Representations of Merton's Theory of Anomie

Author(s): R. E. Hilbert and Charles W. Wright

Source: The American Sociologist , Aug., 1979, Vol. 14, No. 3 (Aug., 1979), pp. 150-156
Published by: American Sociological Association

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 REPRESENTATIONS OF MERTONS THEORY OF ANOMIE*
R. E. HlLBERT AND CHARLES W. WRIGHT
University of Oklahoma

The American Sociologist 1979, Vol. 14 (August): 150-156

Merton's famous statement, "Social Structure and Anomie," points to two sources of strain in
the genesis of deviance in societies of the American type: (1) emphasis on goals over means,
and (2) lack of access to legitimate means. We have observed through a content analysis of
introductory sociology textbooks that such works tend to misrepresent Merton s theory by
favoring one source of strain and ignoring the other. We explain the pattern we have observed
in terms of the sociology of knowledge by considering the correspondence of each aspect of the
theory with the value commitments of American sociologists.

Some years ago Merton's theory of Our argument, in brief, is as follows:

anomie (1938) was acclaimed by Cohen 1. Sociologists in America, as Ameri
(1965:5) as the "most influential single cans, are inclined to seek solutions to so
formulation in the sociology of deviance in cial problems within the context of the
the last 25 years." More recently, Cole ideals of the American Way of Life. They
(1975:175) asserted that the original article also tend to be liberals,2 and so to seek
"has been more frequently cited and re solutions consistent with the ideology of
printed than any other paper in sociology. liberalism in America.
In undergraduate sociology courses it is 2. Theories that imply such solutions
still used as one of the finest examples of are more likely to be accepted than those
sociological theory." These statements that do not.
are as unchallenged today as when they 3. Merton's theory of anomie implies
were made, although as Cole points two types of changes as solutions to the
out, a shift toward the paradigm of "problem" of deviance. One of these is
labeling theory has taken place in recent consistent with the ideology of American
years. liberalism, the other is not.
In this paper we consider representa 4. We would therefore expect Ameri
tions of Merton's theory in introductory can sociologists who author textbooks to
textbooks, the inadequacy of these repre emphasize that aspect of Merton's theory
sentations, and the basis for that inade
quacy. As such, this is an exercise in the nor that the authors of introductory texts understand
sociology of sociology. By implication, we the theory as they present it. However, we have
raise serious questions about the quality spent most of our careers as specialists in the sociol
of introductory textbooks currently being ogy of deviant behavior, and we are prepared to
speculate that the "understanding" reflected in the
published. If such books commonly mis textbooks corresponds closely with more scholarly
represent one of the most prominent and renditions of Merton's work.
"best known" ideas in American sociol 2 Lipset and Ladd (1972) clearly document the
ogy, how can other, less prominent ideas suggestion that most American sociologists are liber
be expected to fare? Many students will als. More precisely, they contend that American
sociologists are inclined to support those democratic
find in these textbooks their only expo party presidential nominees who lean farthest to the
sure to important sociological ideas. Even left. For example, "In 1968, a larger proportion of
graduate students, we suspect, often gain sociologists than of any other discipline preferred
their first and most enduring impressions McCarthy (66%) to Humphrey for the democratic
nomination" (1972:87). At the same time, few
from introductory textbooks.1 American sociologists are radicals; most appear to
be relatively comfortable within the framework of
* This paper draws on Hubert (1976) and Wright the American two-party system. But depending upon
(1976). [Address all communications to the authors the time, the issues, and the availability of options,
at: Dept. of Sociology, Univ. of Oklahoma, Norman, five to ten per cent of the members of the discipline
OK 73019.] express dissatisfaction with the offerings of the
1 We do not claim to shed any light on how profes major parties and support left wing third parties and
sional sociologists "understand" Merton's theory, candidates.

150

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 Representations of Merton's Theory of Anomie 151
which implies a solution within the Merton's Two Sources of Strain
framework of American liberal ideology
To discover the sources of strain lead
and to ignore that aspect which does not.
ing to deviant behavior, Merton asks two
questions: (1) Why are the rates of de
viance higher in societies of the American
type than in societies of the ritualistic
Goals y Means and the Integrated Society type? and (2) Why, in societies of the
American type, are there higher rates of
Merton's thesis is based on the differ deviance in the lower classes than in the
ential emphasis that societies place on middle and upper classes?
cultural goals and institutional means. For
On the first question, Merton argues
example, some societies emphasize the that the relatively greater stress on goal
attainment of cultural goals much more attainment in societies of the American
strongly than conformity to the norms type weakens the norms prescribing
prescribing legitimate means. In such legitimate means.
societies, efficiency determines the choice
of means, and when the limiting case is With such differential emphases upon goals
and institutional procedures, the latter may
reached, according to Merton (1957:133), be so vitiated by the stress on goals as to
"any and all procedures which promise have the behavior of individuals limited only
attainment of the all-important goal would by considerations of technical expediency.
be permitted." Obviously, the limiting In this context, the sole significant question
case is rarely reached in human groups. becomes: Which of the available procedures
When it is, society as Merton understands is most efficient in netting the culturally ap
it does not exist. There are no legitimate proved value? The technically most effective
(or illegitimate) means and interaction is procedure, whether culturally legitimate or
characterized by a "war of all against all," not, becomes typically preferred to institu
the antithesis of society. tionally prescribed conduct. As the process
At the other extreme is the society that of attenuation continues, the society be
comes unstable and there develops what
emphasizes institutional means so Durkheim called "anomie" (or normless
strongly that the means become ends in ness). (Merton, 1957:135)
themselves, requiring no justification in
utilitarian terms. Conformity to them be
We wish to emphasize several points
comes "ritualistic." As might be ex concerning this source of strain. First, the
pected, societies of this type are highly key variable is the "differential emphasis
stable and resistant to change. In the short
run this may be functional for their main
on goals and institutional procedures."
Second, the strain which it generates may
tenance, but in the long run, they may not
be expected to affect persons at all class
be flexible enough to adapt to new life levels within the society, the rich as well
conditions.
Between these two extremes, says as the poor, the powerful as well as the
Merton (1957:134), powerless.3 Third, and perhaps most im
portant for our purposes, the factors in
. . . are societies which maintain a rough volved in this source of strain are basic to
balance between emphasis upon cultural the American Way of Life. Indeed,
goals and institutional practices, and these America's greatness as a nation is often
constitute the integrated and relatively attributed to this emphasis on goal
stable, though changing societies. attainment combined with competition
within a "market." Thus, if Merton is cor
Merton is concerned primarily with rect in his reasoning, this source of strain
societies that emphasize cultural goals cannot be eliminated or even reduced sig
over institutional means because (1) the nificantly without making fundamental
phenomenon of anomie (he argues) is
likely to be great in these societies, and (2) 3 A substantial portion of Merton's discussion of
he feels that American society approx "innovation" as an adaptation to structural strain
imates this type. deals with middle and upper class behavior.

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 152 The American Sociologist
changes in that way of life. This final point we found was this: of the 29 books that
lies at the heart of our explanation for the included a discussion of Merton's thesis,
neglect of this source of strain in intro 27 made reference to strains generated by
ductory sociology texts. a lack of access to means within the lower
Merton answers the second question classes in societies of the American type.
?why is there more deviance in the Seven made reference also to strains gen
lower than in the upper classes in socie erated by the emphasis on goals over
ties of the American type?as follows: means in these same societies. Two made
if the tendency toward deviance is gener reference only to strains generated by the
ally great in societies that emphasize the emphasis on goals over means.
attainment of cultural goals, then that ten This bias is particularly striking in light
dency will be even greater in those classes of the tradition of anomie theory as ini
whose access to legitimate means to these tiated by Durkheim (1951:241-276), who
goals is limited. It is the combination of a clearly focused on the goal structure of
class structure (which provides unequal society as the source of anomie. Anomie
access to legitimate means) with an em suicide is the result of the failure of soci
phasis on goal attainment (which tran ety to discipline aspirations, to keep goals
scends class lines) that explains the higher commensurate with means. Thus, our
rates of deviance in the lower classes. findings indicate not only a misrepresen
Merton (1957:146) makes this point quite tation of Merton's formulation of the
explicit: theory, but a lack of sensitivity to the
It is only when a system of cultural values larger tradition of anomie theory.
extols, virtually above all else, certain com Before discussing the social changes
mon success-goals, for the population at implied by Merton's thesis, we wish to
large, while the social structure rigorously eliminate some other possible explana
restricts or completely closes access to ap tions for the pattern we have observed.
proved modes of reaching these goals for a First, since both sources of strain are
considerable part of the same population
that deviant behavior ensues on a large
equally structural, the focus on one of
them cannot be the result of a preference
scale, [emphasis in original]
for structural explanations. Second, some
If common success goals are taken for might argue that the emphasis on "differ
granted, the significant factor in this as ential access to means" is more compati
pect of Merton's thesis is the variation in ble with the intra-societal, social
access to legitimate means or opportunity psychological orientation that has for
structures. As we shall see, this fact may some years characterized research in the
be crucial in understanding why this sociology of deviant behavior. However,
source of strain is dealt with significantly both aspects of the thesis have given rise
more frequently than the one discussed to social-psychological questions and re
earlier. search on topics ranging from the percep
tions of the adequacy of means (in rela
The Findings tions to various goals) to the problem of
meaning (see Cole and Zuckerman,
We examined the treatment of Merton's 1964a).5 Third, both sources of strain raise
theory of anomie in all of the introductory
textbooks available to us that were pub annotated bibliography of the works examined will
lished in the last 15 years.4 Briefly, what be provided upon request.
In our figures, we did not include those texts
which made no reference to Merton's statement on
4 We do not know what percentage of all intro anomie. Most notable of those is the widely used
ductory textbooks are included in our survey; how sixth edition of Broom and Selznik.
ever, we think it is sizable. In any case, we see no Later we plan to examine systematically the more
reason to believe that those books which were not sophisticated treatments of the subject in social
included are substantially different from those we problems and crime and delinquency texts. Prelimi
examined in their treatment of Merton's thesis. nary findings suggest that Merton's thesis is repre
Thus, at this time we feel the assumption that our sented in much the same way in these texts.
sample is representative would be as difficult to 5 In this regard, there are a number of conceptual
challenge as to defend. An appendix containing an developments which individualize the concept of

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 Representations of Merton's Theory of Anomie 153
questions that lend themselves to or re people would get satisfaction from
society
simply participating according to the
quire comparative or historical research.
The demanding nature of cross-cultural
rules, as well as from attaining goals. Or it
research may explain some of themay reluc
take the form of a ritualistic society
tance to do research on differential(I.B.),
comin which there is little concern for
mitment to goals, but research on goal-attainment
this and almost all satisfac
subject does not necessarily require
tions come from participation. "Winning"
cross-national data. Studies on crime
would have little meaning.
Because of the close functional re
rates, for example, could be done within
lationship between goal-attainment and
nations (especially highly pluralistic ones)
by comparing levels of commitment of thereaverage level of performance, we
gional, ethnic, religious, and other groups.
would expect a deemphasis on the former
Thus, we believe there is no adequate jus a depressing effect on the latter.
to have
tification on either theoretical or method
Indeed, if anomie is the cost of a relatively
ological grounds, or in terms of the de emphasis on goal-attainment, then
greater
mands of contemporary research design a reduced performance level is the cost of
and measurement, for emphasizingany change in social structure which
only
one aspect of Merton's theory. We wouldthereproduce a more "integrated" (I.A.)
fore turn our attention to influences be The impact of such a change
society.
would
yond the strict limits of sociology itself tobe greatest in the productive (i.e.,
explain what we have observed. economic) and educational subsystems of
our society, although it would be felt in all
those subsystems with strong performance
Implications for Change orientations. Moreover?and this is a
All theories have implicationscritical
for consideration?it would affect
persons
change as a solution to the "problem con at all class levels, since it involves
ditions" to which they refer. Merton's
a change in the general orientation of the
formulation of the theory of anomiesociety.
im Translated into economic terms,
this change would, other things remaining
plies that if the structure of American
equal,
society were altered in certain ways, thereduce the growth rate of pro
strains associated with that structure
ductivity, since productivity must certainly
be highly dependent on the emphasis on
would be reduced. In turn, other things
quality performance. This would, in turn,
being equal, one would expect aweduction
reduce
in deviant adaptations to these strains. In the level of material well-being.
the following discussion, we will notLess at obvious perhaps, but equally im
portant, is the depressing effect such a
tempt to deal with all of the implications
for change which come to mind, but change
only would have on the rate of innova
those which are relevant to our thesis. We
tion in American society. Whatever one's
will discuss some of the more obvious concept of moral and economic progress,
consequences of these changes, andthe howability to innovate is essential to its
attainment. Durkheim (1964:70) was par
they relate to the ideology of American
liberalism. ticularly concerned with the conditions
First, strain and deviance, to the degree that facilitate change in the moral norms:
that they derive from a disproportionate ... in order that these transformations [in
emphasis upon goals, may be reduced by moral norms] may be possible, the collective
deemphasizing goals (I). This may take sentiments at the basis of mortality must not
the form of a more "integrated" society be hostile to change, and consequently must
(I.A.), in which there is a "rough balance have moderate energy. If they were too
between emphasis on cultural goals and strong, they would no longer be plastic.
Every pattern is an obstacle to new patterns,
institutionalized practices." In such a to the extent that the first is inflexible.

anomie, e.g., Srole's (1956) "anomia" and various Thus,

derivations of the concept of alienation. Many of
these developments focus on the actor's orientation The authority which the moral conscience
to goals (see, e.g., Cole and Zuckerman, 1964b). enjoys must not be excessive; otherwise no

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 154 The American Sociologist
sons. This would in turn reduce the rate
one would dare criticize it, and it would too
easily congeal into an immutable form. To which talent (performance capabiliti
make progress, individuality must be able to within the lower classes is developed
express itself. In order that the originality of utilized. Some theorists (e.g., Clow
the idealist whose dreams transcend his
and Ohlin, 1960) claim that in societ
century may find expression, it is necessary
that the originality of the criminal, who is such as ours the emphasis on competiti
below the level of his time, shall also be and on common success goals functi
possible. (1964:71) precisely to meet a need for a high level
performance, especially in more techni
It hardly needs to be pointed out that if work roles. Competition, although ob
the "solution" to strain and deviance took ously not without drawbacks, appear
the form of a "ritualistic" society (LB.), be the most efficient way of allocat
all of the consequences we have suggested persons to work roles by insuring a h
in connection with an "integrated" soci degree of correspondence between
ety would be dramatically amplified. demands of the work and the capabili
Further, in America, both solutions (I.A. of the persons being "allocated." Wer
or LB.) would be classified as radical, for industrial society to depend upon a sys
neither is consistent with the orientation of ascription based, for example, on
toward performance values and competi ship relationships, the allocation of p
tion which pervades American ideology. sons to work roles would be much le
We suggest that these implications are efficient. Merely being the child of a
what induce textbook authors to ignore technician does not qualify one (or m
this aspect of Merton's thesis. one willing) to be a lab technician.
We now turn to Merton's second source The second solution to the "problem
of strain: the disparity between the com of deviance implied by the second part
mitment of lower-class persons to com Merton's thesis is to increase the access
mon success goals and their relative lack lower-class persons to legitimate mea
of access to legitimate means for pursuing for attaining cultural goals (II.B.). Lo
these goals (II). Merton's argument im cally, this solution can take at least t
plies that strain from this source (and the forms: all occupations could be "level
deviance associated with it) can be de by according them equal rewards (II.B
creased either by reducing the commit or, unequal rewards could be retained, b
ment of lower-class persons to common the use of those rewards could be
success goals (H.A.), or by increasing trolled so that they would not prod
their access to legitimate means (II.B.), or unequal opportunity (II.B.2.).
by some combination of the two. If the reward structure for all occu
Again, the first of these moves? tions were leveled (II.B.l.), inequality
reducing the commitment of lower class opportunity would certainly be redu
persons to common success goals since there would be no inequality in
(ILA.)?can be expected to reduce the wards to translate into inequality
motivation of lower-class persons to suc opportunity. However, because of
ceed and, concommitantly, the quality of functional significance of inequality in
their performance. However, it might also reward structure for the motivation
be expected to have a similar effect in the performance, it could also be expected
higher classes if it results in a decline in reduce the average level of performance
the number of lower-class persons who all class levels. It would also be more
are motivated to compete for the cultural ficult to fill top level positions of respo
goals. In other words, higher-class per bility since making the sacrifices involv
sons can be expected to be less concerned in preparing for them would no long
with performance as their status becomes "pay."
more secure. The second of these approaches?
A reduction in commitment to retaining
common inequality in the reward struc
success goals will also decrease the ture
ratebut
ofcontrolling the use of those re
wards (II.B.2.)?has
upward social mobility of lower-class per two variations. The

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 Representations of Merton's Theory of Anomie 155
ning" and not enough on "playing the
first and most extreme would require that
successful performers be allowed togame."
use From this point of view, the solu
their rewards to purchase only consumer
tion to the problem of deviance is to scale
goods and services (II.B.2a.). In other
down ambition. Why have sociologists not
advocated
words, it would preclude the use of re this solution, stressing the
wards for "investments," which would
central role of goal-attainment in the
yield an advantage (in the pursuit of genesis
var of deviance in America? We think
ious success goals) without additionalthereef are two reasons.
First, this mode of thought is not so
fort by the investor. This solution could be
implemented in America onlycharacteristic by of American liberals as it is
eliminating the private ownership ofof American conservatives. In fact, a de
cap
ital goods and equalizing educational emphasis
and on winning is often viewed by
occupational opportunities. This solutionliberals as merely an ideology propagated
is most consistent with the ideals, ifby not
the winners to "cool out" the losers.
the actual practices, of many socialist Second, we suspect that many of those
countries, notably the Soviet Union.6 who advocate a deemphasis on winning do
The less extreme variant of thisnot apsee the "structure of aspirations" as
proach, which may be called the intrinsic to the American way of life. So
44Capitalistic-Meritocratic" solution cial observers trained in fields other than
sociology (e.g., conservative literati,
(II.B.2b.), seeks to equalize opportunity
journalists, and commentators), may ap
without eliminating the private ownership
of capital goods. It takes the formproach
of the problem in a different way be
policies designed to increase equalitycause
of they are less given than sociologists
opportunity in the educational and occu to an understanding of society as consti
pational subsystems. Clearly, "Capitalis tuted of structural elements systematically
tic-Meritocracy" is an attenuated meritoc related. This last idea is a primary heuris
racy since private ownership does provide tic assumption of sociology and is not so
some actors with an advantage over clearly characteristic of other modes of
others. Thus, it can only be a partial solu thought.
tion.
It seems clear that of the changes we
have discussed, only those which empha Conclusion
size the equalization of opportunity while
retaining inequality in the distribution of Our principal concern has been to ex
rewards and the private ownership of plain the tendency among professional
capital goods would be acceptable within sociologists to "play down" the aspect of
the context of American liberal values. Merton's theory of anomie that relates
deviance to the relatively greater empha
Discussion sis on cultural goals than on institutional
means, and to "play up" the aspect that
Americans have often been admonished relates deviance in the lower classes to the
for placing too much emphasis on "win relative lack of access to legitimate means
available for pursuing cultural goals. Our
6 Some quasi-leftists such as Gouldner (1973) have explanation, in general terms, is that both
seen Merton's theory as offering an "incisive tendencies are a function of "evaluative"
critique" of American social structure; however, rather than scientific considerations (Par
most radical sociologists are not receptive to Mer
ton's work. Although we have not carefully surveyed
sons, 1951:330). We argue that the com
treatments of Merton's theory in "radical" or mitments of American sociologists to the
conflict-oriented textbooks as opposed to the more basic features of the American Way of
"conventional" ones, our general impression is that Life and beyond that to the positive func
it is more often than not ignored in such texts. The
reason for this is not entirely clear, but in fact the
tional significance of that Way for the at
broader system of Merton's thought does not lend tainment of cultural goals may be respon
itself to radical interpretation (see Wright and Hu sible for their tendency to amplify one as
bert, 1978). pect of Merton's thesis and to give di

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 156 The American Sociologist
minished attention to the other.7 Their Cole, Stephen and H. Zuckerman
commitments have led sociologists to em 1964a "Inventory of empirical studies." Pp.
243-289 in M. Clinard (ed.), Anomie and
phasize the aspect that appears to promise Deviant Behavior. New York: The Free
a solution within the context of American Press.
liberal values, and to deemphasize the as 1964b "Annotated bibliography of theoretical
pect that does not. studies." Pp. 290-311 in M. Clinard (ed.),
Anomie and Deviant Behavior. New York:
We would like to make it clear that we The Free Press.
are not suggesting, even by implication, Durkheim, Emile
that any less attention should be given to 1951 Suicide. New York: The Free Press.
the evaluation of theories in terms of the
1964 The Rules of Sociological Method. New
traditional canons of science, for example, York: The Free Press.
internal consistency or correspondence Gouldner, Alvin
with fact. We do suggest that sociology 1973 Foreword. Pp. ix-xiv in Ian Taylor, Paul
Walton, and Jock Young, The New
can profit a great deal from a conscious Criminology. New York: Harper and Row.
effort to analyze theoretical developments Hubert, R. E.
(or the lack of them) in terms of the possi 1976 "The theory of anomie as an explanation
ble effects of what we have called evalua for deviance in America." Pp. 129-160 in
tive considerations. Taylor and White (eds.), Issues and Ideas:
1776-1976. Norman: University of Okla
7 It could be argued that a less elaborate but homa Press.
equally plausible explanation for what we observed Lipset, Seymour Martin and Everett C. Ladd, Jr.
is that sociologists are simply ignorant of the com 1972 "The politics of American sociologists."
plexity of Merton's theory. This may indeed be part American Journal of Sociology 78:67-104.
of the explanation, but it seems unlikely to be the Merton, Robert K.
major part. After all, Merton's theory, by all ac 1957 "Social structure and anomie." Pp. 131
counts, is one of the most prominent and "best [1938] 160 in Social Theory and Social Structure.
known" theories in the literature. It therefore seems New York: The Free Press.
more reasonable to argue that the bias is positively Parsons, Talcott
motivated and not merely the result of ignorance.
1951 The Social System. New York: The Free
Press.
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