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图书在版编目（CIP）数据

失败者／邱志杰著．—桂林：广西师范大学出版社，2020.1 ISBN
978-7-5598-2494-3

Ⅰ．①失… Ⅱ．①邱… Ⅲ．①艺术创作－文集Ⅳ. ①J04-53

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广西师范大学出版社出版发行（ 广西桂林市五里店9号 邮政编码：

541004 ）

出版人：黄轩庄

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印张：32.5 字数：456 千字

2020 年1 月第1 版2020 年1 月第1 次印刷

定价：148.00 元
目录
1. 版权信息
2. 前言：如是成为“失败者”
3. 浙江美术学院的激浪派
4. 韩老师的素描课
5. 为什么要创建ART218
6. 忍不住要煽情一下
7. 《九曲1：大眼睛》纪事
8. 《九曲2：毛毛虫的爱情》
9. 《九曲3：影子戏》
10. 《木乃伊之死》和现场艺术
11. 《木乃伊之死》剧本
12. 梦工场戏剧的起承转合
13. 总体艺术游西湖
14. 在安养的48小时，新“安养八景”
15. 西递、宏村写生者调查
16. 《理想国1：你还记得苏联吗？》
17. 华西村居民幸福指数调查
18. 让乡村重新出现在我们的视野中
19. 裂变的狮子
20. 曲阳人物谱（部分）
21. 从曲阳石雕看中国当代社会文化心理
22. 书法的问题：困兽之斗还是凤凰涅
23. 西藏题材绘画调查报告
24. 为什么去那里
25. 贫困设计博物馆计划
26. 这样成为“无知者”
27. 图像和叙事中的旅行者
28. 艺术作为一个饭碗
29. 从产业的眼光来理解艺术生产
30. 艺术作为一种行业
31. 意 见
32. 《人间地理杂志》
33. 答学生研究课题札
34. 代后记：两场讲座和两代人
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 前言：如是成为“失败者”
收录在这本书中的文字，是我从2003年开始在中国美术学院（简
称“国美”）教书到2016年调任中央美院为止，这13年间所做的事情
的记录。有的直接是当时的工作文本，如剧场的脚本；有的是当时的
笔记；有的是社会调查项目完成之后形成的调查报告，其中不少内容
都可以算是原始档案。那些年中和我一起做事情的同学们，今天已经
成为各校教师或各行业翘楚，分布在世界各地。大家倘读到这些文
字，回想起那些“闪亮的日子”，应能忆起初心，鼓舞一番志气，再
来笑对眼前的大大小小的麻烦。

整理这些文字的时候，我发现这13年我在中国美院所做的工作主
要围绕着三件事情展开。

最重要的是社会调查和文化研究方法的实验。2003年我刚到国
美，第一件事情就是让学生们利用暑假调查各自家乡的中山公园。这
个工作后来发展成2012年上海双年展的特别项目“中山公园计划”。
然后是“北京地下室招待所调查”，再然后是“总体艺术医院调查”
（这些项目在这本书里甚至没有收录）。我的社会调查改变了美院传
统的下乡模式，成为总体艺术工作室的核心课程，形成了一套有效的
工作方法。每次都是抱着投影机下乡，白天陪着同学们出去做调查，
晚上上课到深夜，13年间足迹遍及中国的新疆、西藏、台湾地区和印
度。一代代的学生，在无垠的大地上，脱胎换骨，成男成女。

2013年10月在景德镇调查陶瓷产业的时候，景德镇正在开瓷博
会，旅馆爆满。难得地找到一家能容纳60个学生的便宜旅馆，却没有
够大的会议室。于是每晚150元包场租了楼下的麻将馆开会上课。我记
得第一晚讲“摆脱幻觉性绘画的历史桎梏”。隔壁传来猜拳声，隔壁
的隔壁的隔壁，生意清淡的小姐们在粉灯下消磨青春。而楼上包间的
麻将客高举着椅子挤过学生们，上楼开战。景德镇之夜生机勃勃！前
一天价格谈判时，麻将馆老板娘很是担心我们租场地是要上传销课，
满腹狐疑。开课那天，偷偷躲着听了我们几耳朵绘画课，感动得不
行，态度大变。下课后跑过来，说我连上三个多小时的课，“原来真
的是好人”。第二天再上课，老板娘就切了果盘送来。
 每次社会调查项目，总能收获一批志同道合的青年，因为一起下
到过底层，从此亲如家人。但也正因为社会调查课程，老邱工作室的
苦和累都是出名的，吓跑了不少文艺青年。每次大二期末学生分流选
工作室，喜欢玩iPad和iPhone的同学们都会选姚大钧的工作室，大钧
那边永远第一。电影青年都会选杨福东的实验影像工作室。选总体工
作室的总是和杨福东的那边上上下下。

2016年我离开中国美院，调任中央美院。2018年，中国美院跨媒
体艺术学院来北京的时代美术馆办了一个展览。我去看，看到了四种
东西：大钧的工作室继续做VR做声音表演继续崇拜坏像美学，高世强
的文艺影像继续深沉凝重，老管工作室发展出了机械装置，牟森的工
作室做着多媒体巨构。而我在国美耕耘了13年的社会调查似乎连一点
影子都没有留下。这时候我才第一次意识到，我在国美的教学实验其
实是失败了。

我在国美做的第二件事情是实验剧场。回国美教书之前，我在北
京和“后感性”的兄弟们发展出了一种游移在实验剧场、媒体表演和
事件艺术边缘的所谓“现场艺术”，但这种集体行动面临着被要兴起
的艺术市场解构的危机，艺术市场只需要自爱的个人。于是我不死心
地把“现场艺术”的理想带到国美，开始用剧场作为总体艺术的输出
形式，我把它叫作“总体剧场”。我带着学生们做了《木乃伊之死》
《谜宫》《九曲》系列、《奖状》系列、《理想国》系列、《独立时
代》等很多表演。此外，还有很多学生个人的剧场项目，都各有动人
心魂的力量。第一个用剧场作为毕业创作的似乎是叶楠，接着是牛珂
和宋振，然后是陈晨，然后是贺冰、子月、小鱼……

我之所以选择“总体剧场”作为社会调查、文化研究、媒介研究
和理论思考之后的输出形式，是因为这种方式最能打通个人与群体、
虚构与现实、身体和话语。在这里，每个参与者都必须拿出身体和心
灵来激烈地碰撞，必须交出自己，没有躲闪余地。在这样的现场里，
正如在田野中，青年们迅速地成长，我可以听到他们细胞分裂、骨骼
生长、皮肤脱落时的咔咔作响声。

也是在2018年时代美术馆的那个展览上，看着那些舞台模型和文
学，我意识到牟森的多媒体巨构并不是我的“总体剧场”。再回想，
我倾注了巨大心血的“模特队”小组已经烟消云散，“居委会”小组
已经烟消云散，贺冰的单人表演也烟消云散。我意识到，我在国美的
“总体剧场”的实验也是失败的。
 我在国美做的第三件事情是带策展学生，这件事情是和高士明、
张颂仁一起做的。这件事情某种程度上非常成功——我们的学生曾经
屡获青年策展奖，也曾经年纪轻轻就担任上海双年展的联合策展人。
我们的“展研”（今天的正式名称叫“艺术与社会思想研究所”）同
学们虽然经常处于自学状态（因为导师太忙），但水平之高傲视国内
所有真真假假的策展专业学生。最难得的是他们心志之高、品位之纯
洁令人欣慰。颂仁带来的“亚际书院”和“中土西天”、士明力推的
“人间思想”、卢杰的“长征”等项目都标示着一种纯洁的高度和思
想的力度。在策展专业，我的主要工作是确保学策展的学生懂艺术，
这一点或许也有部分做到了，但是我依然有一种失败感。

2013年，参加杭州一个叫作“林泉”的以山水画为概念核心的展
览之后，我曾经给高士明写了一封信，信中说：“我有点担心你现在
接活太密。你成了策展包工头，学生们就成了策展民工，没有办法发
展自己的策展计划……任务交给他们之后，我们难免口头上当作例子
谈起我们爱的那些艺术家，然后……然后就算我们装低调假民主，再
三强调说这只是建议，完全由你们自己来把握，但事实上他们是不会
反对的。我们提到过的那些艺术家当然都会最显眼。我想是否可以索
性更放手一点，完全让小朋友们自己弄呢？”

事实上，我在口头上比文字中更为激烈地建议士明，越是打心眼
里重视的好学生，越是要让他们离开自己，到江湖上闯荡一番，今后
他们才会带着满身的伤痕和狼性回来，回报母校。或许不回来，不回
来更好，我们培养他们不就是去改变世界的吗？杭州的这些展研同
学，见识、思辨、心志、写作、言谈、执行力都不错，唯一的缺陷就
是胆气。这在某种程度上是因为导师太强大，总是把太有意思的项目
分发给他们做，他们就会很自然地守在学校，守在老师身边。派他们
到上海弄个西岸双年展，到中国美术馆弄个国美校庆展或者王冬龄个
展，他们都能力极强经验丰富。但那都是被“派”，他们自己从心里
长出来的项目，是否就在这样的一次次地被“派”之中消磨了？

唐晓林和刘潇曾经跟着我在曲阳下乡。看着那些被采石坑挖断的
田野，一种“国在山河破”的悲怆在我们心中共鸣。我们谈到乡村的
被夺名，匠人的真诚和表演，发展与持守的冲突。刘潇在那里誓言要
做《国道计划》，要从上海到她家乡贵阳的320国道做一系列的项目。
我当时激动了，我认为这是国内青年策展人中心志最高、视角最锐利
也最接通这个国家和时代的地气的设想，是一个或许有机会超越《长
征》的构思。可接下来就是刘潇忙西岸、忙上双、忙纤维三年展，现
在成为艺术管理专业的中流砥柱，深受学生们爱戴的老师……可是
“国道”呢？今天刘潇已经不接我关于“国道”的话茬了。而晓林的
“国道”又在哪里？帮我做了上双“中山公园计划”的文珊的“国
道”又在哪里？如果这些“国道”没有延展，我在中国美院的策展教
育工作，又失败了。

2008年10月，我曾经开着我的路虎卫士从北京到广州，去参加士
明和颂仁策划的广州三年展“向后殖民说再见”，沿路用刻了字的轮
胎在道路上印下“如何成为‘失败者’”的墨迹。那是一条2米宽、
2000多公里长的版画长卷。

其实并不是做过了那么一件作品，就真的懂得了如何成为“失败
者”。在中国美院的教师生涯中，当然还有些许成功时刻，但面对这
三重的大失败，我将何以自处？

我们回到美术学院教书，本不是为自己谋一个饭碗，找一个退休
的地方，而是把学院当作改造世界的实验室。这个讲台是用来发出呐
喊，呼唤同志，是用来与那些包围着我们的毁灭性的力量争夺青年。
这根教鞭，每天都是打在自己身上。所以十几年来不眠不休，殚精竭
虑。我在中国美院教书，曾经从早上8点上课上到第二天深夜3点，然
后请学生们吃夜宵，小睡一会儿，第二天早上接着上课——士明形容
我上课的风格是“粉身碎骨”。但我虽然投入，其实并不专制。我是
强烈要求学生们把自己当作成年人来看待的。所以推行头脑风暴和自
我组织的教学，所以推行课题式的自我研究计划和大型计划，所以后
来实验剧场叫作“群个作品”而不能变成集体创作，所以不断地带着
年轻人下乡看社会现实遭遇各种人生史，都意在唤醒年轻人为自己负
责，为自己选择，并成为积极的贡献者。这条思路，至今在中央美院
发展成一门叫作“换位教学与自主学习”的课程。然而我们的目标在
世界在中国在人生，这目标远远超出了教学和艺术，而这是一所艺术
学校，总体艺术的理想，只是在谈论艺术的温度中慢慢发酵。然而我
们注定愿望太迫切，用力过猛，这个意义上，失败早已不可避免。失
败感，是因为心愿无尽。

蔡元培、林风眠先生的国立艺专是成功还是失败？“美育代替宗
教”是成功还是失败了？“调和中西艺术，创造时代艺术”的理想是
成功还是失败？艺术大众化的理想呢？艺术运动社的理想呢？吴大羽
先生的“势象艺术”的理想呢？潘先生的“两峰对峙、拉开距离”
呢？ 2019年夏天，我读到董希文先生的言语，他说：“我这辈子，想
画的画都还没有来得及画。”一部校史，看起来竟是一部失败者的历
史。那是因为这座学院在它的源头处，就远远地溢出了艺术，就是无
尽的愿力。

生也有涯，移山填海之事，岂有成败！我的社会调查课程可能已
经渗透到了整个国美的下乡的方法中。“总体剧场”中规模最大的是
2011年的《理想国2·华西村》，那次大戏成了把牟森吸引到中国美院
的机缘。那天晚上， 15个“乌托邦市集”地摊在草坪上铺开，牟森拉
着我说：“你们这里是黑山学院啊！”而策展的同学们一定会以各自
的方式完成他们自己的“国道”，即使不是以我们所熟悉和所能理解
的那种方式。总体艺术工作室的思想和实践最后必是杀身成仁。正所
谓“呕血心事无成败，拔地苍松有远声”。我在国美教过的那些学
生，从来不是那种坐直升机平步青云大红大紫的著名青年艺术家。我
并不以为这是失败，那是因为他们根本不按照这个艺术圈既定的游戏
规则和刻板的青年艺术家想象来工作，他们要做的事情更大，他们要
走的道路更远，我依然相信他们会为这座学院带来真正的荣耀。

2012年我策划上海双年展。开幕的第二天早上，《纽约时报》的
艺评家霍兰·柯特问我：“告诉我，为什么我在这里看到的，和在纽
约听说的中国艺术完全不一样，到底发生了什么？”我告诉他其实大
家做了不少事情，只是没有被叙述。我和他讲了这么多年来发生在当
代艺术教育中的种种事情。他说：“如果一个学校居然能够有高士
明、张颂仁、杨福东、张培力、耿建弈、邱志杰这样一群人在一起教
书，那就是梦想啊！”然后他突然伤感起来，说：“We don’t have
Black Mountain College anymore.”我顺着他的目光，望向瑞京宾馆
青翠的草木，遥想黑山学院。富勒带着人在搭圆顶，阿尔伯斯在讲色
彩，康宁汉带着人在草地上跳舞，池塘里有人泡在水中练瑜伽，劳森
伯格正在山下的小镇上捡垃圾。人来人去的黑山学院，24年星流云散
的黑山学院，又岂有成败！
 《一字一石·成败》在日本金泽 2018

2006年我和同学们一起做《谜宫》总体剧场，整理台词的时候发
现了梁启超先生谈成败的一段话，我经常不厌其烦地用来推荐给学
生。梁任公曰：

凡任天下大事者，不可不先破成败之见。然欲破此见，大非易
事。必知天下之事，无所谓成，无所谓败，参透此理而笃信之，则庶
几矣。何言乎无所谓成？天下进化之理，无有穷也，进一级更有一
级，透一层更有一层，今之所谓文明大业者，自他日观之，或笑为野
蛮，不值一钱矣。然则所谓成者果何在乎？使吾之业能成于一国，而
全世界应办之事复无限，其不成者正多矣；使吾之业能成于一时，而
将来世界应办之事复无限，其不成者正多矣。况即以一时一国论之，
欲求所谓美满、圆好、毫无缺憾者，终不可得，其有缺憾者，即其不
成者也。盖世界之进化无穷，故事业亦因之无穷，而人生之年命境
遇、聪明才力则有穷。以有穷者入于无穷者，而欲云有成，万无是
处。何言乎无所谓败？天下之理，不外因果。不造因则断不能结果，
既造因则无有不结果，而其结果之迟速远近，则因其内力与外境而生
种种差别。浅见之徒，偶然未见其结果，因谓之为败云尔，不知败于
此者或成于彼，败于今者或成于后，败于我者或成于人。尽一分之心
力，必有一分之补益，故惟日孜孜，但以造因为事，则他日结果之收
成，必有不可量者。若怵于目前，以为败矣败矣，而不复办事，则遂
无成之一日而已。故办事者，立于不败之地者也；不办事者，立于全
败之地者也。苟通乎此二理，知无所谓成，则无希冀心；知无所谓
败，则无恐怖心。无希冀心，无恐怖心，然后尽吾职分之所当为，行
吾良知所不能自己，奋其身以入于世界中，磊磊落落，独往独来，大
丈夫之志也，大丈夫之行也！[1]

2018年9月我在日本金泽二十一世纪美术馆做个展。我把梁任公在
日本写下的这一段话，以“一字一石经”的做法，一个字一个字地刻
在600块鹅卵石上，并将其散放在美术馆内外周边，散在整座城市的各
种角落中。这些卵石有的已经被带到了其他城市。但不管它们如何离
散，它们曾经聚集在一起，成就一篇雄文。

感激在杭州肝胆相照的同志们和同学们。

2019年7月8日
 浙江美术学院 [2]的激浪派
考上浙江美术学院（简称“浙江美院”）之前，我在福建的时
候，跟着漳州市书法圈的老爷子们学书法。好几位老先生，都是用闽
南的大红砖在院子里一字铺开，每天用水在上面练字，这是他们的日
课。

有时候老师们和南山寺的和尚聊天，聊起这里曾经有过一个禅
僧，每天用毛笔在空中画梅花，从未在纸上落一笔。

中学时我还大量临摹汉印，临摹了近千个。小孩儿钱不多，临摹
一个用印泥在纸上印出来看看效果，就磨掉，接着临摹下一个。一块
印石越磨越薄，可以刻不少印章呢。这些印象，都被我带到美院。

1990年我在浙江美院接触到很多达达、激浪派、博伊斯、过程艺
术等的资料，当时主要是依赖浙江美院图书馆不知道从哪里弄来的过
期的台湾《艺术家》和《雄狮美术》杂志。10元一本，我攒了四五十
本，在当时是巨大的财富——我记得1988年刚入学的时候，家里每个
月给60元，学校发补贴18元，这样每个月78元，我就是班上最富的学
生了。可能是到了二三年级的时候开始画一些插图、连环画挣钱，才
买得起那些书。这批书对我影响很大，从中认识了达达、博伊斯、激
浪派。这些经验，在我中学时代阅读的马克思、尼采、萨特的逻辑
上，最终把我引向激浪派。后来在台湾见到《雄狮美术》的何政广先
生，我还特别为此感谢了他。
 邱志杰《重复书写一千遍〈兰亭序〉》 1990—1995

激浪派本来是一种兴起于德国的美国化艺术现象，其实是不与波
普艺术的消费主义同流合污的，是反中产阶级意识形态的一种个人游
击队行动。它有着一种从日常生活的平凡中发动小革命的弥散性和激
进性。但它的插科打诨的幽默感和博伊斯的悲情其实格格不入，当年
在浙江美院时我对此细微差别并没有真正意识到。我喜欢激浪派，很
大程度上是被“人不能两次踏进同一条河流”那句古希腊哲言所感
染。它和我在书法中、在《金刚经》中、在中国诗词中体会到的鸿爪
雪泥、白驹过隙、沧海桑田、过眼云烟的人生空漠感奇异地接通了。

在美院见到了激浪派，回忆起少年时代看到的老爷子们用水练字
的情景，于是我就开始做《重复书写一千遍〈兰亭序〉》。在一张纸
上一遍遍地写，那张纸先是变成波洛克式的抽象画，到第八十几遍的
时候就全黑了。再往上写，已经变成一片厚重的墨片，随时会折断。
于是停住。换一张纸用淡墨重新写。花了5年时间，终于写完了当初发
愿时要写的1000遍。刚毕业那5年，颠沛流离，这张纸跟着我从杭州回
到福建，再来到北京。但是还没写满1000遍的时候就先展出了，一举
成名。到现在有时会被一些谈论当代艺术和书法的关系的人奉为经
典。现在要是我的学生说他们没钱做作品，我就会拿这件事情嘲笑他
们。我当时用了一张纸、一支笔、一瓶墨汁，材料费没有超过5元。年
轻人，需要的首先是纯洁和勇敢，然后才会有运气。
 邱志杰在浙江美院期间创作《重复书写一千遍〈兰亭序〉》

同时我的毕业创作是《大玻璃：关于新生活》，被归入政治波
普。其实《大玻璃：关于新生活》也是激浪派，来自约翰·凯奇的影
响。人在大玻璃迷宫里面走，构成了玻璃上的丝网版画形象的流动的
背景，正是“人不能两次踏进同一条河流”的写照。其实约翰·凯奇
做过一个小装置，是在平行的玻璃上笼了一些字母，似乎从不同角度
会组合出一些有意义或无意义的词语。

2015年，有德国人看了我在威尼斯双年展展出的《邱注上元灯彩
计划》，说是看到了激浪派，决定把马修纳斯奖发给我。这么毒的眼
光，值得尊敬。这个奖，得来开心。

2015年
 韩老师的素描课
1991年秋天，我大三那年终于等来了老韩的素描课。

老韩是韩黎坤老师，刻霸悍的黑白木刻，画古雅的斑驳石头。我
对他的书法印象很深，所以对他的课有期待。

我自己，从大二下学期画素描的时候就开始不安分。长期作业，
既要写实，又企图搞点艺术，同时我又不愿意学弗洛伊德或巴尔丢
斯，我在图书馆里面找到一个叫作佩尔斯坦的美国画家，每次在教室
里抢座位我都抢离模特很近的位置，画大透视，构图撑满纸面，纸张
的边缘有时候会把头和脚切割掉，在画面里面造成一种逼迫感。这样
比较不唯美，当时，那种感觉似乎比较能兼容我在素描课之外自己研
究的博伊斯和激浪派。后来我用这种风格发展出块块画法，画了这次
展出的《故事》系列等素描创作。

到了韩老师的课堂上，我用一年半时间开始了一场嚣张的实验，
并得到了极大的纵容。

韩老师的课是短期作业，过去的惯例是一个上午一张对开或全开
人体。我画到最嗨的时候是一个上午三张，通常是两张。这种短期作
业，当时的浙江美院流行的画法是用炭精条或木炭条，遇到方折的地
方用锋利的中锋线条，遇到人体结构圆转的地方把炭条倒下来横扫出
调子。这种画法以国画系为中心流行，据说和浙派人物画有关，其实
也和版画系前辈舒传曦先生从东德带回来的画法有关。总之，既能够
写实地画在人体结构上，又对于对象的色调有所提炼，有点像中国画
的笔墨，所以在浙江美院这样画素描很正宗。但是我对这种风格十分
不以为然。我想要故意对着干。想要尽量画得丑，画得吃力。

说实话，我略微有点担心这种目标会让老韩受不了，然而并没
有。当时为了在造型上摆脱掉摄影的影响，我临摹了不少陈老莲的
画，画人体写生的时候，也把陈老莲的复印品钉在画板右上角，号称
要在写生中把人体画出一种陈老莲感。没想到这一招让老韩很赏识。
陈老莲的人物造型，有一种胳膊肘朝外撇的感觉，你可以说是稚拙，
或者说是高古。总之，老韩认这个。于是我发现，韩老师虽然是在毛
文艺时代受的教育，骨子里却是中国文人。于是我越发嚣张起来，开
始往画板上钉南传佛教佛像的图片，把人体画成泰国缅甸似的宽肩膀
瘦腰。老韩没有表态，拿着炭笔，冲到班上画得比较没自信的一位同
学的画上面开始题字。

他总是这样，坐在那里看大家画，有时突然大手一拍大腿：“某
某某，快停快停，这样刚好，再画下去就砸了！”然后冲过去，抢过
那位同学的炭笔，帮人在画上面写某年某月某日某某某画于浙江美
院。而我从来没有享受过这种待遇。韩老师似乎从没有在我的画面上
题过字。于是我非常自恋地把他的题字理解成对弱势学生的加持。但
是，每次留校作业，往往还是我和老应、老曹的留得最多。老应是我
们班上画得最唯美的，我是班上画得最暴烈最丑的。

三年级下学期赶上教室装修，于是韩老师的素描课延到了四年级
上学期。这对于我意义重大。读书的时候，别看三年级下学期和四年
级上学期只差一个学期，学生的理解力差很多。到了四年级的时候，
我终于画出了自己满意的画。

三年级我画了一批参考卢奥、马蒂斯、马约尔风格的圆乎乎、黑
乎乎的人体之后，自己觉得圆而厚实的造型很难避免装饰性。而我决
心彻底和装饰性决裂。于是重新从科克斯卡、凡·高的素描里面找营
养，拼命把外轮廓线画得方方硬硬的疙疙瘩瘩的。我总结出一套“整
体荒谬、局部写实、夸大细节”的造型原则，终于画出了当年浙江美
院史上最丑的人体。为了追求画得吃力，我还到处找那种质量不好
的、画不太出来的炭笔来用。没想到，这么变态的玩法，老韩还是吞
下了。搞得我有点小挫败感。不是吗？连老师都觉得你好，也没啥前
卫的。
大玻璃布展：左起陈亮洁（背影）、张俊、曹晓阳、杨福东（背影）、邱志杰
1992

到了我做毕业创作的时候，所有这些素描实验就都往大玻璃上搬
了。当时我受约翰·凯奇影响，想要用大玻璃做迷宫，为了勉强能够
算是版画系的毕业创作，就用丝网版画往上面印形象。各个系的毕业
创作，少有这么大规模，我又一次得意于这样的方案可能会被毙掉。
为了做交换，我用两个月时间很认真地刻了一张八路军古典木刻，参
加“纪念延安文艺座谈会50周年美展”，得了奖。然后去和老韩谈。
我挑拨离间说：“人家油画系都笑我们版画系是插图系，我来整一把
大的，怎么样？”韩老师笑而不语。一年素描课上下来，我在他面前
已经很嚣张了。谁让他总是拿着大厚巴掌把你肩膀拍得生痛，搞一副
哥们义气的效果呢？

总结起来，韩老师的素描课有三个特点。一是大工作量，不主张
往细节死磕，讲气场。和别的素描老师叫着大家要画进去不同，他总
是叫着停下来。这种风格，可能也和他骨子里的文人画气质有关。这
种大工作量的特点，在他的训练之下，我一直保持到现在。
 第二个特点是，功夫在诗外，他很注重画外的品位和教养。所以
他喜欢往人家画面上题字，他也看得惯我拿着陈老莲和佛像改造人体
写生。他更注意的其实不是一张画面的得失，而是一个人能力的成
长。记得有一次他坐在那里，泡着我带到教室里的铁观音，幽幽地
说，其实素描的最高境界，应该是站在正面画侧面，站在侧面画背
面，站在背面画那边那个侧面。我们班同学心气高，第二天当即尝
试。其实谁都做不到，企图站在侧面画正面的时候，难免要跑回正面
偷看一眼。于是教室里人忙成一团，时有相撞。传奇的素描场面固然
没有如愿到来，但是就在这个从正面跑到背面，看一眼再跑回画面前
的几米的距离中，我们理解了什么是素描。

多年之后，我和南非素描动画大师威廉·肯特里奇聊天，他说他
每每在画面上画几笔，走回照相机按一下快门，再走回来画几笔，也
就是在那几米之间走来走去的时候，理解了绘画是什么。

韩老师的第三个特点，则是更加重要的，那就是他纵容，甚至助
长了我们的张狂。到了我三年级的时候，佟飚、曹晓阳入学读一年
级，在302宿舍形成了学生中的“反动学术权威”的小核心。各种实
验，吸引一些各系的同学聚集，在学校招摇过市，嚣张得很。我们这
伙活宝，只要到教室里去画素描，老韩随手就递过来一包白色的“箭
牌”。似乎是感激我们给他面子去画画。最荒诞的是，有一回油画系
同学请我们去看画，我们动手就改，把两个教室的画全给改了一遍。
第二天，油画系主任胡振宇先生在走廊里面找韩老师告状。说邱志杰
他们破坏油画系的教学秩序。我听见老韩在走廊里很夸张地骂：“这
还得了，这必须严肃处理。”然后这位大佬走进教室来找我：“你干
的？”我点点头。他狠狠地朝我竖了一下大拇指走了。

韩老师教到我和老应这个班的时候，就没有拿示范作业来教室。
他对我们说：“我在系里已经找不出可以给你们当作示范作业的作品
啦。你们已经是版画系史上画得最好的了。拜托你们这学期多画一
些，我好留下来给以后的同学当范画哦！”于是我们班的熊孩子们都
疯了。如今回想，我深刻地觉得当年年少无知，被老韩忽悠了。我绝
对相信，等他教到曹晓阳、佟飚他们班的时候，会毫不犹豫地把我和
老应、老曹出卖的。他会再次这么说的。
 西藏速写 1991

还是胡振宇先生，有一次来找老韩借示范作业，是借给和我们同
届的楼笙华他们班当示范作业。老韩居然没有从版画系的库存中拿
画，他从我们班拿。且是直接略过老应、老曹和我这种自以为是高手
的人，拿了我们班上最不自信的一位女同学的两张画，交给了油画
系。

这个动作，当年我们都觉得不可理喻，真的很荒诞，今天约略能
理解先生的用心良苦了。

我们自己在青年时代，并不知道自己的自信心曾经被长者们何等
小心翼翼地保护着。我们的轻狂，曾经无数次地被宽容。我们的野
心，曾经一再地被信任。

在浙江美院版画系与韩黎坤教授交谈 1991

正是这种宽容和保护，成就了一座伟大的艺术学院，是韩黎坤老
师，和其他像他一样的老师，护持着传统，怀揣着种子，等待着未
来。让当年的浙江美院，成了我们永远的精神故乡。

转眼我们这群当年的调皮捣蛋白专路线学生，都已经慢慢靠近韩
老师当年教我们的年龄，也各自担起了和他当年相似的职位，承担相
似的责任。我们需要提醒自己的是，我会像他那样对待年轻人吗？

我们活着，我们的老师们就不会死去。我们的学生们在，我们就
不会死去。

2016年6月28日 于北京机场
 为什么要创建ART218
2003年春天里的一天，皮力给我打电话，说他的IP被“美术同
盟”网站封了，原因是那个网站的版主在论坛上面发了一个帖子，
说：“格林纳威也算是个艺术家？”小皮老师不知趣，跟了一个帖子
说：“人家是美术学院学绘画毕业的，人家就是个艺术家。”斑竹恼
羞成怒，遂下毒手。那时候，艺术网站已经很大程度上取代平面媒
体，成为艺术圈的朋友们的主要信息来源。很多重要的学术讨论也在
网站的论坛上面展开。特别是“美术同盟”这个网站的论坛，几年来
先后发生了关于“暴力行为艺术”的讨论，关于“蔡国强威尼斯收租
院侵权案”的讨论，很多圈内的人都化了名或者不化名地在上面开
战，实在是热闹非凡。于是媒体的制作者慢慢地在心理定位上产生了
变化，由服务者的定位变成了裁决者和施与者。慢慢地开始要求有面
子，他的身份试图从一个媒体编辑转变成批评家和策展人。

当然，没有一定的学术眼光是当不好一个媒体的编辑的，也没有
谁规定过要达到什么学术水准才有资格写文章当批评家，或者跳出来
策划展览；或者说发表过多少篇文章，才算得上是一个批评家。但是
我认为，媒体的编辑和批评家或者策展人还是有区别的。这种区别主
要是立场上。一个批评家可以立场鲜明地批评不同的立场，如果他手
中握有一个重要媒体，他可能会把他的好恶带进编辑工作里面，他的
媒体所反映出来的艺术现状可能会是“隐恶扬善”的。我们期待他有
君子之风，给不同立场的言论以发言的机会。当然，媒体可以有倾向
性，甚至可以有专门为某个立场某种人辩护的“同人杂志”，但这样
的媒体会丧失它的重要性和读者群，在媒体满地都是的情况下，这样
的倾向性明显的媒体是有建设性的，也是一种必要的生存策略。但是
当媒体数量还很少的时候，一个万众瞩目的媒体，人们难免会要求它
的公允公正。越是重要的媒体，越是要避免这种过分明显的倾向性。
“美术同盟”的权力在于大家都看都投稿，如果它慢慢地变得专制和
狭隘，它就会慢慢地丧失它的权力。那是自杀。

“美术同盟”的自杀行为越来越严重。艺术界的事件，报道、不
报道或者报道多少，越来越多地取决于个人好恶。2003年11月中国美
术学院75周年校庆，组织了大型的亚洲当代艺术展。这个展览是国内
策展人比较早地走出去邀请国外艺术家来国内展出的展览，也请来了
很多高级别的大师，像日本的矶崎新、土耳其的白康等人。应该说这
个展览的重要性是不言而喻的。但是这个展览在“美术同盟”网站一
点报道也看不到，我问过中国美院的宣传人员，他们说，给“主编”
打过三次电话，但也没给予报道。相反，西安的一个在城乡接合部的
小出租屋里组织的小活动可以出现很多篇文章的系列报道。我无意比
较两个活动的学术价值的高低，更不会认为大的活动就是更好的活
动，只是觉得活动好坏的评判权应该是在读者手里，媒体的第一责任
应该是呈现事实而不是过滤事实。

中国美院组织的“亚洲时间”展览后来巡回到深圳画院、香港艺
术馆等地展出，展出的主体是我所制作的系列纪录片。在香港展出的
时候还创下了观众观展的纪录。在深圳展出的时候，由深圳画院向大
众媒体发了消息，千龙新闻网等都做了报道。后来这个报道也在“美
术同盟”网站上面出现了，我不知道是深圳画院的严善淳直接给的还
是从别的新闻网站上面转载的。有趣的是，新闻稿的内容被改过了。

原来有一句“资深的中国录像艺术家邱志杰全程参与了考察过程
并拍摄了”被删掉了。这新闻稿是我本人写的，我自以为把自己写成
“资深”而不是“著名的录像艺术家”或者“优秀的录像艺术家”是
很公道的，没想到这也不行。文章里配发的一张海报也被用photoshop
把我的名字这一部分做了虚化处理，photoshop里面这个技法叫作“羽
化”。我觉得，如果说媒体本身有立场，有选择性，它可以选择不报
道某一类新闻，但是它没有权利报道的时候篡改新闻的内容，进行歪
曲的报道。我知道我一定是什么地方得罪了该网站的主编，这样的处
理显然是针对人而不是针对事情来的。自我膨胀的人是很容易被得罪
很容易受伤的，我们懒得去追究其根源。

我开始设想，如果由我来负责一个类似的媒体，有什么办法来防
范类似的权力集中的过程呢？我不能够把信任寄托在我的人格上面，
这不可靠，权力是一种危险的东西，它会慢慢地腐蚀拥有它的人。因
此，必须有一种制度的保证。2004年春天，有一次在杭州到上海的火
车上我忽然想到了一种“自助”发稿的模式。
 “亚洲时间”在香港艺术馆和深圳画院展出 2004

我设想这是一个只有记者没有编辑的媒体，它的后台开放，谁都
可以在上面发表文章。这就像一种自助的聚餐，每个人都只带一盘菜
来，如果来了300个人，那么每个人都能吃到300种不同的菜。把发表
文章的权利下放到每一个读者，或者说，每一个读者就是作者，它最
大的好处就是大民主。我们只要把这个模式推广开来，其实自己并不
需要花费特别的时间去组稿。很多媒体发愁的稿源问题自然解决。

当时设想，这种模式可能出现的问题会有以下这样几个。第一，
稿件的质量不高，因为发上来的稿子并没有经过编辑的学识“把
关”，难免会鱼龙混杂。有一些稿件会是廉价的自我吹嘘自我宣传。
解决这个问题的办法是我们还是得有意地组织一些好的新闻来往上面
放。而且寄希望于以后影响扩大，好的稿子越来越多。第二，如果以
后参与的人多起来，很可能会出现新闻更新速度太快的问题。重要的
新闻和不重要的新闻混在一起，而且很快就会被新登录上去的更新的
新闻挤到看不见的地方去。解决这个问题的办法是把好的稿子放到推
荐栏目里面去。我们作为编辑的权利限制在这里，就是保有进行推荐
的权利。别人自助投稿贴上去的稿件通常都不会去删。当然，恶意破
坏的可能性始终是存在的，只是至今没有出现过。那样的东西出现当
然要删。

后来接触了维基百科，发现这是一样的想法，并不是我的天才的
发明。为此，我很高兴。

2004年4月，我和吴俊勇合作把这个网站建了起来。运行到现在已
经接近一年了。在没有做什么宣传、完全靠口耳相传的情况下，一年
中访问量达到了200多万人次。一开始，所谓的自助发稿，实际上主要
还是我们的自己人在网上发东西，现在渐渐有了别的人来往上面贴东
西。比例还不是很大，但是在一点一点地增长。我们也把这种大民主
的模式放大，网站里面的各种艺术网站的链接也都是读者们自己发上
去的。还开设了艺术家地址库等，都是同一条思路。

现在来总结出现的问题，有这么几个——

1.论坛里面，难免我们的熟人比较多，特别是我的很多学生在上
面混。如果出现不同意见，容易遭到围攻。这是我很不愿意看到的，
一直在尽力避免。可有时候就是会出现，一旦出现就很容易形成不好
的印象。一天皮力就抱怨说：“在你们那里要是骂你，还不被你的学
生们骂死！”我听了非常难过。要解决这个问题，可能应该有意地进
行一些宣传，让各种各样的人都进来。我们自己，要有意地少发表意
见。

2.自助管理模式，要对网站的操作进行一些研究。否则摸不着头
脑就会乱发。网站集中营和艺术家地址库都有这种发错位置的情况发
生。虽然我们有操作范例在上面，还是难免出现问题。不知道技术上
有否可能再进一步简化？

3.网站的运行速度一直有很大的问题，非常影响访问效果。再三
改进，还是应付不了增长的需求。

2005年
 忍不住要煽情一下
刚收到华森的短信，说：“邱老师你和刘信勇联系上了没有，我
有个美能达带标头，需要的话，我去北京带给你，去印度多拍些好照
片，呵呵。”

刚才还有小钟发的帖子，说他有个尼康FMl0，要寄给我。

我给华森回复短信如下：“谢谢华森，我很高兴，你们先学会了
如何做人，我真的非常高兴。”

一天下午，法国蒙彼利埃中国艺术双年展的主策展人和两个副策
划人在我家见面。我约来了丰江舟和石青，刘韡昨天他们看了，乌导
没来，张慧上课没来。丰江舟和石青看了一下午，后面的一个多小
时，我就着电脑中存的图片给他们讲了一遍中国艺术的总体格局，还
有“后感性”概念等，然后说，下课。讲的时候，林祖强提醒我说，
“你得留点时间放你的录像”，我一笑略过了。

林祖强是我十几年前在杭州时的老朋友了，去年在巴黎重逢，每
天在老小资萨特同志混的那家花神咖啡馆狂喝到天亮。他又把我叫去
他的法国国际电台做采访，帮我扬名立万，他现在在巴黎混得不错，
混成了这个双年展的副策划人，由于他是中国人，自然就成了重要的
操控者。这次的事他在两个月前就和我联系过。一天见面，介绍卢杰
给他，大谈《长征》，拉去看798厂。后来到家里，叫来别人，最后也
没给他们看自己做的东西。这样的事早就不知道发生多少次了，每次
有人要来看我的东西，买我的东西，总是拉来一帮人看大家的，然后
把自己给虚了。有那么多别的东西可谈——后感性、录像艺术、书
法、《长征》，现在又有展示中心、总体艺术，最后才轮到自己。老
栗说：重要的不是艺术。对我来说，艺术大抵还是重要的，嘿嘿，重
要的不是自己罢了。

有一次在网上跟朋友聊天，说起我出道得那么早，帮过那么多人
成名，让人踏在自己的肩上，把多少人送进了大展成了明星之类。我
说：“我们的明星们如果有良心有记性，以后我最惨也能混个中国艺
术终身成就奖呀。”当然，我绝不可能那么惨。我虽未暴发坐直升
机，这些年却也稳步上升，没走过下坡路，坐直升机的才会跌下来
的。这么说我很有些大师气象，而当年跟我同时出道的人废的废、休
的休，还在一直往前走的真少。这话让人生气，带着俺一贯的狂气，
人却也驳不倒我。呵呵，爽。

说实话，不是没有怀疑过。

有时候，朋友们说：“老邱你应该去当××大展的策展人，你是
最好的。”我心里忽然一阵难过，你奉献多了，以后每个人都理所当
然地想，你就应该为人民服务。其实他们想的都是，你去当策展人，
展出我，帮我出名。我也是艺术家呀，而且其实是比你们都好的艺术
家呀！

有一阵子自己就想：我只花了1/4的时间在自己的作品上，大量的
精力用于写文章、策展、帮别人的忙，只是为了改善环境，为了中国
艺术的大局着想，以为可以牺牲小我成就大我。其实牺牲了小我成就
的未必是大我，而是成就了他人而已，这些他人成就之后，有良心的
领你的情，没良心的还会反咬你一口，这些事正反面都是有过实例
的。其实，我对中国艺术所能做的最大的贡献可能并不是忙着折腾这
么多事，而是把自己的作品做好，把自己搞“成功”……要帮中国艺
术，与其浪费自己的时间去帮别人，不如帮我自己，因为在同辈中我
的基础最好，知识结构最好，悟性最好，最勤奋，目前已经占据的地
形也最有利。榜样的力量是无穷的，我的“成功”模式所能造成的正
面影响没准更大，对中国艺术的贡献可能也就更大，老蔡和永砅不就
是这样？

这样想着，就一再地发誓不再干这些清道夫的工作，当然我累成
这样，也有性格上的弱点，不是我贪心，只是不能拒绝，只是看不下
去。发多少次的誓，事到临头有时还会挺身而出。但还是推了不少
事，有些事在别人看来或许还能带来权力，是很多人求之不得的。

然而有时又想，斤斤计较于成败得失，岂是我辈中人所为！我上
面的那套想法自私了，短视了。以一生而视，固然有所谓成败得失，
以人类历史乃至宇宙史观之，全是过眼云烟和沧海一粟，我们中国人
是活在家国、道义的认同之中的，每一个人、每一代人都只是草稿纸
和垫脚石，只能但求心之所安了。何况地藏菩萨有言：“我不下地
狱，谁下地狱……”更何况，历史如何写是把握在后人手中的，今世
一时的成败判定又焉能长住不坏？你以为没价值的，也没准日后正是
你的价值所在……既然一时还勘不破因果也就遁不出生死流转，对人
生做理性的规划是不可能的，也就只好率性而为了。

“北京地下室招待所调查”期间中国美院师生在北京 2004

做《长征》是那样，回浙美教书也是那样，前方祸福不可知，我
也并不想知。这是少年时从辛弃疾那里得来的蛮勇：“此身自断天休
问，独倚危楼。独倚危楼。不信人间别有愁。”可以明确地预知的
是，自己会一如既往地玩命，会一如既往地拥有一些煽情的感召力，
也会一如既往地计划了100件事只能完成五十几件。波依斯说：“我用
工作滋养自己。”那是在丢盔弃甲时种下的福田。

让人高兴的是，事情没有那么坏，人还是很容易滋生感情的动
物。（我的老师说，人是讲道理的动物。此说是补充，然则相通，动
感情也是从讲道理中来的）所以有了这些事和这些话，比起这些体
验，重要的当然不是艺术（老栗的原意说的是社会）。
 很高兴的是——这是这次一回美院就开始了的一种高兴，我事先
对青年人的估计太过恶劣了，大家用很多细节、事实告诉我，每一代
人都是一样的。从佛陀的时代，到我，到……要成正果，就要像佛陀
那样纯洁，我们也许因此受伤害。那是因为，无欲，大家暂时都还做
不到。真煽情……

2004年3月
 《九曲1：大眼睛》纪事
接任务
2004年10月21日，星期四。与高士明一起乘火车赴上海，下午1点
30分到达，立刻前往上海广电局开会。开会的有广电局和广电集团各
个部门的负责人。会上谈的事情是：11月21日世界电视日，国家广电
总局发下来红头文件，要各个地方做相关的活动，活动主题是“电视
产业”和“数字电视”。他们策划了一些在电视频道里面的纪念活
动，还有在《新民晚报》上的“人与电视”征文活动之类的项目。由
于今年的上海双年展的主题正好是“影像生存”，他们就想到了在上
海双年展里面做一个特别项目。上海广电局是上海双年展的顶头上
司，双年展的海报上写着文广局是“指导单位”。对美术馆方面来
说，双年展开幕过后，媒体报道了一阵子难免冷下来。在闭幕之前有
一个项目，可以再掀起一个小高潮。于是这就将成为上海双年展的最
后一个特别项目。

高士明说，得知这个消息，他立刻就想到了我。只有我能够在艺
术家的立场之外做工作，而且这个工作需要比较有历史感、具有文化
研究和社会学眼光的人。我又一贯忍辱负重，顾全大局，适合做这种
介于作品和委托项目之间的事情。我得知这件事是在两个星期以前，
当时高士明只说是可以搞到中国最早的电视机、最早的电视新闻用来
做作品，其他的细节语焉不详。但就是这个能够用上最老的历史资料
放进作品里面去，这就足够让我感兴趣了，也就随口答应了。到上海
来开会才知道了更多的具体情况。

10月20日，我就稍微想了一下这个项目的做法。这样一个东西做
成我自己特别个人化的作品不太好。一个是因为特别个人化的话，用
在这样的历史纪念性的项目上，有一点撒娇的意思。就算我能做好也
显得太突出自我。我在上海双年展上已经在美术馆里面展有作品，又
做了人民公园的开幕表演。如果闭幕的时候再出一次个人的风头肯定
要遭人议论，当然，这我倒是不在乎。我倒是考虑，我那些学生去上
海双年展帮助布展，非常辛苦，还遭受了不少委屈。这个项目可以让
他们参与进来。我现在正在给他们上录像艺术课，做一个与电视有关
的大的项目，也是题中应有之义。再者，我这个班的学生，有一半以
上做过“中山公园计划”和“北京地下室招待所调查”项目，已经有
了一定的对文化研究的理解。这次的电视历史的项目，正好又是一次
很好的锻炼。那一班来过上海双年展帮忙的学生，已经开始对大展体
制的工作方式有相当的了解，相信他们能够胜任。当然，还需要我来
做全局的把握。所以，我自己心里对这个项目的执行者的设想就是：
我+总体艺术工作室的全体学生。

《九曲1：大眼睛》在上海双年展 2004

我设想让学生回家做关于电视与中国人的生活关系的调查。比
如，每个人可以问家长几个问题：“爸妈，你们第一次看电视是什么
时候？”“我们家买第一台电视机是什么时候？”“我们家的第二台
电视机是什么时候更换的？”“我们家打算何时更换成数字电视？”
等等。33个学生差不多可以覆盖全中国若干种阶层的家庭。这些资
料，加上上海广电局所能提供的各种电视机，应该就能够构成一个大
的装置的基础。
 另外，我还想到了廖文峰的家乡是江西农村一个很穷的村庄。记
得当初我教他们班做“中山公园计划”的时候，文峰居然告诉我说，
他们那里没有中山公园。我说，随便找一个公园也可以，他说他这辈
子还从来没有进过公园呢！这个农村来的学生很有点小天才，也很用
功。我设想以他为主，在他的家乡花树村做一个普查，让江西边远农
村的村民讲述他们所知道的上海。这个上海的形象，当然主要是通过
电视传播到江西农村的。这个项目还包括村民的电视拥有量等的调
查，到展出的时候还可以发展成江西的现场和上海美术馆之间网络实
时转播。这个项目可以作为整个大项的插件出现。

在火车上和高士明谈了这个初步设想。他很认同，又提出“给未
来留言”这个设想，我一听就笑了。连接江西农村和上海，是利用了
电视的远程传播功能，能够用空间性的因素编织进来当然是最理想的
了，我也设想过，只是怎么来作为一种艺术语言呈现，是要动一番脑
筋的，远不是提出一个激动人心的概念就够了。

在上海广电局的会场上，看了广电局发下来的红头文件，我们这
个项目被叫作“影像与时代：数字/电视图文资料展”，心里很担心领
导心里面所想的，和我们想要做的可能有很大的差距。他们想要的很
可能是一个黑板报一样的“46年来新中国电视产业发展成果展”，而
我们的角色只是展览布置者。如果那样的话，这回又是一个很痛苦的
任务。没有想到，领导竟然开口就说：“高老师邱老师你们在上海美
术馆做的这个，就应该是一个装置。”这可真让我大吃一惊，这个官
员懂得“装置”这个词！这些领导又提出，人民公园里的那个数码电
视产品的展示，绝对不要有商业促销的意味（底下办事的人这么
想），应该模拟电视机和数字电视机并置，都装上实时摄像头，让参
观者能现场体验数字电视的优势所在。模拟一个演播室的现场，而这
正是我替他们设想的。我这边松了一口气。

细节由文广局里的郭和我细谈。从会上，我就发现这个人懂行。
原来他是上海戏剧学院毕业的，一直是上海双年展的支持者。

郭出了不少主意，怎么调用上海电视系统的资源，还把各个相关
部门和负责人的电话给了我一份，让我直接联系，有问题就找他。最
后商定：26日我到上海看电视台的所有最先进的设备，也可以找一些
老的设备。我可以先提出要征用，能不能拿出来再说。老的影像资
料，也找一个人负责提供。
 上海电视台在1998年纪念中国电视40周年的时候做过一个专题片
《谁持彩练当空舞》，里面有中国电视发展史和一些影像素材，第二
天高士明带回杭州给我。

10月27日要报出初步的方案。11月6日，方案定案给领导。如果通
过，开始设计和印刷小画册。11月11日可以开始布展。11月18日领导
来审查。展期是11月21日到28日，到双年展闭幕为止。

郭还是对“艺术家”不太放心，一再地交代：这样的东西不能只
考虑艺术。高士明连连说：“这件事情只有他能办。”我心里面很明
白，这种公共项目，要面对群众，要面对领导，同时毕竟是上海双年
展的项目，也不能不用国际艺术界的标准来衡量。规模要大，高科
技，制作精致，政治正确，同时还得深刻。说难是难，说不难，其实
也不难。发动群众，是最好的办法。

从文广局出来，和高士明一起沿着北京东路向西走。路边都是卖
仪表仪器的小店，我很想进去看看。士明说：“这是做装置的人的前
提啊，先是对这些东西有欲望才行。”和他分手后，我找了几家小
店，想要问有没有玻璃三棱镜，都说没有。随后，我直接到火车站乘
车回杭州。
 总体艺术工作室的头脑风暴会议 2004

车上想到，做这件事情，对学生们今后找工作应该是很有好处
的。文广集团有充足的财力和器材，今后我们办新媒体的事情，最好
要和这样的公司合作。我答应许江要做的“关于新媒体专业人才的社
会需求的调查”，正好也可以趁这个机会开始做。

头脑风暴
10月22日，星期五。

早上上课。到最后，把上海的这件事情告知了所有同学。对大家
来说都很突然，甚至都来不及表示出什么兴奋。我要求大家下午消化
一下，下午4点30分在教室集中，每个人拿出自己最初步的设想。

4点30分人到齐。我给新到工作室的二年级同学讲了“头脑风暴
法”的原则。三年级和四年级的学生与我工作了一年，对这种残酷的
游戏已经很了解了。我的方法是，要求就某个特定议题，每个人当众
提出自己的计划，第二个人不得评论或反驳之，也不得重复，必须提
出新的方案。这样越到最后发言的难度越大，进行几轮之后，就一定
会有特别精彩的方案出现。其实，最后的结果只是进行综合就很不错
了。这个办法每每行之有效，也正好借这个机会介绍给新来的学生。

我先介绍了自己已有的设想，然后高年级学生开始报方案。我惊
奇地发现，新来的这些人中颇有一些能适应这种办法，好像比现在这
批人去年的情况还要好。

《九曲1：大眼睛》构思期间课堂讨论的黑板 2004

中间大家去食堂吃了晚饭，立刻回到教室继续工作。有很多想法
或者和他人重复，或者本身不可实施，或者和这件事情扯不上边，都
由我执行裁决权加以否决。被否决的人必须重新报出，直到被认可他
的某个点子为他人至今所未提出，算是起码有所贡献方休。小李沙被
否决多次，痛苦不堪。最后轮到的报想法的人说：“都让别人给说光
了。”最后报的卢德磊和耿姗姗，都是有待发展的想法。今天我也是
借机演示了一下，怎么由一个有缺陷的想法出发，通过工作的推进，
最后成为一件可以成立的作品。这期间反复试错，反复试验。我说：
到晚上10点想不出来，你们俩就请大家吃夜宵吧！气氛顿时紧张。最
后是全班一起绞尽脑汁帮着想。

已经过了10点。其间有一个新媒体的学生参与，这个人还不错。
又有一个油画系的学生，颇为自信得意地大谈自己的想法，被我借题
发挥，给我的学生们讲了糟糕的艺术理论能有何种肤浅的结果。

学生们提出的各种创意（略）。

10月23日，星期六。因为决定在下个星期二带着孙大棠和宋振去
上海看电视台的器材，这一天提前上了下个星期的课程。为了尽快让
学生们动手自己拍片子，我必须把该讲的基本原则提前讲完。我们的
特种部队还没有训练出来，就只好先拉出来打仗了。然则在项目中教
学，在战争中学习战争，这本来就是我们做这个工作室的想法。

今天一口气讲了剪辑的原则、非编软件的用法，等等。中午吃饭
的时候，接到乌尔善的短信，说他的片子在韩国釜山国际电影节得了
影评人大奖。下午就给学生们看这部片子，用他当例子讲影片的剪辑
技巧。

受挫
10月26日。6点30分到学校，将昨夜批改了的纪录片方案贴在墙
上，与孙大棠、宋振到火车站乘车到上海。10点在威海路参观东方电
视台数码演播室和上海台的新闻演播室，方式还很古老。数码，只不
过是换汤不换药。下午4点赶到广电局培训中心，发现所谓当年筹建电
视博物馆，其实没有上马，收集工作根本就没有开始，只有一封计划
书草案。郭反复交代良久，主要是担心我们一味考虑艺术，不能够顾
及大众趣味和领导的眼光。
 《九曲1：大眼睛》的方案A《看》的草图 2004

晚上与孙大棠、宋振在旅馆中苦想方案。想出九曲桥和预录的想
法，说得孙毛骨悚然。对于宋振来说，这是初步领略到了突破性的创
意过程，十分激动。

27日早上到电视台互动中心见人，等待许久，根本没有看到任何
实物，只是拿到几张宣传资料。网络电视那边来了人，也没有实物，
只给我一张名片，让我回去自己去看网站。晚上看了网站，同样乏善
可陈。

领导的热情和底下的对付形成鲜明对比。这一天的经验使我非常
丧气。他们爱指挥，却互相推诿。个别人很热心，只是他不知道仅仅
帮我牵引接线，这些人根本就不会配合我，又变成我孤军奋战的局
面。学生毕竟无法解决这么难的问题。

28日、29日，郭频频来电，催方案。我这边极不满意，而且根本
没有时间应付。系里开评估会议也要绑架我在那里枯坐一个下午。方
案对付得了官方的，但我觉得在艺术界根本就拿不出手。内心极为孤
独。狠心不理郭，只要拖过了晚上，可以多出两天时间来做最后的努
力。

31日，始终找不到两全之策。晚上，勉强写成文案。心里想，就
这么交上去算了，能通过就做，否则干脆撂摊子不干罢了。这样的条
件，就算是方案通过了，只会有更多的艰难。在真正安装布展的时
候，和这样的一群人就器材问题交涉，一定会是地狱一般的日子。

方案A《看》
第一部分

1.在展厅中竖立起9块长条形的展板，每块展板高3米，宽约80厘
米。每块展板呈45度角放置，每块相距2米。9块展板分别以红、黑、
蓝、绿、白等色彩作为底色，这样从一定角度看上去，整套展板的整
体效果类似于电视监视器屏幕上的校色彩条。观众沿着展厅依次前行
可阅读展板上的内容和图像。

2.每块展板的一定位置，嵌入一台电视机。7块展板，使用7种不
同型号的电视机。从最古老的小型黑白电视机到最新式的数字高清电
视机，这些电视机的外观风格应能明显地表明其不同的生产年代和技
术水平。每块展板分别代表20世纪50年代以来的不同时期。

3.每个电视机处于展板的不同高度，放置高度的依据是：每个时
代当时的一台电视机价格与当年上海的普通市民月收入的比例。

例如，80年代末，若一台21寸彩色电视机的价格是1500元，上海
市民家庭平均月收入为4000元，则这台电视机安置在整个展板高度距
离地面的3/4的高处。

2000年，一台21寸彩色电视机的价格是900元，而上海市民家庭平
均月收入为5000元，则这台电视机安置在整个展板高度距离地面的1/5
以下的低处。

这些统计数据和表格打印在展板的空白部分。

4.电视机中播映的画面为不同时期的电视观众看电视的场面：
 50年代的大工厂中，上百人同时观看黑白电视；

《九曲1：大眼睛》创作过程的草图 2004

70年代上海弄堂中，左邻右舍挤在室内看彩色电视；

80年代，一个家庭在沙发上看电视，不停地有人上前按按钮换
台；

90年代，小夫妻躺在床上看电视，不停地按遥控板换台。
 如今电视观看模式一方面更加私人化，一方面又回到了公共场景
中：最后一个展板上同时出现了4个小的液晶屏幕（或由一台数字电视
同时播放4个画中画画面），分别出现人们在地铁里、电梯口、公共汽
车站和火车站候车室看电视的画面。

屏幕中部出现电视画面，只有看电视的人物的正面，从人物表情
和脸上的光影变化可以明显地看出是在观看电视。

5.每个电视画面所配的画外音为一群学生对其家长的电话采访，
问题包括：

“我们家购买第一台电视机是什么时候？那时候花掉多少钱？工
资多少？”“我们家什么时候有了第二台电视机？为什么要更换？旧
的电视机如何处理了？”

“我们家什么时候准备购买数字电视？您知道什么是数字电视
吗？”

第二部分

9个展板的对面为一台大屏幕的数字电视（或电视墙）以及实时摄
像头。但是屏幕中播放一段事先制作的画面，为人的眼睛瞳孔的特
写，瞳孔中反射的影像画面来自上海电视历史资料。这个画面作为素
材反复播放。但当观众来到屏幕近处时，他的形象同时出现在屏幕上
的瞳孔中（使用“虚拟演播室”技术，对于实时摄像机拍摄的现场观
众的画面进行实时抠像，叠加入瞳孔的特写画面素材）。

方案B《九曲》
这个方案主要运用“虚拟演播室”中的实时抠像叠画的功能来实
现，既能够将现场活动的人物的形象拍摄下来，又能将实时影像去除
背景后，放入事先准备在素材图库中的任何一个场景的画面中。这
样，观众在屏幕上看到的是自己的形象出现在一个“它时空”之中。
这是数字电视时代特有的造像技术。我们利用它与上海的名胜景点
——老城隍庙豫园的九曲桥形成对话。

九曲桥是中国园林建筑中的经典杰作，在桥梁原有的连接彼岸、
便利交通的实用功能之上，故意使路线曲折迂回，延长了行程，目的
是创造更多的观看的视角，提供更多的景观。可以说，创造尽可能多
Another random document with
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flag was not completely hauled down, the Unionists were for a moment uncertain of
its import, but all firing was ordered to cease. In a minute more the white flag was
raised, and with cheer after cheer all along the batteries on Tybee, came down the
stars and bars. It was on the 11th of April, a year to a day from the time when the stars
and stripes were first dishonored by Americans at Fort Sumter.
General Hunter was aboard the McClellan with his aides, watching the
engagement. Generals Gillmore and Benham were active, and rode rapidly out to
Goat’s Point. On arriving at this place, General Gillmore, with his aid, Mr. Badeau,
and Colonel Rust, entered a boat and put off for the fort. The passage was rough, the
channel unknown, and the skiff got aground, and was nearly upset; but at last, soaked
and dripping, the party landed on Cockspur Island.
They were met near the landing-place by Captain Sims, of the Georgia Volunteers,
who conducted them to the fort. Colonel Olmstead, the commandant, stood at the
entrance, and received them courteously. He invited General Gillmore into his own
quarters, for a private interview. The terms of capitulation were arranged, and
General Gillmore was then conducted over the fort by the Colonel, and took his leave,
accompanied by Colonel Rust. General Hunter, in the mean time, had sent
messengers to the fort. Colonel Olmstead showed them around the works, and
conducted them to the interior, when the swords were delivered. This took place in
the Colonel’s headquarters, all standing. Major Halpine represented General Hunter.
As soon as this ceremony was over, the American flag was raised, and the stars and
stripes floated again on the walls of Fort Pulaski. In giving up his sword, Colonel
Olmstead said, “I yield my sword, but I trust I have not disgraced it.”
The arms of the privates had been previously stacked on the parade, and the men
marched to quarters. Both officers and men were allowed to remain all night in their
usual quarters. The interior of the fort presented a sorry picture. Blindages had been
put up extending on all the rampart, and a part rendered bomb-proof; but shot and
shell had burst through many of the sides—knocked in walls, broken down stairways,
entered casemates, upset guns, and piled up masses of rubbish and debris all around.
Seven guns on the parapet were dismounted; nearly every traverse had been struck
and partly torn to pieces; all the passageways were obstructed by piles of stones and
fallen timber; the magazine had been struck, and part of its outer casing of brick torn
away, while at the breach, the havoc was, of course, greatest of all. The breach was
entirely practicable; the ditch, sixty feet across, was more than half filled up by the
fragments that had fallen, and half a dozen men abreast could have entered the
aperture. The Colonel declared, however, that he should have held out until nightfall,
had the magazine not been struck. This, of course, settled his fate, and rendered any
prolonged resistance a useless risk of human life. Forty thousand pounds of powder,
seven thousand shot and shell, and forty-seven guns were captured. The prisoners
were three hundred and sixty in number, and belonged to the Georgia Volunteers, the
Oglethorpe Light Infantry, and to a German regiment. The Colonel excited the
sympathies of his captors by a bearing at once soldierly and subdued. The officers
invited the Unionists to their quarters, where several took supper, and some even
slept with the rebels whom they had been fighting a few hours before. There was no
apparent bitterness on either side; no desire to introduce personal animosities.
This long and severely contested siege resulted in the loss of only two lives, while
the number of wounded was very small. This fact is remarkable, in view of the
immense amount of shot and shell exchanged during the bombardment.
On Sunday, the 13th, the men were divided into two parties—the officers and about
two-thirds of the men forming the first, who were placed on the Ben de Ford—the
remainder on the Honduras, and taken to Bay Point. Here they were transferred to
the McClellan and Star of the South, to be sent to Fort Columbus, in the harbor of
New York.
 BATTLE OF SOUTH MILLS, CAMDEN, N. C.

April 20, 1862.

A short but severely contested engagement took place on the 20th

of April, between the command of General J. L. Reno, and a body of
rebels posted in a strong position to intercept the supposed advance
of the Federal troops on Norfolk. General Burnside directed General
Reno to make a demonstration on that city, and the latter, taking
with him from Newbern the Twenty-first Massachusetts and Fifty-
first Pennsylvania, proceeded to Roanoke, where he was joined by
detachments of the Eighty-ninth New York and Sixth New
Hampshire. With these forces he started for Elizabeth City, and
commenced disembarking at midnight, on the 19th, at a point about
three miles below the city, on the east side.
By three A. M. Colonel Hawkins’ brigade, consisting of the Ninth
and Eighty-ninth New York, and Sixth New Hampshire, were landed
and ready to move. Colonel Hawkins proceeded with his brigade
toward South Mills. General Reno remained to bring up the other
two regiments, which had been delayed by the grounding of their
vessels at the mouth of the river. They came up at daylight, and were
landed by seven A. M. General Reno marched directly toward South
Mills, and about twelve miles out met Colonel Hawkins, with his
brigade, who, either by the treachery or incompetency of his guide,
had been led some miles out of his way. As his men were very much
jaded by the long march, they were ordered to follow the Second
brigade, about four miles further, to within a mile and a half of South
Mills.
The rebels were posted here, and opened a fire of artillery, before
the advanced guard discovered them. General Reno reconnoitered
their position, and found that they were posted strongly in a line
perpendicular to the road, their infantry in ditches, their artillery
commanding all the direct approaches, and their rear protected by a
dense forest. He ordered the Fifty-first Pennsylvania immediately to
file to the right, and pass over to the edge of the woods, to turn their
left—the Twenty-first Massachusetts pursuing the same course; and
when Colonel Hawkins came up with his brigade, he was sent with
the Ninth and Eighty-ninth New York to their support.
The Sixth New Hampshire was formed in line to the left of the
road, and its commander ordered to support the four pieces of
artillery. Owing to the excessive fatigue of the men, they met with
some delay in reaching their position. Meanwhile the enemy kept up
a brisk artillery fire, which was gallantly responded to by the small
pieces under charge of Colonel Howard, of the Coast Guard. As soon
as the Fifty-first Pennsylvania and Twenty-first Massachusetts had
succeeded in turning their left, they opened a brisk musketry fire,
and, about the same time, the Ninth New York, also coming in range,
eager to engage, unfortunately charged upon the enemy’s artillery. It
was a most gallant charge, but they were exposed to a deadly fire of
grape and musketry, and forced to retire, but rallied immediately
upon the Eighty-ninth New York. General Reno then ordered both
regiments to form a junction with the Twenty-first Massachusetts. In
the meantime, the Fifty-first Pennsylvania and Twenty-first
Massachusetts kept up an incessant fire upon the rebels, who had
withdrawn their artillery, and commenced to retreat in good order.
The Sixth New Hampshire had steadily advanced in line to the left of
the road, and when within about two hundred yards poured in a
deadly volley, which completely demoralized the enemy and ended
the battle.
The men rested under arms in line of battle, until about ten
o’clock, P. M., when they were ordered to return to the boats, having
accomplished the principal object of the expedition, that of
conveying the idea that the entire Burnside Expedition was marching
upon Norfolk. Owing to a want of transportation, sixteen of the most
severely wounded were left behind. Assistant-Surgeon Warren was
left with them. Only about ten or fifteen prisoners were taken. Most
of them belonged to the Third Georgia regiment. The Ninth New
York suffered most severely, owing to their premature charge. The
total loss of the Federal troops in killed and wounded was about
ninety, some sixty of the number belonging to that regiment.
Just as the decisive volley of the Sixth New Hampshire had
compelled the rebels to abandon their position, a terrific thunder
storm broke upon the scene of conflict, and a heavy rain rendered the
hope of pursuit futile. After burying the dead, and taking a brief rest,
General Reno and his command took up their march for
headquarters, at Newbern. On the advance the sun beat fiercely upon
his exhausted men, the weather was intensely hot, and they were
almost prostrated with the fatigue of the battle and the labor of the
march, before they reached a place of rest.
 CAPTURE OF FORT MACON, N. C.

April 26, 1862.

The occupation of the town of Beaufort and Morehead City by the

Federal troops, on the 24th of March, was followed by active
preparations for the reduction of Fort Macon, which commanded the
entrance to the harbor. It was anticipated that on the retreat of the
rebel troops from Beaufort the overwhelming numbers and
equipment of the national forces would demonstrate to the
commander of the fort the hopelessness of any attempt to resist the
armament that would be brought against him in the event of his
refusal to surrender. This hope was not realized. Colonel M. J. White,
the commander, resolved to meet the Union forces with every
possible resistance, and if the fort was captured by the Federal arms,
the doughty rebel determined that it should be purchased at no slight
cost.
Fort Macon is situated on a bluff on Bogue’s Bank, nearly two
miles from the town of Beaufort. It commands the entrance to the
harbor, and no vessel can enter the main channel without coming
within range of its guns. Opposite the fort, at the entrance of the
harbor, is Shackelford Banks, distant about one mile and a half. Fort
Macon is of a hexagonal form, and has two tiers of guns—one in
casemated bomb-proof, and the other en barbette. Its armament
consisted of twenty 32-pounders, thirty 24-pounders, two 18-
pounders, three field pieces for flank defence, twelve flank howitzers,
eight 8-inch howitzers (heavy), eight 8-inch howitzers (light), one 13-
inch mortar, three 10-inch mortars, and two Cohorn mortars—total,
89 guns. The war garrison of the fort was 300 men. There are large
furnaces in the fort for heating shot, and before the investment there
was a considerable quantity of powder in the magazine. The
construction of Fort Macon was commenced in 1826, by Captain
Eliason, of the United States Engineer Corps, and was finished in
1860, by Captain, afterwards Brigadier-General John G. Foster.
This fort, like most others in the Southern States, at the opening of
the rebellion, was in an almost defenceless condition. Ordnance
Sergeant Alexander was the sole guardian of this important position
in April, 1861.
In March, the vote on the question of calling a State Convention
was taken in North Carolina, and a majority was given against the
Convention. Governor Ellis assured the officer in command that the
fort would not be taken from under the control of the government,
but on the 11th of April, a citizen of Beaufort, in the interest of the
secessionists, collected a body of fifty men, with whom he crossed
over to the fort and demanded its surrender. Sergeant Alexander
delivered up the keys, and the rebel flag was hoisted on its walls.
Subsequently stores and supplies for a garrison of 500 men were
collected and placed within it, and an efficient body of troops took
possession, under Colonel White.
On March 25th, 1862, Morehead City, on the mainland, opposite
Bogue Island, was occupied by a portion of General Parke’s division
of Burnside’s army. A few days subsequently a landing had been
effected on Bogue Island, and a camp established for the force
selected to operate against Fort Macon. On the 11th of April the
enemy’s pickets were driven in by the Fifth Rhode Island regiment
and one company of the Fourth Rhode Island, and eligible localities
for the batteries were selected by Captain Williamson, Topographical
Engineer on General Burnside’s staff. On the next day a working
party commenced the erection of the main battery, and from that
time the labor proceeded night and day. The troops employed in this
service were the Fourth and Fifth Rhode Island and the Eighth
Connecticut regiments. The labor was most severe. The men were
often on duty twenty-four hours at a time, and labored zealously to
accomplish their task in the shortest possible period. What rest they
got when on duty was obtained by sleeping on the sands, as no tents
or barracks could be erected, since these would have informed the
rebels of the location of the troops, and indicated the position of the
batteries. The picket duty performed by the men was also very
severe. All their work had to be done under a continuous and often
severe fire from the fort. From this, however, they were protected by
the peculiar formation of the ground, which consisted of a succession
of sand-hills up to within about half a mile of the fort.
Previous to the bombardment the garrison were allowed to send
letters to their friends at Beaufort.
Three batteries were erected for the reduction of the fort. The first
was mounted with four ten-inch mortars, and was built under cover
of a large sand-hill, near the edge of the marshes which line the
northern shore of the island, at a distance of about 1,400 yards from
the fort. This battery was allotted to Lieutenant Flagler, and manned
by a portion of battery I, New York Third artillery. The second was in
advance 100 yards, built and worked by Captain Lewis O. Morris,
and Lieutenants Gowan and Pollock. Three long thirty-pound siege
Parrott guns, rifled, composed its armament. The last battery
consisted of four eight-inch mortars. It stood 100 yards in advance of
the second battery, and was placed in charge of Lieutenant Prouty,
and manned by a detachment of battery I, Third New York artillery.
Rifle-pits and trenches were also excavated.
On the 24th of April, the preparations having been completed,
General Burnside arrived from Newbern, on the steamer Alice Price,
having in tow two barges, the Schrapnel and Grenade, fitted up as
floating batteries, each armed with two thirty-pound Parrott guns.
The Schrapnel had in addition a twelve-pounder rifled Ward gun.
They anchored about three miles below the fort.
During the afternoon a flag of truce was sent to the fort, in charge
of Captain Biggs, of General Burnside’s staff, with a demand for its
surrender. Colonel White refused to yield to the demand, and
announced his purpose to defend the fort to the last extremity. An
understanding was obtained, however, that the commander should
have a personal interview with General Burnside on the following
morning.
Accordingly, at an early hour on the 25th, the steamer Alice Price,
under a flag of truce, proceeded down the bay to a point previously
indicated, where General Burnside was soon joined by Colonel
White. The meeting was courteous. Colonel White said that he had
been placed in command of the fort for the purpose of holding it, and
should defend it to the best of his ability.
 On the following morning, the 26th, the Federal forces took their
respective posts at an early hour. The morning mists had not yet
disappeared, when orders were given for the opening of the siege,
and before six o’clock the loud thunder of the guns and the deep
boom of the heavy mortars broke on the ears of the sleeping citizens
of Beaufort, and roused the slumbering garrison of the belligerent
fort. Booming loudly over the waters, and rolling away in the
distance, the explosions followed in rapid succession for half an hour
before the garrison was ready to respond. When prepared, the rebels
bravely assumed their allotted positions, manned their guns, and
Fort Macon opened upon the national flag.
During the forenoon the eight-inch mortar battery of Lieutenant
Prouty sent its shells with regularity and precision into the fort, and
at each explosion the red dirt and sand of the glacis’ slopes,
ramparts, parapets and terrepleins were dashed in a cloud many feet
into the air. The flagstaff, with its defiant colors floating at the top,
was at times completely obscured in the smoke and dust which rose
with the bursting of the missiles. The ten-inch mortar battery was
not so successful in the morning. The shells from it burst beyond or
high in air over the fort, scattering the fragments of iron far and wide
into the water; but in the afternoon the battery played with an effect
that was evidenced in the decreased fire from the fort.
The battery of Parrott guns under command of Captain Morris, in
the mean time, kept up an incessant fire upon the ramparts. The
difficulty of obtaining accurate range was for some time experienced,
and the shots either went over the fort, ricocheting across the water
towards Shackleford Banks, or fell short and buried themselves in
the sand and glacis on its westerly side. But the range grew more
accurate with every shot, and from twelve o’clock until the close of
the fight Captain Morris seldom failed to plant his terrible conical
balls among the guns, on the edges of the ramparts, and against the
walls. The latter were pierced in two places, the balls passing through
into the casemates, from which their unceremonious visit hastily
expelled the occupants. Wherever these shots struck they tore
through all obstacles with a force that hurled fragments of iron and
brick, stones, grass-sods and sand bags about in every direction.
Many of the rebels were knocked down senseless by the flying sods.
When it is considered that the walls of the fort were protected by the
slopes of the glacis, the accuracy of the firing from the Parrott battery
will be perceived. That part of the walls just protruding above the
ramparts of the glacis was the only target presented whereat to aim
for the purpose of penetrating the casemates.
About two o’clock, P. M., Major Allen went out with a flag of truce to
carry letters written to the garrison from their friends in Beaufort.
Many of these entreated the officers to prevail upon Colonel White to
surrender the fort. Some ladies in Beaufort set on foot a petition to
that effect.
The precision attained by the practice of the forenoon, and the
facility of loading and firing, which even the experience of a few
hours had given, were now evidenced in the successful results of each
shot from the Union batteries. The scene assumed its grandest aspect
after two o’clock. A flash and a puff of smoke betokened a discharge;
an interval elapsed, which terminated with the report of the piece;
then came the sonorous hum of the shell as it flew through the air;
another puff of smoke soon followed by a second report, and the
deadly missile had exploded.
With glasses every manœuvre in the fort could be distinctly seen.
The look out was ensconced behind a pile of sand bags upon the
ramparts, and spectators fancied they could hear him ejaculate the
word “Down!” as he marked the approach of every shot. Its effect was
like magic. As he himself disappeared, down out of sight went the
crowd of men around the guns, to reappear again when the shot had
accomplished its errand.
Little remains to tell of the bombardment. The garrison had at first
responded with some seven or eight guns, exclusive of carronades,
which were made to serve the purpose of mortars. The squads of
gunners could be observed passing about, alternating with the pieces
as they became hot under the discharges. Gradually the fire
slackened to four, then to three, and then to two guns. The Federal
shot and shell were doing their duty, and subsequent examination
showed that fifteen guns were dismounted or disabled on the fort.
To those who worked the mortars of the Federal batteries, the
matter was entirely new, and to Captain Ammon’s men, of the Third
New York artillery, the greatest praise is deserved for their cool and
unflinching conduct in this their first experience under fire. The
exposed nature of Captain Morris’ battery of siege guns drew upon it
almost the concentrated fire of the fort, and shot and shell rained
around it. The only injury sustained by the battery was the
temporary dismounting of one of the guns by a thirty-two-pound
solid shot, which came through the embrasure and carried off a
wheel. Another carriage was in readiness, and the gun was soon
remounted. One of the guns was slightly dented by a solid shot,
which struck the reinforce or band around the breech, and then
glanced off. The sand bags in all the batteries were disturbed more or
less by the concussions, and the embrasures of the three-gun battery
were begrimed and black with powder. Eleven hundred shots in all
were fired on the Federal side, and of these five hundred and sixty
struck the fort.
The firing from the fort gradually slackened as the guns one after
another became disabled, until at last the iron thunderers ceased to
respond to the continuous peals of the Federal batteries. About half-
past four o’clock a white flag was run up over one of the guns, dimly
seen through the smoke that had just before issued from it in a heavy
cloud. Not long after two officers left the fort, bearing a flag of truce.
They advanced towards the batteries, and Captain Pell, of General
Burnside’s staff, and Lieutenant Hill, of General Parke’s staff went
out to meet them. They were Captains Pool and Guion, with a
message from Col. White, asking the terms of surrender. General
Parke replied that the only terms were unconditional surrender, but
that he would communicate with General Burnside, who might make
different arrangements. The inquiry was telegraphed to Beaufort,
and a messenger was sent off to General Burnside, who was on board
the Alice Price, some distance up the river. In the morning General
Burnside returned to the harbor, and had an interview with Colonel
White, on board the Alice Price, when the terms of capitulation were
agreed upon. The fort, armament and garrison were to be
surrendered to the United States, the officers and men being released
on parole, until properly exchanged, returning to their homes with
their private effects, such as clothing, bedding, books, etc.
Immediately after the return of Colonel White to his quarters,
preparations for the surrender commenced. After a little interval the
gates were thrown open and a train of soldiers marched out, and
forming a square on the green, just outside, stood a few moments in
impressive stillness. Then they formed into line, where they stacked
their arms, and returned to their quarters.
General Burnside, General Parke, and Captains Biggs and King
directly after this ceremony, returned from the fort, and the Fifth
Rhode Island being ordered into line, came up. General Burnside
unfolded the new colors presented by the State of Rhode Island,
inscribed with the words “Roanoke” and “Newbern,” which had been
just received, and returned them to the color-bearer, who took his
place at the head of the column. The regiment then moved forward in
order, to take formal possession of the fort.
The time had at last come for the great event. The wharves and
houses of Beaufort were crowded with spectators. The surrounding
waters were covered with small craft, hovering near the scene. The
squadron of gunboats, with steam up and colors flying, lay off and on
outside the bar. At half-past ten o’clock a squad of men from the
garrison, detailed by Colonel White for the purpose, cut loose the
halliards and hauled down the rebel flag. Ten minutes later four of
the Rhode Island boys hoisted the American ensign, the glorious
stars and stripes, and a loud cheer broke from the men, which was
caught up and echoed by the sailors on shipboard, and even by the
citizens over the harbor, in Beaufort, whose shout came cheerily on
the breeze.
The Federal fleet, consisting of the steamers State of Georgia,
Chippewa, Daylight, and bark Gemsbok, under command of Flag-
officer S. Lockwood, took an active part in the bombardment in the
forenoon.
The destruction effected by the bombardment was like that at Fort
Pulaski. The works outside as well as inside, gave incontestible proof
of the execution of the heavy projectiles hurled at the fort. They also
showed as clearly the bravery of the men who defended it, and
proved that though they were engaged in rebellion, they had the
courage and energy of heroic soldiers.
The garrison consisted of about four hundred and fifty men,
exclusive of the officers. There were found in the fort nearly twenty
thousand pounds of powder, shot and shell in proportion, and a large
quantity of provisions.
 The rebel loss was 7 killed, 18 wounded; Federal, 1 killed and 3
wounded.
 SIEGE OF YORKTOWN, VA.

On Sunday, the 9th of March, the rebel camps at Centreville,

Manassas and vicinity were evacuated, and on the 10th, the army of
General McClellan commenced a forward movement from the
vicinity of Washington toward the abandoned works of the enemy.
On the same day a portion of General Kearney’s forces reached
Centreville, and Federal scouts had explored the deserted works at
Manassas Junction. The enemy continued their retreat on the line of
the Orange railroad, burning the bridges, and destroying the railroad
property on their route.
On the 14th, General McClellan issued an address to the army
from his headquarters at Fairfax Court-House, complimenting the
men on their discipline, equipment, and patience during the long
delay incident to the work of preparation. They were now to be
brought face to face with the enemy, and he besought the army to
place perfect trust in him, though his plans of action might seem at
times unaccountable.
The cheering news of the capture of New Madrid, the evacuation of
Columbus, and the victory at Pea Ridge, now filled all loyal hearts
with enthusiasm; and it was fully believed that the army of the
Potomac was on the direct route to Richmond, destined to give the
death-blow to the rebellion before the month of April should open.
Will the rebels make a stand? asked many a confident Unionist,
hopeful that the prestige of McClellan’s splendid army would compel
the enemy to retire from point to point without risking a battle.
The month of March passed;—and while the public mind was
animated with the most cheering details of the western victories—the
capture of Newbern, and the defeat of the enemy at Winchester, the
great army of the Potomac appeared for the time to have passed from
recollection. The Government censorship restrained the publication
of any reports of McClellan’s movements, and the people, left
entirely to hope and conjecture, were sanguine in anticipation of the
speedy possession of the Confederate capital.
Late in the month, rumors reached the northern cities of the
arrival of forces at Old Point, on the James river, twenty miles from
Norfolk, which were supposed by the Richmond papers to be
reinforcements for Burnside. Again curiosity was awakened by the
immense number of transports called for and chartered by the
Government, daily arriving at the mouth of the Chesapeake. On the
26th, Great Bethel was taken possession of by the Federal troops,
and on the 29th a reconnoissance in force was made toward
Yorktown. It was now generally known that the large army under
General McClellan had been conveyed by transports to Old Point,
and was marching to attack the rebel entrenchments at Yorktown,
the key of the Peninsula.
On the 5th of April, General McClellan’s dispatch to the Secretary
of War, announced that his army had that day arrived in front of the
enemy’s works, having met with but slight opposition on its route.
During this period the weather was unfavorable for military
operations. Heavy storm-clouds frowned inauspiciously on the
approaching army, rain fell almost daily in torrents, and this at a
time when there could be no adequate provision for shelter.
The Federal army was now destined to undergo an experience of
toil and privations calculated to try its endurance to the utmost.
Solid roads were absolutely necessary for transportation from the
landings to the various encampments, as it was impossible to draw
the immense siege and supply trains over or through the soft alluvial
mire formed by the unremitting rains, while the creeks and water
courses were swollen into torrents. Skirmishing was of daily
occurrence—for the enemy neglected no opportunity to annoy their
formidable opponents, while the Federal army found it necessary to
push its advances within commanding reach of the rebel
entrenchments, which stretched from the York to the James rivers, a
distance of six miles. The rebel earthworks were ponderously built—
some of them of a height and thickness hitherto unparalleled in any
war.
 The Union soldiery toiled incessantly in the trenches, while
covering parties, with efficient batteries, stood guard in their
defence, and daily sacrificed some of their brave numbers while
protecting their toiling comrades.
The labors of the Federal army soon became apparent. Formidable
earthworks began to show their heads, and artillery of the largest
calibre was put in position. The rebel generals were struck with
astonishment and dismay when the evidences of engineering skill
hitherto unsuspected, stood revealed before them.
On the other hand, every day more fully revealed the extensive and
intricate line of the rebel defences. Their strength in forts, lunettes
and rifle-pits—their constantly increasing numbers, and untiring
activity, with their accurate knowledge of the topography of the
country, increased the magnitude of the work before the Federal
army. The natural obstacles to its progress were by no means few or
trifling. The sinuous windings of the line of attack they were obliged
to assume—the innumerable swamps and pools of water confronting
them on every side, the almost impenetrable forests and tangled
undergrowth added to their labors and their sufferings. Cold and
shivering under garments saturated anew by the rains of to-day, ere
those of yesterday had been vaporized, the soldiers endured the
pangs of hunger and fatigue unappalled. In view of the terrific
struggle before them, human suffering counted for nothing with
these brave men. No signs of discontent were manifest. Even in their
hardest trials the utmost cheerfulness prevailed; and in more remote
positions, where a less rigid discipline was enforced, the patriotic
strains of “The Star Spangled Banner” and the “Red, White and
Blue,” were heard ringing up through the storm. Not unfrequently,
with faces turned toward the patriot homes from whence they came,
would they sing “Do they Miss me at Home?” or “Let me Kiss him for
his Mother”—while they breathed the silent prayer that, through the
uncertainties of war, they might be permitted again to mingle with
their friends in the enjoyment of a bravely won peace.
Daily would some adventurous band of Federal soldiers explore
the intricacies of the rebel defences, coming constantly in collision
with the enemy. In these adventures the new and efficient regiments
of sharpshooters, just introduced into the United States army,
rendered valuable service.
 A month before the Union army invested Yorktown, the iron
battery Merrimac had made her advent in Hampton Roads, and after
destroying the noble old frigates Cumberland and Congress—the
pride of a past era—she met the Monitor, her conqueror and the
nation’s champion. The combat that ensued has stamped a glorious
page on the world’s history for all time. Like Lucifer in his fall, the
rebel monster shrank with “despairing, cursing rage” behind the
batteries at Yorktown, while the terrors of her exploits, and
rejoicings at her defeat, quickened the nation’s heart-pulses from
Maine to Maryland.
The noble Minnesota, resting in calm and majestic repose on the
waters of the Chesapeake, hitherto would have acknowledged no
superior in a naval combat. An exposure for two hours to the heavy
guns of the Merrimac, which pierced her wooden walls with shot and
shell, while her own missiles were ineffective as pebbles on the scales
of the leviathan, destroyed her prestige and her pride of strength.
An efficient fleet of gunboats had been ordered to act in
conjunction with McClellan’s forces in the reduction of Yorktown;
but the presence of the Merrimac no doubt frustrated their plans. On
the 15th of April several of the gunboats commenced shelling the
woods below Gloucester. One boat approaching within two miles of
Yorktown, brought her guns to bear on that place, until driven off by
the rebel batteries.
About the same time a portion of the Potomac flotilla ascended the
Rappahannock, meeting with but slight opposition, visiting the
towns of Urbana and Tappahannock, and destroying the enemy’s
batteries and huts at Lowry’s Point.
 BATTLE OF LEE’S MILLS, VA.

April 16, 1862.

The defence of Yorktown prompted the rebel chiefs to project a

line of batteries and earthworks across the peninsula which has been
rendered so prominent in historic interest by the series of important
events that have occurred between Richmond and Fortress Monroe.
In the course of completing this line, a battery was commenced at a
point on the Warwick road, on the estate of Mrs. Garrow, between
Lee’s Mills and Winn’s Mills. There is here an extensive field, with
woods to the right and left, and in the rear of the road. In front, at
the foot of a gradually descending slope, is a branch of the Warwick
river. The stream had been dammed up between these mills, the
water covering a breadth of from thirty to forty rods, and in the
deepest parts about four and a half feet deep. On the bank was a
rifle-pit, and above it, on the hill, breastworks, with their embrasures
for guns, frowned upon the water.
The arrest of this work, and the expulsion of the rebels, became
necessary, in order to prevent the completion of what might have
become a formidable obstacle. Accordingly, on the morning of the
16th, a party of skirmishers from the Fourth Vermont was thrown
out, and took a position near the enemy’s one gun battery, at the
point named, a New York battery being also advanced at the same
time. Opposite the enemy’s works at that place there was a
considerable space clear of large wood, overgrown with low shrubs
and young pine, and surrounded in every direction except towards
the enemy by a dense forest. Warwick Creek—from four to five feet
deep and about twenty rods wide—separated this field from the rebel
battery. Through the low shrubs and young pine the Vermonters
made their way up to the edge of the stream, and poured upon the
enemy a storm of rifle shot that he soon found it impossible to
withstand. After a few moments of this fire not a man was to be seen
within the enemy’s lines.
Two pieces of the battery—ten-pound Parrots, under Lieutenant
Flynn—then took up a position in the edge of the wood, at one
thousand yards from the enemy’s line, and opened fire. Then the
enemy came bravely up to the business, and responded with the large
gun in his one gun battery, and with two others in a battery behind it.
Lieutenant Stewart, with the second section of the same battery—two
twelve-pound Napoleon guns—was ordered up, with the left section,
under Lieutenant O’Donald. With this reinforcement the fire became
heavy between the artillery on both sides; the Union skirmishers and
numbers of the enemy’s skirmishers also pouring in their fire
whenever they saw an opportunity.
At about ten A. M., after nearly two hours’ sharp firing, the enemy
ceased to respond, not, it was thought, because his guns had been
disabled, but because the Union riflemen held his position so entirely
under fire that it was almost certain death for his men to be seen.
It was now deemed necessary to ascertain the enemy’s force at this
point and his disposition to fight. Upon consultation between
General McClellan and two division commanders, it was determined
to make a more decided demonstration of attack, and, accordingly,
between three and four P. M., three batteries were ordered forward
into the exposed field, and opened fire at about five hundred yards.
This woke the enemy up; he responded warmly for twenty minutes,
and once more relapsed into silence. In no way deceived by this, the
three batteries continued to play upon his position for some minutes
longer, when word was brought to the General of the Vermont
brigade that the creek was easily fordable, at some distance to the
right, and Colonel Hyde, in command of four companies of the
Vermont Third, who had skirmished in advance, was ordered to send
two of his companies across the creek at the point where it was said
to be only knee-deep, advance them to the enemy’s left, and charge
the work in rear. He accordingly sent across companies D and F, and
supported them very closely with companies E and K. Meanwhile the
Federal batteries became silent. No sooner were the Vermonters in
the stream than the water was found to be much deeper than had
been stated; the men went up to their arm-pits, and every charge of