن ﻣ ن ﻛ ل ھ ذا ! ﻻ ﺷ ﻲء "..ﻣ ﺎذا ﯾﻧﺗﻔ ﻊ اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن ﻟ و رﺑ ﺢ
اﻟﻌﺎﻟم ﻛﻠﮫ وﺧﺳر ﻧﻔﺳﮫ ".
) (٥ﺷﻌﺑﻲ ﻻ ﯾﻔﮭم -:
٤٣
oﻋﺑﺎدة اﻷوﺛﺎن :إذ ﻛﺎن اﻟﺷﻌب ﻓﻲ زﻣﺎن إرﻣﯾﺎ ﻋرف اﻟرب وﻛﺎن ھﯾﻛﻠﮫ ﻓ ﻲ أورﺷ ﻠﯾم
وﻛ ﺎن ﯾﻘ دم اﻟ ذﺑﺎﺋﺢ ﻟﻛ ن ھ ذا ﻛ ﺎن ظﺎھرﯾ ﺎ ﻟﻛ ن ﻓ ﻲ اﻟ داﺧل ﻋﺑ ﺎدة اﻷوﺛ ﺎن ﻛﺷ ﮭوة
اﺷﺗﮭﺗﮭﺎ أورﺷﻠﯾم واﺳﺗﻘﺑﻠوا اﻷوﺛﺎن ﻣن دﻣﺷق.
oﻓﻠﮭذا أرﺳﻠﮭم ﷲ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺳﺑﻲ ﻟﻛﻲ ﯾﺗﻣﻣوا ﺷ ﮭواﺗﮭم إذ ﻓ ﻲ ﺑﺎﺑ ل ھﯾﺎﻛ ل ﺿ ﺧﻣﺔ ﻟﻌﺑ ﺎدة
اﻷوﺛﺎن ھذه ھﻲ ﺷﮭوﺗﮭم اﻟداﺧﻠﯾﺔ.
oاﻟﻌﯾ ون اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﻻ ﺗ رى واﻵذان اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺳ ﻣﻊ :ﻗ د ﻛﻠﻣﮭ م ﷲ ﻛﺛﯾ را ﺑواﺳ طﺔ أﻧﺑﯾﺎﺋ ﮫ
وﻋﻠ ﻰ اﻟﺟﺑ ل وأﻋط ﺎھم ھﯾﻛ ل ﻟﻠﻌﺑ ﺎدة ﺑﻔ رح ﻟﻛ ﻧﮭم اﺑﺗﻌ دوا ﻋﻧ ﮫ وﻛ ﺄﻧﮭم ﻻ ﯾ روا ﷲ
واﺑﺗﻌدوا ﻋ ن ﺳ ﻣﺎع وﺻ ﯾﺗﮫ رﻏ م أن ﻟﮭ م ﻋﯾ ون ﺗ رى وآذان ﺗﺳ ﻣﻊ ،ھﻛ ذا اﻧطﻣﺳ ت
ﻋﯾوﻧﮭم وآذاﻧﮭم ﻛﻣﺎ ﻗﺎل إﺷﻌﯾﺎء اﻟﻧﺑﻲ.
oوﻛﺄﻧﮭم ﻣن ﻣﺣﺑﺗﮭم ﻟﻸﺻﻧﺎم ﺻﺎروا ھم أﺻﻧﺎﻣﺎ!!
oوﻟﮭذا ﻟﻣﺎ ﺗﺟﺳد رﺑﻧﺎ ﯾﺳوع وﻋﻣل ﻣﻌﺟزات ﻛﺧﺎﻟق ﻟم ﯾﻌرﻓوه ﺑل ﺻﻠﺑوه!!
oﷲ اﻟﺧ ﺎﻟق اﻟ ذي ﺟﻌ ل ﻟﻠﺑﺣ ﺎر ﺣ دا :أﻋط ﺎھم ﷲ أﻣﺛ ﺎﻻ ﻓﺈﻧ ﮫ ھ و ﺟﻌ ل أﻣ واج اﻟﺑﺣ ر
اﻟﮭﺎﺋﺟﺔ ﺗﺣد ﺑواﺳطﺔ ﺷواطﺊ اﻟﺑﺣر اﻟﻣﻣﻠوءة رﻣﺎﻻ.
oﻓﺎﻟﺑﺣر اﻟذي ﺑﻼ ﻋﻘل ﯾطﯾﻊ ﷲ ﻓﻲ ﺣدود ﻗﺎﻧوﻧﮫ اﻟﻣوﺿوع ﻟﮫ وﺣﺗﻰ أﻣواﺟﮫ أﯾﺿﺎ.
oواﻷﻣطﺎر ﺗطﯾﻊ ﷲ ﻓﺎﻟﻣﺑﻛرة ﻓﻲ ﺷﮭر ١٠ﻟﺗﻧﺿﺞ اﻟﺑذور ﻟﻠزراﻋ ﺔ واﻟﻣﺗ ﺄﺧرة ﻟﺗﻧﺿ ﺞ
اﻟﺛﻣﺎر ﻓﻲ ﺷﮭر .١٢
oﻟﻛ ن اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﻗ ل ﻻ ﯾطﯾ ﻊ ﻓﺎﻟﺟﻣ ﺎد أﻓﺿ ل ﻣﻧ ﮫ ﻷﻧ ﮫ ﯾطﯾ ﻊ ﷲ ﺧ ﻼل اﻟﻘ ﺎﻧون
اﻟﻣوﺿوع ﻟﮫ.
oﻓﺎﻟﺗﺟﺎرب اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺄﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾراھﺎ اﻹﻧﺳﺎن اﻟﻐﯾر ﻣﺗﻌﻘل ﯾﻧﮭ ﺎر أﻣ ﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﻗ ل
ﻓﯾﺻﺑر إذ ﷲ ﯾﺿﻊ ﻟﮭﺎ ﺣدا ﻣﺛل ﺷواطﺊ اﻟﺑﺣﺎر.
oواﻷﻣطﺎر اﻟﺗ ﻲ ﯾراھ ﺎ اﻹﻧﺳ ﺎن اﻟﻐﯾ ر ﻣﺗﻌﻘ ل ﻣﺛ ل ﺗﺟ ﺎرب ﺑ ﻼ ھ دف ﯾراھ ﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﻗ ل أﻧﮭ ﺎ
ﻹﺛﻣﺎره روﺣﯾﺎ.
) (٦اﺻطﺎدوا اﻟﻣﺳﺎﻛﯾن ﻓﺎﺻطﺎدﺗﮭم اﻷﻣﺔ اﻟﺷرﯾرة -:
.١ﺻ ﺎر اﻟﺷ ﻌب ﻣ ﻊ اﻟﻘﯾ ﺎدات ﻟ ﯾس ﻓﻘ ط ﯾﺣﺑ وا اﻟﺷ ر ﺑ ل ﺻ ﺎروا ﯾﺻ طﺎدوا اﻟﻣﺳ ﺎﻛﯾن
ﻛﻔرﯾﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﺷر.
.٢ﺟﻌﻠ وا اﻟﻣﺳ ﺎﻛﯾن ﻋﺑﯾ د ﻣﺛﻠﻣ ﺎ ﯾﺻ ﯾد طﯾ ور ﻓ ﻲ ﻗﻔ ص ﻣﻣﺗﻠ ﺊ ﻣ ﻧﮭم ﻓﺻ ﯾروا اﻷﺣ رار
طﯾورا ﻓﻲ ﻗﻔ ص ﻓ رد ﻋﻠ ﯾﮭم اﻟﻌﻣ ل إذ ﺳ ﺑوا إﻟ ﻰ ﺑﺎﺑ ل ﺑ ﻼ رﺣﻣ ﺔ وﺻ ﺎروا ﻋﺑﯾ دا ﺑ ﻼ
ﺣرﯾﺔ.
.٣ﺻﺎر اﻟﺷﻌب ﻋظﯾﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧظر ﻧﻔﺳﮫ.
٤٤
.٤وﺻﺎروا أﻏﻧﯾﺎء ﻏﯾر ﻣﺣﺗﺎﺟﯾن ﻓﻲ ﺷ ﻲء ،اﺳ ﺗﻐﻧوا وھ ﻲ ﺣﺎﻟ ﺔ ﻋﻧ دﻣﺎ ﯾﺻ ل إﻟﯾﮭ ﺎ
اﻹﻧﺳﺎن ﯾﻛون ﻓﻘﯾرا وأﻋﻣﻰ وﻋرﯾﺎن روﺣﯾﺎ.
.٥ﺻﺎروا ﺳﻣﺎﻧﺎ ذوو ﺻﺣﺔ ﻟﻛ ن ﻓﻘ راء روﺣﯾ ﺎ ﺑ ﻼ ﺻ ﺣﺔ ﻣﺿ روﺑﯾن ﺑ ﺎﻟﻣرض اﻟروﺣ ﻲ
ﻣن اﻟرأس إﻟﻰ أﺧﻣص اﻟﻘدﻣﯾن.
.٦ﺻ ﺎر اﻟﺷ ﻌب ﻻﻣ ﻊ ﻓ ﻲ ﻣظﮭ ره ﺟﻣﯾ ل ﻟﻛ ن ﻓ ﻲ ﻧظ ر ﷲ ﻣﻔﺳ دا أﻛﺛ ر ﻣ ن اﻟرﺟ ل
)إش.(٥٣
.٧ﺻﺎروا ظﺎﻟﻣﯾن ﻟم ﯾﻘﺿوا ﻓﻲ دﻋوى اﻟﯾﺗﯾم واﻟﻣﺳﺎﻛﯾن.
.٨ﺻﺎروا ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ دھش وﻛﺄﻧﮭم ﻣﻧﺣدرﯾن ﻣرﺗﻌﺷﯾن ﻷﺟل ﺷرھم ھﻛ ذا ﻣ ن ﯾﻌﻣ ل اﻟﺷ ر
ﯾﺻﯾر ﻣﮭزوﻣﺎ.
.٩ﺻﺎر اﻷﻧﺑﯾﺎء ﯾروا ﻛذﺑﺎ واﻟﻛﮭﻧﺔ ﯾﺣﻛﻣوا ﻟﯾس ﺣﺳب اﻟﺷ رﯾﻌﺔ ﺑ ل ﻣﺛﻠﻣ ﺎ ﯾ رى اﻷﻧﺑﯾ ﺎء
اﻹﺻﺣﺎح اﻟﺳـﺎدس
ﺑﺎﻟﻛذب ﻷن اﻟﺷﻌب أﺣب اﻟﻛذب واﻟرؤى اﻟﺑﺎطﻠﺔ واﻷﺣﻛﺎم اﻟﺟﺎﺋرة.
اﻟﻌدو اﻟﻣؤدب ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﺑواب
) (١اﻟﻌدو اﻟﺑﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﺑواب ﻗﺎدم ﻣن اﻟﺷﻣﺎل -:
.١طﻠب اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻟﺑﯾن ﺻدق ﻧﺑواﺗﮫ ﻣ ن ﺑﻧ ﻲ ﺑﻧﯾ ﺎﻣﯾن ﻷﻧﮭ م ھ م ﺷ ﻣﺎل أورﺷ ﻠﯾم أن ﯾﮭرﺑ وا
ﻷن ﺟﯾش اﻟﺑﺎﺑﻠﯾﯾن ﻗﺎدم ﻓﻔﻲ ﻣروره إﻟﻰ أورﺷﻠﯾم ﻣن اﻟﺷﻣﺎل ﻗد ﯾﮭﻠك ﻗرى ﻣﺛل ﻗرى
ﺑﻧﯾﺎﻣﯾن ﻓﺄﻣرھم أن ﯾﺗرﻛوا دﯾﺎرھم ﻟﺋﻼ ﯾﮭﻠﻛوا ﺑﺳﺑب ﺟﯾش ﺑﺎﺑل اﻟﻘﺎدم ﻣن اﻟﺷﻣﺎل.
.٢أﻣرھم أن ﯾﺿرﺑوا ﺑﺎﻟﺑوق ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘوع وﺑﯾت ھﻛﺎرﯾم -:
-ﺗﻘوع :ﺗﻘﻊ ﺟﻧوب أورﺷﻠﯾم ﺑــ ١٢ﻣﯾل وﺟﻧوب ﺑﯾت ﻟﺣم ﺑــ ٥ﻣﯾل ،وﺗﻘوع ھﻲ ﺑﻠدة
ﻋﺎﻣوس اﻟﻧﺑﻲ.
-وأﻣرھم اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺿرب ﺑ ﺎﻟﺑوق ﻓﯾﮭ ﺎ ﻷن أورﺷ ﻠﯾم ﺗﻘ ﻊ أﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻣ ن ﺗﻘ وع وﺗ رى ﺗﻘ وع
ﻣ ن أورﺷ ﻠﯾم وﻛ ﺄن اﻟﻧﺑ ﻲ ﯾ رى اﻟﮭ ﺎرﺑﯾن ﻣ ن ﺟ ﯾش ﺑﺎﺑ ل إﻟﯾﮭ ﺎ ﻟﮭ ذا أﻣ رھم ﺑﺿ رب
اﻟﺑوق ھﻧﺎك.
-ﺑﯾت ھﻛﺎرﯾم :وھﻲ ﺟﻧوب أورﺷﻠﯾم ﻟﻛﻧﮭﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﯾﺔ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ارﺗﻔﺎع ٨٠٠ﻣﺗر ،ﻓﺄﻣر أن
ﯾﺿرب ﺑﺎﻟﺑوق ﻓﯾﮭﺎ ﻷن ﺷﻌب أورﺷ ﻠﯾم ﯾﮭ رب إﻟﯾﮭ ﺎ وإﻟ ﻰ ﻛﮭوﻓﮭ ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ ﺳ ﺎﻋﺔ دﺧ ول
ﺟﯾش ﺑﺎﺑل إﻟﯾﮭﺎ.
.٣أﻣ رھم أن ﯾرﻓﻌ وا ﻋﻠ م ﻣ ن ﻧ ﺎر :وھﻧ ﺎ ﺗوﺿ ﯾﺢ أن أورﺷ ﻠﯾم ﻣدﯾﻧ ﺔ اﻟﮭﯾﻛ ل ﺳ ﺗﺣرق
ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺎر.
ﻓﺈن ﻛﺎﻧت أورﺷﻠﯾم ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ اﻟﻘداﺳﺔ ﻓﻘدت ﻗداﺳﺗﮭﺎ ﺑواﺳطﺔ ﺳﻛﺎﻧﮭﺎ ﻓ ﺈن ﷲ ﺳ ﯾﻌﯾد ﻟﮭ ﺎ
ﻗداﺳﺗﮭﺎ ﺑﻧﺎر ﻣن ﺟﯾش ﺑﺎﺑل.
٤٥
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and went off on another pilgrimage, first to S. Gilles in Provence and
then to Rome. He came home to his parents, but he could not stay;
he must go back yet a third time, he told them, to the threshold of the
Apostles; and this time his mother accompanied him. At a period
when religious men of greater experience in this world’s affairs were
pouring out heart-rending lamentations over the corruptions of
Rome, it is touching to see that she still cast over this simple English
rustic the spell which she had cast of old over Wilfrid and Benedict
Biscop. It was in the land of Wilfrid and Benedict, in the wild
Northumbria, with its long reaches of trackless moor and its mighty
forests, scarcely penetrated save by the wild beasts, that Godric at
last found refuge from the world. He sought it first at Carlisle, then a
lonely outpost on the western borders of the moors, just beginning a
new life after its conquest by William Rufus. His hopes of remaining
there in obscurity were, however, defeated by the recognition of a
kinsman, doubtless one of the Red King’s colonists, and he fled yet
further into the wilderness. Weeks and months of lonely wandering
through the forest brought him unexpectedly to an aged hermit at
Wolsingham; there he remained nearly three years, tending the old
man until his death; then a vision of S. Cuthbert sent Godric off
again, first on another journey to Holy Land, and then to a hermitage
in Eskdale near Whitby. Thence the persecution of the lord of the soil
drove him to a surer refuge in the territory of S. Cuthbert. He settled
for a while in Durham and there gave himself up to practical works of
piety, frequenting the offices of devotion, giving alms out of his
penury to those who were yet poorer than himself, and constantly
sitting as a scholar among the children in the church of S. Mary. His
kinsman at Carlisle had given him a Psalm-book; whether he ever
learned actually to read it is not clear; but he already knew by heart a
considerable part of the Psalter; at Durham he learned the whole;
and the little book, which he had carried in all his wanderings, was to
the end of his life his most cherished possession. When asked in
later years how one of his fingers had grown crooked, he answered
with a smile that it had become cramped with constantly grasping
this book. Meanwhile he was seeking a place of retirement within
easy distance of the chief object of his devotion—S. Cuthbert’s
shrine. His choice was decided by the chance words of a shepherd
to his comrade: “Let us go water our flocks at Finchale!” Godric
offered the man his sole remaining coin—a farthing—to lead him to
the spot, and saw at once that he had reached the end of his
wanderings.
Even to-day the scene is wild and solemn enough, to the traveller
who, making his way from Durham over the lonely country-side,
suddenly dips down into a secluded hollow where the ruins of
Finchale Priory stand on a low grassy ledge pressed close between
the rushing stream of Wear and the dark wooded hills which, owing
to the sharp bend made by the river, seem to close round it on every
side. But in Godric’s day the place was wilder still. The road which
now leads through the wood was a mere sheep-track worn by the
feet of the flocks as they made their way down to the river; the site of
the priory was a thicket of briars, thorns and nettles, and it was only
on a narrow strip of rocky soil hanging over the water’s edge and
thinly covered with scant herbage that the sheep could find a
foothold and the hermit a place for his dwelling. His first abode was a
cave scooped in the rock; later on he seems to have built himself a
little hut with an oratory attached. A large stone served him at once
for table and pillow; but only when utterly worn out with a long day’s
toil in clearing away the thickets and preparing the soil for cultivation
would he lie down for a few hours of quiet vigil rather than of sleep;
and on moonlight nights the rustics of the country-side woke with a
start at the ring of the hermit’s axe, echoing for miles through the
woodland. The spirit of the earlier Northumbrian saints seems to
breathe again in Godric’s ceaseless labour, his stern self-
mortification, his rigid fasts, his nightly plunges into the Wear, where
he would stand in the hollow of the rocks, up to his neck in the
stream, singing Psalms all through the winter nights, while the snow
fell thick on his head or the waters froze around him. With the fervour
of the older asceticism he had caught too its poetic tenderness. As
he wandered through forest after forest from Carlisle to the Tees he
had found like S. Guthlac of old that “he who denies himself the
converse of men wins the converse of birds and beasts and the
company of angels.” Noxious reptiles lay passive beneath his feet as
he walked along and crawled harmlessly about him as he lay on the
bare ground at night; “the hissing of a viper scared him no more than
the crowing of a cock.” The woods of Finchale were thronged with
wild beasts of every kind; on his first arrival he was confronted by a
wolf of such enormous size that he took it for a fiend in wolf’s shape,
and the impression was confirmed when at the sign of the Cross the
animal lay down for a moment at his feet and then slunk quietly
away. The toads and vipers which swarmed along the river-side
played harmlessly about the floor of his hut, and basked in the glow
of his fire or nestled between his feet, till finding that they disturbed
his devotions he gently bade them depart, and was at once obeyed.
A stag browsing upon the young shoots of the trees in his little
orchard suffered him to put a halter about its neck and lead it away
into the forest. In the long hard frosts of the northern winter he would
roam about seeking for frozen or starving animals, carry them home
in his arms and restore them to warmth and animation at his fire.
Bird and beast sought shelter from the huntsman in the hermit’s cell;
one stag which he had hidden from the followers of Bishop Ralf
came back day after day to be petted and caressed. Amid the
silence of the valley, broken only by the rustling of the wind through
the trees, the ripple of the stream over its rocky bed, and the chirping
of the birds who had probably given their name to the “Finches-
haugh,” strains of angel-harps and angel-voices sounded in the
hermit’s ears; and the Virgin-Mother came down to teach him how to
sing to her in his own English tongue. As the years went on Godric
ceased to shrink from his fellow-men; his mother, his sister, came to
dwell near him in religious retirement; a little nephew was admitted to
tend his cow. Some of the younger monks of Durham, among them
the one to whom we owe the record of Godric’s life, were the
devoted attendants of his extreme age; while from the most distant
quarters men of all ranks flocked to seek counsel and guidance in
every variety of circumstances, temporal and spiritual, from one
whom not only all Durham but almost all England looked upon as a
saint and a prophet.[199]
[199] The story of S. Godric is in Libellus de Vitâ S. Godrici, by
Reginald of Durham (Surtees Society).
It was in 1122—two years after the wreck of the White Ship—that
Godric settled at Finchale, and he dwelt there sixty years. He is the
last of the old English saints; his long life, beginning probably before
the Conqueror’s death and ending only seven years before that of
Henry II., is a link between the religious life of the earlier England
which had passed away and that of the newer England which was
arising in its place. The spiritual side of the revival was in truth
closely connected with its national side. All the foreign influences
which the Norman conquest had brought to bear upon the English
Church had failed to stamp out her intensely national character; nay,
rather, she was already beginning to lead captive her conquerors.
One of the most striking signs of the times was the renewal of
reverence for those older English saints whose latest successor was
striving to bury himself in the woodlands of S. Cuthbert’s patrimony.
Normans and English hushed their differences before the grave of
the Confessor; Lanfranc was forced to acknowledge the sanctity of
Ælfheah. At Canterbury itself the memory not only of Lanfranc but
even of Anselm was still eclipsed by that of Dunstan. The very
changes introduced by Norman prelates or Norman patrons, their
zeal for discipline or their passion for architectural display, worked in
the same direction. It was in the old minster of S. Werburg that Earl
Hugh of Chester had placed the Benedictine colony whose
settlement helped to bring about the appointment of Anselm as
primate; it was in honour of another early Mercian saint, Milburg, that
Roger of Shrewsbury reared his abbey at Wenlock. Bishop Richard
of London planted the Austin canons at Chiche over the shrine of S.
Osyth; Bishop Roger of Salisbury planted them at Oxford over that of
S. Frideswide. The foundation of a bishop’s see at Ely brought a
fresh lustre to the glory of S. Etheldreda; and the matchless church
at Durham on which two of the very worldliest and worst of Norman
prelates, William of S. Calais and Ralf Flambard, lavished all the
splendour that art could devise or wealth procure, was one vast
monument to the honour of S. Cuthbert. Literary activity was re-
awakened by a like impulse. Two successive precentors of
Canterbury, Osbern and Eadmer, had already worked up into more
elaborate biographies the early memorials of S. Dunstan. Eadmer’s
best inspiration came to him indeed from a nearer source; his most
valuable work is the history of his own time, which he grouped, as in
a picture, around the central figure of his own master, Anselm. It was
doubtless from that master that he had learnt a breadth of sympathy
which extended far beyond his local associations at Canterbury. The
saints of the rival archbishopric, Wilfrid and Oswald, found in him a
new biographer. In the northern province, Simeon and his fellow-
monks were busy at Durham with the story of their own church and
its patron, Cuthbert. In the south, again, Faricius, the Italian abbot of
Abingdon, was writing a life of S. Ealdhelm; while almost every
church of importance in central and southern England was throwing
open its archives to the eager researches, and contributing its
memorials of early Mercian and West-Saxon saints to swell the
hagiological collections of a young monk at Ealdhelm’s own
Malmesbury.
There was one cathedral monastery in the west of England where
the traditions of a larger historical sentiment had never died out. The
scriptorium at Worcester had been for more than a century the
depository of the sole contemporary edition of the English Chronicle;
[200] and there alone the national history continued to be recorded in
the national tongue down to the early years of Henry I. In the middle
of his reign the monks of Peterborough, probably in consequence of
the loss of their own records in a fire which destroyed their abbey in
1116, borrowed a copy of the Chronicle from Worcester, and wrote it
out afresh for their own use, with additions from local history and
other sources. It is only in their version that the earliest Chronicle of
Worcester has been preserved to us. But they did more than
transcribe the story of the past. When the copyist had brought his
work down to the latest event of his own day—the sinking of the
White Ship in 1120—another scribe carried on the annals of
Peterborough and of England for ten more years, in the native
speech of the land; and when he laid down his pen it was taken up
by yet another English writer whose notices of contemporary history,
irregular and fragmentary though they are, still cast a gleam of light
across the darkness of the “nineteen winters” which lie between the
death of the first King Henry and the coming of the second.[201]
[200] In strictness, we must except the years 1043–1066,
when the Abingdon Chronicle is also contemporary.
[201] On the school of Worcester and its later influence, and
the relations between the Chronicles of Worcester and
Peterborough, see Green, Conquest of England, pp. 341, 342
and notes, and p. 370, note 2; and Earle, Parallel Chronicles,
Introd.
Precious as it is to us, however, this English chronicle-work at
Peterborough was a mere survival. Half its pathetic interest indeed
springs from the fact that it stands utterly alone; save in that one
abbey in the Fens, English had ceased to be a written tongue; the
vernacular literature of England was dead. If the reviving national
sentiment was to find a literary expression which could exercise any
lasting and widespread influence, the vehicle must be not English
but Latin. This was the work now taken up by the historical school of
Worcester. Early in the twelfth century a Worcester monk named
Florence made a Latin version of the Chronicle. Unhappily, he
infused into his work a violent party spirit, and overlaid the plain brief
statements of the annals with a mass of interpolations, additions and
alterations, whose source it is impossible to trace, and which,
adopted only too readily by later writers, have gone far to bring our
early history into what until a very recent time seemed well-nigh
hopeless confusion. But the very extent of his influence proves how
true was the instinct which led him—patriot of the most narrow,
insular, exaggerated type, as the whole tone of his work shows him
to have been—to clothe the ancient vernacular annals in a Latin
dress, in the hope of increasing their popularity. If English history has
in one way suffered severely at his hands, it owes him a debt of
gratitude nevertheless upon another ground. While the last English
chronicle lay isolated and buried in the scriptorium at Peterborough,
it was through the Latin version of Florence that the national and
literary tradition of the school of Worcester made its way throughout
the length and breadth of the land, and inspired a new generation of
English historians. Simeon of Durham, copying out and piecing
together the old Northumbrian annals which had gone on growing
ever since Bæda’s death, no sooner met with the chronicle of
Florence than he made it the foundation of his own work for the
whole space of time between Ælfred’s birth in 848 and Florence’s
own death in 1118; and from Simeon it was handed down, through
the work of another local historian, to be incorporated in the great
compilation of Roger of Howden.[202] Henry of Huntingdon, who
soon after 1125, at the instigation of Bishop Alexander of Lincoln,
began to collect materials for a history of the English, may have
learnt from the same source his method of dealing with the English
Chronicle, though he seems, naturally enough, to have chiefly used
the copy which lay nearest to his own hand at Peterborough.
Meanwhile, at the opposite end of England, a finer and subtler
intellect than that of either Florence or Simeon or Henry had caught
the historical impulse in an old West-Saxon monastery.
[202] On Simeon, see Bishop Stubbs’s preface to Roger of
Howden, vol. i. (Rolls ed.); Mr. Arnold’s prefaces to Simeon, vol.
i., and Henry of Huntingdon (ibid.); and Mr. Hodgson Hinde’s
preface to Simeon (Surtees Soc.).
William of Malmesbury was born some three or four years before
the Conqueror’s death,[203] in or near the little town in Wiltshire from
which his surname was derived. One of his parents seems to have
been Norman, the other English.[204] They early destined their son to
a literary career; “My father,” he says, “impressed upon me that if I
turned aside to other pursuits, I should but waste my life and imperil
my good name. So, remembering the recommendation to make a
virtue of necessity, I persuaded myself, young as I was, to acquire a
willing taste for that to which I could not in honour show myself
disinclined.” It is plain that submission to the father’s wishes cost no
great effort to the boy. As he tells us himself, “Reading was the
pleasure whose charms won me in my boyhood and grew with my
growing years.”[205] His lot was cast in a pleasant place for one of
such a disposition. Fallen though it was from its ancient greatness,
some remnants of its earlier culture still hung about Malmesbury
abbey. The place owed its rise to an Irish recluse, Maidulf, who, in
the seventh century sought retirement from the world in the forest
which at that time covered all the northern part of Wiltshire. Maidulf,
however, was a scholar as well as a saint; and in those days, when
Ireland was the light of the whole western world, no forest, were it
never so gloomy and impenetrable, could long hide an Irish scholar
from the eagerness of the disciples who flocked to profit by his
teaching. The hermitage grew into a school, and the school into a
religious community. Its second abbot, Ealdhelm, is one of the most
brilliant figures in the history of early West-Saxon learning and
culture. The architecture of Wessex owed its birth to the churches
which he reared along the edge of the forest-tract of Dorset and
Wiltshire, from the seat of his later bishopric at Sherborne to his
early home at Malmesbury; its Latin literature was moulded by the
learning which he brought back from Archbishop Theodore’s school
at Canterbury; and the whole ballad literature of southern England
sprang from his English songs. The West-Saxon kings, from Ine to
Eadgar, showered their benefactions upon the house of one whom
they were proud to call their kinsman. It escaped as by a miracle
from the destruction of the Danish wars; and in the Confessor’s reign
its wealth and fame were great enough to tempt the diocesan
bishop, Herman of Ramsbury, into a project for making it the seat of
his bishopric. Darker times began with the coming of the first
Norman abbot, Turold, whose stern and warlike character, more
befitting a soldier than a monk, soon induced the king to transfer him
to Peterborough, as a check upon the English outlaws and their
Danish allies in the camp of refuge at Ely. His successor at
Malmesbury, Warin, alienated for his own profit the lands and the
treasures which earlier benefactors had lavished upon the abbey,
and showed his contempt for the old English abbots by turning the
bones of every one of them, except Ealdhelm, out of their resting-
places on either side the high altar, and thrusting them into a corner
of one of the lesser churches of the town, with the mocking
comment: “Whosoever is mightiest among them may help the rest!”
William’s boyhood, however, fell in happier days. About the time of
his birth Warin died, and the next abbot, Godfrey, set himself to a
vigorous work of material, moral and intellectual reform which must
have been in full career when William entered the abbey-school.[206]
The bent of the lad’s mind showed itself in the subjects which he
chose for special study out of the general course taught in the
school. “Logic, which serves to give point to our discourse, I tasted
only with my ears; to physic, which cures the diseases of our bodies,
I paid somewhat closer heed. But I searched deeply into the various
branches of moral philosophy, whose dignity I hold in reverence,
because it is self-evident to those who study it, and disposes our
minds to virtuous living;—and especially into history, which,
preserving in a pleasing record the manners of times gone by, by
example excites its readers to follow that which is good and shun
that which is evil.”[207] Young as he was, his studious habits gained
him the confidence of the abbot. Godfrey’s darling scheme was the
formation of a library; and when at length he found time and means
to attempt its execution, it was William who became his most
energetic assistant. “Methinks I have a right to speak of this work,”
he tells us with pardonable pride, “for herein I came behind none of
my elders, nay, if it be not boastful to say so, I far outstripped them
all. I rivalled the good abbot’s own diligence in collecting that pile of
books; I did my utmost to help in his praiseworthy undertaking. May
those who now enter into our labours duly cherish their fruits!”[208]
[203] This conclusion, which seems the only one possible, as
to the date of William’s birth is that of Mr. W. de Gray Birch, On
the Life and Writings of Will. of Malmesbury, pp. 3, 4 (from Trans.
R. Soc. of Lit., vol. x., new series).
[204] Will. Malm. Gesta Reg., prolog. l. iii. (Hardy, p. 389).
[205] Ib. prolog. l. ii. (Hardy, p. 143).
[206] The history of Malmesbury is in Will. Malm.’s Vita S.
Aldhelmi, i.e. Gesta Pontif., l. v. (Hamilton, pp. 332 et seq.)
[207] Will. Malm. Gesta Reg., prolog. l. ii. (Hardy, p. 143).
[208] Will. Malm. Gesta Pontif., l. v. c. 271 (Hamilton, p. 431).
It is not difficult to guess in what department of the library William
took the deepest interest. Half Norman as he was by descent, the
chosen literary assistant of a Norman abbot,[209] it was natural that
his first endeavour should be to “collect, at his own expense, some
histories of foreign nations.” As he pondered over them in the quiet
cloisters of the old English monastery which by this time had become
his home, the question arose—could nothing be found among our
own people worthy of the remembrance of posterity?[210] He had but
to look around him, and the question answered itself. To the
antiquary and the scholar Malmesbury was already classic ground,
where every step brought him face to face with some memory of the
glories of Wessex under the old royal house from which Ealdhelm
sprang. To Ealdhelm’s own fame indeed even the prejudices of
Abbot Warin had been forced to yield, and a new translation of the
saint’s relics in 1078 had been followed by a fresh outburst of
popular devotion and a fresh influx of pilgrims to his shrine. Every
year his festival brought together a crowd of devotees, of sick folk
seeking the aid of his miraculous powers, and—as generally
happened in such cases—of low jesters seeking only to make their
profit out of the amusement which they afforded to the gaping
multitude. The punishment of one of these, who was smitten with
frenzy and only cured after three days’ intercession on the part of the
monks, during which he lay chained before the shrine, was one of
the most vivid recollections of William’s childhood.[211] In the vestiary
of the abbey-church he beheld with wonder and awe the chasuble
which, as a quaint legend told, the saint in his pious abstraction of
mind had once hung upon a sunbeam, and whose unusual length
helped to furnish a mental picture of his tall stately form.[212] Among
the older literary treasures which served as a nucleus for the new
library, he gazed with scarcely less reverence on a Bible which
Ealdhelm had bought of some foreign merchants at Dover when he
visited Kent for his consecration.[213] The muniment-chest was full of
charters granted by famous kings of old, Ceadwalla and Ine, Ælfred
and Eadward, Æthelstan and Eadgar. In the church itself a golden
crucifix, a fragment of the wood of the Cross, and several reliquaries
containing the bones of early Gaulish saints were shown as
Æthelstan’s gifts, and the king himself lay buried beneath the tower.
[214] On the left of the high altar, facing S. Ealdhelm’s shrine, stood a
tomb which in William’s day was believed to cover the remains of a
scholar of wider though less happy fame than Ealdhelm himself—
John Scotus, who, flying from his persecutors in Gaul, was said to
have established a school under Ælfred’s protection at Malmesbury,
and to have been there pricked to death by his pupils with their
styles in the little church of S. Laurence.[215] The scanty traces of a
vineyard on the hill-side which sheltered the abbey to the north were
associated with a visitor from a yet more distant land. In the time of
the Danish kings there came seeking for admission at Malmesbury a
stranger of whom the brotherhood knew no more than that he was a
Greek and a monk, and that his name was Constantine. His gentle
disposition, abstemious habits, and quiet retiring ways won him
general esteem and love; his whole time was spent in prayer and in
the cultivation of the vineyard which he planted with his own hands
for the benefit of the community; and only when at the point of death
he arrayed himself in a pallium drawn from the scrip which he always
carried at his side, was it revealed to the astonished Englishmen that
he had been an archbishop in his Eastern home.[216]
[209] Godfrey was a monk of Jumièges; Will. Malm. Gesta
Pontif., l. v. c. 271 (Hamilton, p. 431).
[210] Will. Malm. Gesta Reg., prolog. l. ii. (Hardy, p. 142).
[211] Will. Malm. Gesta Pontif., l. v. c. 275 (Hamilton, pp. 438,
439).
[212] Ib. c. 218 (p. 365).
[213] Ib. c. 224 (pp. 376–378).
[214] Ib. c. 246 (p. 397).
[215] Will. Malm. Gesta Pontif., l. v. c. 240 (Hamilton, p. 394),
and Gesta Reg., l. ii. c. 122 (Hardy, p. 190). The story seems
however to be false. It probably originated in a confusion, first
between John Scotus and John the Old-Saxon, who was nearly
murdered by the monks of Athelney; and secondly, between both
these Johns and a third scholar bearing the same name, who is
mentioned by Gotselin of Canterbury as buried at Malmesbury,
but whose real history seems to be lost. See Lanigan, Eccles.
Hist. of Ireland, vol. iii. pp. 300, 301, 315, 316, 318–320.
[216] Will. Malm. Gesta Pontif., l. v. c. 260 (Hamilton, p. 415).
Under the influence of surroundings such as these William began
his studies in English history. But he was brought to a standstill at
the very threshold for lack of a guide. From the death of Bæda to his
own day, he could not by the most diligent researches discover a
single English writer worthy of the name of historian. “There are
indeed certain records of antiquity in the native tongue, arranged
according to the years of our Lord after the manner of a chronicle,
whereby the times which have gone by since that great man (Bæda)
have been rescued from complete oblivion. For of Æthelweard, a
noble and illustrious man who set himself to expound those
chronicles in Latin, it is better to say nothing; his aim indeed would
be quite to my mind, if his style were not unbearable to my
taste.”[217] The work of Florence was probably as yet altogether
unpublished; it was certainly not yet finished, nor does it appear to
have been heard of at Malmesbury. That of Eadmer, whose first
edition—ending at the death of Anselm—must have been the last
new book of the day, received from William a just tribute of praise,
both as to its subject-matter and its style; but it was essentially what
its title imported, a History of Recent Events; the introductory sketch
prefixed to it was a mere outline, and, starting as it did only from
Eadgar’s accession, still left between its beginning and Bæda’s
death a yawning chasm of more than two centuries which the young
student at Malmesbury saw no means of bridging over save by his
own labour.[218] “So, as I could not be satisfied with what I found
written of old, I began to scribble myself.”[219]
[217] Will. Malm. Gesta Reg., prolog. l. i. (Hardy, pp. 1, 2).
[218] Will. Malm. Gesta Reg., prolog. l. i. (Hardy, p. 2).
[219] Ib. prolog. l. ii. (Hardy, pp. 143, 144).
Such, as related by the author himself, was the origin of William’s
first historical work, the Gesta Regum Anglorum or Acts of the
English Kings, followed a few years later by a companion volume
devoted to the acts of the bishops. He was stirred by the same
impulse of revived national sentiment which stirred Florence of
Worcester to undertake his version of the Chronicle. But the impulse
acted very differently on two different minds. William’s Gesta Regum
were first published in 1120, two years after the death of Florence.
The work of Florence, although he never mentions it, had doubtless
reached him by this time, and must certainly have been well known
to him before he issued his revised edition in 1128. To William,
indeed, the Chronicle had no need of a Latin interpreter; and he
probably looked upon Florence in no other light. He set before
himself a loftier aim. In his own acceptation of the word, he is the first
English historian since Bæda; he is in truth the founder of a new
school of historical composition. William’s temper, as displayed in his
works, might form the subject of a curious psychological study. It is a
temper which, in many respects, seems to belong rather to a man of
the world in our own day than to a monk of the twelfth century. He
has none of the narrowness of the cloister; he has little of the
prejudices common to his profession or his age; he has still less
prejudice of race. The Norman and the English blood in his veins
seem completely to neutralize each other; while Florence colours the
whole story not only of the Norman but even of the Danish conquest
with his violent English sympathies, William calmly balances the one
side against the other, and criticizes them both with the judicial
impartiality of a spectator to whom the matter has a purely
philosophical interest. The whole bent of his mind indeed is
philosophical, literary, artistic, rather than political. With him the study
of history is a scientific study, and its composition a work of art. His
aim is to entertain his readers quite as much as to instruct them. He
utterly discards the old arrangement of events “by the years of our
Lord,” and groups his materials in defiance of chronology on
whatever plan seems to him best adapted to set them in the most
striking and effective light. He never loses sight of his reader; he is
always in dread of wearying him with dry political details, always
seizing an opportunity to break in upon their monotony with some
curious illustration, some romantic episode, some quaint legend, or
—when he reaches his own time—some personal scandal which he
tells with all the zest of a modern newspaper-writer. His love of story-
telling, his habit of flying off at a tangent in the midst of his narrative
and dragging in a string of irrelevant tales, sometimes of the most
frivolous kind, is positively irritating to a student bent only upon
following the main thread of the history. But in William of Malmesbury
the main thread is often of less real value than the mass of varied
adornment and illustration with which it is overlaid. William is no
Bæda; but, Bæda excepted, there are few of our medieval historians
who can vie with him in the telling of a story. His long and frequent
digressions into foreign affairs are often of great intrinsic value, and
they show a depth of insight into the history of other nations and a
cosmopolitan breadth of thought and feeling quite without parallel in
his time. His penetration into individual characters, his power of
seizing upon their main features and sketching them to the life in a
few rapid skilful strokes—as in his pictures of the Norman kings or of
the Angevin counts—has perhaps not many rivals at any time. Even
when his stories are most utterly worthless in themselves, there is a
value in the light which they throw upon the writer’s own temper or
on that of the age in which he lived. Not a few of them have a further
interest as fragments saved from the wreck of a popular literature
whose very existence, but for William and his fellow-historians, we
might never have known. The Norman conquest had doomed to
gradual extinction a vast growth of unwritten popular verse which,
making its way with the wandering gleeman into palace and minster,
hall and cottage, had coloured the whole social life and thought of
England for four hundred years. The gleeman’s days were
numbered. He had managed to hold his ground against the growing
hostility of the Church; but the coming of the stranger had fatally
narrowed his sphere of influence. His very language was
unintelligible to the nobles who sat in the seat of his former patrons;
jongleur and ménestrel from over sea had taken in the king’s court
and the baron’s castle the place which the gleeman had once filled in
the halls of ealdorman and thegn, and only the common people still
hailed his appearance as a welcome break in the monotonous
drudgery of their daily life. Before his day was quite over, however,
the new school of patriotic historians had arisen; and they plunged
into the mass of traditional and romantic lore of which he was the
depositary as into a treasure-house from whose stores they might fill
up the gaps and deck the bare outlines of the structure which they
were building up on the meagre foundations of the Chronicle.
Florence was the first to enter upon this somewhat dangerous
process. William drank more deeply of a stream whose source lay at
his own door: a simple English ballad which the country-folk around
Malmesbury in his day still chanted as they went about their work
was the spell by which S. Ealdhelm had drawn their forefathers to
listen, first to his singing and then to his preaching, four hundred
years before.[220] The same spell of song, handed on from
generation to generation, and passing from the gleeman’s lips into
the pages of the twelfth century historians with William at their head,
has transformed the story of the later royal house of Wessex into a
romance that too often only serves to darken the true character of
the period which it professes to illustrate. What it does illustrate is
not the tenth century but the twelfth. It helps us to learn something of
the attitude of the national revival towards the national past, by
showing us the England of Æthelstan and Eadmund, of Eadgar and
Dunstan, not as it actually was, but as it appeared to the England of
Henry I. and Roger of Sarum,—to the England of Florence of
Worcester, Henry of Huntingdon and William of Malmesbury.
[220] Will. Malm. Gesta Pontif., l. v. c. 190 (Hamilton, p. 336).
We must not take William as an average specimen of the monastic
culture and intelligence of his day. In any age and in any
circumstances he would probably have been a man of exceptional
genius. But his outward life and surroundings were those of the
ordinary monk of his time; and those surroundings are set in a very
striking light by the fact, abundantly evident from his writings, that
such a man as William could feel himself thoroughly at home in
them, and could find in them full scope for the developement of his
powers. It was in truth precisely his monastic profession which gave
him opportunities of acquiring by personal experience, even more
than by wide reading, such a varied and extensive knowledge of the
world as could hardly be obtained in any other circumstances. A very
slight acquaintance with William is enough to dispel all notions of the
medieval monk as a solitary student, a mere bookworm, knowing no
more of the world and of mankind than he could learn from the
beatings of his own heart and within the narrow circle of the
brotherhood among whom he dwelt. A community like that of
Malmesbury was in active and constant relations with every rank and
class of society all over the kingdom. Its guest-hall stood open alike
to king and bishop, to Norman baron or English yeoman, to the high-
born pilgrim who came back from a distant shore laden with relics
and with tales of the splendours of Byzantium or the marvels of Holy
Land, to the merchant who came to sell his curious foreign wares at
the local fair and to pay his devotions, like S. Godric, at the local
shrine, as well as to the monk of another house who came, perhaps,
to borrow a book from the library, to compare notes with the local
history, or to submit some literary question to the judgement of the
great local scholar, whoever he might happen to be. All the political
news, all the latest intellectual speculations, all the social gossip of
the day, found its way thither by one or other of these channels, and
was discussed within the safe shelter of the inviolable convent-walls
with a boldness and freedom impossible amid the society of the
outside world, fettered by countless bonds of custom, interest, and
mutual dependence. The abbot ranked as a great noble who sat
among earls and bishops in the meetings of the Great Council,
whom they treated almost as an equal, and whom they came, with a
train of secular clerks and lay followers, to visit and consult on
matters of Church or state or of their own personal interests. If the
king himself chanced to pass that way, it was matter of course that
he should lodge in the monastery. William’s vivid portraits of all the
three Norman kings were doubtless drawn, if not from the
observation of his own eyes, at any rate from that of his friend Abbot
Godfrey; his portrait of Henry I. was in all likelihood painted from life
as the king paid his devotions before S. Ealdhelm’s shrine or feasted
at the abbot’s table in the refectory, or—quite as probably—as
William, in his turn, sat in the royal hall discussing some literary
question with his friend and patron, the king’s son Earl Robert of
Gloucester, if not actually with the king himself. The hospitality of the
abbey was repaid by that which greeted its brethren wherever they
went, on business for their house or for themselves. The monk went
in and out of castle or town, court or camp, as a privileged person.
Such a man as William, indeed, might be sure of a welcome
anywhere; and William, indefatigable as a student, was almost
equally so as a traveller. The little sketches of town and country
which illustrate his survey of the dioceses of England in the Gesta
Pontificum must have been made on the spot. He had seen the
marvels of Glastonbury;[221] he had probably taken down the legend
of S. Eadmund of East-Anglia on the very site of the martyrdom;[222]
he had seen with his own eyes the Roman walls of Carlisle, and
heard with his own ears the rough Yorkshire speech, of which,
puzzling as it was to a southerner, he yet learned enough to catch
from some northern gleeman the echo of Northumbria’s last heroic
lay, the lay of Waltheof at the gate of York;[223] he had, we cannot
doubt, wandered with delight up that vale of Severn which he paints
in such glowing colours, and been drawn to write the life of S.
Wulfstan by a sight of his church and his tomb at Worcester. His own
cell at Malmesbury was the garner in which treasures new and old,
of every kind, gathered from one end of England to the other, were
stored up to be sifted and set in order at leisure amid that perfect
tranquillity, that absolute security from outward disturbance and
worldly care, which to the modern student is but a hopeless dream.
[221] Will. Malm. Gesta Pontif., l. ii. c. 91 (Hamilton, pp. 196–
198); Gesta Reg., l. i. c. 20 (Hardy, pp. 32–34); Antiq. Glaston.,
passim.
[222] Gesta Pontif., l. ii. c. 74 (Hamilton, pp. 152–155); Gesta
Reg., l. ii. c. 213 (Hardy, p. 366).
[223] Gesta Reg., l. iii. c. 253 (Hardy, p. 427).
The new intellectual movement, however, was by no means
confined to the cloister. Clerk and layman had their share in it; king
and queen encouraged it warmly, and their sympathy with the
patriotic revival which animated it was marked enough to excite the
mockery of their Norman courtiers, who nicknamed them “Godric
and Godgifu.”[224] Learning and culture of every kind found a ready
welcome at the court; Henry never forgot the favourite maxim of his
youth, that “an unlettered king is but a crowned ass.”[225] His tastes
were shared by his good queen Maude, who had received in her
aunt’s convent at Romsey such an education as was probably given
to few women of her time; and in her later years, when the king’s
manifold occupations beyond sea left her alone in her palace at
Westminster, the crowd of poor and sick folk on whom she bestowed
her boundless charities was almost equalled by that of the scholars
and poets who vied with each other to gain her ear by some new feat
of melody or of rime.[226] Her stepson Earl Robert of Gloucester was
renowned as a scholar no less than as a warrior and a statesman; to
him William of Malmesbury dedicated his chief historical works, as to
a comrade and an equal in the world of letters; it may even be that
the “Robert” of whom we once catch a glimpse, sitting in the library
at Malmesbury, eagerly turning over its treasures, and suggesting
plans of work to the willing friend at his side, is no other than the
king’s son.[227] The secular clergy had no mind to be outstripped by
the regulars in literary activity; Bishop Alexander of Lincoln, a
nephew of the justiciar, urged his archdeacon Henry of Huntingdon
to compose a History of the English in emulation of the Gesta
Regum. Nor did history alone absorb the intellectual energy of the
time. Natural science had its followers, among them the king himself,
who studied it in characteristically practical fashion at Woodstock,
where he kept a menagerie full of lions, leopards, camels, lynxes
and other strange beasts collected from all parts of the world;[228]
and the “Bestiary” of an Anglo-Norman poet, Philip de Thaun, found
a patroness in his second queen, Adeliza of Louvain. A scholar of
old English race, Adelard of Bath, carried his researches into a wider
field. Towards the close of the eleventh century he had crossed the
sea to study in the schools of Tours and Laon. At the latter place he
set up a school of his own, but he soon quitted it to enter upon a long
course of wandering in distant lands. He crossed the Alps, made his
way to the great medical school at Salerno, thence into Greece and
Asia Minor, and finally, it seems, to the great centre of Arab culture
and learning at Bagdad, or what we now call Cairo. Thence, after
seven years’ absence, he returned to England soon after the
accession of Henry I., and published his first book, a philosophical
allegory dedicated to Bishop William of Syracuse, whose
acquaintance he had made in his travels. He next opened a school,
apparently in Normandy, for the diffusion of the scientific lore which
he had acquired in the East. He had picked up, among other things,
an Arabic version of Euclid, and the Latin translation which he made
of this became the text-book of all succeeding mathematicians for
centuries after. But his teaching of the physical science of the East
was vehemently opposed by western scholars; his own nephew, who
had been one of his pupils at Laon, was among his opponents, and it
was in the shape of a discussion with this nephew that Adelard put
forth, under the title of Quæstiones Naturales, a plea for a more free
inquiry into the principles of natural science, instead of the blind
following of old authorities which had hitherto contented the scholars
of the West.[229] In the last years of Henry’s reign he seems to have
returned once more to settle in his native land.[230] His career shows
how daring was the spirit of enterprize now stirring among
Englishmen, and how vast was the range of study and experience
now thrown open to English scholars. We see that England was
already within reach of that wider world of which her Angevin kings
were soon to make her a part.
[224] Gesta Reg., l. v. c. 394 (p. 620).
[225] Ib. c. 390 (p. 616).
[226] Will. Malm. Gesta Reg., l. v. c. 418 (Hardy, p. 650).
[227] “In historicis nos narrationibus occupatos detorsit a
proposito tua, Rodberte, voluntas. Nuper enim cum in bibliothecâ
nostrâ sederemus, et quisque pro suo studio libros evolveret,
impegisti in Amalarium de Ecclesiasticis Officiis. Cujus cum
materiam ex primâ statim tituli fronte cognosceris, amplexus es
occasionem quâ rudimenta novæ professionis animares. Sed
quia confestim animi tui alacritatem turbavit testimoniorum
perplexitas et sermonum asperitas, rogasti ut eum abbreviarem.
Ego autem . . . munus injunctum non aspernanter accepi.” . . .
(Will. Malm. Abbreviatio Amalarii, prolog.) Mr. Birch (Will. Malm.,
p. 43) takes this Robert to be the earl. But does not the phrase
about “nova professio” rather suggest a new-made monk of the
house?
[228] Will. Malm. Gesta Reg., l. v. c. 409 (Hardy, p. 638).
[229] On Adelard, see Wright, Biog. Britt. Litt., vol. ii. pp. 94–
100.
[230] “In Perdonis . . . Adelardo de Bada, 4s. et 6d.” Pipe
Roll, 31 Hen. I. (Hunter) p. 22—among the “Nova placita et novæ
conventiones” of Wiltshire. Mr. Hunter (ib., pref. p. xxi.) takes this
to be the traveller, but Mr. Wright doubts it.
What gave scope for all this social, moral and intellectual
developement was, to borrow a phrase from the Peterborough
Chronicler, “the good peace” that Henry, like his father, “made in this
land.”[231] The foundations of the political and administrative system
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