Football Fanzines and Cultures of Memory.

A Content Analysis.

Dissertation presented at the University of Leicester in partial

fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MA In The
Sociology Of Sport

by Christoph Wagner

September 2006
Table of Content

Abstract i

Authors Declaration ii

Acknowledgements iii

1. Introduction 2

2. Literature Review 4

2.1. Literature on fans and fanzines 4

2.2. Literature on theories 16

3. Research Methods 36

3.1. On Methods 36

3.2. Research Design 41

4. Results 45

5. Discussion 51

6. Conclusion 61

7. Bibliography 64

Appendices 72

2
Abstract

The increasing insecurity in the English society is countered by a resurgence of

nostalgia and remembering the old times. This phenomenon can be found in football,

too, but it differs from the need for nostalgia that is visible in society. High Street shops

like Past Times are hugely successful in selling commodities that remember the English

Commonwealth with goods from the countries that once belonged to it. Also, this

becomes visible by the many replica items of daily life that are designed in a retro style

but contain modern technology such as radios, watches, alarm clocks and furniture.

Football fans can purchase replica shirts of their favourite club from the seventies and

even earlier.

In the field of football, the introduction of the Premier League in England has

changed the face of football massively. After the Heysel and Hillsborough disasters

football fans got active themselves and started to publish football fanzines. In these

outlets they mostly opposed the view that every football fan is a hooligan. They also

used football fanzines as a platform to remember their heroes and glories of eras long

gone. For this reason cultures of memory did become a part of football fanzines and did

so very vivid.

3
Author’s Declaration and Note on Translations

The work presented in this dissertation is entirely my own and was carried out in

the Department of Sociology at the University of Leicester. Where authors have been

referred to, it is clearly acknowledged in the text. This work has not been submitted for

any other degree at this or another University. The views expressed in this dissertation

are my own and do not reflect those of the University. All names of the fanzines are

correct and were not disguised in any way. Further, all German literature that is referred

to has been translated into English without being altered in their meaning and content.

No translator apart from the indicated in the bibliography has been involved in this

work.

Christoph Wagner

4
Acknowledgements

This dissertation would not have been possible without the help and support of a

number of people whom I would like to thank here.

I would like to thank Eric Dunning, Patrick Murphy, Sharon Colwell and Stuart

Smith for their guidance and support throughout this course and for opening up the

world of sociology of sport for me.

I am deeply thankful to my parents Maria and Günter Trosin who have made the

biggest possible effort – not just financially!! - to let me go and study here. I further

owe gratitude to my sister Juliane who gave me advice in how to write a dissertation

and for her support throughout the year. I am even more indebted to my partner Susanne

Jäger who believed in me when I doubted myself.

There is a huge thanks to be given to my friend Michael Schuster who, while

being a teacher at Bolton School, not only supplied me with some of the fanzines

examined here, but who also gave me critical feedback about what I was doing during

the course and this dissertation.

My sincere thankfulness goes out to Keith Taylor at the ELTU and Brian

Lisowy for rereading parts of this dissertation and giving advice for improvements in

writing and researching.

Finally, my thanks are dedicated to Stephen Zechendorf whom I could ring at

nearly any day and particularly night time and who would listen to me.

5
1. Introduction

The aim of this study is to show to what extent cultures of memory are important

parts of the content of football fanzines and how they are exercised. It will also be

discussed why these cultures of memory are an important part in the fanzines and for

the people involved in the production of fanzines. The literature review in chapter one

highlights the strength and weaknesses of written accounts on football fanzines and also

examines concepts of memory that deliver an explanation for the use of cultures of

memory in football fanzines. These include theories by Maurice Halbwachs who is

acknowledged as the founding father of the field of collective memory. Pierre Nora

takes this idea and adapts it to the collective memory of a nation, here France. Aby

Warburg investigated how in Western European countries a pictorial memory has been

developed over the course of the last 500 years through which pictures and images from

the ancient past are recycled.

The sociological perspectives that will be presented here are used to give

possible explanations about why there are cultures of memory in the content of football

fanzines. Norbert Elias work on established and outsider relationships will be used to

explain why football fans separate themselves from ordinary spectators in football

stadia. He further looked at power relationships in this context. Also, the idea of a

civilizing process is looked at and explained if such a thing had taken place among

football fans to become producers and editors of football fanzines.

Throughout the work the history of football fanzines will be highlighted. This

has partially been done by some writers mentioned in the literature review. These

6
accounts examine the history of the fanzines until the mid-1990s. English football saw

massive changes in the 1990s in the wake of the Taylor Report (1990) and with the

introduction of the Premier League in 1992. Therefore the fanzines not only offered a

platform for discussion of what has changed for them, but also the editors took the time

to remember the favourite players of the supporters, their views of the past and to

publish their opinion on club issues as well as footballing ones, that means match

reports and a critical judgement of the players’ performance by the writers. In most of

the literature mentioned in chapter one the 1990’s are described as the heydays of

football fanzines. Something that Boyle and Haynes describe as harking back to a more

secure, less complex society (2000:202). In their point of view the fans themselves

become historians of the game and their club.

The third chapter introduces the methods applied to the dissertation to find out

about the presence of cultures of memory. This is done by way of a content analysis. All

relevant categories of memory are presented here and were sought for in the content of

the fanzines examined. These will be found in Appendix 1. The results from this chapter

will be found in Appendix 2. There is a table which lists all fanzines examined and all

categories of memory combined and it will be shown if these categories are part of the

content of football fanzines or not.

Chapter four is dedicated to the explanations for the findings from the preceding

chapter. As the sample for the study is split into two, one part examining the 1990s the

other fanzines from 2000 onwards we can draw conclusions about the development of

football fanzines since the mid-1990s. Therefore, the history of fanzines is continued in

this chapter, although this dissertation does not intend to give a chapter on the history of

7
football fanzines. But to split the sample and examine the fanzines proved useful to

outline the history of fanzines in the time period examined.

Chapter five brings a discussion about whether or not the theoretical framework

can be approved of or if the theories outlined are not useful and if football fanzines do

not contain cultures of memory at all. In any case it is analyzed why that is and what

possible conclusions can be drawn from it for the further exploration of football

fanzines and cultures of memory.

In the appendices there is a list of fanzines as well as a table that shows the

results of the content analysis

8
2. Literature review

There is a canon of literature dealing with the development of football, its

commercialization and football hooliganism while there is only a small amount of

writing about football fanzines. The literature dealing with football fanzines will be

introduced here and examined for its strength and weaknesses. Further, theories on

memory will be highlighted as well as sociological theories will be scrutinized for the

purpose of this dissertation.

2.1. Literature on Fans and Fanzines

The topic of football fanzines has not been explored extensively, but nonetheless

there is a reasonable amount of writing that deals with football fanzines, most of it was

written in the early or mid 1990s. At that time football fanzines were mushrooming

across the UK and as a new phenomenon attracted attention from scholars. Sufficient

accounts on the emergence of football fanzines are given by Jary et al. (1991), Duke

(1991), Boyle (1994), Brown (1994), Haynes (1995), Giulianotti (1997,1999) and

Dunning (1999).

Haynes’ (1995) account on football fanzines has explored the topic most

intensively to date. He describes the history of football fanzines from the roots until the

mid-1990s. The first fanzines produced were edited by music fans who wrote about

punk rock and punk culture in the late 1970 and early 1980s. Although some fanzines

were published before When Saturday Comes (further: WSC) it was only with the

emergence of WSC in 1986 that the fanzine scene kick-started and developed (Haynes:

9
55). The English national fanzine WSC started as an off-shoot of the punk fanzine

Sniffin’ Glue (Haynes: 39), and was distributed as a “…page supplement to Cardigan, a

short-lived magazine…” (Haynes: 69). It is important for Haynes to stress the idea that

the voice of independent reporting about football opposes the main stream view

perpetuated by the media and the government. Haynes argues against the wide spread

belief that every football supporter was automatically a hooligan and thus sees the

fanzines as a reaction by fans to this attitude. Fans’ reporting on football was necessary

to help express alternative views about the game which differed from the perspective

supported and perpetuated by the main stream media. Haynes writes about football

fanzines as a culture of defence, as an opposition to the mainstream media and opinion

makers and an expression of dissatisfaction with the media-saturated sport and simply to

show that football fans are not all hooligans. The tools for this culture to be established

were and still are fanzines and independent supporter groups such as the Football

Supporters Association (FSA). Haynes gives a good insight into the history of the

development of the fanzine scene in England and Scotland by outlining the history of

WSC and Off The Ball (OTB), the Scottish equivalent to WSC. Also, Haynes sketches

the development of the subculture that surrounds fanzines and the fan scene in terms of

distribution and support. For example the sharing of articles between fanzines was

common among fanzine editors showing that a sense of community was establishing

with the editors and writers of different fanzines. The shortcoming of this book is that it

does not state who the actual writers of football fanzines are, to which social class they

belong to and what their educational background is. Roderick (1996) is right to address

this failure in his review of Haynes, but then this is to be said of nearly every account on

fanzines apart from Giulianotti (1999). Nonetheless, Haynes’ book is a very useful

10
source for the history of fanzines and the culture that evolved around it, written at a time

when fanzines in football were something new and fashionable.

In the opening chapter, Haynes analyzes Marxist theories and Figurationalist

theories in terms of explanations of football hooliganism in citing Taylor (1971) and

Dunning (1988) for suitable explanations on the topic of hooliganism. Taylor produces

a “romanticised view on the past” (Taylor cited in: Haynes:5) in writing about a

“participatory democracy” (Taylor:143) that football fans establish with their local

team; meaning that they can tell managers and coaches where to find a talented player

and help to raise money for the club. Thus, the involvement of supporters was much

higher. Only through professionalization and bourgeoisification of the game this

democracy became obsolete (Taylor:145). The influence the fans and supporters had

before the Second World War was much bigger than it was after and especially the

1960s and 1970s saw a massive change in the ruling of football clubs and the full

establishment of professionalism that consequently led to football hooliganism,

according to Taylor. This approach is opposed by what Haynes calls the “Leicester

School of Thought” (Haynes:12). He gives an analogy of the rise of the school and

names its publications to date that deal with hooliganism but falls short in outlining the

theory the members of the Leicester school adhere to. Rather he describes the scholars

working there as strictly adhering to Norbert Elias’ theory of civilizing processes and

defending this approach against criticism from the outside. Although it seems that

Haynes does not warm to these two theoretical frameworks, he nevertheless delivers a

fruitful insight into the development of football fanzines, the distribution of fanzines,

issues concerning the content and commercialization of football fanzines and the topic

of full-time employment of the editors.

11
 In their article about fanzines Jary et al. (1991:582) postulate that sport is a field

that can easily be “…utilized as a vehicle in the exercise of hegemony…” because it is

less alien than “’high culture’”. The link between sport and politics is well documented

in the literature but this dissertation does not focus on sports and politics. It is mainly

the Olympic Games that offer a great stage for the expression of political thoughts or for

the use as a political stage. The most famous examples are the Games held in Berlin

1936 or the Black Power salute by Tommy Smith and John Carlos at the 1968 Games in

Mexico City. Since the end of WWII no Olympic event went by without any political

connotation. Vinnai (1972) explores topics such as sport and the military and the

political conscience of students of sport. In East Germany, and probably throughout

Eastern Europe, sport was used to underline the idea that communism was supposed to

be the better way of living and which produced Olympic medal winners and world

champions. For example, it is now proven that East Germany ran a sports programme

that was only rivalled by the former Soviet Union which might help to underline this

point.

Therefore, Jary et al. follow a tradition among Marxist writers that sport is a

political tool in stating that football fanzines can be used as a platform for resistance.

This is exactly where they place the fanzine movement into, a form of politically

motivated resistance against a bias from the national media and the government.

Fanzines are thus a possibility to publish opinions that would otherwise go unheard

either by neglecting or repression through the media and the clubs. Jary et al. describe

the same phenomenon as Haynes but subscribe the fanzines into a political role as the

authors postulate that the fanzines are supposed to work as a way of ‘cultural

12
contestation’ against the main stream (Jary et al. 1991:581). The authors further deliver

chapters on the general content of fanzines, look at the producers and how fanzines

together with the FSA form a successful pressure group within the football industry.

There are two conclusions in this article, a) fanzines in fact are a case of successful

contestation in and through sport and the authors point out that fanzines not only in

sports are a form of successful contestation and b) they bring implications for football

research, demanding to widen the focus of football research and not only to focus on

football hooliganism. That is an ambitious request and is certainly correct, but as the

1970s and 1980s saw hooliganism as the main problem in British football it is only

logical that most attention is brought towards a sufficient explanation of the problem

and to deliver possible solutions. The authors deliver a critique on the Leicester Centre

for Football Research in complaining about the focus being too narrowly focused on

football hooliganism. Further, Jary et. al. they denounce the Centre as being too close to

policy making. That is because the Centre is dependent on public funding. (Jary et.

al:593). This polemic adds a bitter aftertaste to the article which is well written and

therefore it is a very useful account on the possibilities of cultural contestation done by

fanzines.

Duke (1991) again as Jary et. al. have done, expresses the need of an alternative

sociology of football that goes beyond the issue of hooliganism, but again as was the

case with Jary et.al. hooliganism was the main topic of the 1980s and thus had all the

attention. Duke therefore suggests a number of topics that seem to be interesting for

him. These include the modernization of football grounds in Britain in consequence of

the Taylor Report (1990), fanzines, comparative research and social demography. Apart

from these demands what makes this article helpful is a list of fanzines of English and

13
Welsh (Cardiff and Swansea) fanzines. The paucity of information, including the

absence of a list of Scottish fanzines, is perhaps unfortunate.

Giulianotti’s (1997) article about fanzines related to Aberdeen FC in Scotland

highlights the Scottish perspective on football fanzines. What attracts attention is the

fact that the emergence of football fanzines in England and Scotland has the same

causes and roots. Both scenes developed in the mid 1980s after the biggest tragedies in

British football, Heysel and Bradford in 1985 and Hillsborough in 1989. This

constitutes an interesting fact as the cause for these tragedies was specifically English,

yet the reaction to these causes affected the whole of Britain. Therefore the development

of fanzines is connected to national as well as local causes. Further, Giulianotti gives an

insight into the local culture of Aberdeen and the role of fanzines attached to the club

within it. This example shows how football fanzines can act on a local stage and allows

conclusions for clubs and cities similar to Aberdeen. Although the producers of fanzines

exercise a certain power in the field of football, according to Giulianotti they are well

aware of their powerlessness compared to the club, the players and authorities and “…

yet are still laden with an explicit humour, irony and invective about their own

identities…” (p. 214). He contradicts himself in terms of power later when he highlights

the role of fanzines in the sacking of two managers of the club in the early 1990s. The

article is therefore useful only in cases similar to Aberdeen, a city with one club, which

has seen better times and a media biased negatively towards fans and supporters.

Another account on Scottish football, this time on Celtic FC is delivered by

Boyle (1994). He follows questions as to what extent football clubs as cultural

institutions are important for shaping specific identities and how this “…process is

14
being shaped by wider cultural agendas that enjoy prominence within local regional or

national spaces…” (p. 74). In another article that concentrates on several clubs, here

Manchester United FC, Arsenal FC and West Ham United FC, Brown (1998) examines

the power and influence fans achieved in the mid and late 1980s. He raises questions of

regulation and control, but also of participation and exclusion that followed the Taylor

Report of 1990 (1990). Further, he mentions the FSA and the NFFSC (National

Federation of Football Supporters Clubs) as the two main supporters associations and

fanzines to gain control and influence in the game. Although the focus is not primarily

put on fanzines, Brown includes them into this article as an important part of fan culture

and fan democracy.

Dunning (1999, p.125-6; 135) mentions football fanzines only shortly in the

context in the commercialization of football and does not deliver any explanations on

the topic itself, rather his focus is on the development of sport and its sociology. He

produces a critique of Haynes in which he criticizes him for failing to examine the

social backgrounds of the fanzine writers. For Dunning the fanzines are part of what he

calls the “football figuration” (p.126), thus they have an influence and power, though

only to a small extent and they are part of the football industry (p.126). A deeper

examination into football fanzines is delivered by Giulianotti (1999) who describes the

background of the people involved in writing football fanzines and gives a historical

paragraph about the circumstances that led to the emergence of football fanzines in the

UK, but he does not specify his thoughts any clearer. He links them to trends in social

history that are rooted in the 1960s. Further, Giulianotti identifies fanzine writers as

white-collar workers who tend to have a university degree.

15
 Boyle and Haynes (2000) deliver a book on sport being part of popular culture

which is influenced by the media and vice versa. The authors deliver a history of the

media-sport relationship emphasizing the time from 1989 to 1998 as the decade that

brought the most dramatic changes in sports coverage in the media. The book does not

focus solely on televised sports but also covers the development of sport in newspaper

journalism including the internet although at the time of writing the internet has not had

its widespread influence that it enjoys now. Here, Boyle and Haynes start an outlook

into the future of sport broadcasting on the internet. In this respect they place football

fanzines as a representation of British football fans and describe the media perception of

fans which has changed significantly since the Hillsborough disaster in 1989 (Boyle,

Haynes, 2000:198). They also describe football fans as historians which is suitable as a

description.

Two studies, one English, one German (Robson, 2000; Schmidt-Lauber, 2004)

that focus on a particular club. The English club is Millwall FC, the German is

Hamburg-based St. Pauli FC. Both deliver an insight into fan groups from both clubs

and how each group of fans identify themselves in relation to their club. Both studies

examine the strong local ties that the clubs have to their geographic locality as well as

investigate how groups of fans mainly recruit other fans from other areas of the towns

the clubs are located in. Both focus on the myth that surrounds each club making these

clubs particular and thus worth studying. The myth of Millwall FC constitutes itself

from the reputation of Millwall being the club of the dock workers. The myth is built

around images of masculinity and hard ship based on the life in the Docklands of East

London. Even comparisons to the London of Charles Dickens were made and seemed to

be appropriate (Robson:23). The image of Millwall supporters is that of being

16
hooligans. Robson produces a number of quotations from other fanzines to underline

this perception. The quotes in these fanzines refer to the supporters of the club as being

savage, nasty and malicious (Nottingham Forest’s Forest Forever). The Arsenal fanzine

The Gooner hopes that Arsenal supporters returning back safely in one piece after an

FA-Cup match against Millwall (Robson:22).

Robson followed Millwall FC over the time of two seasons (1995/6 and 1996/7)

and conducted an ethnographical research about the fans and supporters of the club. He

coins the term ‘millwallism’ to underline the particularity of the club; and under this

topic Robson conducts research into locality of the club and the habitus of the fans. He

discovers strong local ties between the club and the area where it is located, South-East

London. Whereas Robson followed the club personally and thus did the field work on

his own, Schmidt-Lauber initiated a study group focused on the Hamburg-based

football club St. Pauli FC. In both cases the involvement and detachment of the

researchers is a factor to be paid attention to when looking at the concluded results.

Schmidt-Lauber states in order to prevent too much involvement during field research

whenever the group of researchers attended a game (away or at home), one person was

randomly picked to supervise the others to ensure the observations did not become too

subjective. The book of Schmidt-Lauber covers topics such as the construction of the

media image of the club, the politically correct fan and the question of what makes a

true fan. For the club and more importantly for the fans the image that should be created

and uphold is that of an underdog. Compared to the ‘big’ club in Hamburg Hamburger

SV, St. Pauli FC is certainly an underdog in sporting terms; but rather underdog is

meant here to establish the image of the only club in Germany with supporters who are

entirely left orientated. Also, the nickname of the club “Freibeuter der Liga” translated

17
from German would describe the team as pirates of the league. Together with a pirate

flag it seems the work on the image is fairly progressed. The image of pirates was

established in the 1980s when Hamburg hosted an alternative community which entirely

supported the club. Although this community does not exist any longer due to

redevelopment in the dock area of Hamburg, the image created at that time is

maintained until recent days.

But, as Schmidt (2004) conducts, does marketing and the image attributed to St.

Pauli FC not imply a contradiction? The image of an underdog used to promote the club

without estranging the supporters who are mainly recruited from outside the main

stream culture? As the study continues it becomes clear that the club followed a

sophisticated strategy using words that would describe the club best. These were fierce,

rebellious, self-deprecating, cosmopolitan and provocative. Therefore, the myth and the

media image of St. Pauli FC do not contradict but support each other (Schmidt,

2004:172).

Included into the study is a chapter on political football fans. The book further

deals with a description of what is a true fan, particularly being a fan of St. Pauli FC.

For both clubs the locality is of importance. For Millwall it is “the land that time forgot”

(Robson, p.19), that is, South-East London and in particular the former Docklands of

London and for St. Pauli it is the Reeperbahn and the surrounding estate, the red light

district in Hamburg.

The attempt to establish ties with the surrounding neighbourhood can be

attributed to every club. The relationship between football fans and football clubs has

18
most extensively been researched by Bale (1982, 1989, 1993, 1994, 1995 and 2003).

Bale explores the stadium as a sacred place, as a scenic space, as home and as a tourist

place (Bale, 1991:131-134). The emphasis in Bale’s writing is on the stadium that

combines people in either religious fulfilment in which case the stadium is a substitute

for the cathedral or as a place that fans consider their homes. The German tennis player

Boris Becker once referred to the centre court at Wimbledon as his living room. This

highlights that not only for football fans but also for athletes sports grounds have a

meaning that goes beyond the meaning sports grounds are originally designed for:

sporting events.

A theoretical point of view on football fandom is given by Redhead (1997).

Post-fandom and fan culture are his main points of research into which he has

conducted a study. He mainly draws his theories from cultural studies to describe the

transformation of football culture. Completely without mentioning football Harris

(1998) edited a study that focuses on fans and draws possible theories and conclusions

from the chapters.

Harris (1998) discovers that research on fandom is a relatively new topic not

only within sociology. The book follows questions such as what produces fandom and

what specific practices are associated with it and what role fans play in social and

cultural processes to underline the fact that fans and fandom is not sufficiently explored

as an academic topic yet. In the introduction she asks how an audience is constituted by

saying that these in and of themselves do not exist anywhere, that audiences and fans

are fluid, mutable, dynamic and interactive and that they do not hold still (Harris:3).

Although the word fan and its connotation are well known within society it is surprising

19
that fans and fandom are “profoundly untheorized” (Harris:4). Harris mentions

Bourdieu and deCerteau as sources to explain fans and the special relationship between

hierarchies of power and alternative uses of cultural resources which provide a basis for

discussing fandom (Harris:5). Unfortunately there are no accounts on sports or football

fans, mostly the books focuses on television fans, therefore any theory deducted from

the articles are hardly suitable for any explanation on football fans.

Weighing up all kinds of audiences, including football audiences and fans

equally, Abercrombie and Longhurst (1998) deliver a range of explanations for

audiences and fans. They classify three types of audiences: the simple audience, the

mass audience and the diffused audience; the first one being that of attending a football

match, a rock concert, theatre plays, films and festivals. Mass audiences are created

through the help of the mass media while being a member of a diffused audience means

that attending any form of performance is constitutive for everyday life. That means that

for many people it is music that is constantly playing in the background or the television

running without being noticed at all, but only for the noise of it to be there. Thus, any

performance has become a “background noise” (p.69). In contrast to that, simple

audiences such as attending a football match are focused on the performance on the

pitch and events with a simple audience are exceptional (p.44). Although delivering a

chapter on fans, Abercrombie and Longhurst still see sports fans “as misbehaving at a

sports match” (p.122); thus the opinion seems not to have changed. It does not become

clear whether this point of view that football fans behave deviant is the point of view

held by the authors.

20
2.2. Literature on Theories

From the theoretical point of view a separation needs to be made in the

literature. The first part will give an overview on the literature about cultures of

memory, while the second part will deal with theories from sociology.

In the field of memory as in every field of scientific research the theories are

varying and opposing. This allows for a fruitful discussion on the topic of memory. The

literature on collective memory is widespread and has its origins in the writings of the

French philosopher Maurice Halbwachs (1925, 1950, 1992) but the work only became

popular 40 years after his death in 1945. Nowadays his work is considered as having

laid the foundation for any study carried out in the field of collective memory. For

Halbwachs

“…memory is not given but rather a socially constructed notion…while

the collective memory endures and draws strength from its base in a
coherent body of people, it is individuals as group members who
remember.” (1992: 22).

Halbwachs examines memory in different contexts such as in dreams, language,

and the localization of memory, the collective memory of the family, religious

collective memory and memory of social classes. Starting with dreams, Halbwachs

examined that “no real and complete memory every [sic] appears in our dreams as it

appears in our waking state.” (1992:41) Thus, the mind is most removed from society

whilst we are dreaming. That does not mean that dreams are not structured, they simply

appear to make less sense than the daily matters that occupy one’s mind, although most

often we can still recall them (1992:44). Further, whenever someone recovers his or her

own past it is not that this happens without a certain expectation. That is in the case of a

21
childhood book, the past is rediscovered but it appears as though there are bits missing

and other parts are added to it; it has been reconstructed. That means that it has become

a very different book from the book that was known by the person as a child. To sum

this up, Halbwachs stated that we are reconstructing our past and every time we do so

the reconstructed past differs from the past that has been reconstructed at an earlier

point in time or from the past that we actually lived in and experienced ourselves

(1992:46-47).

Elderly people for instance, after retiring they turn away from daily life to

recover memories that were thought to be long lost (1992:47). As this was about the

relation of persons to memory and the past, Halbwachs produces his theory on

collective memory by starting with the family as the smallest group and later extending

this to religious groups and social classes.

In the case of the family the memory reaches back only to the point where the

oldest members of the family have memories of. This so-called intergenerational

memory is transferred from one generation to the younger generations (Erll, 2005:16).

The notion of the intergenerational memory will be used later to explain first hand and

distant memories.

It is important for Halbwachs to separate between memory which for him is

close to the intergenerational memory and history. History begins at a point when

tradition stops, i.e. that is when the social memory comes to a halt and begins to

degenerate. Therefore history and memory are contradicting each other. History for

Halbwachs is universally weighing all events equally and is mostly interested in

22
controversies and fractions, whereas memory is connected to groups limited in time and

space. Memory is strongly valuating and even fictitious in its selection of facts and

events and helps to create identity for groups (Erll, 2005:17). Most important is that

memory has to be put into the context of a group. Recent memories Halbwachs writes

“hang together and they are part of a totality of thoughts common to a group.”

(Halbwachs, 1992:52). Even when someone remembers something in the past, the

thoughts have to be put in relation to the group or persons surrounding the one

remembering (1992:53).

The case is different with religions and their traditions as Halbwachs points out.

As the Christian religion resembles the life of Jesus throughout the year, it is assumed

that the person did exist and that the Christian religion is subsequently based on

memories and traditions of Jesus and the saints. Although it is not a one hundred per

cent secured it is assumed that these people did exist at one point in time. The message

of Jesus was spread by mouth-to-mouth tradition and thus the followers of Christian

belief got the message after the actual events took place. Whereas the case is different

with the Jews as they foresaw the coming of the Messiah (Halbwachs:88). On the other

hand Buddha did not become a god because he is dead and has entered Nirvana

(1992:89). The notion of the long-lasting effects of religion is underlined in Halbwachs’

later work on the “Topography of the Gospels in the Holy Land” in which he examined

architecture, pilgrims’ routes and tombs. In this study he analyzes collective memories

with a time frame of several thousand years which need places to enforce memory. It is

here where Halbwachs experienced collectively constructed knowledge of a distant past

and its descent to other generations through oral tradition (Erll, 2005:17). The example

of religion as a means of cultures of memory within groups is enlightening as it shows

23
that memories are transferred from one generation to another over a long period of time.

Religious people of every colour have a set of beliefs which have become tradition and

which they stick to. The same can be said about football fans. Among them there is a

shared set of beliefs that they refer to as rules of behaviour.

Interestingly, Halbwachs’ observations on the collective memory of social

classes and groups seem to be similar in their development to the studies done by

Norbert Elias. Elias’ emphasis was on violence and the development and refinement of

manners while Halbwachs focused on memory and how collective memory and

collective identity within groups developed from the Middle Ages until the twentieth

century. He starts with feudal families and their attempts to establish their rule by

inventing traditions which descended onto following generations. Thus, in the twentieth

century social classes and groups found a set of traditions that were given to them from

older generations. For

“…It is upon a foundation of remembrances that contemporary

institutions were constructed.” (Halbwachs, 1992:125)

This means that in our society not only groups rely on traditions that descended

from the ancestors but even in many professions there are techniques and traditions

which are transmitted from ancient times (1992:160).

With his work on collective memory Halbwachs opposed his teacher Henri

Bergson and his theory of individualized memory. Parallel with Marcel Proust he

developed the idea of a memoire involontaire while Freud and Jung constructed a

concept of the collective unconscious (Assmann, 2002:7). Against Proust Halbwachs

said that the past can never be retrieved but is always reconstructed (Halbwachs,

24
1992:23-24), while towards Freud he stated that during dreams human beings are less

collective and most individual whereas during waking hours the conscience is occupied

with representations collectives (Assmann, 2002:8).

In conclusion, Halbwachs’ theory of collective memory was not recognized

when first published and it became hardly noticed until the late 1980s. Despite this fact,

it is a very helpful research as it laid the foundation for the following studies of

collective memory and is of crucial importance for this study. Although it is very

theoretical and historical in its approach, important insights are drawn from it und used

for an explanation of football fanzines. His theory of a collective memory is most often

and most extensively exercised within football supporter groups which use their

memory to establish a collective identity.

Taking Halbwachs theory of the collective memory as a starting point, Nora

(1984-1992, 1996) connected places with memory. This theory proves fruitful as

football grounds can be explored under this topic as Bale (1993) has shown. He is not

opposing Halbwachs but he adapted Halbwachs’ theory to the history of France and

tried to apply it in practice. What Halbwachs examined in his writings about the Holy

Land; Nora applied this idea to the history of France. His original idea was to study the

French national feeling not in the traditional or chronological manner but instead Nora

analyzed the places in which the collective heritage of France was “crystallized” (Nora,

1996:XV). For Nora memory and history are in many respects opposed; with this idea

he follows Halbwachs (1996:3). Memory is life and present while history is connected

to analysis and critical discourse and is the reconstruction of what is no longer, the past

(1996:3). He speaks of “lieux de memoire because there are no longer milieux de

25
memoire, settings in which memory is a real part of everyday experience.” (1996:1).

This is because the current French society he examined is in transition and thus is losing

the connection to its particular past, especially when examining the history of that

nation. Therefore places and memorial sites are used as a replacement for the collective

memory held by groups, but which can not fully recreate the collective memory of a

nation and therefore these places are something that embody collective memory and

help to keep memory alive (Erll, 2005, p. 23). In Nora’s case this is the history of

France. These places of memory Nora talks about do not necessarily need to be

geographical or architectural sites. Instead they can be such things as life style, the

Vichy government during the Second World War and Charlemagne and even texts

(Carrier, 2002:141; Erll:23) which are of importance to French history. Nora speaks of

history as something that is non-individual while memory is “a phenomenon of emotion

and magic which only accommodates the facts that suit it” (1996:3). Nonetheless, Nora

does take a different starting point than Halbwachs did. Halbwachs stated that collective

memory is created within a group of persons that share the same background, i.e.

family, class, religion or profession while Nora takes places and institutions as a starting

point for the development of a cultural memory, in this case French national memory

and feeling. Further, Nora states that cultural memory is supportive in constructing a

collective memory and thus a collective identity. In this case it is a national identity.

This collective identity is constituted by the inclusion of not just buildings but such

things as the way of life, the Tour de France and the Pantheon. Carrier (2002:146) adds

to that by pointing out that the meaning of historical institutions such as July 14 can

change. The day the Bastille was captured by the masses was portrayed differently

hundred or two hundred years ago than it is nowadays.

26
 Also dealing with memory but from another point of view as Halbwachs and

Nora, Warburg explores the way pictures carry historical memory with them and how a

pictorial memory is established in European societies. As a historian of art Warburg was

interested how motives from ancient art were picked up during the time of the

renaissance and were picked up again in later periods of art history (Erll, 2005:19). This

is helpful as pictures can become icons as McQuail points out (McQuail, 2005:349). For

example the photo of Bobby Moore in 1966 after the final whistle of the World Cup

final against West Germany. He is sitting on the shoulders of his team mates holding the

Jules Rimet Trophy aloft. This incorporates the greatest moment in English football

history, whereas West German football fans would see the final as a match that was lost

due to a supposedly wrong decision by the referee. In this respect Warburg’s work on a

pictorial memory throughout art history appears useful as this photo of Bobby Moore

was re-used for England’s World Cup campaign in 2006 and perhaps Bobby Moore

would have been replaced by David Beckham - if England had won the World Cup.

A book on cultural memory that is considered as a study guide for students at all

educational levels is delivered by Erll (2005) who gives a huge overview and

introduction into the different theories of memory, collective memory and forgetting

developed in the early 20th. century as well as presenting own ideas. Erll focuses on the

cultures of memory in the case of the Holocaust and the time of the Third Reich in

Germany by post-war generations, the consequences for art and literature and the role of

the media. Erll produces an insight into the most important aspects of collective and

cultural memory theories. In addition, she explores the use of memory in other fields

such as history, history of art and literature, showing that collective memory is not only

practiced in these fields but also that these fields are part of a collective memory.

27
 In the field of history the question since the 1970s that was mostly asked was,

whether or not historiography in itself is a form of collective memory. Main focus point

here was if history is simply aiming at an objective reconstruction of the past or if

history is a dialogue with the past in which history bears witness and following

generations can learn something from history. Therefore, is history all about achieving

goals in the present? These goals aim at educating younger generations about history.

Therefore, can we occupy history mainly with a scientific function or does history have

a memory function, too? (Erll:42). In literary and cultural studies the concept of

collective memory is also used and widespread. Erll notes that particularly at the turn of

the millennium there was a boom in literature and art that were dealing with the fragility

of memory and were also asking about ideological implications of public remembrance

(Erll:61). It would be interesting to explore if the same can be said about the literature

and art at the turn of the century from the nineteenth to the twentieth century or if this is

a unique trend at the end of the twentieth century.

Erll, further goes on to explore the field of literature and art as means of

collective memories. For her, literature can be seen as genitivus subjectivus which

means that literature is remembering itself through intertextuality; or literature is a

genitivus objectivus which means that literature is remembered in society by

establishing a canon of literature of through a history of literature (Erll:64). Literature

and art are constantly experiencing a process of re-using semiotic interpretations. That

means literature and art are recharged with meaning by using elements of traditional

works of art or texts. At this point Erll stresses Warburg’s thesis of a picture memory

and transfers it to literature. Within literature topics are recycled as pictures in art

history as Warburg has shown return and are re-used (Erll:65).

28
 Echterhoff and Saar (2002) deliver a collection of essays that deal with different

aspects of collective memory, ranging from psychological aspects to literary studies and

memory. Hirst and Saar (2002) are giving a “Taxonomy of Collective Memories”

(2002:40) in dividing collective memory into collective declarative memory and

collective procedural memory. The first is further subdivided into episodic and semantic

collective memory, with episodic meaning that memory is “clothed in temporal and

spatial specificity and always refers to personally experienced events, places or things”

(2002:41), such as attending a football match. Semantic collective memory describes

memory as referring to those memories that have lost or never had any temporal or

spatial specificity. It is something that used to be an episodic memory but its origins

have been lost and thus these memories have become semantic (2002:41). Within this

subdivision there is a distinction between lived and distant memories. A distant memory

is considered to pass from one person to another, thus the knowledge has been acquired

indirectly. Lived memory is more personally relevant and has possibly been personally

experienced as it is closer to the present and the person receiving the knowledge than is

the case with the distant memory (2002:43). The second part of their article Hirst and

Saar devote to traditions and rituals and in describing them as procedural memory that is

passed from one generation to another (2002:46). These distinctions presented by Hirst

and Saar are excellent applications for this research to help drawing conclusions on

fanzines and fans. The first generation of fanzine writers and editors experienced the

changes surrounding the game at first hand, thus they were a part of history which has

had an influence on their writing and their behaviour as fans. This would explain their

critical edge to many things that were initially seen as sanctions to help to re-establish

the order in British stadia after the catastrophes of the mid and late 1980s. These

29
experiences were passed on to the next generation of writers but these interpret things

differently than their predecessors or have become accustomed to them.

In the introduction to The Invention of Tradition (1983) Eric Hobsbawm writes

that traditions can be invented to serve three purposes. These are:

A) “those establishing or symbolizing social cohesion of the

membership of groups, real or artificial communities,
B) those establishing or legitimizing institutions , status or
relations of authority, and
C) Those whose main purpose was socialization, the
inculcation of beliefs, value systems and conventions of
behaviour” (1983:9).

Often invented traditions

“…are responses to novel situations which take the form of

reference to old situations, or which establish their own past by
quasi-obligatory repetition” (1983:2).

Nevertheless, societies and groups use material from past times to construct new

traditions that are new and are used for alternate purposes. In doing so societies and

groups are highly selective about the content of these traditions. Hobsbawm writes that

all societies and groups have a large store of materials to create new traditions that is

accumulated during history of these societies and groups and is available at any time

(1983:6).

There needs to be a distinction between customs and traditions. Customs

dominate so-called ‘traditional’ societies and they fulfil the functions of “motor and fly-

wheel” at the same time. The past to which traditions refer no matter if real or invented,

relies on fixed practices and formalized practices, like repetition. Custom on the other

hand does not exclude any innovations and changes up to a certain point (1983:2).

30
 Further, Hobsbawm claims that custom cannot be invariant because life very

often is not (1983:2). For Hobsbawm a good example to highlight this distinction is the

description of the common law. For

“…Custom is what judges do; ‘tradition’ (in this instance

invented tradition) is the wig, robe and other formal
paraphernalia and ritualized practices surrounding their
substantial action.” (1983:3)

In this point Hobsbawm is close to the statement of Halbwachs as the latter stated

that occupational groups have their own traditions which demand their behaviour.

The sociological theories that can be applied to the topic, Marxist and

Figurationalist theory are well explored in the literature but do not say much about

fanzines. Both theories can be used to explain the emergence of fanzines as a shift in the

power structures within British society and the football industry that led to the

publishing of fanzines, but both have a different emphasis in the examination of the

roots of this phenomenon. The major works from figurationalist authors such as Elias’

The Civilizing Process (1994, 2000) and The Established and The Outsiders (1994)

while from a Marxist point of view John Hargreaves’ influential book on sport and

hegemony Sport, Power and Culture (1986) Bero Rigauer’s account on Sport and

Labour (1969, 1981) and Jean-Marie Brohm’s work on Sport as a Prison of Measured

Time (1978) are a useful theoretical basis for the sociological explanation of sport.

In the field of Marxist theories the theory of hegemony will be tested and its

strength and weaknesses will be highlighted. Anderson cites three models of hegemony

31
in society according to Gramsci (cited in Bocock, 1986:28). The first model explains

hegemony in the sense of cultural and moral leadership wherein the state was the site of

coercive power with the control over the police and armed forces and the economy the

site of work disciplines and monetary controls. The problem lies herein the fact that

most of the Western European countries were at the time of writing by Gramsci

parliamentary democracies suggesting the people that they have an influence on the

rulers through the elections (Bocock:28). The second model by Anderson states that

hegemony is exercised in the state as well as in civil society. Here the educational and

legal institutions, like schooling and policing are of crucial importance for the exercise

of hegemony of Western European societies at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Gramsci wrote that the schooling system was used to raise the standard of knowledge of

the working class that it

“...corresponds to the needs of development of the forces of

production and hence to the interest of the dominant classes. The
school as a positive educational function and the courts as a
negative and repressive educational function are the most important
such activities of the State :…”(Bocock:29)

The last model lost the distinction between the state and civil society as

Anderson put it:

“By the state should be understood not only the apparatus of

government but also the ‘private’ apparatus of hegemony or civil
society.
Hegemony…belongs to private forces, to civil society – which is
‘State’ too, indeed is the state itself.” (Bocock:29)

The idea of hegemony that originates from Antonio Gramsci is transferred into

sport by Hargreaves (1986) who delivers a history of sport and power relations in

Britain. In terms of sport hegemony was established with the spread of gentlemanly

amateurism in sports, according to Hargreaves (1986:205). Sports was included into the

32
curricula of public schools and universities; while clubs and organizations were founded

to create a culture of dominance that helped spread the cult of athleticism which became

one of the most important sources of ruling class male unity (Hargreaves, 1986:206). At

this point, the 1880s, hegemony was not fully established yet. This was only the case

when the demands of the working class for more sporting activities were exploited by

commercial interests (Hargreaves, 1986:207).

As in traditional Marxism, Gramsci points out the three major components in a

state. These are: the economy, the state and the civil society. The problem with the work

of Gramsci is that there is no clear demarcation when he is writing explicitly about

hegemony. It is rather interwoven into his writings. That also means that it is not

entirely clear where from Gramsci’s point of view hegemony is exercised; this is subject

to debate and interpretation until (Bocock:40). Here it has to be taken into account that

Gramsci was imprisoned at the time of writing and therefore he probably could not

enjoy the freedom of expression as Elias did when writing on The Civilizing Process,

though the times were changing too for Elias.

The difference between these two theoretical approaches is that Marxist

sociologists see the power relations between classes and social groups as a form of class

fight between these whereas figurationalists interpret these as interdependent

relationships between groups. Hargreaves (1982) criticizes other Marxist authors,

mainly Rigauer (1981) and Brohm (1978), in stating that their model of sport is too

static, deterministic and one-sided (cited in Dunning, 1999:109). Rigauer wrote in his,

what is now known as a “classic” (Dunning, 1999:106) Sport and Work that the

principle of achievement is adapted from work onto the field of sport (Rigauer,

33
1981:14). He further postulates that sport and society are not having a separate set of

behaviour, but one which appears along with numerous other social developments

originating in early-capitalist bourgeois society (Rigauer1981:1). Sports, argues

Rigauer, were initially a counter from the strains of work for the elites but with the

spread of sport down the social ladder and the development of capitalism, they have

come to resemble the characteristics of work.

The other author that is criticized by Hargreaves, the French scholar Jean-Marie

Brohm challenges sport from an “‘Althusserian’” (Dunning, 1999:107) point of view.

Sport, for Brohm:

“…reproduces bourgeois social relations such as selection and

hierarchy, subservience, obedience etc;…spreads an organizational
ideology…involving competition, records and output; and…
transmits on a huge scale the general terms of ruling bourgeois
ideology like the myth of the superman, individualism, social
advancement, success, efficiency etc.” (Cited in Dunning,
1999:107)

Brohm further produces twenty theses on sport that list all properties that sport

occupies, most of them are negative in nature. Most notably, it is argued that sport

works as a distraction for the working class; it diverts and absorbs the aggressive drives

of the people onto the sporting spectacle. Thus sport operates in favour of the ruling

classes and supports the maintenance of the status quo. It also leads to “emotional

fascistification” “through its rituals, ceremonies, anthems and flag-waving” (Cited in

Dunning, 1999:108). Hargreaves starts his critique by stating that capitalist societies are

not at all that static and one-sided as it is portrayed through Brohm’s and Rigauer’s

ideas, simply by asking why sport still enjoys a great popularity and attracts many

people when it incorporates all these negative characteristics brought forward by

Rigauer and Brohm (Hargreaves, 1982:105). Further, hegemony theory for Hargreaves

34
is all about processes that are historically rooted and tightly interwoven. Hargreaves

determines the point of view of Rigauer as being of a correspondence type and that of

Brohm of being a reproduction theory type (Hargreaves, 1986:160-161; Cashmore,

2001:94-95).

The figurational approach to sport bases on Elias’ theory of civilizing processes

(Elias, 2000) and understands the relationships between different groups of people as

interdependent and as constant power struggles in which power can be contested by

different groups and thus is not constantly held by one group over another for very long

time periods (Murphy et. al., 2006:93). It is until this point that scholars who follow

Gramsci and his hegemony theory and that of figurational sociology go the same way.

Although figurationalists would never doubt or question the commodification of sport

(Dunning, p.111), or would interpret the processes involved in the commodification

much differently than Marxist writers would do, figurationalists, although no coherent

group of scientists (Dunning, 1999:111) would describe the processes and groups

involved from a different point of view than Marxists did and still do. Whereas Marxists

tend to stress the importance of economic relations, figurationalists suggest that the

importance of economic relations depend on the situation. Instead other factors such as

political and/or emotional could play an important role as well as other factors (Murphy

et. al., 2006:93). It is this consideration of other factors than economical ones which

allows figurational sociologists to examine issues more independently whereas Marxist

authors limit themselves when stressing the importance of economic factors as the most

important ones.

35
 Indeed, as Dunning writes, figurationalists would accept the idea that sport in the

twentieth century due to commodification processes has become work for the athletes

(Dunning, p.111). Dunning further states that he accepts the differentiation offered by

Hargreaves when the latter describes the theoretical standpoints of Rigauer and Brohm

as reproductive (Rigauer) and correspondence (Brohm) theory (Dunning, 1999:108).

Further, the idea of civilizing processes can be stressed in different ways at this

point. Firstly, Elias stated that through a long-term examination of empirical data from

the Middle Ages until the early years of the twentieth century, that the societies of

Western Europe experienced a process

“…involving the refinement of manners and social standards

and an increase in the social pressure on people to exercise
stricter, more continuous and more even self-control over their
feelings and behaviour.” (Murphy et. al., 2006:93)

This process is, according to Norbert Elias which took place on a large scale in

the whole of Western Europe and in the United States. On a smaller scale, transferring

the theory onto the field of football, one could argue that with the curbing of football

hooliganism within football stadia another civilizing process has taken place. As fans

were seen as hooligans and many adhered to violence as a matter of expression for their

opinions, there has been a progress in terms of civilization in that fans express their

views through fanzines. This cannot be proven or disproved of as there are no studies

that highlight the social background of fanzine writers. But as was highlighted earlier in

this chapter by Giulianotti, those people who write for fanzines distinguish themselves

from hooligans, most obviously in behavioural terms but also in their social

background. The topic of football hooliganism will not be discussed here.

36
 Another important point in the theory of figurations is the notion of established-

outsiders relations in Elias’ work. In a study initially conducted by John Scotson (1994)

and later joined by Elias in a small community on the outskirts of Leicester, the

relationships between two neighbourhoods within a community were examined.

Although being one community there was a strong division found within. One

neighbourhood was declared to be on “the wrong side of the railway tracks” (Mennell,

1992:117). The reason for the exclusion of people in the village from community

activities and communication was founded by the reason that the neighbourhood was

established only twenty years before the study was conducted, in the late 1930s. The

other parts of the community were founded either in the 1880s or in the 1920s. Thus all

people living in that new neighbourhood were considered as newcomers and

consequently seen as outsiders (1992:118). In an adaptation of Elias’ thoughts on

established-outsider relationships onto football fans and supporter groups this study is

helpful as football fans establish a group identity for themselves.

Van Krieken (1998) wrote about power relations between established and

outsider groups. The established group in “Winston Parva” drew its power from the fact

that it was longer established, that means the people in that neighbourhood lived longer

in the community than the so-called outsider group. It thus established a habitus of

being superior not simply by living in the community for the longer time but it made

clear to the outsider group that members of this group are by nature inferior to the other

groups in the community (van Krieken, 1998:149).

Group identity is a very important point for football fans. As was shown above

the established inhabitants of a village constructed their identity on the grounds of living

37
in the community longer than the new arrivals. These established people go even that

far to announce that they are more civilized than their counterparts from the

neighbourhood that is younger (van Krieken: 151). Group identity is therefore not only

used to enforce already existing divisions within a community but also to postulate that

other inhabitants are less civilized. For football fans the identification with a group of

other people who follow the club is of crucial importance.

For football fanzines the case is similar. Being football fans themselves, the

writers of fanzines thus considered themselves as an established group within the

football figuration and as a consequence every other group was perceived as outsiders.

This mainly can be said about groups and organizations that became influential after the

Hillsborough disaster, like the state that enforced a stricter regulation in dealing with

fans and supporters. Also the media and the hype started by it about the Premier League

in the early 1990s were considered as outsiders. This is because of the influence of

media corporations had on the schedule for matches which was restructured in order to

fulfil the goals for media corporations but which ignored the fans in treating them as

necessary evil which only fulfil marketing purposes.

Another aspect of figurational sociology is the notion of habitus. Often described

in English by the word habit it describes a set of behaviour and feeling that has become

subconscious and a second nature to individuals (Fletcher, 1997:11). According to

Fletcher no individual has a free choice in relation to their own group identity (1997:10-

11). That means a set of behaviour is given to every individual once the person becomes

a member of a group. Further, there is a distinction between individual habitus and

social habitus.

38
 The first one refers

“…to the learned emotional and behavioural dispositions which

are specific to a person, and social habitus, which denotes the
learned dispositions shared by most members of a group or
society” (Fletcher, 1997:110).

In other words every football fan can not but behave as a football fan. That

means showing rude behaviour towards fans from other clubs and towards players from

other clubs, too. Mennell points out that habitus differs from identity in that

“…identity implies a higher level of conscious awareness by

members of a group, some degree of reflection and articulation,
some positive or negative emotional feelings towards the
characteristics which members of a group perceive themselves
as sharing and in which they perceive themselves as differing
from other groups” (Mennell, 2003:369).

Mennell further points out that identity as well as habitus are multi-layered and

only in the very early stages of human social development that social habitus and

identity had been consisting of a single layer only. The idea of a multi-layered identity

is picked up by Bauman who compares identity with fluids in stating that the present

phase of modernity is best paraphrased as fluid or liquid and thus of an unstable nature

(Bauman, 2004:2).

In a similar way as was the case with Marxism, the figurational theory does not

go without being discussed among scholars about key points. Ruud Stokvis (2005) and

Dominic Malcolm (2002) were discussing the issue whether or not violence was at the

centre of the debates about the codification of modern sports. Whereas Stokvis argues

that it was rather the wish to play together that ultimately led to the written fixation of

rules of games (2005:111). Instead, Malcolm highlights that it has been the level of

violence apparent in many sports that was intended to be curbed by the fixing of the

39
rules. Further, Malcolm points out, that figurational sociologists are not at all focused

only on violence (Green et. al., 2005:121). Also, Malcolm shows a great gratitude

towards Stokvis for highlighting this topic which shows that there are still points that

are discussed controversially within the figurational theory (Malcolm, 2002:37).

To sum up what was written about figurational sociology so far, it can be said that these

ideas which Elias has explored and developed and which were outlined above are useful

to explain the formation of a collective identity among groups of football fans in terms

of explaining group and power relationships . What becomes obvious when discussing

the figurational and Marxist theories is that both offer possibilities to explain the use of

cultures of memory among football fans and particularly in football fanzines.

40
3. Methods of Research

3.1. On Methods

Examining football fanzines under the topic of cultures of memory proves a

much more difficult task to the researcher than has been done so far in the literature on

football and football fanzines presented in Chapter two. This is due to the circumstances

that cultures of memory have to be categorized in order to examine these categories in

the content of football fanzines. Dealing with cultures of memory explores fanzines not

simply as matters of expression for formerly voiceless football fans but treats fanzines

as media products that are under scrutiny from media researchers as well as historians

and sociologists. As a reason for this the methods have to be well chosen as this

dissertation examines a topic in football research which has not been explored

extensively to date. This chapter therefore deals with the research methods, describes

the sampling strategy and describes their application to the topic.

As the subtitle of this dissertation reads, this is a content analysis and therefore

the results of this study will be entirely quantitative and descriptive in their nature. Also,

the data found do have a meaning and allow drawing a conclusion for the sample; it

remains questionable if these conclusions can be adapted onto the whole of the

population of football fanzines. The size of the sample for once is a point that limits the

results drawn from the study. Other points are the selection of fanzines and the choice of

categories of memory in the study. In this chapter, it will also be described which

categories of memory will be used and how they were identified within the context of

football fanzines. Before that, the categories need to be determined and described, too.

41
 The initially chosen methods for this dissertation were case study and content

analysis; the latter being the method chosen for this dissertation simply because the case

study concentrates on a single case as the name suggests. On the contrary content

analysis focuses on the analysis of documentary data and is designed for analysing

newspapers and magazines, but also visual and audio content (Burton, 2000:333).

Audio content is excluded from this study as this category can not appear in printed

issues of football fanzines. They do appear on the internet but this is not the focus point

of this dissertation which concentrates on printed issues of football fanzines. Most

features examined are of a written nature, some of them are underlined with a

photograph. The role and interpretation of photos will be discussed later in this chapter.

North et. al. point out that: “As a research technique, content analysis has been

employed for a variety of purposes” (North et. al, 1963:37). The purpose for content

analysis that is applied in this dissertation is to show that cultures of memory are a part

of the content of football fanzines and further to describe the nature of these cultures of

memory.

According to Krippendorf (1980) content analysis is “rooted in the journalistic

fascination with numbers”… (1980:7). It is this fascination with numbers that makes

content analysis appropriate for this study as it is designed to identify cultures of

memory within football fanzines and to present them in a table (Appendix 2&3).

First of all, there is the presumption that there is a body of evidence that cultures

of memory are part of the content of football fanzines. Secondly, based on this

presumption, categories of cultures of memory are identified and were sought for in the

42
content of fanzines in the sample. The categories chosen for this dissertation can be

divided into two general groups: photos or visual forms of memory and literary forms of

memory which includes every written piece that contains memories. Following from

that, the categories focused on are photographs, match reports, personal memories,

obituaries, quizzes and season reviews. The photographic section will be subdivided

into photos depicting historic events and those which highlight or illustrate recent

events. This is useful as historic photos often illustrate match reports from the past. This

can be by showing pictures of the ground often the old ground, match scenes or players

alone, whereas recent photos are often used to illustrate recent match reports. They are

therefore used for the same purpose as they were for historic match reports, only the

date is distinctive. Photos are counted but the only distinction that is made here, is that

between the age of photos and no discussion about their message will be held here.

Match reports will be counted as well, but only if they are older than five years. This

distinction is made because every match report contained in football fanzines can be

interpreted as a historical one. But this is not done in this study. Therefore the timeline

is set back to five years from the publishing date of the fanzine. Obituaries are a form of

memory and therefore worth studying. Further, a comparison proves to be useful

between national newspapers and football fanzines about the content of obituaries. They

are a way of paying respect to persons in remembering their lives. They also are a way

to reconstruct the history of the club. Further, quizzes seem not to be much about

memory but often they demand knowledge about the club which includes historical

facts and dates. Last points are memories written by the editors or writers of football

fanzines. These might overlap with match and season reviews but are kept separately

because they often include personal memories of the authors. As match reports and

season reviews might contain the same material these categories are put together to

43
make counting easier. Further, a column for personal memories is added. This is

because personal memories might not always relate to football in the first place, rather

might describe the town or relate to music.

Although content analysis produces a quantitative result in giving numbers and

percentages, the content of the articles in fanzines will carry a different meaning to the

analyst than it does to the readers and as the writers originally intended to do. This

notion carries with it the question if the analyst is an interpreter of the data received

from the sources. Krippendorf sketches the analyst as being more aware of the content

than the publisher at the time of writing and printing (1980:23). According to McQuail

(2005), through analyzing the content of texts a particular interpretation is given that

differs from the author’s intention, the readers’ expectation and it does not resemble the

original meaning of the text but creates something new (2005:364). From that point of

view, the analyst therefore is an interpreter of the data. An interpretation of the data will

not be given in this dissertation. Photos can act as a source of information alone but

most often they appear alongside texts to illustrate these. Therefore, analyzing

photographs has to be done very carefully. The same must be written about comics and

cartoons in football fanzines. McQuail states that visual data can not be treated in the

same way as written data (2005:348). The “Saussurian” (2005:348) i.e. semiotic way of

analyzing language is not appropriate here as:

“…There is no equivalent of the system of rules of a natural

written language which enables us to interpret word signs more
or less accurately. As Evans (1999:12) explains it, a still image,
such as a photograph of a woman, is ‘less the equivalent of
“woman” than it is a series of disconnected descriptions: “an
older woman, seen in the distance wearing a green coat,
watching the traffic, as she crosses the road”’.” (McQuail:348)

44
 Further, although photos are inevitably ambiguous and polysemic, they also

have advantages over words such as they have a greater “denotative power” when used

with a purpose and effectively, and their ability to become icons. Also, photographs

have no location in time; this is particularly visible in advertisement. (McQuail:349).

Photos must be treated in a special way as they can easily be altered and thus their

meaning changed. New technologies for instance allow the construction of pictures and

photos in a way that is intended by the editor. Loizos (2000:95-101) points out that not

only technology is a possibility to influence the meaning of a photograph but simply the

arrangements of the subjects or objects can influence the message of a photo. The

setting of a photo also gives information about the photographers’ perception of the

situation recorded. Further, implications can be made about what is and what is not

recorded with a camera. Another category, obituaries, will differ when they are

compared between a national newspaper and the according club fanzine of the club that

the player was playing for. The latter will mention the players’ contribution to the club

and the legacy left behind while the newspaper will highlight all stations of the career

and mention all highs and lows. A bias in the case of the fanzine has to be taken into

account here.

Finally, another source of influence on the results is brought forward by Holsti

(1969). He claims that the selection of context or recording units may have an effect on

the results of the analysis. Further, he mentions efficiency as a factor influential on a

study like this in asking which units give satisfying results with the least expenditure of

resources and time (1969:118). For that reason the most obvious categories were chosen

for this study. Not only do these appear regularly in football fanzines but they also were

most easy to identify.

45
3.2. Research Design

To find a sample from the vast field of printed as well as online issues of

football fanzines was one of the toughest challenges faced during the conduct of the

study. For that reason printed issues of football fanzines were the preferred choice for

this study. To underline the problem of finding a suitable sample, an example will

highlight the problem: There are 92 clubs in the English Football League, including the

Premier League, the Championship and Divisions One and Two. Presumably each of

them has at least one fanzine, thus there would be 92 fanzines to examine. This example

focuses on the Football League clubs only and excludes those clubs playing below this

level such as Gravesend&Northfleet and Welling United. Clubs such as Manchester

United might even have more than the one fanzine that other clubs might have (see

Appendix 1) and it can be assumed that other clubs, not all, in the Premier League, the

Championship and all other divisions of the Football League also have more than one

fanzine published alongside the official match day programme, which makes it difficult

to grasp the whole field of football fanzines. Match day programmes are published for

each home match no matter if it is a cup game or a league match whereas fanzines are

issued on a monthly or a bimonthly basis. To round up on that example: there are at

least 92 fanzines each month or every second month depending on the publisher(s) of

the fanzine. This does not include the online versions of fanzines which might differ

from the printed ones and there are fanzines that are published online only. This

dissertation examines printed issues of football fanzines only. This example gives an

idea of the huge field the fanzines represent. The spread of the internet was not apparent

in the early and mid-1990s but has become one of the major platforms for fans to

46
publish their opinions. Although being a huge success the internet could not stop

fanzines from being printed. The Nottingham fanzine Lost That Loving Feeling for

example went the other way. It started as an internet-based fanzine and in 2005 the

fanzine went into print.

Although it was possible to get a hold onto a number of copies of fanzines via

eBay, the Black Cat bookshop in Leicester and one bookshop in Manchester of which

the name has got lost, it was not possible to get a huge stock of fanzines of about 300 or

500 issues, but only 67. The sampling frame includes these 67 issues of fanzines,

including the biggest English national fanzine When Saturday Comes, a whole set of

issues of Nottingham Forest’s Lost That Loving Feeling from the 2005/06 season, all

issues of Leicester City’s The Fox from 2006 as well as a season’s coverage of

Arsenal’s One Nil Down- Two One Up from the season 1997/98 (see Appendix 1). The

approach was to focus solely on England but also to cover the most of England in

geographical and in footballing terms, ergo fanzines from the South-West as well as the

North-East were sought for as was for fanzines from the London-based clubs, the

Midlands and the Liverpool-Manchester area. This seems to have been accomplished

successfully as the sample shows (see Appendix 2). It became more difficult to report

on all leagues, conferences and divisions of English football. Therefore having fanzines

from small clubs such as Welling United FC and Gravesend&Northfleet FC at hand –

both issues of fanzines are issued at a time when both clubs were playing below league

level in their regional divisions – proves to be helpful for a wider and more

sophisticated analysis. To have a complete study the sample was divided into two parts.

The first part contains fanzines that were published in the 1990s while the second part

focuses on those published from 2000 onwards. This allows comparing and contrasting

47
the development of fanzines in terms of cultures of memory. Also conclusions can be

drawn about the publishing quality of the fanzines. A point where the fanzines

published after 2000 might lacking depth is that this part of the sample does not include

any fanzines from clubs such as Welling United, Gravesend&Northfleet but instead

concentrate on the upper tiers of the Football League such as the Premier League, the

Championship and the First Division.

The number of issues of fanzines was limited in that respect that both parts of

the sample should be equal in size but no club should be represented twice in each part

of the sample. On the other hand it was considered to be helpful to compare issues of

fanzines from one club over the time span of ten or more years. This was only possible

for clubs such as Manchester United, Newcastle United and Sunderland AFC and their

respective fanzines. Therefore the findings might vary within each of part of the sample

but nonetheless will be helpful for any conclusions that might be drawn from the

findings. The second part, that contains fanzines published after 2000, is smaller in

numbers making the sample imbalanced but nonetheless still worth studying. Therefore,

it can be concluded that the strategy that was used for sampling is a stratified sampling

strategy. This strategy demands a certain amount of knowledge of the field that is to be

studied. Also, the divisions that the sample was divided into, that means subpopulations

or strata (Krippendorf, 2004:115), such as the geographical regions of England or the

divisions of the Football League. Further, even the clubs represent strata in the sample.

In the analysis each fanzine is examined and for each category that is found in its

content a 1 is typed into the according column of the table. If no such category can be

found then there will be a 0.

48
 A note on bias must be made here. As football fanzines are independently

produced by football fans and their approach is to provide an alternative view of the

game and the running of the clubs, then bias in their reporting must be taken into

account as their point of view might differ massively from that of the clubs and official

reporting on matches and club affairs. Also, the points brought forward earlier in this

chapter on the choice of categories and the selection of recording units are subject of

error as the definition of them may differ from what is seen as a category for memory

by others. The same has to be said about the author; as this topic is of personal interest,

certain subjectivity has to be dealt with. This is in accordance with Norbert Elias’

statement that objective research is not possible in the social sciences. He argues that

research should aim to be value detached and that this process is advanced if the

researcher has a personal interest in the subject. Not only that, but also no researcher

can claim he is detached from society, culture and environment that is surrounding him

or her. Only children and the insane are according to Elias. Therefore, as detachment is

not possible to one hundred per cent, involvement is attempted to be kept at a minimum

(Mennell, Goudsblom, 1998:217-248).

49
4. Results

As was mentioned in the last chapter, the categories explored for this content

analysis were chosen because these occurred most often, thus errors might occur and

bias has to be taken into account when presenting the results of this content analysis.

Apart from the cultures of memory that were found the most notable result that was

easy to identify was the change of quality the fanzines experienced during the period of

time which was examined. Here a number of factors have to be considered. First of all,

who are the producers of the fanzine and what are their financial resources. That means

as fanzine from Liverpool has certainly more buyers than one from

Gravesend&Northfleet. In consequence, this means that a higher number of sales lead

automatically to better print quality. Comparing the United We Stand of Manchester

United issue from the nineties with that of Winning Isn’t Everything of Welling United

than the difference is huge. UWS has not changed much in quality over the years.

Therefore the observation made concerning the print quality of fanzines has to be seen

in relation to the aspect of time. Whereas the fanzines from the early nineties mainly

relied on cut-out articles from newspapers or contained articles from other fanzines -

and on top of that, they were type written - then a remarkable change has taken place

over time. This is due to the development of technology. The quality of photos has also

improved visibly. While in the early days photos were photocopied together with the

text for one page, in the recent issues photos are scanned and eventually processed with

the help of a computer. Again this is not the case with for instance with United We

Stand. Nowadays photos are processed on a computer and at the end are included into

the page and printed out normally with the whole page. Further, the paper changed from

being normal paper to glossy paper in most of the fanzines. This allows the conclusion

50
that fanzines have become quality products in which not only the content matters but

also the appearance. Most front cover pages contain a photograph which was not always

the case in the earlier period. For clubs like Manchester United the fanzines contained

all necessary information on the front cover, such as the name, the issue number with

the month and the price. Often a topic for the issue is given as well. Some of this

information can not be found on all fanzines. This leads to the conclusion that fanzines

from bigger clubs not only attract a bigger crowd and thus the number of fanzines that

are sold is bigger but it also means that these fanzines were issued on a regular monthly

or bimonthly basis. This can not be verified for fanzines from Welling United or Queens

Park Rangers. These issues’ front pages contain only the issue number and the price but

no date, therefore no information about the exact date can be found. Only by reading in

these two issues it became possible to date them into the 1990s. In the case of Queens

Park Rangers the fanzine is not even stapled. The result is a number of loose sheets of

paper folded and sold as a fanzine which nowadays seems to be unthinkable. Also club

issues are mentioned on the front page of fanzines, either in an ironic or sarcastic

manner or in severe anger or distrust. This is mostly directed at the managers and

directors of football clubs. The format of the fanzines is differing throughout the

sample. While fanzines from Newcastle United, Liverpool FC, Manchester City are

printed in A4-format, while all others are printed in A5-format which resembles the size

of a match day programme. As for the page numbers, no firm statement can be made as

the page numbers range from 20 to 64 pages for a fanzine issue. From that point

drawing the average of page numbers is nearly impossible. There is the possibility of

comparing the page numbers of the 1990s stack of fanzines and that of the fanzines

published after 2000, but in both cases there is no concrete figure giving the average

page numbers. Rather, it is the mode that can be given here. For the whole of the sample

51
this is 36 pages. The mode for the sample from the 1990s counts 32 pages with a range

from sixteen to forty-four, whereas the mode after 2000 is 44 pages. The 2000 sample

distribution ranges from twenty to sixty-four pages. Four fanzines counted forty-four

pages, making that the most popular score in this sample.

Another important part deals with the FSA and the struggle of it of coming to

terms with the new reality of Laws in football in the 1990s. The reports about the FSA

deal with the issues such as fans struggling to become members of the FSA and issues

that concentrate on the security of grounds and the behaviour of fans themselves in

fanzine issues from the 1990s. Also much more attention is given to the treatment of

fans by the police at away games. This is an indicator for the development of a

collective conscience among football fans and editors of fanzines were reflecting on

their own situation more often and thoroughly than it was probably the case in earlier

years. This hypothesis can neither be proved nor disproved of as there are no fanzines

from the 1980s included into this research. It can only be assumed that this was also the

case in issues of football fanzines that were produced in the 1980s, as this was one of

the initial drives behind for football fans to become the editors of football fanzines in

the first place. Another point that has to be highlighted is the presence of commercial

advertising in fanzines. Haynes wrote on the struggle within the group of editors of

WSC about the issue of accepting commercial adverts in the issues and also the editors

becoming full-time employees (Haynes, 1995:70-71). This is an indicator that products

such as WSC and other football fanzines have become more upmarket products than

they used to be in the earlier days. As for fanzines now having become glossy and are

considered as quality products it has to be asked how products like football fanzines

deal with their rising popularity and increasing circulation numbers to keep the balance

52
between independent reporting and commercialization. Also, as commercial adverts are

now regular features of fanzines, the question posed here is what the money is used for.

Is it used for the editors as wages or for the cover of production costs and possible

improvement in editorial techniques? Therefore the case of WSC stands as an example

for other fanzines that might have experienced the same during the years of publication.

In the case of the Leicester City FC fanzine The Fox, an examination of

remembering the old ground at Filbert Street proves to be useful. In each issue of 2006,

about four years after the move to the new ground, there is a column devoted to

memorabilia of Filbert Street, the old ground of the club. These memorabilia include a

number plate which possibly originates from a turnstile (issue 147), a litter box which

was standing outside the old ground (issue 148) and a turnstile itself (issue 150). All

these collectibles are brought together by fans of the club for the planned rebuilding of

Filbert Street in a far away future.

In The Fox fanzine the nostalgic element can be seen in its livelihood as well as

a well posted irony is in its element. That is only one bit of memory produced by the

fanzine. Pages 4-5 of each issue of the Leicester City fanzine from 2006, offers a wide

range of historical writing about the club and Leicester. For instance, there is an eBay

watch, where articles related to Leicester City are listed and described, including their

final sale price. Also, five questions of the history of the club are asked with the answers

given written head over. Further, a timeline separated into five year gaps starting from 5

years and ending at 30 years ago is included with each of them giving a short statement

about the situation the club was in the same month just the number of years or decades

ago. The other Leicester City fanzine included into the study Where’s the Money Gone?

53
issue16, has no such categories of a culture of memory practised. It is even hard to find

out the publishing date of that issue and could only be found out through comparing the

content of the fanzine with the written history of Leicester City and dated into the

1996/97 season (Matthews, 2001). This issue is laden with mistakes. The page numbers

say that the issue is laid out for 32 pages but there are bits missing and the actual page

number is thus only 20 pages and even that seems not to be correct, therefore there can

be no sufficient results be drawn form that issue.

With the Chelsea FC publication CFCUK the case lies slightly different but it

does not differ much to the fanzines of Leicester City. In the April 2006 issue (no.59) a

page is given to the obituary for Peter Osgood in the form of a review of Chelsea’s last

big European success in 1998 where supporters met Peter Osgood; a further seven pages

are devoted to the memory of Peter Osgood who died on March 1 this year, making this

issue a heavy loaded one with club history and memory. Another page is given to the

obligatory quiz which deals with Peter Osgood, too. In another issue (no. 57, February

2006) brings only two pages of historical articles, one of them the quiz. Chelsea

fanzines were approached with certain alertness. This is because the club was taken over

by the Russian businessman Roman Abramowitsch who sees the club as another part in

his huge economic imperium. As money is no longer a problem for Chelsea, the

awareness was taken into the study when the fanzines were analyzed. Of course, those

recent club issues such as the takeover by Abramowitsch are discussed and it became

apparent that most fans appreciated the engagement of Abramowitsch. On the other

hand, being recently successful could have led to the omission of cultures of memory.

That this was not the case was noted with surprise and the issue dedicated to the

memory of Peter Osgood proved any prejudgement wrong.

54
 The breaking of Jackie Milburn’s goal scoring record for Newcastle United by

Alan Shearer in February this year was reason enough for the fanzine The Mag to

remember the former holder of the record. Also, this issue contained a review of the

1964/65 season of Newcastle United including one photograph. Mostly this issue is

dedicated to the dismissal of Graeme Sounness as the manager of the club in describing

where the case for him went wrong and why it was good that he had to go. To underline

that fifty facts are listed giving evidence of what Sounness done wrong and what other

things went wrong.

Another fanzine from Newcastle United The Talk of the Tyne, this time from

the 1990s, remembered the successful FA-Cup campaign of 1976 in form of a four-

pages-pull-out of the magazine.

In conclusion it has to be said that it is obvious that cultures of memory are

practiced and are important features of the content of football fanzines. These cultures

of memory are certainly not the main part of the content as the examples above have

shown. The aforementioned cultures of memory appear to varying degrees and extents

in the contents of football fanzines.

55
5. Discussion

In this chapter it will be discussed if the theoretical foundations laid down in

chapter two were applicable for this dissertation or not. The most important question

that needs to be answered is why these cultures of memory appear in football fanzines.

Therefore the theories outlined in the literature review will be tested and validated or

disproved. The sociological part of this chapter draws upon Elias’ work on Established-

Outsider relationships, power relationships between groups and the concept of habitus.

Further, if there is such a thing as a class struggle between the working class and the

upper classes that is fought within the field of football, this will be examined and the

protagonists will be named.

For football fans there are other topics to remember and to write about than there

are for football journalists and writers and sports writers in general. Therefore the stress

in football fanzines is put on different memories then it is the case in newspapers, books

and magazines. As a result of that the cultures of memory in football fanzines are

employed for different reasons and in different extents than is the case in other media.

And most often this happens with a bias towards either the media and more importantly

towards other clubs and outsider groups. Therefore content patterns about which

Shoemaker (Shoemaker et. al.1996:42) has written, are of importance and need to be

regarded when cultures of memory in football fanzines are explained. Shoemaker

further writes that the content of main stream media products is subject to certain

conditions and constraints which have an impact on the content. The same has to be said

about football fanzines.

56
 When analyzing the content of football fanzines, or in general the content of

every media product, certain conclusions can be drawn from the information gathered

from the content of the objects examined as was shown in the chapter above.

Comparing the content of a fanzine and a newspaper over the issue of an obituary

proves to be fruitful. The Guardian Newspaper (March 2, 2006) and the Chelsea fanzine

CFCUK (issue 59) report both on Peter Osgood who died in March 2006. The fanzine

dedicates a whole issue to Peter Osgood including memories of fans who knew Osgood

personally and match reports from his playing time. The Guardian Newspaper on the

other hand reported on his death by writing about Osgood being an embodiment of the

swinging sixties in London. Also, the obituary recalled Osgood’s greatest moments as a

Chelsea player, his time at Southampton, at Norwich and in the US. The England career

also gets a short notion in this article. Therefore it is important to consider that football

fanzines are reporting on their issues relying on their own sources and will not take into

account a levelled reporting on topics concerning their club. That means they remember

differently from newspapers or the public. The Chelsea fanzine names Osgood the

“King of Stamford Bridge” and certainly will not do so with any other player of the club

in the near future.

The literature that specified on fanzines (Haynes 1995, Jary et. al. 1991) clearly

pointed out that fanzines emerged because there was a need to publish independent

reporting from football fans. There were a number of reasons to do so. The first one is

the state of the stadia in Britain. Stadia resembled the image of cages built for animals

but not to be inhabited by people. Further, many grounds were old fashioned and did not

meet security standards necessary to guarantee safety for spectators. This results from

the fact that the British grounds were among the oldest in the world and had poor

57
facilities (Taylor, 1990:5). Apart from that fans were otherwise treated as uncivilized

barbarians and in public were portrayed as hooligans. The anticlimax of all this, the

negative image and the maltreatment and terrible policing errors, was the Hillsborough

disaster in 1989 which left 96 Liverpool supporters dead. This portraiture of fans in the

public neglects the fact that not all football fans were hooligans. But blaming football

hooligans was surely the easiest option as this quotation in the Sunday Times (June 18,

1985) shows: “[Football] a slum sport, watched by slum people.” (Boyle, Haynes;

2000:180) Football fans are hence living in slums and probably will behaving as such.

This statement sums up what was thought about football fans in the press circles.

Therefore, it can be said that the negative image of football fans cannot be upheld but

has to be revised. As late as 1985 the public still perceived football supporters mainly as

hooligans. As a result it can be said that the emergence of football fanzines showed the

public that football fans are not all hooligans.

In an article about hooliganism and collective memory King (2001) produces a

useful insight into the construction of collective memory among hooligans. King

reconstructs events that occurred at an away match of Manchester United in 1999

against Olympique Marseille. King reports of a short incident between the stewards, the

Manchester hooligans and the French riot police, which is referred to later as the major

event of the evening. The match itself became less interesting because of this incident.

In this case the Manchester United supporters seem to be handled unfairly by the

stewards when reacting to abuse and missile throwing by Marseille supporters. In

consequence this led to a short fight between the stewards and the Manchester

supporters. The stewards were later replaced by the French riot police. Also, these

incidents of fighting led to a number of injuries in the Manchester camp. King himself

58
seemed to have been attending the match and witnessing the incidents first hand. The

question he is following is “what role does the discussion of violence play in affirming

the group” (King, 2001:570). He claims that the group members must have an

agreement that not only fighting but also discussing their violence is establishing a

collective memory among the group and thus is a part in the construction of a collective

identity (King:571). It is interesting how King describes the necessities of hooligan

groups in terms of their behaviour. There are strict codes of behaviour which can not be

violated without pulling disrespect onto the hooligan group by other groups. In the case

of the match the hooligans reacted violently because the stewards disrespected them as a

group and thus offended their pride as a group. This pride has been established in years

of existence of the hooligan group has become habitus, a disposition. Bourdieu

describes this as

“…permanent manners of being, seeing, acting and thinking, or

a system of long-lasting (rather than permanent) schemes or
schemata or structures of perception, conception and action.”
(Bourdieu, 2005:43)

Elias describes habitus as a second nature which includes behaviour but also

manners (Elias, 2000:367). Halbwachs writes that within kinships such as the family or

social classes, memories are passed on via oral tradition. In peasant societies children

learned family traditions from the grandparents or other elderly members of the group

(Connerton, 1989:37). Further, within groups memory is passed on by ritual

performances (1989:38). In the case of the article by King it is the leader of the group

that acts as an authority and destines the talk in the pub after the game. What this shows

is that even among hooligans it is important to draw upon collective memory and to

establish a collective identity for themselves. The same can be said for other football

59
fans. The example with hooligans proves exemplary because hooligans react violently

which is recognized more immediately than written accounts on football matches.

Therefore the role of rituals is important for groups, the maintenance of group

memory and group identity. Initiation rites are one form of passing group memories and

group identity to new members, especially to young men. But this does not work in

football fanzines as these represent a printed or literary form of memory. Therefore

fanzines rely on written forms of memory which were highlighted in chapter four and in

appendix 2. Connerton (1989:38) continues where Halbwachs stops writing about the

passing on of memories though rituals. Halbwachs correctly states that the memory of

religious groups, in his case that of Christianity, relies on a memory that stretches over a

time period of two thousand years. The memories that Christianity relies on are passed

on through the ritual of the mass. For football fans chants in the stadium have the same

meaning as have chants in the church for Christians. The stadium plays a significant role

in this as it becomes a sacred place that has features of a church. Bale (1991:131)

highlights this idea in stating that the stadium can become a sacred place, a scenic place,

a tourist place and even home. Bale describes football as a surrogate religion for

supporters in recapturing the scenes in Liverpool’s stadium after the Hillsborough

disaster. One goal mouth was packed with scarves, shirts and other memorabilia in order

to remember the dead of the tragedy (Bale:132). In this example the theory outlined by

Pierre Nora is proven. Nora stated by means of the French nation that the collective

memory of a nation is perpetuated with the help of places and monuments. This further

creates a sense of place among football fans. For society is rapidly changing and

“The only certainty is uncertainty, so that in this view nostalgia

is the attempt to cling to the alleged certainties of the past,
ignoring the fact that, like it or not, the only constant in our lives

60
 is change. (Chase and Shaw, 1989, p.8)” (Cited in Boyle and
Haynes, 2000:202)

Football fan groups resemble religious groups as they perform rituals within the

stadium by singing and chanting. Also, these groups tend to use written forms of

memory which can be found in Christianity, too. This is one purpose of fanzines that

can be identified here.

Another aspect is the control of memories of society brought forward by

Connerton (1989:1). He asks how memory of groups is conveyed and sustained.

Connerton concludes that a hierarchy of power is established by controlling the memory

of a society with the storage of large amounts of data through data processing

technologies and further, this has become a question of political importance. From this

perspective Jary et. al. are proved to be right when they state that football fanzines are a

form of cultural contestation (1991:591). It can be argued that a with the organization of

football fans in a central body such as the FSA and with media outlets in form of

fanzines, football fans constitute a successful pressure group within the football

figuration. In contrast to Marxist sociologists this could not be described as a class

struggle, rather this could be interpreted as shift in the power balances between groups

that are involved in football. Therefore the FSA and the so-called fanzine movement are

to be seen as a pressure group within the football figuration. That this did not happen

with an outbreak of violence is due to civilizing processes that took place in Western

Europe. This can be explained by their interdependency to each other. Football fans

need the football while the clubs and the administrations of clubs need the fans. Not just

for the money but also as a sign for the popularity of the game in general and the club in

particular. As a result football fans now have a dead pledge with which chair persons of

61
football clubs can be put under pressure. Though, this works most often on club level

but not on a national scale, therefore the power that fans acquired is of limited use as it

only refers to their particular club that fans can have an influence on the governing of

the club.

On the other hand football fans are dependent on clubs as they are a stronghold

and support for their identity, not just locally but also nationally. This is to prove again

that Pierre Nora’s thesis of lieux de memoire is right. As he stated that modern societies

are in constant transition, there are no longer any milieux that carry memory of a group

or a class because of what Carrier (2002:144) calls processes of globalization,

democratization, the development of mass society and the spread and development of

the mass media. These processes leave the former milieux empty; instead there are

lieux, places that carry the memory of the milieux with them. Taking off from that idea

Bale (1991:133) describes football fans as having internalized a sense of place. The

place for them is the stadium of their club. For many, if not all the stadium is a place

they describe as home. Therefore it is comprehensible when football fans oppose any

thought of a relocation of football clubs. In the wake of the Taylor Report it was

suggested that clubs relocate their stadium into suburbia. This is because supporters are

travelling to matches by car or by bus and the most of the British stadia were built

within neighbourhoods which were considered unsuitable according to the Taylor

Report, because of narrow streets with limited parking facilities. That it is possible is

shown by the fact that many clubs are still located at their historic neighbourhood. Bale

further cites from a fanzine from Charlton Athletic that the ground and the club cannot

be separated because the one involves the other (Bale, 1991:134). As a consequence

football fans display a pride of place and local patriotism (1991:135). Therefore to refer

62
to something stable and seemingly everlasting is something that not only religious

groups do but also football fans. In this case it is the stadium and the club that helps to

construct a sense of belonging and community (Bale:135). As was described so far,

what can be seen is developing among football fans, is an identity that uses different

utilities such as local pride and sense of place and a collective memory to establish a

collective identity as football fans. Through this bonding with a football club, the

stadium and other fans in the group a relationship between these entities with the

surrounding groups can be detected. That means that, football fans consider themselves

as established groups while other groups are considered as outsiders. This could even be

people who are involved in the government of the clubs for example chair people,

managers and other people somehow involved with the club. Most notably this is

directed towards supporters of other football clubs and the media. Especially in the

context of this dissertation, this is of importance as football fanzines constitute a new

medium which is dedicated to football alone. Although the newspapers extended their

coverage about football (Haynes, 1995:27) it was not to the satisfaction of football fans.

The writing was still biased against football fans.

To stress the idea of established-outsider relationships a bit further, it can be

stated that those fans who considered themselves as true fans distinguished themselves

from those who were indeed hooligans. About those relationships Goudsblom and

Mennell quoted Elias writing:

“…one of these neighbourhoods, although hardly different

from the other in its social composition and its occupational
structure, treated the other as outsiders, and its members often
spoke of them almost as if they were moral reprobates and
outcasts.” (Goudsblom, Mennell, 1998:105)

63
 This seems a stark exaggeration but points out the relationship and the image

groups can be affixed to by other groups. It seems more likely that football fans were

seen as a disgrace and thus as outsiders by the public because of hooliganism. But this

would do the majority of football fans wrong as they are no hooligans. In this

connection it seems worthwhile to stress the idea of Connerton again. It is again a

question of the power and the control over memory. Football fans claim that the

memory and thus the identity of their group are to be controlled by them alone.

Finally, another point for discussion is that of identity of football fans and how it

is constructed. As can be seen throughout the study identity has been a topic that was

always referred to. In this discussion it becomes clear that the concepts of memory

postulated by Halbwachs, Nora and Warburg and which are deployed throughout the

study lay the foundation for a group identity centred around memory. Together with

Norbert Elias’ theory of civilizing processes and the concept of habitus as a second

nature, it is possible to construct a concept of identity for football fans as was shown in

this study. But also, this is possible for every group that is examined. To grasp identity a

thorough investigation has to be carried out as identity and its construction have

changed massively in the last century. Whereas in traditional societies identity was easy

to construct for oneself and to identify for others, this has become more difficult in the

late twentieth century. Kellner describes this by writing that traditional societies saw

fixed, stable and solid identities of ist members. “One was a hunter and a member of the

tribe and that was that” (Kellner, 1993:141). In contrast to that Kellner describes

identity in modernity as more mobile, multiple, personal, self-reflexive and subject to

change and innovation (1993:141). In a traditional sense identity was something that

contained “predefined social roles” and a set of

64
 “myths which provided orientation and religious sanctions to
one’s place in the world, while rigorously circumscribing the
realm of thought and behaviour. One was born and died a
member of one’s clan or group of a fixed kinship system, and a
member of one’s tribe or group with one’ life trajectory fixed
in advance…Individuals did not undergo identity crises, or
radically modify their identity.” (Kellner, 1993:141)

Although in modern societies identities are continually expanding, they are still

subject to a set of roles and norms. Therefore, a mother was a mother in pre-modern

societies and still is a mother in modern societies. Bauman (2004:2) on the other hand

describes modernity and thus identity in modern societies as fluid. Fluids are changing

their shape rapidly and constantly. This can idea be adapted to football fanzines and

football fans. It is the changing of society that makes people to hark back to times when

there was less insecurity and instability. For these reasons people try to look back and

try to find a golden age as Pearson has described it (1983:3) where public fears and

moral panics were non-existent.

65
6. Conclusion

This chapter gives a summary over the findings of this dissertation and also

gives recommendations on future research to be done in the field of football fanzines

and cultures of nostalgia.

Throughout this dissertation it became clear that cultures of memory play a

significant role not just in football fanzines, but in society in general. As football is a

part of society, there are similarities in these cultures and there are distinctions between

these two parts of society. Within football they constitute an organ for football fans to

express their opinions. On the other hand football fanzines are a tool for collective

memory in that they are used to look back at the “Golden Age” of football although

football fans do not know where that “Golden Age” actually is to be located. Cultures of

memory are a part of football fanzines and of society but that does not say that these are

exercised or practiced very openly, rather cultures of memory along with standards of

behaviour and habitus have become what Norbert Elias has called a “second nature”

(Elias, 2000:369). They have become an automatism among individuals, something that

is done without questioning the actions of a person.

During the course of this study the original aim of locating cultures of memory

within football fanzines was accompanied by the notion that memory is a part of a

person’s identity, therefore the discussion of the results with the help of the theories laid

out in chapter two differ slightly from the original aim. Nonetheless, it proved helpful.

66
 Further, by examining a number of football fanzines it became obvious that

these media do not primarily rely on cultures of memory but that a variety of topics and

concerns are discussed within fanzines that were not clear before the study. Therefore,

knowledge about the content of football fanzines that was gathered beforehand proved

to be useful for this study as it accelerated the examination of the football fanzines.

As an outlook it seems to be interesting how the development of fanzines was

influenced by the acceptance of commercial advertisement. Haynes (cited in Rowe,

1995:161) describes the development of fanzines with the example of WSC and

describes how the editors struggled to accept paid advertising and thus making their

leisure pursuit a profession.

“This is a prototypical history of an independent cultural

enterprise, hinging as it does on ‘managing the conflict between
progress and principle’ (Haynes, 1993a:47)” (Rowe, 1995:161).

The question between idealism and commercialism and the acceptance of the

latter bring the product closer to the mainstream (Rowe: 161). Therefore it is interesting

to see the development of fanzines in a time when even fanzines consider going online

only. The Leicester City “The Fox” changed its publication rhythm from twelve issues a

year to only ten or eight year because of rising publication costs by constant sale figures.

The Nottingham Forest fanzine on the contrary went the other way and started

publishing in 2005 with the start of the 2005/06 season. Advertisement nowadays is an

area that has become a part of fanzines.

Another area of further inquest could be a survey among producers and readers

of football fanzines about cultures of memory themselves. Or to lead an inquiry into the

motives of producers of fanzines to publish a fanzine in the first place. For readers the

67
question would be why they are buying a fanzine. Is it for the sake of it or out of true

interest and an alternative view on the governing of their favourite club? this possible

ongoing study should be designed in a way to get first hand information from producers

as well as readers. Also, club officials should be asked as they might give an insight into

possible rivalries between match day programmes and football fanzines.

68
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76
Appendix 1: List of Fanzines

Arsenal FC: One Nil Down – Two One Up. Issues 55-60, Season 1997/98

AFC Bournemouth: Not the 8502. Issues 15 & 16

Cardiff City FC: Watch the Bluebirds Fly! Issue 16, Jan1991

Chelsea FC: CFCUK. Issue 57 Feb 2006; 59 April 2006

Red Card. Issue 20

Chesterfield FC: The Crooked Spireite. Issue 2, Feb 1988

Darlington FC: Mission Impossible. Issues 13 Dec 1990; 45 Feb 1995

Dartford FC: Light at The End of the Tunnel. Issues 5 & 9, 1989/90

Doncaster Rovers: Raise the Roof. Issue 9, October 1990

Gravesend & Northfleet: No Idea. Issue 2, Aug/Sept. 1994

Leicester City FC: Where’s the Money Gone? Issue 16, 1996

The Fox. Issues 5 Sept. 1989; 147-150 January – April 2006

Liverpool FC: Through the Wind and the Rain. Issue 72, Spring 2006

77
Manchester City FC: King of the Kippax. Issue 44, March/April 1995

Manchester United: Red Issue. Issue 64, Feb 2003

United We Stand. Issue 141, May 2005

Newcastle United FC: The Mag. Issue 22 Issue 201, Feb 2006

Talk of the Tyne, Issue 3

Nottingham Forest FC: Lost That Loving Feeling, Issues1-4 August 2005 – February

2006

Notts County: The Pie. Issue 9, 1988

Sunderland AFC: A Love Supreme. Issue 49, 1995/96, Issue 100

It’s the Hope I can’t stand! Issue 11, Jan 1999

Torquay United: Bamber’s Right Foot. Issue 16, 1995/96

Welling United: Winning Isn’t Everything (But occasionally would be nice!). Issue 2

When Saturday Comes (general) Issues 38, 45, 48, 52-53, 57-59, 74, 103, 225-231

Wigan Athletic FC: Cockney Latic. Issue 26, April 2002

78
Appendix 2: Fanzines published in the 1990s

Historical
Match/Sea- Personal
Clubs/Categories Photos son Obituaries Quizzes Memories
Arsenal 1 0 0 0 0
Chelsea 1 1 0 1 0
Darlington 1 0 0 1 0
Dartford 1 1 0 0 0
Doncaster 1 1 0 1 0
Everton 1 0 0 0 0
Gravesend&Northfleet 1 1 1 0 0
Leicester 1 0 0 0 1
Man United 1 1 0 0 0
Manchester City 1 0 0 0 0
Newcastle United 1 1 0 0 0
QPR 1 0 0 0 0
Sunderland 1 1 0 0 0
Torquay 0 1 0 0 0
Welling United 1 1 0 0 0

Appendix 3: Fanzines published after 2000

Historical Personal
Clubs/Categories Photos Match/Season Obituaries Quizzes Memories
Chelsea 1 1 1 1 0
Leicester 1 1 0 1 0
Liverpool 1 1 0 0 0
Man United 1 1 0 0 1
Newcastle
United 1 1 0 1 1
Nottingham
Forest 1 1 0 0 0
Sunderland 1 1 0 1 1
Wigan Athletic 1 1 0 0 1

79