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1795 A reaction sets in in Geneva. The insurrection at Stäfa
is suppressed.
1797 Bonaparte incorporates the Italian bailiwicks of the
Valtellina with the Cisalpine Republic. La Harpe calls on
the Directory to protect the liberties of Vaud against the
oppression of Bern.
PART XXI
BY
S. RAPPOPORT
Copyright, 1904,
By HENRY SMITH WILLIAMS.
All rights reserved
RUSSIA
INTRODUCTION
THE INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT OF RUSSIA
Written Specially for the Present Work
By DR. A. S. RAPPOPORT
School of Oriental Languages, Paris
“Russia evolves very slowly, like an empire that is not of yesterday
and that has ample time before it,” is one of Nietzsche’s remarks
before his reason had hopelessly gone adrift in the vast ocean of
insanity. This remark of the German poet-philosopher is true enough.
What Nietzsche, however, did not know or did not say is that one can
hardly speak of any evolution, as far as general civilisation,
intellectual culture, and development are concerned, of Russia as a
whole. Only a small minority, the so-called intelligentia, has evolved
intellectually, not Russia itself. Here lies the fundamental difference
between Russia and the rest of Europe.
There is a vast gulf, ever broadening, between the Russian
intelligentia and the muyiks. Thought and culture, nay even
civilisation, seem to be limited to a select few. The bulk of the people
has not only failed to advance from a state in which it was surprised
by Jenghiz Khan, but it has actually retrograded to a more savage
condition. Revolutions have passed over their heads without in the
least affecting them. “The Russian masses,” says Leroy-Beaulieu
(The Empire of the Czars), “have not felt the breath of either the
Renaissance, or the Reformation, or the Revolution. All that has
been done in Europe or America for the last four centuries, since the
time of Columbus and Luther, Washington and Mirabeau, is, as far
as Russia is concerned, non-existent.”
The people never think, or at least have not yet left that crude
state of barbarism which precedes the dawn of civilisation; the first
rays of thought have scarcely tinted with orient hues the dark horizon
of ignorance and superstition of the Russian population; the great
events have failed to stir its mental inertia. I am, however, far from
maintaining that the fault lies with the nature and national character
of the people. The rich nature, the subtle spirit of the Slav, his power
of adaptation and imitation make him not only accessible to western
civilisation and culture but also capable of producing something
which bears the impress of the peculiarity of the Slavonic genius.
The intelligentia is now giving ample proof corroborating this
statement. The Russian intelligentia has passed the phases of
growing and changing and doubting and has reached a condition of
maturity, asserting its manhood and right. Before examining the
intellectual development of the Russian intelligentia and the point it
has reached, as compared with western Europe, we must try to find
out the causes that first produced that gulf between the few and the
many, and the circumstances that were instrumental in widening it.
It is a mistake to imagine that the very first foundations of Russian
intellectual development were laid by Peter the Great and that
Russia, although behind western Europe in culture and civilisation, is
still in her youthful vigour and freshness and will soon overtake the
old world. There was a time, at the beginning of the eleventh century,
when the Slavonic countries under the rule of the Norman
conquerors were on the same level of civilisation as western Europe.
The foundations were laid before the Norman invasion and very
frequent were the relations between this people in the east and
those in the north of Europe. Long before the ninth century, Kiev was
known to the inhabitants of Scandinavia. Many a jarl sought refuge
there and many a merchant ship found its way to the shores of
Russia. On the road along which the commercial connection
between the East Sea and Byzantium developed were situated the
towns of Smolensk, Tchernigov, Pereiaslavl (cf. V. der Brüggen, Wie
Russland Europaisch Wurde, p. 22). When the Norman princes, the
warags as they were called by the Slavonic nations, conquered
these towns and subdued one tribe after the other, the already
existing civilisation developed rapidly under the protection of the new
rulers. Forth from Byzantium and Greece, from Italy, Poland, and
Germany, with which countries the descendants of Rurik kept up a
connection, western influence came to the north. Learned monks
came from Byzantium, architects, artisans, and merchants from
Greece, Italy and Germany, and were instrumental in spreading the
languages, customs and ideas of the west. Not only did the kniazi
(princes) of Kiev build churches and edifices after the model of
Greek and Italian art, but they established schools to which Vladimir
compelled his nobles and boyars to send their children. The
commercial relations with the west and the south were very vivid and
frequent, and on the market places of Kiev and Novgorod a motley
crowd of Normans and Slavs, Hungarians, Greeks, Venetians,
Germans, Arabs, and Jews were to be seen.
The intellectual culture of the time had not yet, one must admit,
penetrated the masses of the Slavonic tribes. Yet the Normans, as
the propagators of culture, speedily and easily merged into one with
the conquered tribes, much easier perhaps than the Normans who
came with William the Conqueror amalgamated with Britons and
Saxons in England. Had the Tatar invasion not taken place, it is
highly probable that the intellectual development of Russia would
have followed the same lines as that of western Europe. The
commercial and intellectual relations with the rest of Europe, so
eagerly sought after and cultivated by the Norman princes, would
have continued and brought the Slav countries in increasingly closer
contact with the west and under the influence of all the currents that
were destined to traverse Europe later on. The Renaissance and the
revival of learning which shed their light upon the dark mediæval age
(and only a few rays of which found their way to Russia by way of
Poland at a much later period) would have made themselves felt in
Russia. This was, however, not to happen. The Mongolian invasion
had actually cut off Russia from Europe, and brought it under the
Tatar influence. The Norman civilisation, which was in a nascent
state, was crushed; the threads connecting Russia with Europe were
cut off. The wave of Mongolian invasion had inundated the flat land
situated between Europe and Asia, carried away and destroyed
every vestige of western influence. Kiev, Moscow, Tver, Riazan,
Tchernigov, and Smolensk were conquered by the hordes of the
Great Khan, who from his seat somewhere in the heart of China or in
the centre of Asia sent down his generals and tax collectors.
Hundreds of thousands of Mongols came to Russia, mixed with
the Slavs, and influenced habits, customs, civilisation, social life,
administration and even language. The influence was a very far-
reaching and deep one; Mongolism has penetrated Russian life to a
much higher degree than a Russian would care to admit or western
Europeans have realised. Greater and greater became the gulf
between the Russian and the Romance and Teutonic worlds. But
that gulf might have been bridged over and Russia might have been
saved, when the dawn of better and happier days broke in, by
another power: the influence of the church. Here again, however,
owing to circumstances, this in many respects civilising agent was
powerless.
In spite of all the reproaches hurled at the church, it must be
admitted that it had all the education in its hands. In Russia,
however, the case was different. From the very beginning, ever since
Christianity was introduced, ever since Vladimir had accepted
baptism in Kiev, the Russian people as Christians were divided into
two distinct groups. Whilst the enthusiastic adherents of the new
religion endeavoured to introduce the piety of Byzantium, the mass
of the people, although nominally Christian, remained heathen in
reality and has remained so up to the present. This was due to two
reasons. Vladimir had accepted the Greek form of worship with its
asceticism. Asceticism and monasticism, a retirement from the world,
became the Christian ideal. This ideal was too high, too unattainable
and too foreign for reality and for daily life, whilst on the other hand
the perfect Christians considered the life of the world as sinful and
dangerous. Thus the clergy sought retirement in cloisters and
monasteries and the mass, whilst accepting the ceremonies of
Byzantium, had learned nothing of its ethical teachings. The gulf thus
arising between clergy and people was also due to another reason.
The first members of the clergy were Greeks, monks coming from
Byzantium, who spoke a language incomprehensible to the Slavs.
The Russian bishops, who gradually took the place of the learned
eastern monks, and who could communicate with the people, were
still too ignorant themselves. And then suddenly the Tatar invasion
came. Connection with Byzantium was cut off. The influx of the
Greek clergy and Byzantine learning had ceased too early, before
the Russians had had time to acquire some amount of knowledge to
replace it. Thus whilst the intellectual development of the mass took
place very slowly, the intellectual level of the clergy sank rapidly. The
consequence was that when the Russian clergy met the people they
were both on the same intellectual level, the priests had nothing to
teach and had no prestige. This also explains, psychologically, the
origin of so many religious sects in Russia. Having no respect and
no admiration for the ignorant priest, addicted to drink, the peasant
goes his own way when he suddenly feels a craving for religious
ideals.
Thus the Mongolian invasion had cut off Russia from Europe and
whilst the latter was passing through the phases of transition,
approaching slowly but gradually the times of light and learning,
Russia stood still. The Europe of the Renaissance was not a creatio
ex nihilo. It was the result of a slow process of development. The
barbarians who had built their realms on the ruins of the ancient
worlds, Hellas and Rome, had taken over the classical heritage left
to them after the disappearance of the Roman Empire. Rude and
barbarous, however, these new conquerors had no understanding
for the value of the heritage and destroyed many of its richest
treasures. Worlds of intellectual culture were lost. But slowly the age
of understanding dawned and the former barbarians brought forth
many of the treasures which they had relegated to the lumber-room,
added many of their own, and blended them into one whole. The
result was the Græco-Roman, Romance, and Teutonic civilisation.
Crusades, Arabian civilisation passing by way of Spain,
scholasticism, Reformation, Renaissance, revival of learning, the
discovery of new worlds, the spread of commerce, scientific
inventions and discoveries, stimulating the desire for learning and
creating impulses in every new direction—all these new and stirring
events were so many phases through which European society and
European life passed before they reached the state of modern
development. Many were the streams and cross-currents that
traversed Europe separately before they united and continued the
more rapid advance of a new life and civilisation. All this was lacking
in Russia. Russia missed during its Mongolian period, the time of
general transition. None of the forces which, although invisibly, were
steadily furrowing the European soil and preparing it for the influx of
fresh air and new light, were at work in Russia. The phase of
transition had not yet commenced. That period of constant change,
of mingled decadence and spiritual growth, that ceaseless blending
of the old and the new, unnoticed at the time but clearly
distinguished from the distance of later ages, was lacking in Russia.
There was no pope, no powerful church, and consequently no
Reformation and no spirit of individualism—no feudalism, no knights,
no Crusades and no acquaintance with foreign lands, no spread of
commerce, and no widening of the mental horizon of the people.
There were no learned monks copying Greek and Latin manuscripts,
paving the way for scholasticism and modern thought. There was
even no language in which the treasures of the ancient world could
be communicated to the Slavs. Few people could write, few even
count properly.
There were no schools and the attempts to establish some such
institutions during the seventeenth century failed. A school was
founded at Moscow under Alexis, but here only a foreign language or
two were taught. Its aim was to train translators for the government.
There was no art, nor technical science. There were no medical
men. The two or three foreign practitioners were considered as
sorcerers.
Towards the end of the seventeenth century therefore Russia had
absolutely no culture of her own. All that the Normans had
established had been wiped out. The Byzantine influence had no
effect. And when after a struggle extending over three centuries the
czardom of Moscow had thrown off the shackles of the Great Khan,
liberated itself from thraldom and laid the foundations of the great
empire of Russia, it had only established, on the ruins of the old
Mongolian, a new state which was Mongolian and Tatar in its
essence and spirit, in its customs and institutions, and had little or
nothing in common with the rest of Europe.
Moscow was the inheritor of Mongolism, the Czar was spiritually,
and even physically, a descendant of Mongol princes. Ivan IV
married a Mongolian princess, his son married a sister of the Mongol
Godunov. They had actually taken over the inheritance of the khans
of Kiptchak. It was in this barren soil that Peter sowed the seed of
European culture. What happened?
Peter was undoubtedly great and deserves this title. He was one
of the great makers of history. But though great in his plans, great in
what he wished to accomplish, he was not great in what he really
attained. He only saw the superficiality of European civilisation. He
introduced it like some foreign product, like some fashionable article,
like some exotic plant, without first asking whether the national soil
was propitious for its cultivation. He, at the utmost, created a hot-
house atmosphere where his plants could vegetate, and they
remained what they originally were: exotic. He failed to see that
civilisation is the product of a long process of evolution, the natural
product of the social and national conditions, drawing its life and sap
from the inner forces of the people. Instead of making use of these
inner forces of his people, he endeavoured to introduce civilisation
by his power of will. He only had an eye for the effects but not for the
causes that were working as the hidden springs.
In France, in England, in Germany, in all western Europe,
civilisation, the moral and intellectual evolution, was a natural
phenomenon, the effect of previous causes. In Russia, civilisation
was the outcome of a sudden revolution, the slavish, reluctant and
half-hearted compliance with the commands of an individual will. The
former was natural, the latter artificial. An evolution is a slow change,
an unconscious and imperceptible process, finding a state prepared
for innovation, a soil, furrowed and fertile, ready to receive the seed
and to bring forth fruit. A revolution, on the other hand, is a radical,
sudden change which seldom succeeds and, in most cases, calls
forth reactions. In Western Europe there was, as we have see
above, a time of transition from the barbarous to the civilised state.
The morning of the Renaissance had dawned upon mediæval
Europe and tinted with orient colours the sombre sky. The first rays
appeared on the horizon of the Italian poets, dissipating the
darkness here and there. The sun gradually rose higher and higher,
penetrated the houses of the people and woke them (who had been
lulled to sleep by the mysterious whisperings of superstition) from
their prolonged slumbers. They awoke, opened their windows and
allowed the light of the morning to penetrate into their dark abodes.
Not so in Russia. There the people were suddenly awakened,
dragged out from the utter darkness, without any transition, into the
broad midday of an artificial light. They opened their eyes, but the
light was too strong, too glaring; so they shut them again. Peter
wanted to jump over three centuries and catch up with Europe. He
established a fleet without Russian sailors, an administration with
foreign administrators, an academy of science in a land without
elementary schools. He began a race with Europe but his people
could not follow him. He borrowed everything from Europe and
instead of giving his people a chance to develop naturally and freely,
he crushed the spirit of independence and introduced a knout
civilisation. Everything had to be done by order. He forced his people
to swallow Europeanism. The bulk of his subjects, however, could
not digest it. The consequence was that they could not follow the
few, and remained far behind them. The gulf therefore between the
few, who form the present intelligentia, and the great mass—a gulf
which was but narrow towards the end of the sixteenth century when
by way of Poland and Livonia a glimpse of the western sun
penetrated into Russia—suddenly widened considerably. Thus the
origin of the striking phenomenon which Russia offers in her
intellectually high developed intelligentia and her uneducated,
ignorant masses is to be sought in Russia’s past, in the absence of a
period of transition, and in Peter’s misunderstanding the process of
European civilisation, in his admiration for the effects, but utter
ignorance of the causes that brought about these effects.
There is, however, yet another factor—a factor which, whilst
accounting for the existence of an intelligentia, or a coterie of
intellectuals, and of an utterly ignorant mass, will also throw some
light upon the intellectual development of this very intelligentia and
explain the reasons which compelled it to choose certain channels
by which it sends forth the currents of its thoughts. This factor is the
despotic government of the czars. If Russia’s unhappy past and
Peter’s good intentions but great blunders produced the present
state of intellectual development in that country, the government of
the Reformer’s successors has done its very best to preserve this
condition.