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 图书在版编目（CIP）数据

路边的植物／刘夙编著．—上海：少年儿童出版社，2018.4

（发现植物）
ISBN 978-7-5589-0210-9

Ⅰ．①路… Ⅱ．①刘… Ⅲ．①植物—普及读物 Ⅳ．①Q94-

49

中国版本图书馆CIP数据核字（2017）第172639号

发现植物
路边的植物
刘 夙 编著

寿海洋 摄影 邬家祯 插图
陈艳萍 装帧

责任编辑 王 慧 美术编辑 陈艳萍

责任校对 陶立新 技术编辑 陆 赟

出版发行：上海世纪出版股份有限公司 少年儿童出版社

地址：上海延安西路1538号 邮编 200052

发行 上海世纪出版股份有限公司发行中心
易文网 www.ewen.co 少儿网 www.jcph.com

电子邮件 postmaster@jcph.com

印刷 上海中华商务联合印刷有限公司

开本 787×1092 1/20 印张 7

2018年4月第1版第1次印刷
ISBN 978-7-5589-0210-9/N·1062

定价 40.00元

版权所有 侵权必究

如发生质量问题，读者可向工厂调换
 目录
雪松
水杉
落羽杉
圆柏
罗汉松
叶生活
含笑
海桐
棣棠
粉花绣线菊
火棘
紫荆
山茶
结香
杜鹃
红花檵木
紫叶小檗
红叶石楠
迷人小“叶”灯
碧桃
梅
东京樱花
西府海棠
银杏
柳
榉
玉兰
樟
乌桕
喜树
毛竹
森林画笔
黄杨
冬青卫矛
栀子
郁香忍冬
花叶青木
绣球荚蒾
蜡梅
石榴
木樨
大叶醉鱼草
紫薇
梓
夹竹桃
花落下的云
木槿
枫香树
鸡爪槭
梧桐
二球悬铃木
八角金盘
棕榈
杂种鹅掌楸
枸骨
连翘
月季
槐
吴茱萸
臭椿
无患子
七叶树
南天竹
合欢
xuě sōng
雪松

【别名】无

【学名】Cedrus deodara
【家族】松科
【株高】高达50米

【分布】原产阿富汗至印度北部的山区，全世界温带地区广泛栽培
【花期】花期10—11月，果期翌年6—8月

长得比楼房还高的雪松
在世界各地，被用来装扮成圣诞树

雪松的雄球花
 马尾松才是真正的松树，叶子为两针一束

像宝塔一样层层展开的枝桠，厚厚的白雪盖在上面，如果让你在
脑子里想象一幅《青松》诗里描写的那种“大雪压青松，青松挺且
直”的画面，也许很多人会想到一棵类似雪松的树。

其实雪松不是真正的松树，它只是松树的近亲。它们长得也不一
样，很好区别。像黄山迎客松那样的松树，树冠很开阔，枝干常常呈
虬曲状；而雪松的树形就像圣诞树一样，是非常标致的塔状，那向下
展开的枝叶天然充满了雪国情调，即使在夏天看到它，也会让人忍不
住想象大雪落在上面的场景。
和所有松柏类植物一样，雪松没有像桃花那样，让人一眼就认出
的花。它的花是“球花”。和许多春夏开花散粉的植物不同，到了冬
天，雪松的雄球花才会散发出大量的花粉。北风吹过，浓密的花粉有
时会形成阵阵黄烟，在天空飘散开来。如果雌球花接受花粉，就会形
成受精卵，然后雌球花要用差不多一年的时间才发育为成熟的球果。
不过，因为雪松还没有完全适应引种地的环境，如果没有人类的帮
助，栽培雪松很难结果。
雪松不是原产于中国的植物。直到20世纪20年代，人们才把它引
种到华东地区。雪松优雅的身姿很受当地人喜爱，经过几十年的驯
化，它已经在中国许多城市中安下家来。在上海陆家嘴的洋泾中学，
有一棵60岁高龄的雪松，见证了这所上海最早的市立中学之一的发展
历史。
shuǐ shān
水杉

【别名】无

【学名】Metasequoia glyptostroboides
【家族】柏科
【株高】高达35米

【分布】零星野生于重庆、湖北、湖南等地，全世界温带地区广泛
栽培
【花期】花期3月，果期10月
水杉的叶片像羽毛一样轻盈
排列在道路两旁的水杉

水杉未成熟的球果
 霸王龙也曾行走在水杉森林里

水杉的发现是20世纪中国植物学史上的一件大事。起初，一位日
本学者在化石中发现了水杉的化石，要知道，化石是由古生物遗体形
成的，他便断定这种植物定是早已灭绝。1943年，年轻的林学家王战
在湖北西南部的密林中发现了一棵奇怪的树，它的叶子在小枝上像羽
毛的羽片一样密密排列，便采了标本请人鉴定。林学家郑万钧看过标
本之后，确认它是一个全新的树种；著名植物分类学家胡先骕进一步
确定它正是日本学者发现的那种“灭绝”的植物。1948年，胡先骕和
郑万钧正式联合发表了水杉新种，水杉就这样“起死回生”，轰动世
界。

水杉类植物在一亿年前的白垩纪曾经广泛分布在北半球，和恐龙
同时代，它们躲过了让恐龙消亡的那次生物大灭绝。不过，最近几百
万年里，地球进入了俗称冰河时代的冰期，大陆上覆盖了厚厚的冰
盖。寒冷的冰期使喜暖植物大量灭绝，不少植物都未能幸免。幸运的
是，水杉和银杏躲藏在中国南方相对温暖的山区，逃离了灭绝的险
境。

在人们重新发现水杉之后，很快就把这种树种引种到世界各地。
它是一种速生树种，树苗栽培下去，不久就能长成参天大树。上海的
崇明岛上有一座国家森林公园，其中有一片华东地区面积最大的人工
林，这里的主要造林树种就是水杉。漫步其中，置身于水杉林下，你
的脑海中是否浮现出与恐龙共同漫步的奇妙场景呢？
luò yǔ shān
落羽 杉

【别名】落羽松

【学名】Taxodium distichum
【家族】柏科
【株高】高达50米

【分布】原产北美洲东南部，中国东部和南部引种栽培
【花期】花期3—4月，果期10—11月
 落羽杉喜欢生长在水边

和水杉一样，落羽杉的叶在秋天变黄，然后凋落

落羽杉叶片飘落时像羽毛一样轻盈
 落羽杉的果实

落羽杉的根能钻出水面呼吸

《论语》里写道：“岁寒，然后知松柏之后凋也。”这句话是
说，到了一年中最寒冷的季节，才能体现松柏抵御寒风的勇气。在人
们心目中，松柏类是常绿植物，就算到了冬天，万物萧瑟，北风肆
虐，它们的叶子仍然郁郁葱葱。的确，真正的松树和柏树都是常绿树
种，不过，有些树虽然外形和松柏相似，却是落叶性的。水杉和落羽
杉就是这样的落叶树种。

落羽杉的枝叶很有特点，很像鸟类的羽毛。到了深秋，落羽杉的
小枝和叶子会变成褐色，随后凋落，宛如一片褐色的羽毛徐徐飘落，
这便是“落羽杉”名字的由来。

落羽杉不是中国原生的，它的老家在北美洲东南部的沼泽地带。
在那里，一年里大部分时间地表都会被水所淹没。为了在这样严苛的
环境中生活下去，落羽杉的根一反常态，不再一门心思往下钻，而是
向上生长，钻出地表，透出水面呼吸。1936年，落羽杉被引种到中
国。它那能够生长在浅水中的本事在江南水乡找到了用武之地。人们
把它种在江河湖泊的浅滩上，既可以造林护堤，还能作为庭院树装点
公园里的水滨。
yuán bǎi
圆柏

【别名】桧柏

【学名】Juniperus chinensis
【家族】柏科
【株高】高达20米

【分布】产于中国东部大部分省区和朝鲜、日本，并有广泛栽培
【花期】花期4月，果期翌年11月
圆柏的球果很像蓝莓，里面藏着种子
圆柏在寺庙、陵园很常见

圆柏的鳞叶和针叶
 龙柏是圆柏的栽培品种，树形肃穆

桃（左）是被子植物，种子被果皮紧紧保护着；银杏（右）是裸子植物，种子外面
没有真正的果皮

圆柏的叶子有两种：针叶和鳞叶。幼枝上大多是针叶，老枝上大
多是鳞叶，不过也有几乎全是针叶的栽培品种。圆柏是一种裸子植
物，这是说它的种子外面没有真正的果皮，不过圆柏的球果在成熟时
不会像松树的球果那样裂开，使得它看上去和植物学家眼中那些被子
植物的果实没什么两样。

圆柏生长缓慢，靠近地面处的枝叶可以存活很久，所以很多年龄
不大的圆柏的树形都像拔地而起的尖塔；通常只有百年以上的老树才
能形成展开的森森树冠，形成可以容人遮阳的树荫。

圆柏天生带有一种肃穆的气质；它的栽培品种龙柏更是如此，所
以在寺庙、陵园等地经常可以见到很多柏树。圆柏在古代叫做“桧
（guì）”。这本来是一个美好的名字，却在南宋的时候突然沾上了洗
不清的晦气。南宋初年出了一个著名的奸相叫秦桧（huì），因为与金
国媾和、害死抗金英雄岳飞而为后人唾弃。在杭州西湖北边的岳王墓
陵园里有一棵树干倾斜的圆柏，传说本来是很粗的一株大树，然而明
代有人拔刀将其一劈为二，象征把秦桧分尸；其中一半后来死去，今
天我们看到的只是幸存下来的另一半。
luó hàn sōng
罗汉 松

【别名】罗汉杉

【学名】Podocarpus macrophyllus
【家族】罗汉松科
【株高】高达20米

【分布】野生于中国东部、南部和日本，现多为栽培
【花期】花期4—5月，果期8—9月

短叶罗汉松是常见的庭院和盆景树种
 罗汉松的雄球花

罗汉松、梅都属于盆景界常用的植物“十八学士”

罗汉松的雄球花，有些松树雄球花的影子
 罗汉松的种子看起来像高僧背影

罗汉松也叫罗汉杉，“松”也罢，“杉”也罢，只是形容它的叶
子细长，长得很像松树或杉木，但其实它和真正的松树或杉木亲缘关
系非常远，这从它的生殖器官的形态就能看得出来。罗汉松并不会结
松树那样的松塔，也不会结圆柏那样圆形的“果实”。它的种子是单
生的，下面有肉质的种托，看上去很像一位披着袈裟的和尚，这就是
它得名“罗汉松”的原因。

在中国南方，罗汉松被当作民间文化中的富贵树，象征着长寿、
吉祥和财富，所以经常被移栽到院子里。广东人常说：“家有罗汉
松，一世不受穷。”然而罗汉松生长缓慢，在滥采乱挖之下，野生罗
汉松资源遭到了很大的破坏。如今，中国大陆上的野生罗汉松大树已
经十分少见，而海岛上的野生罗汉松也面临着盗采殆尽的危险。

罗汉松有一个变种叫短叶罗汉松，天然就只能长成灌木状，叶片
也要短一些，不仅可以栽于庭院中，更可以方便地栽培在花盆里，因
此从清代以来，它又被开发成著名的盆景树种。
叶生活

你可以使用这些材料：各类植物小叶或小果（此作品用到雪松针形
叶、龙柏鳞叶、野生雀麦、毛茛果实）、十寸相框、镊子、厚卡纸、
保丽龙胶水、已经用完墨水的水笔或圆珠笔。

制作步骤

1 设计好自己的作品底稿，用已经没有墨水的笔在卡纸上画出底稿的
印痕，本作品构图为“Life”。
2 用镊子选取一种叶子顺着画好的字母“L”底稿痕迹，借保丽龙胶
水将其紧密地粘贴在卡纸上。

3 字母“L”成形后，继续用叶片完成剩余字母“i、f、e”的粘贴。

4 完成四个字母最里层的粘贴后，依次以由紧渐疏的方式粘贴叶子，
形成渐变的效果。
5 将粘出卡纸外的叶子用剪刀进行修整，待胶水干后，装框成型。

这样做可以让你的作品更漂亮：

1．材料不限上面这些，只要选择革质类小叶或小果都可以；

2．干枯后颜色变化不大的植物材料效果更好；

3．画作造型也可根据自己的喜好随意设计；
4．可选取多种颜色进行配搭，让作品更有层次。
hán xiào
含笑

【别名】含笑花

【学名】Michelia figo
【家族】木兰科
【株高】高3～5米

【分布】野生于华南地区，长江流域引种栽培
【花期】花期3—5月，果期7—8月
含笑枝叶繁密
 白兰花，有细长的花被片

在江南街头小巷，有时会偶遇提着小篮子卖白兰花的阿婆

含笑和玉兰是亲戚，都属于木兰科。这是个古老的家族。含笑的
枝条每个节上只长一片叶子，花就生在叶子和枝条的夹角处，在开放
的时候，花瓣并不完全展开，而是呈现一种半开的样子，仿佛掩面微
笑的妙龄女子，“含笑”这个美丽的名字即由此而来。

含笑是原产岭南的南国花木，它不太耐寒，在长江流域越冬有点
吃力，所以栽培不算太普遍。然而，在上海松江区的西佘山上，却有
一棵百年老含笑树。西佘山海拔97.2米，是上海陆上的第二高峰。佘
山上有两座著名的建筑，一座是佘山天文台，一座是佘山圣母大教
堂，远远望去非常显眼。在半山腰还有另一座教堂，百年含笑树就在
这座教堂的院子里。历经百年岁月，这株含笑已经长成了5米多高的大
灌木，每年四月初的时候都会绽放洁白的花朵，散发出水果般的香
味。
 白兰花是含笑的一位近亲，原产印尼爪哇，在江南是盆栽植物。
白兰花非常芳香，有清新素雅的气质，所以在香水还不流行的民国时
代很受女性欢迎。姑娘们把新鲜的白兰用手帕包好放在衣襟里，身上
便时时散发出幽雅的香气。如今在夏天的上海街头，不时还能见到卖
白兰花的阿婆，让这个老上海的风俗保持至今。
hǎi tóng
海桐

【别名】海桐花

【学名】Pittosporum tobira
【家族】海桐科
【株高】高1.5～6米

【分布】野生于中国南方各省区和朝鲜半岛、日本的海滨，多有栽
培
【花期】花期4—6月，果期9—12月

海桐枝繁叶茂，下部的枝条几乎能碰到地面
海桐的叶子聚集生长在枝条顶端

刺楸在争夺“海桐”一名中，败下阵来

开花的时候，海桐会散发出阵阵幽香
 海桐的果实成熟时会开裂，露出红色种子

叶片倒卵形、正中有一道宽阔的白脉的海桐，是一种在古代无人
问津、现代却大放异彩的花木。虽然在明清时代的本草书和园艺书中
就已经有了“海桐”之名，可是这些海桐要么不是我们现在所说的海
桐；要么根本没有描述，无法鉴别是什么植物。一直到20世纪中期，
植物学家还在为好几种植物都叫“海桐”而苦恼。然而随着时间流
逝，我们这篇所介绍的这种常绿小灌木战胜了其他的竞争者，独揽了
“海桐”之名。

了解一下海桐的习性，你就知道它为什么能在这场名字争夺大战
中胜出。顾名思义，海桐野生于海边，是海滨生境的先锋植物，所以
它有很强的忍耐力，可以忍受一定程度的盐碱。不仅如此，海桐虽然
本性喜光，但在一定的遮荫环境中也能茁壮生长；它又很耐修剪，可
以把它剪成所需的各种造型。这让它非常胜任城市的绿化工作。即使
是在寒冷的北方，海桐虽然不能露地栽培，却仍然可以种在花盆里，
成为赏心悦目的盆栽花木。
尽管海桐主要是观叶植物，但它的花果也很有特色。海桐花很
小，却十分芳香，开放的时候让人不见其花却闻其香。花过结果，待
海桐的果实成熟开裂，会露出里面带红色假种皮的种子来，颇有趣
味。
dì táng
棣棠

【别名】棣棠花

【学名】Kerria japonica
【家族】蔷薇科
【株高】高1～2米

【分布】原产于中国东南部广大地区和日本，多有栽培
【花期】花期4—6月，果期6—8月
野生类型的棣棠是单瓣的
 重瓣的棣棠是人们选育出的栽培类型

人类的驯化改变了很多植物，比如野生香蕉（上）种子多又难吃，人类便培育出了
种子变小，果肉香甜的栽培香蕉（下）

在人们心目中，春天是一个百花盛开的季节，而最常用来形容这
盛开的百花的词语之一是“姹紫嫣红”。其实这是一种误解，因为在
为美好春色贡献了光彩的繁花之中，有很多种并不是紫色或红色，比
如棣棠花就是黄色的。

棣棠的枝叶很有特点，特别是枝条，一年到头都是绿色，即使到
了冬天，它的叶子都落光了，枝条也依然碧绿。野生棣棠的花是单瓣
花，只有一轮5枚花瓣。但是在长期栽培的过程中，个别植株发生了变
异，靠近花瓣的外侧雄蕊发生“瓣化”，形态变得和花瓣一样。这样
的花就是重瓣花。雄蕊是植物的雄性生殖器官，它的减少自然不利于
植株的野外生存。不过，因为在人类看来，重瓣花更有观赏价值，所
以有这种特征的棣棠就被人们选择出来，得以代代延续。
 重瓣棣棠不仅花形发生变化，花期也发生了变化。每年春天，重
瓣棣棠会迎来第一次花期，接着在夏末秋初还可以开第二次花。和花
形的变化一样，二次开花的现象本来也是不利于植株在野外生存的，
因为这样会消耗过多的养分。不过在人类的筛选下，这种特性也成了
一种优势，重瓣棣棠在人类的照料下茁壮成长着。
Another random document with
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Economic
effects of the world war upon women and
children in Great Britain
 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
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Title: Economic effects of the world war upon women and

children in Great Britain

Author: Irene Osgood Andrews

Margaret A. Hobbs

Release date: January 6, 2024 [eBook #72639]

Language: English

Original publication: New York: Oxford University Press, 1921

Credits: The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ECONOMIC

EFFECTS OF THE WORLD WAR UPON WOMEN AND CHILDREN
IN GREAT BRITAIN ***
Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace
DIVISION OF ECONOMICS AND HISTORY
JOHN BATES CLARK, DIRECTOR

PRELIMINARY ECONOMIC STUDIES OF THE

WAR
EDITED BY
DAVID KINLEY
President of the University of Illinois
Member of Committee of Research of the Endowment

No. 4
ECONOMIC EFFECTS OF THE WORLD WAR
UPON WOMEN AND CHILDREN
IN GREAT BRITAIN

BY
IRENE OSGOOD ANDREWS
Assistant Secretary of the American Association
for Labor Legislation

AND
MARGARETT A. HOBBS
 SECOND (REVISED) EDITION

NEW YORK
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
AMERICAN BRANCH: 35 WEST 32ⁿᵈ STREET
London, Toronto, Melbourne and Bombay
1921
FIRST EDITION
FEBRUARY, 1918

SECOND (REVISED) EDITION

MAY, 1921

COPYRIGHT 1921
BY THE
CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE
2 Jackson Place
Washington, D. C.

Press of Byron S. Adams

Washington, D. C.
Preliminary Economic Studies of the War
EDITED BY DAVID KINLEY
President of the University of Illinois
Member of Committee of Research of the Endowment

1. Early Economic Effects of the War upon Canada.

By Adam Shortt, formerly Commissioner of the Canadian
Civil Service, now Chairman, Board of Historical
Publications, Canada.
2. Early Effects of the European War upon the Finance,
Commerce and Industry of Chile. By L. S. Rowe,
Professor of Political Science, University of
Pennsylvania.
3. War Administration of the Railways in the United
States and Great Britain. By Frank H. Dixon,
Professor of Economics, Dartmouth College, and Julius H.
Parmelee, Statistician, Bureau of Railway Economics.
4. Economic Effects of the World War upon Women and
Children in Great Britain. By Irene Osgood Andrews,
Assistant Secretary of the American Association for
Labor Legislation.
5. Direct Costs of the Present War. By Ernest L.
Bogart, Professor of Economics, University of Illinois.
6. Effects of the War upon Insurance with Special
Reference to the Substitution of Insurance for
Pensions. By William F. Gephart, Professor of
Economics, Washington University, St. Louis.
7. The Financial History of Great Britain, 1914-1918.
By Frank L. McVey, President,
University of Kentucky.
8. British War Administration. By John A. Fairlie,
Professor of Political Science, University of Illinois.
9. Influence of the Great War upon Shipping.
By J. Russell Smith, Professor of Industry,
University of Pennsylvania.
10. War Thrift.
By Thomas Nixon Carver, Professor of Political Economy,
 Harvard University.
11. Effects of the Great War upon Agriculture in the
United States and Great Britain.
By Benjamin H. Hibbard, Professor of Agricultural Economics,
University of Wisconsin.
12. Disabled Soldiers and Sailors—Pensions and Training.
By Edward T. Devine, Professor of Social Economy,
Columbia University.
13. Government Control of the Liquor Business in Great Brita
and the United States.
By Thomas Nixon Carver, Professor of Political Economy,
Harvard University.
14. British Labor Conditions and Legislation during the War.
By Matthew B. Hammond, Professor of Economics,
Ohio State University.
15. Effects of the War upon Money, Credit and Banking
in France and the United States.
By B. M. Anderson, Jr., Ph.D.
16. Negro Migration during the War.
By Emmett J. Scott, Secretary-Treasurer,
Howard University, Washington, D. C.
17. Early Effects of the War upon the Finance,
Commerce and Industry of Peru.
By L. S. Rowe, Professor of Political Science,
University of Pennsylvania.
18. Government Control and Operation of Industry in Great
Britain and the United States during the World War.
By Charles Whiting Baker, C. E., Consulting Engineer.
19. Prices and Price Control in Great Britain and
the United States during the World War.
By Simon Litman, Professor of Economics,
University of Illinois.
[1] 20. Cooperative Movement in Russia.
By E. M. Kayden.
[2] 21. The Germans in South America: A Contribution to
the Economic History of the World War.
By C. H. Haring, Associate Professor of History,
Yale University.
 [3] 22. Effects of the War on Pauperism, Crime
and Programs of Social Welfare.
By Edith Abbott, Lecturer in Sociology,
University of Chicago.
[4] 23. (Abandoned.)
24. Direct and Indirect Costs of the Great World War.
By Ernest L. Bogart, Professor of Economics,
University of Illinois.
(Revised edition of Study No. 5.)
25. Government War Contracts.
By John F. Crowell,

THE CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE

2 JACKSON PLACE, WASHINGTON, D. C.
 EDITOR’S PREFACE
The following work on the “Economic Effects of the War upon
Women and Children in Great Britain,” by Mrs. Irene Osgood
Andrews, Assistant Secretary of the American Association for Labor
Legislation, is the fourth in the series of preliminary war studies
undertaken by the Endowment. Mrs. Andrews’ monograph is a
sympathetic study of the situation by one who has long been familiar
with working conditions of women and children in this country and
abroad and the methods undertaken for their improvement. The
author points out the difficulties and evil results of the hasty influx of
women and children into industrial fields vacated by men who had
gone into the army, but reaches the conclusion that on the whole the
permanent effects are likely to be good. Such a conclusion by an
author whose sympathies with laboring women and children are
deep and whose outlook is broad is hopeful and cheering.
In the opinion of the editor, Mrs. Andrews has done her country a
service in preparing this monograph, for her recital of the difficulties
and evils of the British readjustment will enable our people to meet
the same crisis when it comes upon us, as it surely will if the war
continues, in the light of the experience of our Allies. If we go about
the matter intelligently in the light of this study, we should be able to
avoid some of the difficulties and evils of British experiences in this
matter and open the way for a larger industrial life to women, while
maintaining and indeed even improving, as we should, the conditions
under which they are called upon to work and live.

David Kinley,
Editor.
 AUTHOR’S PREFACE TO
REVISED EDITION
Following the publication of the first edition, opportunity came in
1919 to visit again both England and France and to secure first hand
information concerning the effects of the war upon the economic
position of women. As a member of the commission sent by the
Young Women’s Christian Association to study the industrial outlook
for women and children, there was occasion to interview many
representative people in this field and to collect a large amount of
recently published material bearing upon the subject.
The world conflict brought to women, in those countries where
the industrial system was kept intact, an extraordinary invitation to
active employment outside the home and in new occupations. In
England and France millions of women were dislodged from their
accustomed tasks and thrown into novel positions in industry, in
trade and commerce and even in the professions. Many thousands
have remained in the new occupations, and the vast majority will
never be content to go back to their former places on the old terms.
The remarkable physical endurance of the women doing war
work has been very generally recognized. This endurance has been
attributed partly to the zeal of the women, but more particularly to
higher wages, which enabled them to secure better food, clothing
and lodging. Comfort from increased income was supplemented by
canteens, welfare work and greater consideration in general for the
health of wage earners.
Will woman’s improved income level be permanent? Careful
analysis shows that during the war, despite government pledges,
women did not receive equal treatment with men in respect to
wages. Moreover, while money wages in many cases were greatly
increased, seldom did they keep pace with the advancing cost of
living. Furthermore, it became doubtful whether women were to be
allowed to retain the more attractive positions if these were desired
by men.
 No one, since the war experience, doubts the skill and
adaptability of women in performing a great number of tasks formerly
considered “men’s work.” With the extensive standardization which
British industry has adopted many more places can be successfully
filled by women. Equal opportunity to secure positions, as well as
equality of payment, appeals therefore to many thousands of women
as merely a matter of justice. But such a new status for women, it is
recognized, calls for more scientific methods in fixing wages. The old
basis of sex, family obligation, tradition as to “men’s work” and
“women’s work,” must be abandoned. Instead, some definite rate for
a specified occupation, and where possible specified qualifications
as to ability for such work, must be adopted. Moreover, it is
increasingly recognized that the national welfare demands that
money wages must be at least equal to the cost of living.
Such a program would place men and women more nearly on a
strictly competitive basis, with the awards given to the most efficient.
It would practically eliminate the constant “undercutting” now taking
place and would introduce a more scientific element into the present
chaotic wage market.
The insistent need for a thoroughgoing revision as to methods of
determining wage rates is recognized by Mrs. Sidney Webb in her
minority statement in the Report of the War Cabinet Committee on
Women in Industry, 1919. Mrs. Webb recommends for immediate
adoption four main principles. (1) The establishment of a national
minimum rate of wage; (2) the determination of a standard or
occupational rate above the national minimum; (3) the adjustment of
money wages to the cost of living; and (4) wherever possible the
requirement of efficiency qualifications. As to children and “young
persons” in Great Britain the Fisher Education Act already has
indicated a greater emphasis on training and there is hope that their
employment will eventually become either subordinate to or, better
still, a part of education.
The scarcity of labor now presents an appalling problem in
several countries and one of the outstanding effects of the loss of
human life in all war stricken nations is renewed interest in the
protection of motherhood. In these countries measures are being
adopted to conserve the lives of mothers and babies. Better medical
and nursing care are recognized as essential, cash maternity
benefits are increasing, maternity centers are being greatly extended
and in England the endowment of motherhood is proposed.
This revised monograph, while attempting to present a fairly
complete history of the industrial experience of women and children
during and immediately following the war, is still necessarily
tentative. Some years must elapse before it will be possible to
measure the full effects of the world war upon the economic
condition of women and children. This revision is brought out,
however, at this time to supply a demand which quickly exhausted
the first edition, and in the hope that it will be of service to those
interested in the progress of women industrial workers.

Irene Osgood Andrews.

New York City,
April, 1920.
 CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I Introductory Summary 1
II Work of Women and Children before the World War 14
III First Months of the World War—Labor’s Attitude
toward the War—Unemployment
among Women Workers 20
IV Extension of Employment of Women 28
V Organized Efforts to Recruit Women’s Labor 50
VI Sources of Additional Women Workers 75
VII Training for War Work 84
VIII Women and the Trade Unions 87
IX Control of Women Workers under the Munitions Act 92
X Wages 99
XI Hours of Work 126
XII Safety, Health and Comfort 146
XIII Effects of the War on the Employment of Children 167
XIV Effects of War Work on Women 191
XV Peace and Reconstruction 204
Appendices 229
Index 251

ECONOMIC EFFECTS
OF
THE WORLD WAR
ON
WOMEN AND CHILDREN
IN GREAT BRITAIN
 CHAPTER I
Introductory Summary

Under the conditions of modern warfare the industrial army in

factory, field and mine is as essential to national success as the
soldiers in the trenches. It is estimated that from three to five workers
are necessary to keep a single soldier at the front completely
equipped. Accordingly, it is not surprising that Great Britain during
four years of warfare saw what was little short of an industrial
revolution in order to keep up the supply of labor, to heighten the
workers’ efficiency, and to secure their cooperation. No changes
were more interesting and important than those which concerned
working women and children.

Increase in Numbers
Upon women and children fell much of the great burden of
keeping trade and industry active and of supplying war demands
when several millions of men were taken away for military service.
“Without the work of the women the war could not have gone on,”
said representatives of the British Ministry of Munitions while in New
York in November, 1917. Before the increased demand was felt,
however, the dislocation of industry during the first few months of
war brought far more suffering to women workers than to men. In
September, 1914, over 40 per cent of the women were out of work or
on short time. The “luxury” trades, which employed a large
proportion of women, were most severely affected, and the women
could not relieve the situation by enlisting as the men did. The
prewar level of employment was not reached until April, 1915.
Between that date and July, 1918, the number of females gainfully
occupied increased by 1,659,000 over the number at work in July,
1914.
 It is more difficult to ascertain the exact increase in the number of
working children and young persons under eighteen, but apparently
more children left school for work directly at the end of the
compulsory education period and more were illegally employed.
Official reports show an increase from 1,936,000 in July, 1914, to
2,278,000 in January, 1918, or 17.6 per cent, in the number of boys
and girls under eighteen who were gainfully employed. In addition, in
August, 1917, Mr. Herbert Fisher, president of the Board of
Education, admitted in the House of Commons that in the past three
years some 600,000 children under fourteen had been “put
prematurely to work” through the relaxation of child labor and
compulsory school laws. But in October of the same year the Board
of Trade stated that 90,000 boys had left school for work during the
war. The earlier exemptions, statistics of which have been published,
were almost entirely for agriculture, but judging from Mr. Fisher’s
statement a considerable number of exemptions were made for
mining and munitions work during the third year of the war.
One of the most notable effects of the war was the number of
occupations which women entered for the first time, until, in the
winter of 1916-17, it could be said that “there are practically no
trades in which some process of substitution [of women for men] has
not taken place.” According to official figures, 1,816,000 females
were taking men’s places in April, 1918.
During the first year of the war, however, women took men’s
places for the most part in transportation, in retail trade and in
clerical work rather than in manufacturing. In factory work, while
some women were found to be undertaking processes slightly above
their former level of skill in establishments where they had long been
employed, the most general change was a transfer from slack
industries to fill the expanding demands of firms making war
equipment. There women were employed in the same kinds of work
they had carried on before the war. The rush into the munitions
industry, where women engaged in both “men’s” and “women’s”
work, was one of the most important features of the second year of
war. While a few additional women had begun to be taken on very
early in the war, the increases were not large until the autumn of
1915 and early winter of 1916. During 1915-1916 also a decline was
first noticed in the number of women in domestic service, in the
printing trades, and in such typical “women’s trades” as
confectionery and laundry work.
In the third year of the war the substitution of women for men on
a large scale was extended from munitions to numerous staple
industries having a less direct connection with the war. In many
cases, of course, the women did not do precisely the same work as
their masculine predecessors. Especially in the engineering trades
almost an industrial revolution occurred between 1914 and 1917.
Skilled processes were subdivided, and automatic machinery was
introduced, all the changes tending toward greater specialization and
the elimination of the need of all round craft skill. Early in the war it
was generally considered that women were not as efficient as men
except on routine and repetition work. But as the women gained
experience it was observed that more and more of them were
undertaking the whole of a skilled man’s job, and the testimony as to
relative efficiency, on work within a woman’s strength, became far
more favorable. During the last year of the struggle, while a few new
fields were invaded, the process of substitution had progressed
nearly as far as possible, and the year witnessed mainly a settling
down into the new lines of work previously entered.
Though the increase in women workers in agriculture was less
marked than in industry, beginning with the summer of 1916, the
numbers rose, being 113,000 in 1918, in contrast to 80,000 in 1914.
The widening of professional opportunities and the opening of some
executive positions in industry and commerce were other important
features of the changes in women’s work.
Women even engaged in work ordinarily a part of soldiers’ duties.
Besides thousands of military nurses, a special corps of women
under semi-military discipline was recruited for work as clerks,
cooks, cleaners, chauffeurs and mechanics behind the lines in
France. These “Waacs,” as they were popularly called, numbered
over 50,000 by the end of the war. The “Wrens” did similar shore
duty for the Navy, and the “Wrafs,” woodcutting for the Board of
Trade. The women were able to take up their new lines of work with
surprisingly little formal training, the chief exceptions being short
practical courses for farm workers and semi-skilled munition makers.
Changes in the work done by children were considerably different
for girls and for boys. For girls the choice of occupations widened
much as for adult women. But for boys, though a few received earlier
promotion to skilled men’s work than would ordinarily have been the
case, on the whole training for skilled trades declined. With the men
drawn into the war and with the increasing cost of living, it was
natural that an increase should take place in the number of child
street traders, and in the number of children working outside school
hours.

Wages
Under war conditions the wages of both women and children
were raised, probably the largest gains being made by boy and girl
munition makers. The smallest rise seems to have occurred in the
unregulated, so-called “women’s trades,” like laundry work. The
trade boards made a number of increases in the industries within
their jurisdiction, but the changes were seldom proportionate to the
increase in the cost of living. Instead, what it was believed the
industry would be able to support after the war was usually the
determining factor. The economic position of the women who took
men’s places was undoubtedly improved, though, even taking into
account differences in experience and efficiency and the numerous
changes in industrial method, the plane of economic equality
between the two sexes was rarely attained. The government had the
power to fix women’s wages on munitions work and in so doing it
seemed at first to go on record in favor of the equal pay principle.
But, in practice, the principle was not applied to unskilled and semi-
skilled time work and the women failed to receive the same cost of
living bonuses as the men, though unquestionably the wages of
women substitutes in munitions work was much higher than the
prewar level of women’s wages. Where other industries were
covered by trade union agreements, women in most instances
received “equal pay,” but in the remaining cases of substitution, for
instance in agriculture, though considerable increases were gained,
the men’s rates were by no means reached.

Recruiting New Workers

It is of interest to learn how England secured women workers to
meet the demands of war. For the most part they came from three
different groups. First, workers changed from the low paid “women’s
trades” and various slack lines of work to munitions and different
kinds of “men’s work.” Second, the additional women workers were
mainly the wives and other members of working men’s families, most
of the married women having worked before marriage. Soldiers’
wives often found their separation allowances insufficient. In general
both patriotic motives and the rising cost of living undoubtedly played
a part in sending these women and many young boys and girls into
industry. Finally, a comparatively small number of women of a higher
social class entered clerical work, agriculture and the munitions
factories, in many instances in response to patriotic appeals.
Many of the women and children were recruited through the
activities of local representative “Women’s War Employment
Committees” and “County Agricultural Committees,” formed by the
government, and working in close cooperation with the national
employment exchanges. A large number of women, about 5,000 a
month in the winter of 1917, and even a good many young boys and
girls were sent through the exchanges from their homes to work at a
distance. According to representatives of the Ministry of Munitions,
the securing of their well being outside the factory under such
circumstances was the most serious problem connected with their
increased employment. Efforts to provide housing, recreation and
improved transit facilities were at first in the hands of the voluntary
committees, but later it proved necessary for the Ministry to appoint
“outside welfare officers” to supplement and coordinate this work.
The “hostels” with their large dormitories and common sitting rooms
which were frequently open in munition centers for the women
proved unsatisfactory because of the rules required and the
difficulties of maintaining necessary discipline. In many cases, also,
they were unpopular with the women themselves. In an attempt to
solve the housing problem, the government, in the summer of 1917,
was forced to enact a measure making compulsory the “billeting” of
munition makers with families living in the district, but this does not
seem to have been put into actual practice.

Removal of Trade Union Restrictions

Trade union restrictions on the kinds of work women were
allowed to perform were set aside for the war period and “dilution”
was made widely possible by the munitions acts, in the case of
munitions of war, and by agreements between employers and
employes in many staple industries. In all cases the agreements
included clauses intended to safeguard the standard wage rate and
to restore the men’s places and the trade union rules after the war.
Even where the munitions acts gave the government power to force
“dilution” it proceeded mainly through conferences and agreements.
Officials of the Ministry of Munitions claimed to believe that the
substitution of women or any other important change intended to
increase production could only proceed peacefully if labor’s consent
and cooperation were secured. They believed also that provisions to
safeguard labor standards are essential to gain such cooperation,
and that anything in the nature of coercion or a “labor dictatorship”
would necessarily fail to reach the desired aim of enlarged output.

Control of Labor by the Munitions Acts

Considerable irritation was aroused among the munition makers,
both men and women, by the control exercised over them through
certain features of the munitions acts. Strikes were forbidden and
provision for compulsory arbitration was made. Special munitions
tribunals were set up which might impose fines for breaches of
workshop discipline. In order to stop the needless shifting from job to
job which was hampering production, a system of “leaving
certificates” was established. Workers who left their previous