Chapter One: Gadaa Rituals

What is Ritual?

Dozens of definitions are there regarding rituals. The number of definitions proposed by scholars
is endless, and no one seems to like the definitions proposed by anyone else. Turner (1967),
defined rituals; as prescribed formal behavior for occasions not given over to technical routine,
having reference to belief in mystical beings and powers;Tambiah (1979), as culturally
constructed system of symbolic communication; Kertzer (1988), as symbolic behavior that is
socially standardized and repetitive; Kassam (1999), as action to be a form of social practice that
emanates from the cultural knowledge system.

A ritual is a sequence of activities involving gestures, words, actions, or objects, performed

according to a set sequence.(mw dictionary ).In the case of these definitions, one might think that
The ritual as it is culturally constructed, traditionally sanctioned behaviors, bodily actions and/or
speech acts, having its performers as its own audience, marked off from the routine of everyday
life, framed, taking place at specific places and/ or times, collective, creating/organizing
society/social groups, creating change/transition, purposeful (for the participants), repeated,
standardized; rehearsed, religious, sacred, and guiding cognition (Kreinath et al., 2006).In
Oromo, the term 'ritual' can be rendered as jila, signifying 'festival; feast; celebration' (Leus
1995) .In the traditional Oromo world view, a ritual activity belongs to the realm of uumaa, or
the physically created universe. According to Megerssa's (1993), the universe is ordered
according to the structuring principles of ayyaana, which determine the shape and destiny of all
things in the worldRituals represent the locus at which the concepts of uumaa (physical creation),
ayyaana (principles of nature) and safuu (moral order of culture) converge and through which
social order is produced (Kassam, 2011).

Jechi ‘ritual’ jedhu jalqaba jecha Laatinii ‘ritualis’ yookiin ‘ritus’ jedhamu irraa fudhatame.
‘Ritus’ jechuun tartiiba mul’ataa (Visible order), haala hubatamaa ta’een dalaguu (the proven
way of doing something), raawwii sirrii ta’e (correct performance) jechuudha.

Haala kanarraa ka’uun jilaaf hiikni yoo kennamuf jilli (ritual) duraa duuba raawwilee sochiin,
jechaan, meeshaaleen deggaramuun bakka isaaf mijeeffametti akkaataa duraa duuba gochoota
isaatiin adeemsifamudha.
Jechi ‘ritual’ jedhu yeroo jalqabaatiif gara Afaan Ingiliziitti kan fudhatame bara 1570tti ture.
Hojiirra oolmaan isaa immoo bara 1600tti.

A rite and a ritual are the same thing. The only difference is the purpose of the ritual. A rite of
passage is a ritual that usually happens only once to an individual, to demonstrate that they have
“passed” from one state to another.

The traditional narratives, which are handed down to generations as the product of the cultural
evolution of the“Gadaa Age” partly reflects the religious character and deals with ritual
activities. The Oromo ritual performance as part of exercising spiritual life is the sharing of the
blessing of the harvest.

Ritualistic life in the context of the Gadaa system functions as ideological discourse and serves
as a tool for influencing, fostering benevolence and the regulation of inner life of the society.
Therefore, the role and/or functions of ritual performance can be explained in terms of human
needs- to maintain social regulation. A society is believed to be efficient in its function if rituals
serve as essential ingredients of culture and tradition. The ritual behaviour that is established and
fixed by traditional rules has been widely practised throughout the globe in human history. Ritual
in relation to oral narrative functions as a symbolic expression of actual social relations and
status role of individuals in a society. It is usually characterized by a spiritual reality and to the
ultimate values of a society concerned.

Like other Sub-Saharan Africans, the Oromo have developed sophisticated ritual practices,
which enable them to demonstrate moral strength, spiritual values and religious convictions. The
traditional ritual ceremonies and festivals are led by the most senior Qallu called Abbaa Muda,
literally, the anointing father or leader of pilgrimage; who was elected on the basis of his
intelligence, sound judgment, honesty and spiritual quality.

Rituals may be prescribed by the traditions of a community, including a religious community.

Rituals are characterized, but not defined, by formalism, traditionalism, invariance, rule-
governance, sacral symbolism, and performance.Rituals are a feature of all known human
societies. They include not only the worship rites and sacraments of organized religions
and cults, but also rites of passage, atonement and purification rites, oaths of allegiance,
dedication ceremonies, coronations and presidential inaugurations, marriages, funerals and more.
Even common actions like hand-shaking and saying "hello" may be termed as rituals.

The field of ritual studies has seen a number of conflicting definitions of the term. One given by
Kyriakidis is that a ritual is an outsider's or "etic" category for a set activity (or set of actions)
that, to the outsider, seems irrational, non-contiguous, or illogical. The term can be used also by
the insider or "emic" performer as an acknowledgement that this activity can be seen as such by
the uninitiated onlooker. In psychology, the term ritual is sometimes used in a technical sense for
a repetitive behavior systematically used by a person to neutralize or prevent anxiety; it can be a
symptom of obsessive–compulsive disorder but obsessive-compulsive ritualistic behaviors are
generally isolated activities.

What is Ceremony?
a formal religious or public occasion, especially one celebrating a particular event, achievement,
or anniversary. "the winners were presented with their prizes at a special ceremony"the ritual
observances and procedures required or performed at grand and formal occasions. ex. Weeding
ceremony, Graduation ceremony …
Festival
A day or period of celebration, typically for religious reasons. "Traditional Jewish festivals“an
organized series of concerts, plays, or films, typically one held annually in the same place."a
major international festival of song "Festivals are an expressive way to celebrate glorious
heritage, culture and traditions. They are meant to rejoice special moments and emotions in
our lives with our loved ones. They play an important role to add structure to our social lives,
and connect us with our families and backgrounds.

FEESTIVAALA

Feestivaalli raawwii yeroo baay’ee hawaasaa naannootiin qophaa’uu ta’ee xiyyeeffannoon isaas
waa’ee dhimmoota hawaasa sanaati. Amantiilee addunyaa biratti feestivaalli kabaja waaqaaf
godhamu waliin wal qabata. Dhimmoota amantiin alatti immoo feestivaalli ayyaanota dhangaa
hedduutiin kabajamaniin walqabata.

Feestivaalonni baay’een fedhii hawaasaa guutuuf kan geggeeffaman yoo ta’an akkasumas illee
bashannanaaf ta’uu danda’a. Bara durii feestivaalli guyyaa abbootiin dhalootaaf seenaa
himaniifi beekumsa itti hiranidha. Feestivaalli seenaa waliin walqabatu kun dhaloota gidduutti
tokkummaa uumsuuf waan raawwatuufi walitti dhufeenyi akka uumamuuf kan ta’udha.
Feestivaalli akkasii feestivaala injifannoo hawaasni sun gonfatee qabuun kan wal ilaaludha.

Festivalli akka ayyaanaa guyyaa tokko ykn yeroo tokko qofatti hin daanga’u. Yeroo dheeraa
fudhachuu mala. Yeroo baayyee kaayyoo qophaa’eef sana bu’uureffachuun guyyoota dheeraa
fudhachuu mala (guyyaa shan,torbee tokko……)
Gosoota Feestivaalaa
Addunyaa kanarra gosoota feestivaalaa hedduutu jira. Baay’een isaanii amanti irraa kan
maddaniidha, kaan immoo jijjiirama waqtiileen walqabatu. Akkasumas dhaabbileen tokko
tokkos feestivaala addaa umurii hojii isaanii waliin wal qabsiisanii yaadannoodhaaf ni kabajatu.
Yaadnnoon kunis yeroo baay’ee hundeeffama dhaabbata isaanii ilaalchisee ta’uu danda’a. Yeroo
baay’ee feestivaalli akkasii waggaatti yeroo tokko geggeeffama.
Walumaa galatti, feestivaalli addunyaa kana irra gosa kumaatamatti lakka’amantu geggeeffama.
Fknf: Art festival
Comedy festival
Film festival
Food festival
Music festival
Storytelling festival
Drama festival
Science festival and etc

Rites of Passage
(Ritualistic practices through which somebody proceeds to the next grade generation).Rites of
passage are culturally defined activities associated with the transition from one place or stage of
life to another. The Gadaa system as such is ornamented with several rites of passage, which
mark the end of one grade and the beginning of new one. Through the movement into ritual
places called Ardaa jilaa, the practitioners discharge responsibility in grades; and perform rituals,
and attend ceremonies.

There are some differences between "rites" and "rituals", even if they are often considered
synonyms. A rite is a well-structured and established act, while the rituals are the symbolic
actions that are performed during a rite. They are connected to a sacred context. A rite and a
ritual are the same thing. The only difference is the purpose of the ritual. A rite of passage is a
ritual that usually happens only once to an individual, to demonstrate that they have “passed”
from one state to another. They are often considered synonyms. But, to be precise, a rite is an
established, well-structured and ceremonial act; while rituals are the actions that are performed in
a rite with a symbolic meaning.

CHAPTER Two: Gadaa Sites(Ardaalee Jilaa)

Oromo religion and political system are interwined and both are threated under the Gadaa
system. Region and religious practices re-enforce political philosophy of gadaa. i.e, initiation
participation, transfer of power and other political practices. In the religious institution of gadaa
Oromoo religious ceremonies and gadaa ritual practices such as irreessaa, ateetee, nabii,
booranticha, dhibaayuu, garanfata, wadaaja, and prayers, etc. are performed at big river base, big
mountain, large water bodies, under the shade of big trees like Odaa, and etc. although the
aforementioned areas are considered as holy places the religious and political centers of Oromo
has been Odaa tree.

Odaa
Odaa is a big ever green tree , the branch of which grows up and covers wide area. Naturally it
grows at wet and fertile environment. In the history of Oromoo people since the beginning of
gadaa institution/ for which hitherto the exact is not known/ the general assembly for socio-
political and religious purposes was held at the caffee under shade of Odaa tree. Odaa “ the holy
sycamore tree tree” was traditionally believed to be the most respected and the most sacred tree.
The shade of Odaa which was believed as source of tranquility. The shade of Odaa was both
central office of government where the gadaa assembly met and was a sacred places for ritual
practices. On the other, in the culture of Oromoo people odaa is regarded as the source of peace ,
symbol and unity of the Oromoo people. Asaffaa, stated, “ the odaa is more than a generalized
symbol of of democratic discussion . the odaa as long been sacred meeting ground for the
enactment of many Oromoo ceremonies which re-enforce the political philosophy of gadaa”. It is
difficult to identify why, when and how the Oromoo began to use Odaa and other sacred places.

The early writters does not mention gadaa centers. According to Oromoo religion and philosophy
waaqaa is said to have involved sprits that of dedication to bid trees , rivers and big mountains
and the area where referred ato as sacred. Hence the sycamore tree of different kinds provide the
Oromoo with ritual performances and praying site. It seems that the tradition about the beginning
of use of gadaa centers as religious and political institution had more of religious background.
According to some scholars, the life of African societies of the past was dominated by religion.
Religion is said to have influenced the economic, social, political and cultural life of individuals,
and societies.

Christopher Eheret’s, view that, oromoo social institution developing in the 2nd millennium BC.
This means sycamore trees/sacred trees also become political centers when gadaa began to be
practiced.

Odaa Nabee

Odaa Nabee was the religio-political centers of Oromoo in general and later the Tuulamaa
Oromoo in particular. It’s is about 225 Gadaa periods since 1993. Based on this information it is
possible to reconstruct that about 1800(225*8) years ago Gadaa was practiced at Odaa Nabee.
Odaa Nabee was Gadaa center at C. 196 or 204 A.D. The history of Odaa Nabee is interrelated
with the history of other Gadaa centers; Fugug ,Katat and Dawwaaroo. This needs further
historical studies. In the history of Gadaa system the history of Odaa Nabee is reised in relation
to socio-political life of the Maccaa and Tuulamaa Oromoo. Moreover in the historical
movement of the Oromoo people from the North to South before 16th c. and from South to North
after the 16th c. Odaa Nabee was the center of political administration. Mainly however after the
16th C. North ward expansion of Maccaa-Tuulamaa movement Odaa Nabee was a religio-
political center of the Tuulamaa Oromoo.

The branch of a green tree represented peace, plenty, and fertility of Ilma Orma (the Oromo
people).” The ritual is performed on a mountain in order to be closer to Waqa under an Oda tree
(the sacred sycamore tree), which is a symbol of integrity and truth. Some of the major Gadaa
ritual centers were;

a. Odaa Nabee (East Shewa),

b. Odaa Roobaa(in Bale),
c. Madda Walaabuu (South-Western bale),
d. Odaa Bisil (West Shewa),
e. Odaa Bultum(West Hararge),
f. Odaa Bulluq (Horo Guduru) and
g. Odaa el Dallo (Liban).
Hence, Odaa (the sycamore tree) of different kinds are regarded as an abode of spirit among the
Oromo and used to provide the Oromo with ritual performances and praying site. For fear of
retaliation, every sociopolitical and religious issues had to be conducted calmly and peacefully as
well as based on truth

In relation to Odaa Nabee the history of the six religious /sacred places is also very important.
These religious site are said to have worked under Odaa Nabee. These sacred places were
commonly known as the six lakes of God. Those are, Hora Arsadii, Hora Kiilolee, Hora
Hadhoo, Hora Gindib, Hora Waraxoo and Hora Herer.furthermore there were, eight mountain
surrounding odaa Nabee where prayers were conducted. These mountains were commonly
called “ Tulluuwwan Saddeettan Waaqaa” (the eight mountain of God). These include, Tulluu
Cuqqaalaa, Tulluu Erer, Tulluu Furii, Tulluu Galaan, Tulluu Waatoo Daalachaa, Tulluu
Fooyataa, Tulluu, Hococaafi Tulluu Eegduu. According to tradition the historical beginnings of
this sacred places as religious place is interconnected with the history of cow and Man. Oromoon
sirna Gadaatiin kan fayyadamuu jalqabe yoom akka ta’e hanga ammaatti sirriitti beekamuu
baatus, Gadaan jaarmiyaalee qindoomina hawaasa Afrikaa naannoo sulula Abbayyaa’aa durii
keessaa ijoofi hangafa akka ta’e ragaaleen adda addaa ni mirkaneessu. Akka himamsa
maanguddoota tokko tokkootti,Gadaan sirna jalqaba waaqni karaa tiksee fayyaalessaa
Garraamticha walaabuu jedhamuutiin Oromoof kenneedha. Akka himamsa kanaatti dur dur
urriin yeroo baay’ee ruuda/samii lafa uwwisee waan mul’atuuf samii fi lafti walitti dhiyoo
fakkaatu turan. Bokkaanis akka malee rooba ture. Bokkaa cimaa kanas beeyiladoota keessa kan
akka malee nuffe Gaangee turte. Gaangeenis urrii dhiittee asii ol fageessuuf yaaltee
turte.Waaqnis Gaangee yaaliishee kana ilaalee gogi jedhee maseense.Re’een ammo urriin
bullukkoo waaqaati jettee irraa soqoluuf yaalte. Waaqni isheen ammo soqolam jedheenii eegeen
ishee soqolamee hafe.Namoonni cubbuu waan baay’isaniif waaqni bokkaan akka hin roobne
taasisuun gogiinsaafi ongee cimaa beeyiladoota isaaniitti fide. Ongee kanaanis beeyiladootniifi
biqilootni hedduun manca’anii ilmaan namaas baay’ee miidhaman. Biqiloota keessaa kan
jiidhina isaatiin baraarame yoo jiraate Odaa qofa ture.

Burqaan hin guunes burqaa walaabuu qofa ture.Garuu Garraamtichi walaabuu waaqni akka
uummataa isaafi horii isaaniif araaramu yeroo hundumaa kadhachaa ture. Guyyaa tokko osoo
Garraamtichi loon tiksaa jiruu, saawwaan isaa keessaa tokko funyaan ishee waaqatti ol qabdee
fuunfachaa gara kaabaatti deemuun Odaa jala dhaqxee ciifte. Garraamtichis sa’attii hordofee
dhaqee gaaddisa Odaa jalatti boqote.Sana booda samiin urriin guutamee waaqnis seerota isaa
garraamtichatti himee akka hawaasa isaa barsiisu ajaje.Waaqni kadhaa garraamtichaas
dhagaahee araara buusee bokkaas roobse. Garraamtichis wantoota waaqni itti hime hundumaa
akkuma waaqni itti himetti uummata barsiisuun raawwatee uummanniis tole jedhee fudhachuun
seerota kanneeniif abboomame. Egaa Sirni Gadaa seerota kanneen irraa dagaage jedhama.
In their blessings and speeches the Tuulamaa Oromoo briefly explain the sacredness of these
areas. Hence in their blessing they say;

Malkaan wayyuudha keessattuu malkaa Awaash

Tulluun wayyuudha keessattuu Tulluu Cuqqaalaa
Horri ja’an Waaqaa Ulfoodha keessattuu Hora Arsaddii
Ardoonni Waaqeffannaa Ulfoodha Keessattuu Galaan Dongoraa fi Andoodee
These aforementioned water bodies, mountains and other sacred places have special places in the
socio-religious, political and economic life of the Oromoo.
Malkaa Awaash: was the place where the Oromoo in general and Tuulamaa in Particular used to
pray for the blessing of Waaqaa. Besides, the area was the places where thanks giving,
moggaasaa initiation and name giving ceremonies are conducted.
Tulluu Cuqqaalaa: Is the most sacred mountain for Tuulamaa Oromoo. It was the place of
worship, rain making and thanks giving ceremonies. These ceremonies were conducted at
different seasons for different purposes. Tuulluu Cuqqaalaa is commonly known as “ siidaa
Arjoomaa” the sacred place where people pray for the blessing of waaqaa. Among these prayers
the rain making ceremony performed every Arfaass/ spring season/ was the biggest ceremony.
Hora Arsadii: it is most sacred place. Naturally the lakes have salts, they make cattle fat and
people health if they drink and wash with it. The lakes are symbol of continouty of life. These
lakes were the gathering places places of not only cttles but also the owners of the cattle at
different seasons.

Conception of sacred natural sites in Guji

Before delving into investigating what sort of and how the indigenous system of preserving
sacred natural sites in the area is functioning, it is important to introduce the local conception of
sacred natural sites from Guji community point of view. The conception of sacred natural sites in
the community is highly linked with the tradition of land ordaining that was developed long
century ago by Guji descendants. Gada system and sacred natural sites are two inseparable
entities in Oromo worldview at large and Guji sacred cosmology in particular. From Guji
community vantage point, sacred natural sites are Woyyuu (sacred) place and locally known as
Ardaalee Jilaa or lafa Woyyuu. In the community, sacred natural sites are places dedicated to
rituals of Gada system and adoring of Waaqaa (God). Based on this dedication, sacred natural
sites of Guji Oromo are termed as sacred shrines and/or Gada shrines which are interchangeably
used. Particularly, as indicated sacred natural sites are places where prayer and thanksgiving
rituals are offered to God in the organized and culturally systematized approach

“Ardaan Jilaa lafa woyyuu Gujiin, waaqa woliin itti haasawu”, meaning sacred shrine is a sacred
place where Guji communicate with God and propitiate him. When explaining how sacred
shrines have a significant position in Guji culture, it underlined that “Ardaan Jilaa bannaan
aadaan Gujiille badde” means if sacred shrines are destroyed, the Guji tradition will be lost. This
implies that there is an inextricable interconnection between culture and sacred natural sites in
the view of Guji Oromo. This inextricability and embedment of sacred natural sites with Guji
sociocultural tradition are profoundly found in traditional prayer made before and after formal
social gathering in either public office or anywhere else. In the session of supplicating God,
Abbaa Gada and other community elders list down some names of sacred shrines in Guji land. In
this traditional prayer, which is locally known as “eebbifachuu” for the specific event, Gada
leaders and community elders would enumerate names of some sacred natural sites saying: ‘Oh
God of Me’e Bokko, God of Dibbee Dhugoo, God of Dhugoo Dooyaa, God of Daamaa and
Daarraa, God of Adoolaa, God of Odaa Doolaa, God of Ilaalaa…. listen to our entreaty and
please respond to our call, block inauspicious omen and potential danger from us, give us peace
and make us safe in our life span…’. The elders list down only a few sacred natural sites out of
376 sites in the Guji land during calling upon God for the successfulness of the specific event.
This shows that the sacred natural sites of Guji Oromo are highly interconnected with and
inseparable from daily cultural practices. In general, sacred shrines are places dedicated to
various rituals and other cultural events in the Gada system and the place where praying of God
for sustainable peace, health and wealth.

Customary law and oral declaration

Traditionally, the customary laws that regulate the overall sociocultural life of Guji people are
formulated in Me’e Bokko sacred shrine every eight years. Me’e Bokko is a sacred natural site,
which has a special position in the Guji Gada system and the place where customary laws are
formulated and Gada power transition is ceremonially performed. The customary laws
proclaimed at this place include sociocultural regulations, environmental issues and wild animals
protection. The formulation and announcement of customary laws are performed according to
principles and regulation of the Gada system. As stated by Guji elders, nine Yuubaa that
comprised of Baatuu, Yuuba diqqaa and Yuuba guddaa from three Guji phratries, namely
Uraagaa, Maattii and Hookkuu, come together and make the customary laws .

This means each three phratries of Guji community are composed of Baatuu, Yuuba diqqaa and
Yuuba guddaa that can be counted as nine when gathered from three phratries. These nine
Yuubaas are believed to have good knowledge and rich experiences in the Gada system and they
are legitimate bodies given a responsibility to formulate laws and make an oral declaration.
Yuubaas are given not only responsibility to make customary laws but also they are assigned to
amend or omit some portion of the laws as much as demand arises. These customary laws play a
significant role in preserving sacred natural sites. When expounding the role of customary laws
in preserving sacred shrines, , “ardaan jilaa seera Gada’atiin bula” means sacred shrines are
managed by Gada customary laws. These customary laws are publically announced through an
oral declaration at Me’e Bokko after being made or amended by Yuubaas. customary law
clarifies the mandate and responsibility of all Guji people in general and active practitioners of
the Gada system in particular.

At a very broader level, all Gujis are mandated to keep, respect and preserve sacred shrines. This
mandate is basically supported and reinforced by customary laws and oral declaration. The
research participants explained that Yuubaas make oral declaration centering on customary laws,
calling names of three each phratries of Guji according to their seniority rank to give them
mandate of preservation, starting from Uraaaga, the first son of Guji and then Maattii and
Hookku in their descending order. Yuubas declare the laws of preserving sacred shrines as the
following turn by turn:

Uraagaa dhage’i (Uraagaa, listen to declaration)

Maattii dhage’i (Maattii, listen to declaration)

Hookkuu dhage’i (Hookkuu, listen to declaration)

Diqqaa dhage’i Guddaa dhage’i (The younger and elders, listen to declaration)

Gumii baate dhage’i (The assembled people, listen to declaration)

Gujii baye dhage’i (Guji assemblage, listen to declaration)

Ardaan jilaa woyyu’u (Ardaa Jilaa is sacred shrines)

Hin kunuunfama, hin eegama, hin kabajama (it should be preserved, kept and respected)

This oral declaration indicates that even though Yuubaas are mandated to formulate overall
customary laws and make declaration pertaining to the protection of sacred shrines, the
responsibility of preserving, keeping and sustaining the sites is given to the entire Guji
community regardless of the territorial difference in settlement pattern and phratry. Guji elders
denoted that customary laws of preserving Gada shrines are publically declared to meet the
following targets. First, it is declared to indoctrinate the respect, reverence and cultural position
of sacred natural sites in people’s daily way of life. Second, it is declared to expound the
potential dangerthat may befall individuals who violate customary laws of Gada shrines, as
dictated in local myths and belief system. The existing belief system speculates that a person
who even misbehaves in Gada shrine and violates the customary law of its protection would no
longer live or would be unsuccessful in his/her life. Third, the customary law of preserving Gada
shrines is announced to acquaint the governmental, nongovernmental and religious organizations
not to intervene and manipulate the customary laws, rather invite them for collaborating in
backing up local customs and traditions.

Hence, customary laws and related oral declaration serve the central role as indigenous
mechanisms of preserving sacred shrines. Generally, customary laws of preserving Gada shrines
have predominantly embraced cultural prohibition, assignment of responsible bodies and
customary punishment and social banishment.

Cultural prohibitions

Cultural prohibition refers to taboos whereby some actions and activities are strictly forbidden by
local traditions. This taboo strongly supports the preservation of sacred natural sites. In the study
area, cultural prohibitions are emanated from customary laws of the Gada system, local myths
and belief system. According to Guji elders, actions and activities enumerated below are firmly
forbidden by local taboos of the people not to perform in sacred shrines. Among these activities
and actions farming, settlement, cutting down trees and degrading forests, killing or thrusting
wild animals, having sexual intercourse, burning, spitting, burying dead body, quarreling with
someone, crying for dead person, defecation and urinating in sacred Gada shrines are common
As far as cultural prohibition pertaining to sacred shrines is part of customary laws, Yuubaa
declares it every eight years at Me’e Bokko as follows:

Ardaan jilaa woyyuu, santi seera (Ardaa Jilaa is a sacred shrine that is a law)

Hin tuqamuu, santi seera (It should not be damaged by no means, that is a law)

Tuqan yakkaa, santi seera (If damaged, it is a customary rule violation that is a law)

Qodha qabaa, santi seera (If it is destroyed, there should be punishment that is a law)

Qodhi kormaa goronsa, santi seera (The punishment for moderate detriment is a payment of bull
and heifer, that is a law)

Yoo kanan hin adabatin saddeetaa, santi seera (If a person acutely harms the shrines, he/she
should be punished paying eight cattle that is a law).

When declaring about prohibitions, Yuubaa emphasize the enumeration of those prohibitions and
potential punishment to be implemented in case of violation. The violation of these cultural
prohibitions is locally perceived as not only breaching the customary law of Gada system but
also as defying supernatural power (Waaqaa’s) covenant which is embedded in myths and local
belief system. Locally, the prohibited actions are broadly classified into two as deconsecrating
actions and detrimental activities. Deconsecrating actions are killing or thrusting wild animals,
having sexual intercourse, spitting, burying a dead body, quarreling with another person, crying
for a dead person, defecation and urinating in the sacred shrines. These actions are prohibited not
to be performed in sacred shrines because they could desecrate the sacred features of the shrines
as perceived in myths and belief systems of the study community. According to the informants, a
person who deconsecrated sacred shrines could be punished by God through sudden death,
accidents, the death of children, insanity and loss of wealth and health.

There is a belief system state, “badiin nama dhokatte waaqaa hin dhokattu”, means the violation
act, which is invisible to man is visible to Waaqaa (God). This means that the local people
believe that sacred shrines are jointly managed by customary laws of Gada system and rule of
Waaqaa so that Waaqaa always oversees the existing situation of sacred shrines. This indicates
that customary laws and local belief systems formed solid cultural prohibitions that underpin
preservation of sacred natural sites.

Responsible body and managing structure

Even though the entire Gujis are vested responsibility to preserve sacred shrines at a broader
context, there are mandated personages from the structure of the Gada system to govern the
protection endeavor the sites. In the Gada system, Jadhaabaa, Hayyuu and Abbaa Gada are the
mandated personages at front-line duty among Gada councils to manage overall issues of the
Gada shrines. whenever somebody violates cultural prohibitions and customary laws by harming
sacred shrines, Jadhaabaas bring the violator to Abbaa Gada or Hayyuu based on their proximity
to the harmed shrines. In the case when the issue of destroyed sacred shrines is reported to Abbaa
Gadaa, he commands Hayyuus to deal with the reported case and pass the right decision. On the
other hand, when Abbaa Gada is not available in the vicinity of harmed shrines, Jadhaabaa can
bring the case to Hayyuus who inhabit environs of harmed shrines. Structurally, Abba Gada is a
prime body, Hayyuu are customary decision makers and Jadhaabaas have police officers role in
the system. The following figure demonstrates the hierarchical structure of Gada councils
assigned to manage sacred shrines in the Gad system.

These three members of the Gada system central committee have their own specific role in the
management of Gada shrines. For instance, Abbaa Gada’s role is taking the case of destroyed
sacred shrines that would be eventually reported to Hayyuu for further deal and customary
decision. He is head of Gada councils and holds the sociocultural power in the system to oversee
all activities of preserving and managing sacred shrines. Locally, Abba Gada is believed to be a
father of all nations and steward of natural resources. Hayyuus are also mandated to investigate
the case, which is given them by Abbaa Gada or sometimes by Jadhaabaa so that they pass
customary decision over the issues of sacred shrines. They are customary judges that critically
scrutinize different social cases from the vantage point of Gada rule and pass decision over the
controversial issue.

Abbaa Gada does not pass decision over the case of sacred shrines by himself, but as per the
tradition of his headship in the Gada system, he enforces the decision given by Hayyuu to keep
the sustainability of the shrines. This indicates that Abbaa Gada leads every customary system in
the community through participatory approach as per the Gada system, but not like an
authoritative dictatorship that decides everything based on his interest. Jadhaabaas have also the
role of keeping and managing Gada shrines and bring a person who violates the customary rules
of the sacred shrines to the concerned bodies – most probably to Abba Gada and Hayyuu.

Even though the abovementioned three structures of Gada councils are primarily responsible at
the front line to manage and preserve sacred shrines, at a bit broader scope, the other structures
of the Gada system are functioning as prime guardians of sacred shrines. These include Jalkeya,
Faga, Waamura and Torbii. The members in these structures are active in the system and have
been working as members of general central committees of the Gada system that administer
overall aspects and take necessary administrative measures. Besides the primary endeavors of
Abba Gada, Hayyuu and Jadhaabaa to preserve Gada shrines, the direct or indirect support of the
rest of structures in the Gada system have a significant role in the preservation of sacred shrine.
For instance, one of the Fagas in Gada council was assigned to keep the Gombobaa sacred shrine
from local people intervention in the study area. This indicates that even though some technical
activities such as passing decision over the issue of destroyed sacred shrines and implementation
of customary punishment are limited to Abbaa Gada, Hayyuu and Jadhaabaa, the other councils
in the Gada system are responsible to closely and collaboratively manage the shrines.
Hierarchically, Abbaa Gada is head, Faga is a mentor of Abbaa Gada and ritual head, Jalkeya
acts as a vice head or protocol officer, Hayyuu acts as a decision-maker and the customary judge,
Waamura as facilitator body for the decision-making process and Jadhaaba act as peacekeeping
or security force in the Gada structure. Generally, these structures work together in an
interrelated approach to preserve sacred natural sites in the Guji community.

Power decentralization

Traditionally, there are practices of decentralizing power in the Gada system to manage and
preserve sacred shrines. This indigenous system of decentralizing power to closely preserve
sacred shrines is locally known as Hagaanaa baqassuu, meaning sharing mystical power to Gada
councils in different localities so that they strongly protect the condition of sacred shrines in a
specific locality. In power decentralization process, Abbaa Gada usually assigns Gadaa balbalaa,
Hayyuu Dudda, Jadhaaba and Worra dibbee7 in different places so that they manage the overall
phenomena of sacred shrines. Gada Balbalaa is a member of Gada councils who lives nearby
specific location of sacred shrines, and for whom Abbaa Gada shares power so that he acts on
behalf of Abbaa Gada. Gadaa Balbalas are traditionally delegated body who are given the power
to be Gada leaders (traditional leaders) and responsible to preserve sacred shrines in particular
and lead every social tradition of Guji at large. Unlike Gada Balbalaas who are given the power
to act like Abbaa Gadaa in their vicinity, the Hayyuu duddaa are members of Gada council
mandated to pass decision over the case reported to them by Gada Balbala and/or Jadhaabaa.
Basically, they are customary decision makers whose decision is very limited to the specific
geographical area.

These decision-maker bodies are responsible for a specific location in which they are delegated
and keep sacred shrines from human-induced detriment. After delegated by Abba Gada in the
power decentralization process, Gadaa balbalaas assign another group known as Hayyuu Duddaa
– customary decisionmakers whose power exercise is limited to restricted ideal demarcation.
Then, Hayyuu Dudda delegate and share responsibility to Worra dibbee, meaning members of a
specific neighborhood or village so that they protect sacred shrines. The territorial scope of Gada
Balbalaa and Hayyu Duddaa is broader than that of Worra Dibbee, but all are given the equal
mandate to protect sacred shrines in their territory. As early discussed in this article, Jadhaabaas
also play an ample role in these structures as police officers by actively involving in preserving
sacred shrines and bring the destroyers of the sites to Gada Balbala or Hayyu Dudda. As stated
by informants, traditional power decentralization is commonly and actively practiced in Uraagaa
phratry of Guji Oromo, because, comparatively, some sacred shrines of Uraagaa group where
they perform traditional rituals are far away from Uraagaa settlement and found in Hookkuu and
Maattii territories. For instance, the Gada councils of Uraagaa from West Guji zone, Bule Horaa,
Dudda Daawwa and Melka Sooddaa area go to Daraartuu sacred shrine nearby Adoolaa woyyuu
town to perform rituals in Guji zone. This means they move more than 200 km to arrive at some
sacred shrines where rituals are performed. Particularly, Daraartuu shrine of Uraagaa group
where various sacred trees are found is an apparent example of places that Uraaga phratry
manages sacred shrines through power decentralization approach. The research participants
noted that this power decentralization enables and empowers the individuals to keep and
preserve sacred natural sites.
Punishment and social banishment

Punishment and social banishment are vital parts of customary laws and local belief system that
govern sacred shrines in Guji Oromo. There is no clear-cut boundary between punishment and
banishment practices in Guji context since both are interrelated in multiple ways. The
punishment imposed when a person violates customary punishment among Guji Oromo is
classified into three and composes of the punishment by bull and heifer (kormaafi goronsa),
punishment by paying eight cattle (saddeetaa) and punishment by excommunicating the violator
(shammagga muruu) based on the degree of violation in the study area.

Punishment by bull and heifer.

As noted by research participants, when a person destroys the sacred shrine by constructing a
house, cutting down a tree and farming its land, he/she would be punished by paying bull and
heifer. The cases categorized under this punishment can be moderate damage and violation of
Gada shrines. Procedurally, Jadhaaba reports the case of destroyed sacred shrines to Hayyuu and
Abba Gada based on their closeness to an area. Then, the detriment is thoroughly investigated
and necessary punishment is passed by Hayyuu. Hayyuus do not pass decision without properly
investigating the detriment of the shrines in detail and identifying the degree of damage. Then, if
the damage to the shrine is moderate, Hayyuus would pass decision over the destroyer of the
shrines so that he/she pays a bull and heifer to Abba Gada and Gada council. After Hayyuu
investigates the case and gives a decision, the Jadhaabaa would be sent to the home of the
destroyer to take over a bull and heifer. As underlined by the informants, a bull taken in this way
from the violator is slaughtered to Gada councils who take part in the decision-making process
and the heifer is then given to Abbaa Gada. According to Guji tradition, after the implementation
of the customary decision, which dictates payment of a bull and heifer, Abbaa Gada and other
Gada councils supplicating Waaqaa not to again punish the destroyer by sudden death, accident
and loss of health and wealth.

This process is known as reconciling the destroyer of sacred shrines with Waaqaa because in
Gada system of Guji Oromo, a person, who destroys the sacred shrine violates not only
customary law of Gada system but also the rule of Waaqaa. The reconciliation session is
conducted through traditional prayer after customary punishment is effective. This means Abbaa
Gada supplicates Waaqaa not to punish the destroyer of sacred shrines who is once punished by
paying a bull and heifer. A person on whom the decision is imposed due to destroying sacred
shrines could not disregard the customary punishment, because unlike the punishment in the
formal court system, this decision has dual purposes. This dualism embodies, first, punishing the
violators and warning them not to repeat the same violation; second, it aims at reconciling the
violator with Waaqa through traditional supplication. As explained by informants, if a person
who destroyed sacred shrines is not punished through customary rule or fails to accept the
customary decision, Waaqaa would punish him/her by death or accidents as per the local belief
system.

Similarly, the informants stated that the punishment of a person who violates the rule of sacred
shrines is twofold; the first one emanates from Gada customary law and second is from waaqaa.
Even though myths and belief system in Gada system have been eroded since the recent past
decades, a person who harmed sacred shrine does not repudiate to accept the punishment, which
is considered to be means of escaping from the wrath of waaqaa, because this is not the only
penalty but also reconciliation process through which the violator gets mercy from waaqaa who
is believed to give the places power of sacredness. As underlined by informants, after the
customary punishment is executed, Hayyuus and other Gada councils make a traditional prayer
to the violator saying “kuunnoo lafa sitta araarsinee, waaqa sitta araarsinee deebitee hin yakkin“,
meaning ‘behold, we reconciled you with earth and God; please do not repeat the same
violation’. This explanation demonstrates that the punishment aim is not only to penalize but also
to reconcile a person with a supernatural deity as the local tradition. Concerning the
inextricability of customary law and supernatural force punishment, one of former Abba Gada
narrated the following: It was some years ago when I was Abbaa Gadaa of Muudana party. As
we usually did, we come to Gombobaaa sacred site to perform naming and circumcision rituals.
At the first day of our arrival, we met someone who inhabited in the sacred site. Then I deployed
my Jadhaabaa and they brought me the man. Next, I ordered my Hayyuus to deal with the case
and pass decision. Then, they investigated the case and informed the man to pay Kormaa and a
Goronsa8 due to the moderate condition of violation. Unfortunately, the man had no cattle to pay
for the punishment. Therefore, we reduced the payment to a billy goat instead of a bull and
heifer; because a bull does not always denote male cattle but also a billy goat. After punishing
him by taking over a billy goat, we ordered the man to leave the area soon. Then the man
promised to leave the territory of sacred shrine rapidly. Nevertheless, the man did not leave the
area as per the order of Gada council and because of his stay in the sacred sites; the wrath of God
had taken away his child by death. This shows that customary punishment and local belief
system concerning sacred shrines are highly interlinked. Hence, this linkage underpins the
preservation of sacred natural sites on one hand or another.

Punishment by saddeeta

Guji elders explained that a person who severely harmed sacred shrines would be punished by
“saddeeta” meaning payment of eight cattle, eight cattle hide, eight food’s container material
called Qorii (wooden bowl) and additional eight cattle to be slaughtered. Conceptually, saddeeta
refers to a serious punishment next to the punishment of bull and heifer in Gada system whereby
destroyers of sacred shrines are ordered to pay the demanded payment, which is “eight” in
numerical value. Basically, number eight has special meaning in Gada system and more
profoundly it indicates the developmental stage of Gadaa grade which enters into new and next
status every eight years on one hand and rotation of Gada power transition system in every eight
years on the other. This means one of the five Baalliis (Muudana, Dhallana, Harmuufa,
Roobalee, and Halchiisa) term of office is eight years and there is rotation of traditional power
transition in Guji Oromo Gada system. Saddeetaa, which has multicultural meanings and
implications, is one of the customary ways of protecting the damage to sacred natural sites.
Particularly, as indicated by the informants, cutting down Haaganaa trees in the shrine,
destroying the whole sacred shrine deliberately by fire or distracting all the trees and forest in the
shrine could lead to the punishment of saddeetaa. One of the Yuubaa noted that saddeetaa
punishment in most cases imposed on the group violation than the individual detriment, because
paying eight cattle at one time could be difficult to the individual person. Another breach that
falls under the saddeetaa punishment is severe damage made on major sacred shrines like. On the
other hand, the eight slaughtered cattle from destroyers of sacred shrines because of acute
shrine’s damage could be shared and eaten by all Gada councils who took part in the punishment
procedure. The rest eight wooden bowls, eight cattle and eight hides are given to Abbaa Gada
and his council. As stated by informants, this form of punishment was active when there had
been a huge number of cattle owned by a single individual particularly before the advent and
expansion of imported religions.
Excommunication

Another form of traditional punishment denoted by the informants is excommunication or social

banishment. This banishment system is locally known as Shammaga muruu meaning
excommunicating the destroyer of sacred shrines from every social life of the community. As
explained by informants, this form of social banishment is given finally when a person or a
group of people in neighborhood acutely and repeatedly harms the sacred shrines negligently.

From this point of view, breaching the customary law of the sacred shrines results in the
punishment and the final level of punishment would be social banishment whereby the
destroyers of sacred shrines are excommunicated by local people. Social exclusion as a result of
customary punishment is very serious in the Guji Oromo context. Once a person is
excommunicated from the social life of local people, he/she is deprived of every social life and
everyone is warned not to salute, eat and drink, participate funeral ceremony and share any social
relationship with them. Starting from the date of exclusion punishment, the local people do not
consider the violator as Guji clan member. This form of social banishment to the extent of
excluding violator from social life is announced by Abba Gada and Gada councils. Generally,
these forms of customary punishment and social banishment, which are emanated from
customary law and local belief system, have been serving as indigenous mechanisms of
preserving sacred shrines in Guji Oromo.

In the Guji Oromo Gada system, sacred natural sites have special cultural recognition and
implication which is deep-rooted in the life of the community. It is even impossible to separate
Gada system from sacred natural sites in Guji context because Gada system is an indigenous
institution which is highly imbued with sacred natural sites in multidimensional These sacred
natural sites are preserved and managed by indigenous mechanisms since the time immemorial
in Guji Oromo. Specifically, the findings of this study witness, customary laws and oral
declaration, taboos, punishment and social banishment are common traditional mechanisms
whereby Guji preserve sacred natural sites for a long period.

These indigenous mechanisms covertly hold the philosophical understanding of Guji about the
interconnection among nature, culture and supernatural power in sacred natural sites. This
philosophical understanding entails the mutualistic view of the community about the linkage of
nature and culture. Hence, the sacred shrines are perceived as the central point where cultural
and supernatural practices take place in an intermingled manner. This means the site is
physically visible landrace, culturally revered and supernaturally dedicated to some mystical
practices. When explaining the local value of sacred natural sites, Taddesse (1995) stated that
sacred shrines are revered like Churches of Christians and Mosques of Islam among Guji Oromo.
Even though the sacred natural sites are the natural environment, Guji perceive them as shrines
where they perform different traditional and mystical rituals. As a result, Guji give the special
position to sacred natural sites in their Gada system, because the system is, be it directly or
indirectly connected to the sacred natural sites. The Gada power transition, formulation of
customary laws and oral declaration, libation and supplication are common traditional practices
performed at sacred natural sites. Hence, Guji preserve sacred shrines, which have special
recognition in their sociocultural life.

The customary laws and oral declaration are local mechanisms mainly used to preserve sacred
shrines in the study area. Customary laws primarily serve multiple functions in different
communities of the world. For instance, customary law provides functions like settling conflicts,
conserve natural resources and allocate land and water resources in different societal settings
(Ayelew, 2012; Endalkachew, 2015; Katrina, 2011; Verschuuren et al., 2010). It is also deemed
as indigenous laws of the people. This notion of perceiving customary law as indigenous law and
implementing it to different sociocultural and political context is also a common phenomenon in
various African communities (Katrina, 2011). In the Ethiopian context, Endalkachew (2015)
stated that customary law is a central element in the preservation of territories and natural
resources. Specifically, in Guji context, Teshome (2016) discussed that local customary practices
have a lion’s share in the rangeland management system. These comparative studies demonstrate
that customary laws play a crucial role in Ethiopia at large and Guji in particular. However, the
findings of this study indicate that customary law is particularly a decisive culturally structured
and solidified system of preserving sacred natural sites. This customary law indirectly provides
the humans and environmental functions by protecting biodiversity in the physical environment
and cultural practices performed in the sites.

Because it (customary law) underpins the protection of every sacred naturalsites.

Correspondingly, customary practices behind sacred natural sites are essential in terms of
environmental protection and sustaining cultural practices (Samanthae & Cathy, 2003).
Endalkachew (2015) and Katrina (2011) also stated that customary laws are remarkable elements
in biodiversity conservation. Hence, customary laws, which serve as vital mechanisms of
preserving sacred natural sites in the study area, play an indispensable role in environmental and
cultural protection. Generally, customary law in the study area preserves not only sacred shrines
but every natural feature like trees, bushes, wild animals and forests. Another mechanism of
preserving sacred natural sites is taboo.

The taboos, which are emanated from customary laws, myths and local belief system, underpin
the preservation of the sacred shrines in Guji Oromo. As indicated in the data presentation, some
actions and activities are strictly forbidden by cultural prohibitions from sacred shrines.
Similarly, the study conducted in West Africa demonstrated that it is prohibited everywhere to
cultivate sacred natural sites, to cut down the trees, to collect any part of them, even dead wood,
to burn the vegetation, to harm or kill any animal found there or to take some earth or any stone
from the place (Anne, 2011). This prohibition is evident in different indigenous communities and
helps to realize the sustainability of sacred natural sites.

Another comparative study conducted among Sidama of Ethiopia shows that prohibitions
regarding sacred natural sites are mainly emanated from the belief system that these sites and
trees represent ancestors (Doffana, 2014). Nevertheless, the taboos of sacred natural sites in Guji
Oromo emanate from customary laws of the Gada system and local beliefs, which dictate the
presidency of God over the sites. Similarly, the local belief system that associates sacred sites
with supernatural power is a common practice among different communities across space and
through the time (Doffana, 2014; Kandari, Bisht, Bhardwaj, & Thakur, 2014; Verschuuren et al.,
2010). The other mechanisms of preserving sacred shrines are customary punishment and social
banishment. The procedures of punishment are specified in the customary laws. Moreover, as
various global experience of traditionally preserved sacred natural sites indicate, fear of
supernatural beings (Kandari et al., 2014), beliefs in supernatural power as presiding over sacred
natural sites (Nath & Gam, 2012) and dedication of places or objects to deities (Negi, 2010) have
served as mechanisms of preserving sacred natural sites. The customary laws and oral
declaration, punishment and social banishment in Guji Oromo are serving as indigenous
mechanisms of preserving sacred natural sites. This apparently indicates that sacred natural sites
are protected by different traditional mechanisms in a different cultural setting.

Chapter TREE: Some selected types Gadaa Rituals

One of the well-known festivals of the Gadaa ritualized tradition is the ‘Ateetee’ or the goddess
fecundity. The Ateetee is popularly known as Aayyoo or Aayyole, literally the mother, who is a
symbol of forgiveness. This ritual ceremony stresses the blessing of God and the continuity of
peaceful orderly life and fertility in the household- for both cattle and people. The most common
symbols of fertility in the Oromo Ateetee include, milk, butter, honey-wine (bulbula),
hydromel/mead (daadhii), beads (callee), green grasses (Irreensa) and the blood of the sacrificed
animal.

Consequently, the constant use of butter in both rituals and daily life is intended not only to keep
people healthy and give them a shining complexion, but also to keep them wet, that is, fertile. In
terms of economy, butter as a symbol of abundance has a deeper meaning in the life of
traditional Oromo. Spraying or ejecting hydromel from the mouth (daadhii biifuu) is another
symbol for blessing one’s life and fertility. During the Ateetee ritual ceremony, the chief elder
blesses the barren women by spraying daadhii (hydromel) over them. In Gujii Oromo, the senior
member of the Gadaa system, the ‘Yuuba,’ blesses the barren woman saying, “Gadaan tee haa
jiitu,” literally ‘may your Gadaa be wet.’ It also means ‘may your womb be fertile.’

“Thanksgiving” occasions had become part of the national culture and ritual institutions until the
proscription of a democratic tradition of the Gadaa. The Oromo society is popularly known for
their Irreechaa (also spelled Irreessa), tradition- the folk festival of recreation and feasting for
the bounty of harvesting season. Irreechaa, literally bunch of tall and fresh grasses, refers to
‘Thanksgiving’ and is marked by great delight accompanied by serving a variety of national
foods and drinks. It is one of the most popular festivals which aimed at glorifying God and
Giving Thanks to him for the harvest, prosperity, fertility, rain and peace. The symbols that the
irreecha festival has brought together are ancient and pan-Oromo reflecting what Asmarom
Legesse has famously referred to as the “staying power" of the gadaa cultural heritage. While
attending irreechaa, people carries artifacts that symbolize staying of Oromo institutions such as
horooroo which are carried by men and siqqee carried by women and other ritual objects.

Importantly, such euphoric occasion is marked by carrying tall and fresh grasses that are symbols
of wealth and new hope; and according to the tradition, the bunch of grasses have to be placed on
the ground where the festival is organized. Like other ritual occasions, the Irreechaa ceremony is
also led by the senior members of the society and celebrated early summer in Oromiyaa-
between September and November. The Oromo Irreechaa is similar to Danish ‘Host-fest’
(Harvest Festival in August), the ‘Yam Feast’ Thanksgiving in Nigerian tradition and the Giving
of Thanks to God for the ‘Harvest’ in the United States and Canada, in November and October
respectively; though the way these nations address God differs from country to country.

There is no clear difference between the political functions of the Gadaa system and the ritual
function. Political power in the system is held corporately. There are officers selected, but these
are only as representatives of the assembly and they are not permanent. The Gadaa grade holds
political power for eight years and then the next grade takes power in a ceremony.

Although the Gadaa system is political, providing a governing body, it also is very ritualistic and
has significant religious importance. At the end of the transfer of power the Abbaa Gadaa (father
of the gadaa power) passes off the bokku (symbol of power) to the incoming Abbaa Gadaa and
the change in government is accomplished. Then a ritual sacrifice is performed. The new Abba
Gadaa slaughtered his butta bull, and dipped a branch of green tree into the blood of the
sacrificed victim and planted it in the assembly. The sacrificial blood symbolized the unity of the
confederacy as brothers descending from a common founder, real or fictitious. The branch of a
green tree represented peace, plenty, and fertility of Ilma Orma (the Oromo people).” The ritual
is performed on a mountain in order to be closer to Waqa under an Oda tree (the sacred
sycamore tree), which is a symbol of integrity and truth. Some of the major Gadaa ritual centers
were;

h. Odaa Nabee (East Shewa),

i. Odaa Roobaa(in Bale),
j. Madda Walaabuu (South-Western bale),
k. Odaa Bisil (West Shewa),
l. Odaa Bultum(West Hararge),
m. Odaa Bulluq (Horo Guduru) and
n. Odaa el Dallo (Liban).
Hence, Odaa (the sycamore tree) of different kinds are regarded as an abode of spirit among the
Oromo and used to provide the Oromo with ritual performances and praying site. For fear of
retaliation, every sociopolitical and religious issues had to be conducted calmly and peacefully as
well as based on truth.

Moreover, men are in control of military and political activities. Only men can engage in
warfare. Only men take part in the elections of leaders of camps or of age-sets and Gadaa
classes. Men lead and participate in ritual activities. However, ritual is not an exclusively
masculine domain: there are several rituals performed for women. In these and a few other
instances women do take an important part. Women are actively excluded from age-sets.

Contrary to the above, Ateetee ritual is practiced only by women. Whenever natural disasters
occur, women gather and perform the ritual. Oromo women used to practice Ateetee as a way of
strengthening their solidarity and as a tool to counter atrocities staged against them by men. The
Ateetee practiced by women is one part of a belief system that women are intermediary figures
between Waaqa (God) that represents nature and the physical world or humans. The Ateetee
ritual shows that in the traditional Oromo society, men are functionally dependent on women in
many ways. Similarly there was a check and balance mechanism built into the Gadaa system by
which siiqqee was institutionalized and women formed parallel organizations of their own which
actively excluded men.

Gadaa rituals

• Can you list rituals in Gadaa …?

• Buttaa
• Duubaan koraa
• Jila gadamoojjii/mataa buufannaa
• Raaba
• Maqbaasa
• Guddifachaa ….
Buttaa ritual

The term buttaa probably comes from the verb buta meaning "to seize, snatch, take by force,
kidnap" (Gragg 1982: 72) It is the most important ritual of the gada set in power and marked the
transition from one set to another. The ceremony consists of a series of interconnected rituals,
which include the preliminary rites, the actual buttaa sacrifice, the gooda garmaamsii ("riding
around the field) or meeting at the ceremonial grounds, the handover of power/Baallii fuudhan
,(kalalaa gatuu "throwing away the garland"), and the reiteration of the ancient law of Makoo
Bilii (seera tumaa) The ceremony differs widely from area to area, and its terminology and
component rites have puzzled Gadaa period in which buttaa occurs focuses on the ways of
administrations. Issues are managed legally and ritually. Laws are ignited with religious values
to have strength and power. Transgressions are equally treated legally and ritually. Before buttaa,
members seriously and carefully learn laws, rules, values, principles, and procedures for practical
and deliberative purposes.

They compensate victims, scale down differences, clean cubbuus (sin, crime, guilt, etc.), settle
and resolve problems, and create normality and peace in the concerned family and the society.
The settlement and cleaning performances clear ways so that members undergo buttaa, the
major, highest, and most magnificent performance in Macca gadaa system. Buttaa is ritualized
and celebrated with glamorous festivity. The members try to fulfill the mythic blessing of Waaqa
to have more power than Him for five nights and other men for eight years (guyyaa shan na caali
waggaa saddet nama caali!) Feasting represents abundance of the particular gadaa (one of the
alternating five) to which they belong and confinement invisibility. This helps to establish and
maintain justice system in governance and administration. It is the way of enforcing them and
inculcating in the minds of members to know and preserve gadaa and lead their lives
accordingly.Buttaa organises members of gadaa groups and the society around and fix time scale
for activities. All other performances revolve around it. The ways of undergoing the rituals and
specific activities, performances, materials, and participants are defined; so are the roles, places,
and rights of claims of the participants through buttaa period. One of this is duuban kora.

Duuban kora

Duuban kora is the name of a performance attributed also to members in fifth grade who perform
it at halve of the eight years period in preparation to come to power. The performance is
subsequent and in reaction to their immediate seniors’ buttaa occurring on the same day and
ritual centre. The term can mean mounting or overflowing from back without the expectations of
the seniors. These two adjacent groups are considered antagonists. The duuban kora dispel gadaa
holders from ritual centre and by implication from power. The later escape instead of resisting or
defending and they move on. This performance helps gadaa keep moving following its pattern
where one group replaces the retiring other.It maintains the system and keeps on the transfer of
power from one gadaa group to the other every eight years. It also helps to promote all in gadaa
age grade structure to next level in spiral movement. Hence, the duuban kora elect their internal
leadership council, learn the laws and rules, prepare other necessary and important resources and
materials required to assume power through the remaining four years

Ofkaltii rituals

Ofkaltii rituals occur four years after buttaa and mark the handing over of power and partial
retirement. It is equally ceremonious as buttaa. Two distinctive events differ it from buttaa: uraa
gurraa (piercing ears) and muraa gudeedaa (cutting in the thighs). The first is important physical
display to mark one’s successful undergoing and completing of gadaa period, connoting
righteousness. Muraa gudeedaa is a ritual process creating scenario for wishing the continuity of
gadaa and generation through reproduction. Performances of post-ofkaltii rituals bring about
psychological satisfactions in completing the period successfully. They deal about issues of
purity, fertility, reproduction, prosperity and continuity.

The guddifacha and moggaasa

In Oromo society, guddifachaa practice has a long history and started during the time of Gada
system commencement.The other important institutions of the Gadaa system which have been
remarkable in the history of the Oromo society at large are Guddifachaa and Moggaasaa. the
practice of adopting Oromo or non-Oromo male or female individuals usually at a young age by
a given family. In this case, the adopted sons or daughters would have equal rights and privileges
with the biological sons or daughters. Such practice still exists among the Oromo
widely.Guddifachaa and moggaasaa are traditional adoption institutions though the concepts are
different, interdependent and used for different purposes in the society. Both are practiced based
on Gadaa laws. Guddifachaa is the process of taking another family’s child and making him/her
a member of the family with all privileges, and responsibilities. It was one means of resolving
childlessness and social integrity between families and clans.The main reason for guddifachaa is
to enable childless couples to have children and heirs. This is largely practiced by other Oromo
groups. Would be father and would be mother, hold kallachaa and caaccuu during the
guddifachaa ritual.As a result, the guddifachaa child is referred to as, “‘ilmoo Kallacha’ or
‘Caaccuu’ ” to mean that the child is born legally to the family. A special socio-cultural form of
guddifachaa practice that gives new name to individuals and clan to integrate to the society is
known as Moggaasaa. Historically, the incorporation or assimilation of other ethnic groups
under the guddifachaa through moggaasaa is unique and significant cultural feature in Oromo
society.In Oromo customary law, guddifachaa is a system of moving a child from his/her
biological parents to another of the community’s social family members through ceremonial
rituals of the guddifachaa institution. The systems created with such customary procedures are
irrevocable by the parties concerned or any other third party.

The guddifachaa child has all the rights with regard to status, marriage, inheritances, and
maintenance (Taka, 1983)

Some rites of passage &rituals in gadaa

• Gubisa: the ceremony of name giving

 • Nyaachisa: the feasting rituals, preparation of warriors
• Godiya: the end of Gamme and beginning of Kuusa
• Banti: the ritual for the end of Kuusa
• Baali fuudhan- the beginning of Gadaa
• Gadamojji- the end of Gadaa grades.
• Korma Qalu: Slaughtering a bull as a fulfilment of a ritual ( paying homage)
• Buna Qala: a ritual of praying through roasting coffee
• Hexoo dhuguu: a ritual of purification
The Oromo Gada Jila (specially practice by Gujii)

• Jila Ballii Kenna ( ceremony of power transfer)

• Jila Laguu Baasuu (ceremony of passage of rite in which the Kusa generations pass to
raba generation)
• Jila Waddeessa Murataa (the ceremony in which the raba generation is promoted to
adulthood)
• Jila Jaarraa Utaalchaa (the ceremony in which the Abba Gada gives blessings)
• Qee Abba Gadaa (the village of Abba Gada) Kachaa (residence at Mee’ee Bokkoo)
• Maqabaasa: The ceremony in which the Abba Gada gives name to his cultural children
• Gudurubusa: The ceremony in which the Batu shaves the head of his cultural children
• Ebbisa: The ceremony in which the Batu/Yuba gives blessings and makes prayers

Unlike the Yaa’a mobility, the Jila mobility is movement related with particular ritual event in
particular period. It does not happen throughout eight years period, rather only in certain months.
There are particular places where Jila (ritul ceremony) takes place. These places are called Ardaa
Jilaa (the provinces of ritual ceremony). The distribution of these scared places (Ardaa Jilaa)
differs based on types of rituals that took place. The most important rituals mobility remembered
by informants is those of Gadamoji. Gadaamoji means either the people of last Gadaa grade (or
the grade itself or ritual that marks the grade. Gadaamoji people do not move frequently like
Yaa’a people. Rather, they stay in the village for longer period until the end of the grade.
Nevertheless, they perform the ritual ceremony by moving to scared places. The Gadaamoji who
wears phallic coronet on his head move with his family and livestock, and establish a village in
Ardaa jilaa. Each Gadaamoji should have house constructed whereby men erect the framework,
and women get lashing and thatching. At these places of ritual ceremonies, Gadaamoji will stay
about total of 3 monthsperforming cultural events. Finally, the Gadaamoji head is shaved and his
retirement from Gadaa system is announced, only to be called Jarsa (elder). Though Jila of
Gadaamoji is the most important one, it is not the only festival or ritual mobility.There are
several other Jilas.

Nyaachisa is one of such kind. Nyaachisa-which literally means ‘get them eat’, is local term for
regular feastings made for the children of senior Gammee grades (9-24). The members of this
grade who would inter into military group by the next grades, has to be prepared through feasting
devour.‘Gammee children often make several small groups to be dispersed into different
direction roaming and singing around village to get their parents sacrifice a bull calf for them’.
Finally, their entrance into the Kuusa grade is marked by rite called Godiyyaa, when their fringe
hair is shaved off.

Gadaa is the group of people in the 6th grade (41-48) of Gadaa system. This group assumes
responsibility of leadership and political activities. The member of Gadaa grade comprises of
Abbaa Gadaa (the head of Gadaa) and other officials and companions. Thence, the prime Abbaa
Gadaa, deputy, hayyuu (Judge), and other assistants along with their family and livestock join
the Yaa’a. They engage consistent rituals during mobility such as Korma qalani (several festivals
of slaughtering bulls during mobility), Dimbii dhiqatani (rituals practiced by moving nearby
water bodies), GumiGayoo (Pan-Borana assembly which comes every eight years), and Odaa
bulani (sleeping nights at sacred Odaa tree, days before power tranfer) among other. The
membership of Yaa’a Gadaa (companions)changes every eight years as old grade (Gadaa) leave,
and new grade (Raaba) assume the power, in the ritual procedure of Baalii fudhani (rite of power
transfer). The other grades to conduct rituals are Raaba. Raaba are the military grades below the
Gadaa grade Raaba contains two grades: Raaba Didiqqo (the junior Raaba), and Raaba Doori
(Senior Raaba) consisting of age from 33 to 48. Both Raaba grades have their particular ritual
mobility called Yaa,a, mobility patterns and routes. Person in Gadaa system has first to
participate in Yaa’a mobility of Raaba didiqqo, and then in Yaa’a mobility of Raaba Dorii
during the next eight years. The movement from Kuussa grade to the Raaba grade is marked by
the ceremony called Bantii-ritual feasting whereby the Raaba hair is shaved round at the top.
Several rituals mark Raaba: picnic and marriage for Raaba didiqqo; and cutting stick from
Liban, procreation of child, warfare training, wearing of bracelet (Maldaha) for Raab Dorii (cf.
Lues and Salvadori, 2006). Yaa’a of Raaba grade like that of the Yaa’a of Gadaa grade takes
place in North part of the zone. The last mobility of Raaba is toward the Liban area whereby
they take over the authority from the retiring Gadaas through ritual of Baali fudhani (taking over
of the power).

Irreessa: Oromo Thanksgiving Ceremony

The fear and reverence of God is the hallmark of the Oromo people to the present day. Ethiopia
is well known for being the cradle of African civilization. Naturally, this makes it a top
destination for travellers eager to explore unique local celebrations. One of the most interesting
of those celebrated in the country is the Irreessa Thanksgiving Holiday (Mekuria Bulcha, 2015).
The yearly Thanksgiving Holiday, celebrated in Birraa and Arfaassa, is peculiar to the Oromo
people which are comparable to most Jewish Holidays of the Bible Times.

Akka Dr. Gammachuu Magarsaa jedhanitti

hawaasni aadaa mataasaa qabu kosmooloojii qaba, hawaasi kosmooloojii qabummoo akkaataa
ittiin uumaa fi uumama dhugeeffatu kan mataasaa qaba.Thus the practice of Irreessa is the
honoring of; the powerful, the strong, the indomitable, the almighty Waaqa (God) who created all
natural manifestations (water, trees, human, coqorsa, kello) and is responsible for their rhythmic
and cyclical regulations.As the chants and hymens in Irreessa song goes ‘irreessatti godaannaa,
irree kee sodaanna yaa Waaq’/‘we are marching to Irreessa, because we fear/respect you might,
oh God!It is manifested by ‘green and fresh grass’ that symbolize fertility and flourishing life due
to bless and guidance of the Creator, Waaqaa.The event is presided over by the Abba Gada, Abba
Malkaa and the participants take with them a bunch of green grass and indigenous flower Known
as Ada (Adey Ababa) flower to be placed on the shore of the lake as thanksgiving (Mekuria
Bulcha, 2015). Dr. Gammachuu Magarsaa akka jedhanitti: yeroo baayyee Oromoon margaa fi
biyyoodhaan irreeffata. Waaqaaf qabeenyi kennitu hin jiru, nutiyyuu kansaati. Kanaafuu kanuma
inni nuuf arjoomerraa galata galchina. Raajiidhuma inni uume, Malkaa fi tulluutti bahuudhaan
isumaaf galata galchuu yookiin kadhachuu jechuudha. Nationally Irreessa is the bi-annually
celebrated Oromo people thanks giving day in different parts of the Oromo country.

Irreessa Malkaa (Irreessaa Birra):

celebrated in the dawn of the new season after long and gloomy rainy season either on a local
river bank or at lake to give thanks and to pray to Waaqa (God). The event is presided over by
the Abba Gada, Abba Malkaa and the participants take with them a bunch of green grass and
flower to be placed on the shore of the lake chanting the thanks to WaqaAfter revitalization of
Gadaa at Odaa Nabee around 12thc, Tullama Oromo mainly celebrated Irreessa Malkaa at the six
lakes of God namely;

 Hora arsadii
 Hora kiilolee
 Hora hadhoo
 Hora jijjigaa
 Hora warxoo
 Hora finfinnee.
Irreessa Tulluu (Irreessaa Arfaasaa)

Irreessa Tulluu practised on top of mountains and hills during dry season. to honour the Almighty
for His benevolence over the past dry season pray for the upcoming rainy season, which will
bring both fortunes (seeds, green meadows, water, etc.) and dangers such as flood, storm, snow
and disease.the eight mountains of God serves as ritual sites:

 Mount Cuqqaalaa
 Mount Erer,
 Mount Bosati/Hococaa,
 Mount Furii,
 Mount Eegduu,
 Mount Foyataa,
 Mount Galaan and
 Mount Waatoo Daalachaa
Who can Take Part in Irressaa Cermony
The Oromo celebrate the irreessa irrespective of their religious backgrounds. Whether they are
Waaqeffataa, Christians or Muslims they participate in the ceremony

The Role Played by Elders

They are major participants of the ceremony prepare bulls to be slaughtered for the ceremony
and welcome ritual leaders (Abba Gadaa) who come from different corner of the country. go to
lake and pray the Waaqa.

The Role Played by Abba Gadaa

Abba Gadaa is believed to have a great place. The blessing and cursing are considered as great
ritual leader and main actors in the ceremony.comes to the ceremony having a Grass, Bokku,
Kalacha and wearing beautiful traditional clothes. come in the eve night surrounded by
youngsters and blesses the people by sprinkling Water on them. transfer a message and advice
the community to love and respect their culture and keep or transfer this unique indigenous
Oromoritual ceremony for the coming generation. At the end, they go back home surrounded by
youngsters.

The Role Played by Unmarried Girls

Elder girls have been identified to play a significant role. They come to the celebration with their
mothers or grandmothers. only virgin girls are allowed to serve the Qalluu spirit.go to the lake
and immerse a grass in to Water and touch their faces by saying ‘let us be reach for the next time
in good health’, ‘bless us’ They receive blessings from Abba Gaada express good wishes to each
other and go away.

The Role Played by the Children

Children are important participants in the celebration of Irreessa sites. making groups on the eve
and singing different traditional songs and dancesThey have the special kind of grass called
Coqorsa and flower called KellooThey make different performances: singing traditional songs
and perform traditional dances.they immerse the fresh grass and daisy in the lake and sprinkle it
on their face. having finished the praying and blessing, they go back to their homes following
their fathers playing traditional songs.
The Role Played by Women

They are colorfully dressed have Siiqqee (thin women stick) on their hand. the Qallitti in most
cases hold Butter in Qabe fresh Grass and go to the celebration site.

An Amazing Part of the Irreessa Ceremony

The Tenets: Irreessa forms part of Oromo religious and cultural thinking and signals the
coming together of five important cultural and natural objects.
Oda (Sycamore tree)
water and Tullu
Human beings
the Coqorsa (type of grass)
Kello (a flowering plant)
The Timing
 There are two major Irreessa ceremonies among the Oromo nation.
Irreessa-Tullu/Irreessa Arfaasaa
Irreessa Malkaa/Irreessa Birraa.
The Biggest Number in the World

Over the last ten successive years, the number of people who conduct Irreffannaa has shown a
marked boost.

Inclusive and Broad-based.

The composition of the participants includes all social and demographic categories regardless of
age, sex, social status and other categories.

Absolute Peace and Tranquillity

Characterized by absolute orderliness, absolute peace, the showering of love, obedience to the
principle, mutual respect, the sense of oneness and unity.

Adorned
the variety, uniqueness and originality of the cultural costumes, which give the ceremony an
embellished outlook, eye catching and panoramic. The beads, the threads, the strips that come
together to make a piece of cloth show the artistic and stylish weaving garbed on the tall, skinny,
and model-like Oromo girls and the well-postured boys. The siinqe skilfully held by the girls
and women, moving with the rhythm of their clothes and the ulee (ceremonial stick carried by
Oromo men)

Expression of Political Ideals

Irreessa is not only a cultural expression but also a space to air political discontents. From the
early days up to date, participants in one way or another have shown their dissatisfaction with
successive regimes in power.For instance; the opposition to the Addis Abeba master plan
designed to expand Finfinne (Addis Abeba) into neighbouring localities

Forum for Social Mobilization

Irreessa has recently become one of the important forums for mobilization against some social
challenges such as the spread of HIV/AIDS, pervasive poverty, the environment, gender
inequality…..This was conducted in the traditional declaration of a law called lallaba other forms
of social issues.

Poetic Songs during Irreessa Ceremony

There are different traditional songs and traditional dances during irreessa festival. These
include; Maree….Oo, Maree….Oo, Gabbisayyoo, Roobaan Sigalee……...

Significance of Irreessa Ceremony among the Oromo People

It is a ritual ceremony in which Oromo worship and praise “Waaqa” (God). to welcome the new
season of plentiful harvests after the dark and rainy winter season associated with nature and
creature. it enables Oromos to be united (strengthen unity), make conciliation among conflicting
groups and promote their culture. friends, family, and relatives gather together and celebrate with
joy and happiness bring people closer to each other and make social bonds. creates a collective
“reality” and “history”. connotes a state of being of the same mind, sharing a collective memory
about a shared past an aspiration for a common future.
The Poetic Interpretations of Artists Some of the songs that praised irreessa include;Galaanee
Bulbulaa’s “Kottaa ni hirreefannaa, aadaa bade deeffannaa” (“Come let us celebrate
Thanksgiving; Let us revive our banned culture”, Giftii Dhadhii’s Oromoon seera qabaa (“The
Oromo have laws”)Abdoo Badhaasoo’s Irreecha irreeffanna (“We will celebrate Thanksgiving”),
Gaaddisee Shamsadin’s Beenu Oromia, irreechi irree keenya (“Go on Oromia, irreecha is our
power”) Amartii Waarii’s Kottaa ni kabajna kuni aadaa keenyaa (“Come, let us celebrate our
culture”), Chala Bultum ‘Uumaan Deebitee’

The Suppression of Irreessa Ceremony

Political factors

Religious factors

Revitalization of Irreessa in post-1991 Period

The irreeffanaa had been banned by successive Ethiopian regimes before 1991.Under the
initiative and organizational leadership of Macha-Tulama Association, irreessa celebrations were
started in Hora Arsadi in mid 1990s.the post-1991 irreessa celebration attracted more of the
youth and the educated class than before. this should be contextualized within the broader
Oromo consciousness and the rise in Oromo nationalism. university students, government civil
servants, businessmen/women and people in different professions were highly involved in the
celebrations.using the constitutional right as a legal protection, many participants on irreessa
used to decorate themselves with material culture and costumes that reflect the flags of the OLF
(Mekuria Bulcha, 2015).

In Memory of the Fallen (the day that changed the game)

Sunday October 2, 2016 (Irreessa Massacre) was the actual day of Irreessa. the main road has
already been filled with people in cultural costumes singing cultural songs mixed with strong
anti-government messages. their messages uniformly ended with words such as “Dinnee Dinnee
Dinnee” their hands were crossed above their heads making the famous X symbol of#Oromo
Protests.Those who ran to save their lives from the teargas bombs and the gun shots pulled
themselves and one another to the nearby 6 meters long ditch in front of the podium. The teargas
bomb thrown at the mass increased the number of people running to the ditch not seeing what is
in front of them; blinded by the heavy smoke from teargas. The Ethiopian government’s brutal
violence massacred innocent people on a sacred day, on sacred ground.the long lasting of the
shadowed Oromo tragedy continued.

However, Oromo people never worship any of the physical landscapes though some outsiders
and detractors of Oromo culture and religion represent it as such. Rather, the physical landscapes
are chosen for their representations in Oromo worldviews for instance; green is symbolized with
fertility, peace, abundance and rain. As a national celebration, the Irreessa festival has become a
facilitator of the emergence of national consciousness and creation of a national community.

Guddifacha ritual practice

According to all the elders and community leaders, sometimes the guddifachaa child is
referred to as “‘ilmo Kallacha’ or ‘Caacuu’ ” to mean that the child is born.

Kallacha refers to material made up metal which is believed to be given spirituality by

Waaqaa/God in Oromo Kallacha is a material that is highly respected next to Waaqa and
wears over head by Abbaa Gadaa/bokkuu. It believed that initially Kallacha made from
comet down from the sky with thunder. Then, Qaalluu/ayyaantuu spilled milk of black cow
(because of its color is similar with sky) to the down Kallacha and covered with new cloth
known. Finally, the down comet considered as Kallacha and thunder as Bokkuu. However,
currently people prepare Kallacha from silver and other metals. The belt of Kallacha prepare
from skin of python, crocodile and bull.

Caacuu is a decorative materials used by woman to decorate materials carried by women It is

used by female. It’s a symbol of fertility. In Oromo society, Abbaa Gadaa and haadha
Caaccuu are identified from other members of the society possessing the ritual objects and
role that they have in the socio political and religious life of society. Caaccuu prepare from
elellaa (bread) and skin of hifer. Women use Caaccuu for blessing and praying than cursing.
Also during irreecha (thanksgiving), ateetee, women use it with their Siiqqee to attend
reconciliation event and others. Caaccuu and Kallacha use hand in hand.
The customary practice of guddifachaa is done in the following ways to point a few. The
families who need to adopt the child from another family go with community leaders
especially Abbaa Gadaa, Hayyuu holding ‘ulfa’ and request the family saying:

Afaan Oromo English meaning

Isin ijoollee qabdu you have children

Kan Rabbi isinii kennu that God gave to you

Ani ilman dhabe but I did not have

Ilma seeraan naa kenni so give me the child legally

Kan araddaa Koo qabatu who may continue my lineage

Then it is followed with a song called ‘Gabisayyoo’ by men and 'Marehoo' by both men
and women to express ritualistically their feelings to God (Waaqaa), earth (dachee), and
the people among themselves to ask the family who has many children to be given one
legally. The song is prepared for the appreciation that the people have for nature especially
for God’s generosity with different respects.

The rituals that are linked to the guddifachaa process have declined with introduction of
Christianity (Orthodox) and Islam in the area. Both religions have their own way of rituals
and ceremonial practices different from guddifachaa practice. Some Oromo society
became the followers these religion leaving their religion Waaqqeffannaa that has a strong
connection with guddifachaa rules and obligations. Nevertheless, most of the communities
in the area are well acquainted with the practices of own religion (Waaqqeffannaa) and
cultural practice. ‘Gabisayo’ and ‘mareehoo’ are ritual songs sung by Oromo during Gada
ceremony, guddifachaa ceremony, during annual celebration of Waaqqeffannaa religion
Moreover, elders said, “Gabisayo and Mareehoo are still practiced when the adopter
families are rich.”The elders in the area said that when, “we sing Gabisayo during the
guddifachaa of a child and there would be a rain. They say that God (Waaqaa) heard us and
send his message to us that, the child is the child of ‘ulfa’ who keep the ‘araddaa’ (heir) of
the adopters.” In the processes of practice, there is a vow from both sides based on the
customary law and belief system, while handing over of the child from biological family to
the adopters. It is based on the Gadaa rules and the Waaqqeffannaa belief systems of the
community.

During guddifachaa ritual ceremony it is the Abbaa Gadaa who on behalf of his gosaa
(clan) undertakes adoption. That means the Abbaa gadaa leads the process from the
beginning to the end of the ritual session. Before guddifachaa practice animals slaughtered,
they place five spears (two pointing west and three pointing east) on the ground, and each
clan members dips his/ her hand into the blood and commit oath lead by Abbaa gadaa. The
spears positions signify the Oromo confederacies of Barentuu (with two pairs) and
Booranaa (with three pairs of clan) direction to show unity while the blood shows the
readiness of the gosaa (clan) to fight for the right of its new member. Then the Abbaa
gadaa blesses the new members, the adopted of the groups according to the key
informants’ description of the process. For instance for moggaasaa the oath says:

Afaan Oromo English

Kan ati jibbittu nan jibbaa I hate what you hate

Kan ati jaalattu nan jaaladha I like what you like

Si waliin nan duula I fight what you fight

Karaa deemteen deema I go where you go

Gumaa kee nan baasa I revenge your blood etc

The oath is binding and unbreakable law on both sides. It is a mutual responsibility and
obligation in that the adopted get protection and material benefit. This kind of cultural
processes assist the social workers to integrate the orphan and neglected children to
families via admitting and facilitating what is existing in the community. “The child is the
one whom you adopt socially to make yours, has the right of privileges that you do for
your born child. You cannot separate the child from yours if you get child in future. He/she
can inherit you legally; everything required from you will be fulfilled on the request of the
child etc. If not the child is supposed to be called ‘ergarama’ or “neglected.” When the
child did not get any proper care from the adopter family, therefore, the biological family
is responsible to look after him/her properly. The child is returnee to family or again
neglected.

To reduce the neglecting of children social work practices are paramount in the areas of
counseling the family and the adopted child by maintaining the family system and
reinforcing the underlying cultural values that the child is the child of the adopting family
with all rights and responsibilities.