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THORIKOS
REPORTS AND STUDIES
XII
PEETERS
THORIKOS
REPORTS AND STUDIES
XII
École belge d’Athènes
Belgische School te Athene
βελγική Σχολή Αθηνών
THORIKOS
REPORTS AND STUDIES
XII
EDITED BY
ROALD F. DOCTER & MAUD WEBSTER
PEETERS
LEUVEN – PARIS – BRISTOL, CT
2021
Thorikos Reports and Studies is a peer-reviewed series accommodating archaeologi-
cal, historical and related studies connected to Thorikos and Attica. Begun in 1967
as Thorikos. Rapport préliminaire, Thorikos Reports and Studies appears irregularly,
although one volume every two or three years is aimed at. Manuscripts are read by the
editors, one or two members of the Editorial Committee and/or external specialists.
Editorial Committee
Prof. Dr. Alexandra Alexandridou (Ioannina)
Prof. Dr. Johannes Bergemann (Göttingen)
Dr. Sylviane Déderix (Athens / Louvain-La-Neuve)
Dr. Koen Van Gelder (Gent)
Prof. Dr. Panagiotis Iossif (Nijmegen / Athens)
Prof. Dr. Andreas Kapetanios (Corfu)
Prof. Dr. Robert Laffineur (Liège)
Prof. Dr. Denis Morin (Nancy)
Dr. Margarita Nazou (Athens)
Dr. Nikolas Papadimitriou (Heidelberg)
Dr. Floris van den Eijnde (Utrecht)
Dr. Winfred van de Put (Athens)
Photo cover: Orthophoto of Industrial Quarter, Thorikos 2014

(Cornelis Stal, TARP Archive)
A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
Copyright 2021 by PEETERS PUBLISHERS,

Bondgenotenlaan 153, 3000 Leuven
All rights reserved. No parts of this book
may be reproduced or translated in any form
without written permisssion from the publisher.
D/2021/0602/63
ISBN 978-90-429-4270-7
eISBN 978-90-426-4271-4
TABLE OF CONTENTS
R.F. Docter & M. Webster, Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

F. van den Eijnde, R.F. Docter, A. Brüsewitz, M. Nazou & C. Stal et al.,
The 2012-2017 Ghent-Utrecht Survey Project at Thorikos: Prelimi-
nary Observations on the Final Neolithic and Bronze Age Settle-
ment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
S. Déderix, N. Papadimitriou, A. Balitsari, G. Cantoro, A. Efstathiou,
M. Manataki, M. Nazou, A. Sarris & R. Laffineur, Prehistoric
Thorikos: Preliminary Report of the 2018 and 2019 Fieldwork Cam-
paigns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
K. Van Gelder, Attic Final Protogeometric Pottery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
L. Verdonck, M. Praet, R.F. Docter, R. Laffineur, A. De Wulf & C. Stal,
Geophysical, Topographical, and Remote Sensing Investigations on
the Velatouri Hill at Thorikos (2006-2014) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
F. van den Eijnde, T. Pieters, R. van Wijk & R.F. Docter, Excavations
in a Terrace on the South-East Velatouri at Thorikos and the Discov-
ery of a Slave Burial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
R.F. Docter, A. Perugini, S. Mortier, W. van de Put, K. Van Gelder &
F. van den Eijnde, Finds from Two Sondages on the South-East
Velatouri (Thorikos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
L. Karali, Shells in the Fill of a Late Archaic or Classical Grave on the
South-East Velatouri (Thorikos). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
F. Janot & P. Munaro, Observations on Individual T13-1-15 from the
South-East Necropolis at Thorikos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
J. Bergemann, Fragment of a Large 4th-Century BC Marble Grave
Naiskos from the Thorikos Survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
R.F. Docter, Burying the House? ‘Foundation’ Offerings at Thorikos
and the Chronology of House 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
S. De Smet, Hera Teleia at Thorikos: A New Reading of the Evi-
dence of the So-Called Sanctuary of Hygieia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
PREFACE
This volume continues the preliminary reports of Thorikos I-IX and XI, in
between which volume X appeared as Thorikos 10 Reports and Studies. The
series aims at the publication of both progress reports on larger projects and
final reports on smaller interventions, as well as studies of older finds and find-
ings. This volume appears within the 2018-2022 program of fieldwork, and
contains several reports resulting from the extensive 2012-2017 survey of the
southern Velatouri hill at Thorikos, a preliminary overview of the very recently
undertaken survey of the upper and northern Velatouri, as well as in-depth
studies of three specific features and assemblages. The eleven contributions,
written by no less than 30 authors, testify to the felicitous international and
interdisciplinary composition of the teams currently working at Thorikos. As
always, we extend our sincere gratitude to the Ephorate of Antiquities of East
Attica, the Archaeological Museum at Lavrio and the Technological Park and
their respective staff, and to the numerous individuals and institutions support-
ing and facilitating our work. We also greatly appreciate the collaboration with
the staff of Peeters Publishers at Leuven and are grateful for their support of
the Thorikos series.
Roald F. DOCTER & Maud WEBSTER, 2021
For more information on the Thorikos Archaeological Research Project, see

our website:https://www.thorikos.be
THE 2012-2017 GHENT-UTRECHT SURVEY PROJECT AT THORIKOS:
PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS ON THE FINAL NEOLITHIC
AND BRONZE AGE SETTLEMENT
Floris VAN DEN EIJNDE, Roald F. DOCTER,

Amber BRÜSEWITZ, Margarita NAZOU, Cornelis STAL et al.1*
Introduction
Between 2012 and 2015, a team from Ghent and Utrecht universities con-
ducted an intensive survey of the southern slopes of the Velatouri hill, covering
the area of the lower settlement of Thorikos (Industrial Quarter) as well as parts
of the Thorikos acropolis (Fig. 1).2 This project was completed in 2015, after
*
Dr. Floris van den Eijnde: Utrecht University, Department of History and Art History.
Prof. Dr. Roald F. Docter, Andrea Perugini, Sophie Mortier, Sophie Duchène, Silke De
Smet, Carina Hasenzagl: Ghent University, Department of Archaeology.
Amber Brüsewitz: Ghent University, Department of History.
Prof. Dr. Alain De Wulf: Ghent University, Department of Geography.
Dr. Margarita Nazou: Institute of Historical Research, National Hellenic Research Foun-
dation.
Dr. Cornelis Stal: Ghent University College, Department of Real Estate and Applied Geo-
matics / Ghent University, Department of Geography.
Dr. Winfred van de Put: The Netherlands Institute at Athens.
Dr. Alexandra Alexandridou: University of Ioannina, Department of History and Archae-
ology.
1
Winfred van de Put, Andrea Perugini, Sophie Mortier, Alexandra Alexandridou, Sophie
Duchène, Silke De Smet, Carina Hasenzagl & Alain De Wulf.
2
The Thorikos Survey Project (TSP) was directed by Floris van den Eijnde and Roald
F. Docter. The former has been responsible for conducting the field survey, assisted by
Amber Brüsewitz (then Utrecht University, now Ghent) who also prepared the first draft of
this paper, partly based upon van den Eijnde et al. forthcoming (on aims and methodology).
Roald F. Docter, Margarita Nazou, Winfred van de Put, Sophie Mortier, Alexandra
Alexandridou, Andrea Perugini, Sophie Duchène, Carina Hasenzagl and Silke de Smet were
responsible for the pottery analysis upon which the preliminary conclusions in this article
are based. Cornelis Stal was responsible for the survey-grid, based upon the work of Alain
De Wulf, and for creating the distribution maps. The project’s logistics over the years have
been in the hands of Guy Dierkens, aided by Gunnar De Boel (2012) and Inge Claerhout
(2013). First discussions of the Thorikos Survey Project can be found in van den Eijnde et
al. 2018 and Nazou et al. 2018, 136, 140, fig. 4.
10 F. VAN DEN EIJNDE E.A.
Figure 1. The 2012-2015 Thorikos Survey on the southern Velatouri hill: annual progress
(C. Stal/A. Brüsewitz).
which the inventory and study of the 56,901 finds continued through 2016-
2017. In 2018, a team from Louvain-la-Neuve and Liège extended the survey
to the north with an aim to complete the surface investigation of the entire
Velatouri hill.3 Awaiting the comprehensive publication, it is deemed appropri-
ate to present in the meantime some preliminary results, based on the inventory
and study of all finds collected during the 2012-2015 Ghent-Utrecht southern
slope survey. In this preliminary report, we will thus outline both the scien-
tific aims of the Thorikos Survey Project and the methodology employed, and
focus on the evidence of the Neolithic and Bronze Age occupation on the
Velatouri as a case.
3
See van den Eijnde et al. 2018 and Déderix et al., elsewhere in this volume.
THE NEOLITHIC AND BRONZE AGE SETTLEMENT 11
Aims
At the outset of the Thorikos Survey Project, we formulated several aims.

The main goal was to draw the various dispersed excavations on the Velatouri
together, incorporating them into a unified narrative of the settlement’s histori-
cal development.4 Determining the full chronological extent of the site’s use is
crucial for understanding its settlement patterns through time. The comprehen-
sive field-walking approach (see below) particularly aimed to shed light on
remains from the less studied periods, notably the pre- and the post-Classical
period:
1. Determining the location and extent of the settlement in the Prehistoric,
Geometric and Archaic periods held special interest, given the limited record
of pre-Classical domestic architecture. While there is much evidence from
some of these periods in the form of pottery and graves, by contrast only few
domestic remains have been uncovered to date.
2. Although post-Classical material is regularly found (albeit in smaller num-
bers than earlier material) and some evidence of contemporary activity in
the mines exists, the occupation of the site in this period is still not fully
understood, partly due to a near complete lack of architectural remains.5
The survey has allowed us to detect shifts in settlement patterns that were
previously unknown. In these pages we will restrict our attention to the Neo-
lithic and the Bronze Age; a more comprehensive all-period publication is
projected to follow.
At a more general level, the aim of the survey has been to increase our
understanding of the socio-economic history of Thorikos as the main centre of
silver mining in Attica. Not only did the survey support the view that mining
activities might have started earlier and been more intense than previously
thought;6 they also seem to have continued for longer. A concomitant explora-
tion of Cistern no. 1, near Mine no. 2, has drawn attention to the presence of
Late Antique and Early Byzantine material, suggesting a renewed period
4
See the excavation reports in the Thorikos volumes I-XI as well as the series of comprehen-
sive studies on Thorikos (bibliographical overview in Docter & Webster 2018, 58-59). For
convenient overviews of the Belgian excavation efforts from the 1960s through the 1980s,
see Mussche 1998, and for the more international recent investigations, see Docter &
Webster 2018.
5
Spitaels 1978, 103-106, figs. 60-63; Butcher 1982; Bingen 1990; Mussche 1998, 65; Docter
et al. 2010, 49-51, fig. 20; Mattern 2010; Van Liefferinge et al. 2011, 71-72; Docter,
Monsieur & van de Put 2011, 95, 100-101, 106-111, 118-120, figs. 19, 31-36, 42; Konstantinidou,
Monsieur & Hasenzagl 2018.
6
See Νάζου 2013; 2014; 2020; forthcoming (a-b).
of metallurgical (?) activity at Thorikos.7 The survey results also reinforce the
notion that a small, Late Antique revival may indeed have taken place around
the Industrial Quarter.
Methods and techniques
The field-walking technique used throughout the 2012-2015 campaigns was

designed to fulfill the specific requirements of this type of intra-site inquiry.
We were able to use the pre-existing universal grid system at the site, set up by
the Belgian excavators in the early 1960s,8 which greatly facilitated the pro-
cess. This grid consists of 50 × 50 m macrosquares defined by letters and
numbers, aligned on the north-south axis, and materialised on the site using
small posts of reinforced concrete in their north-west corners. These posts are
positioned on the vertex of each cell with a mutual orthogonal distance of 50 m.
The coordinates of the vertices were measured by theodolite- and GNSS meas-
urements during different previous campaigns on the Velatouri hill, starting in
the 60s of the last century.9 Unfortunately, but as expected, some concrete
poles had eroded since. Using GPS, the pre-existing grid on the Velatouri was
(temporarily) restored, complemented and used to determine the target areas
for the intensive field survey in 2012-2015.
For the purpose of the survey, however, higher spatial resolution was
required, and new points were added to divide the existing 50 × 50 m grid into
smaller sections. The macrosquares were thus each divided into four sectors
measuring 25 × 25 m: north-west (1), north-east (2), south-west (3) and south-
east (4). These are called mesosquares to differentiate them from the 50 × 50 m
macrosquares and from the 5 × 5 m microsquares previously used at Thorikos.
In order to materialise the 25 × 25 m mesosquares, new points had to be added
and missing, lost or eroded poles had to be replaced. Measured points were
temporarily marked using paint or stacks of rocks in order to avoid environ-
mental damage. While this is not a durable solution, it was deemed sufficient
for the limited purpose of the survey, since a later revisiting of these squares
would only be necessary in rare cases (cf. below, contexts T12-124, T13-124,
T14-124 and T15-124). The combination of concrete poles and temporary
7
Van Liefferinge et al. 2011, 71-72, showing that the Late Antique and Early Byzantine
material (6th-8th century CE) may have been be the result of intentional dumping, as it
appeared to be lacking from the surface material in the cistern’s immediate vicinity. See also
n. 6 and Νάζου et al. 2018, 134-135, 140, fig. 3.
8
Van Liefferinge, Stal & De Wulf 2011; De Wulf & Stal 2018, with fig.; De Wulf & Stal
forthcoming; Verdonck et al., elsewhere in this volume.
9
De Geyter 1967a-b.
markers made it possible to further materialise the grid system on the ground
by simply using marker tape to establish right angles and 25 m lines on sight.
The resulting (small) inaccuracy of this approach was deemed insignificant in
relation to the purpose of the survey; in addition, imprecisions were kept to
a minimum by using GPS to double-check the markers’ locations. In line with
the earlier survey experiences of one of the field directors (Docter) in the Laco-
nia Survey and the Malta Survey, and after consultation with several colleagues
working with survey archaeology (in particular Prof. John Bintliff, at that time
at Leiden University), the following artefact collection strategy was decided
upon.10
As a rule, four students walked each mesosquare for 20 minutes. In rare
cases, when teams of four could not be formed, two students walked one square
for 40 minutes. The standard method was for the four to set out from one corner
each and ‘hover’ toward the square’s approximate centre (Fig. 2). This enabled
the team to scan the entire surface for finds, avoiding dangerous areas – bushes,
mine shafts, cliffs etc., and still pay equal attention to each individual square.
Aside from observing the artefact-
scatter, close attention was paid to
architectural remains, mine shafts
and entrances, as well as rock
graffiti. This aspect of the survey
adds to the topographical measur-
ing campaign of 2008 on the lower
Velatouri hill.11 A supervisor was
present at all times, recording all
finds and features on fieldsheets
(using an iPad equipped with File-
maker) and documenting factors
such as visibility, slope gradient,
land use, topography, surface con-
ditions, soil types and vegetation
for each individual mesosquare.
All finds were then counted
Figure 2: Schematic rendering and bagged in the field, per stu-
of the method of field-walking with dent, and registered in the finds
four students ‘hovering’ one mesosquare lab at the Archaeological Museum
(25 × 25 m) (J. Angenon). of Lavrio under a single context
10
On the subject of intra-site artefact survey, see Bintliff 2013.
11
Van Liefferinge, Stal & De Wulf 2011.
number.12 The 2012-2015 campaigns were followed up by material processing

campaigns until 2017, in which the 56,901 finds were inventoried and studied
by specialists and students from several European universities.13 Of these, 5016
fragments were left out in preparing the distribution maps of Figs. 3-7 since
they stemmed from the systematic re-survey of survey context 124 (see below)
and a few other mesosquares. The finds consisted primarily of ceramics (frag-
ments of vessels and building material), but also lithics (such as obsidian, peb-
bles and grinding tools), sea shell, metals and metallurgical residues in the
form of slags and litharge. The pottery chronology spans a wide period, from
the Final Neolithic to early modern times. Of the total number of finds, 23,493
(41.3%) were kept and 33,412 (58.7%) were discarded during the inventory
process.14 While the main focus of previous excavations had been on the Bronze
Age through Classical remains, no such discrimination was made in the exami-
nation of the finds collected in the field survey, since one of the main reasons
for conducting an intensive intra-site survey was to establish the full chrono-
logical extent of the site as well as to detect shifts in habitational patterns
through all its periods of use.
Stages of the Survey
The survey effort of 2012 focused on three areas: first and foremost, we
succeeded in examining a full east-west transect of just under one kilometer in
length and one macrosquare (50 m) in width across the southern slope of the
Velatouri. This transect includes all macrosquares situated directly south of
the 51st latitudinal line, from the dirt road encircling the Velatouri at its western
footing (C’51) to the coastal asphalt road abutting it to the east (P51). Tran-
sect 51 had the benefit of limited previous excavations, ensuring a relatively
12
E.g. T12-101-1, indicating the season (2012) and denoting both the macrosquare (A’51 =
survey context 101) as well as the mesosquare (north-west sector: 1) to create a unique tag.
See also van den Eijnde et al. 2018, 20 with fig.
13
See acknowledgments below. In part, the study of the finds took shape as a Fieldschool of
Greek material culture, organised for students of the U4 collaboration between Ghent Uni-
versity, the Georg-August University Göttingen, Groningen University and Uppsala
University.
14
The non-diagnostic finds were grouped by fabric (plain, painted, black glaze, etc.) and – if
possible – functional category (tile, amphora, beehive, open or closed shape, etc.) as well as
by sherd size; they were then counted and entered in the database per category and then
discarded in an area designated by the archaeological service on the premises of the Archae-
ological Museum at Lavrio. Natural rocks and finds of very recent date (post-1960, ca.),
were also discarded but without further recording.
Figure 3. Distribution map of the 2012-2015 Thorikos survey

on the southern Velatouri hill, based upon the total of inventoried finds (C. Stal).
Figure 4. Adjusted find count and approximative number

of sherds/annum (× 1000) (F. van den Eijnde).
Figure 5. Distribution maps of finds: A. Final Neolithic;

B. Final Neolithic/Early Bronze Age; C. Neolithic/Bronze Age
(C. Stal, on the basis of first attributions in database).
Figure 6. Distribution maps of finds: A. Bronze Age;

B. Early Bronze Age; C. Early Bronze Age/Middle Bronze Age
Figure 7. Distribution maps of finds: A. Middle Bronze Age;

B. Middle Bronze Age/Late Bronze Age; C. Late Bronze Age
undisturbed sample.15 The second inspected area was a roughly triangular field
adjoining the coastal road, which was chosen for its location close to the sea
and the presence of a monumental Late Classical or Hellenistic structure exca-
vated in the early 70s of the last century by A.G. Liangouras and E. Kakavogi-
annis.16 Finally, an area on the southern slope was selected, because an exten-
sive geophysical survey by a team under the direction of Robert Laffineur of
the University of Liège (2010) had given strong evidence for a large building
on this relatively flat plateau.17 It was thus expected that the survey would pro-
vide indications for a chronology that might or might not warrant the organisa-
tion of a future excavation.
The 2013 campaign sought to fill in the gaps between these three separate
areas as well as explore the area on the eastern plateau of the acropolis toward
the modern coastal road.18 During the third and fourth seasons, in 2014 and
2015, the survey effort concentrated on the areas left on the south-west slope
between the previously excavated areas of the Industrial Quarter and the earlier
surveyed squares.19
In all, 60,936 objects were collected, 56,901 of which (93.38%) were pro-
cessed in the Lavrio Museum (Table 1) after discarding natural rocks, other
non-humanmade items and very recent finds (post-1960, ca.). As noted, of the
processed finds, 23,493 were kept for storage in the Lavrio Museum, the rest
having been discarded after careful examination and recording. Some 4587
objects, or roughly 8% of all processed finds, were photographed (and when
deemed necessary also drawn) with a view to further study and publication.
15
There are two exceptions: the excavation of the South Necropolis (Servais 1968; Mussche
1998, 22-23) and the excavation of Cistern no. 1 (Van Liefferinge et al. 2011).
16
Λιάγκουρας & Κακαβογιάννης 1972.
17
See Verdonck et al., elsewhere in this volume.
18
The second campaign was conducted between July 8-25, 2013.
19
The third and fourth survey campaigns were conducted between July 1-23, 2014 and July
4-8, 2015 respectively.
Table 1. TSP 2012-2015 finds processing.20
Processed finds %
processed
Field
Year vs.
count % of total Dis- % of total Total
Stored Field
processed carded processed processed
count
2012 18408 5029 30.01% 11727 69.99% 16756 91.03%
2013 20505 9078 46.66% 10379 53.34% 19457 94.89%
2014 20792 9023 46.27% 10479 53.73% 19502 93.80%
2015 1231 363 30.61% 823 69.39% 1186 96.34%
Total 60936 23493 41.29% 33408 58.71% 56901 93.38%
Geomorphology and natural condition of the Velatouri hill
In relation to the methodology of the survey, a short note on the geomor-

phology and natural condition of the Velatouri is in order. The surface condi-
tions of this part of the Velatouri are generally consistent. The gravel-dirt soil
is thoroughly mixed with slabs of greenschist as a result of extensive erosion
of the top layer of the Attic Cycladic crystalline belt.21 Since the geomorpho-
logical history of the Velatouri is characterised by erosion, its slopes increase
in steepness toward the top, impeding the survey effort, as well as – theoreti-
cally – rendering habitation near the summit more difficult. The exception to
this pattern is the eastern plateau, commonly referred to as the acropolis (Fig. 1,
macrosquares H-J53), where a large part of the prehistoric finds has been col-
lected (see below; Fig. 8).
The visibility and natural overgrowth vary throughout the site. The terrain
is punctuated by the occasional (wild) olive and is otherwise covered with
herbaceous vegetation and the generic Mediterranean shrubs that thrive on this
type of dry and rocky terrain. The less steep southern slope is generally quite
grassy, while the thick, thorny phrygana scrub obstructs easy navigation of
the steeper east/south-east slope. As far as grassy or overgrown areas are con-
cerned, visibility varied much throughout the 2012-2015 campaigns depending
on precipitation levels in the preceding months.
20
After the first survey in 2012, macrosquare / survey context 124 was systematically revisited
in 2013, 2014 and 2015. This methodological case study has been the subject of a recent
Bachelor’s thesis at Ghent University (Toch 2019) and will be presented separately else-
where. The numbers in Table 1 are without the revisits, so only the finds of 2012 (T12-124)
have been taken into account here.
21
Baziotis, Proyer & Mposkos 2009, 133-134; Scheffer et al. 2018.
Figure 8. Distribution map of finds: Late Neolithic to Late Bronze Age, including
the generic ‘Prehistoric’ (C. Stal, on the basis of first attributions in database).
The varying degree of overgrowth in particular poses an important meth-

odological question. How reliable is the sherd count in a given mesosquare in
relation to another square with different overgrowth and hence variant visibil-
ity? To account for differences in visibility between different areas or even the
same areas over different periods, conditions were recorded for each mesos-
quare in the fieldsheets in terms of a percentage of full visibility (i.e. 100%).
In the future, the final sherd count may be adjusted to accommodate for the
attested variation. In particular, the survey on the east slope suffered from poor
accessibility as a result of the phrygana, which is likely to have suppressed the
yield per mesosquare (Fig. 3).
Finally, regarding the coastal geomorphology, a reconnaissance geophysical
survey in the area has shown that the ancient coastline of Thorikos looked quite
different in the past than it does today. The now silted-up Adami plain and
lower Potami valley would have formed an estuary in Antiquity, sheltering the
settlement to the south and south-west.22
Preliminary results
After studying the surface finds and merging them into distribution maps
(see above), it is now possible to offer some preliminary observations on
22
Paepe 1969; Paepe 1971, esp. 15-16; Mussche 1998, 58; Apostolopoulos et al. 2014.
Thorikos’ settlement history, limiting ourselves here to the earliest phases. The
first distribution map presented here refers to the total number of finds (all
periods) collected in the field and inventoried in the finds laboratory (Fig. 3).
It is apparent that the acropolis and the steep slopes just south of it, as well as
and in particular the lower slopes to the south-east, yielded strong concentra-
tions of finds. Since the latter concentration consisted predominantly of Clas-
sical and Hellenistic finds, it was conjectured that this may have been an
important part of the settlement during that period.23 Prehistoric finds proved
to be largely limited to the acropolis. Perhaps surprisingly, a significant num-
ber of finds from this period was not found on but just below the acropolis
plateau, on the steep slopes immediately to the south. Rather than indicating
that habitation was concentrated on these more inhospitable slopes, we may
surmise that this material washed down from the upper levels as a result of
natural erosion from the plateau. A particularly strong concentration in and
around macrosquare I52 (survey context T13-153-4) can be partially explained
by the fact that this area was used as a dump for earlier excavations by Jean
Servais on the acropolis (1965 and 1968), the material of which has since
eroded further down.24 A strong concentration on the greater summit of the
Velatouri may be interpreted as stemming from the eroded stratigraphy at the
confines of Valerios Staïs’ excavations (1893).25 This concerns macrosquares
G53 and H53 (survey contexts T13-151-1, T13-151-3, T14-207-1, T14-207-3
and T14-207-4).
A note on period assignation and adjusted find count
The process of studying finds naturally had to deal with the limitations of
the quality of the finds. Whereas in some cases, it is possible to assign a defined
phase (e.g. Final Neolithic, Early Bronze Age etc.), the general aspect of the
finds did not commonly allow for such precision, necessitating approximations
in terms of overlapping phases (see Table 2). Also, some phases, such as Early
Bronze Age or Bronze Age encompass more refined subdivisions such as
Early Bronze Age I or Late Bronze Age. It should also be noted that whereas
one of the authors (M. Nazou) was able to assign ceramic fragments to the
(Final) Neolithic and Early Bronze Age periods relatively easily, on the basis
of her knowledge of this material in Mine no. 3,26 her familiarity with Middle
23
Van den Eijnde et al. forthcoming; see also above, n 16.
24
For a summary of the excavations on the acropolis, see Van Gelder 2011 with references;
Déderix et al., elsewhere in this volume.
25
Στάης 1893; 1895; Papadimitriou 2020; Déderix et al., elsewhere in this volume.
26
Nazou 2013; 2014; 2020; Νάζου et al. 2018, 137-138; Nazou forthcoming (a-b). The finds
from at least the acropolis have been inventoried and partly studied by her; the material from
and Late Bronze Age pottery at Thorikos was less profound, affecting the reso-
lution of chronological attributions within this timeframe. It should, moreover,
be stressed that the chronological attributions used in the following sections are
to be considered preliminary since they are mostly based upon only a first
inspection during the processing campaigns; a further study by different spe-
cialists is foreseen, enabling more detailed publication in the future.
This poses a well-known problem for the extrapolation of reliable quantita-
tive data, especially when judging the intensity of use during a particular phase.
In some cases, the numbers may be sufficiently low so as not to affect the data
significantly if left out. But what to do, for example, with the 60 Final Neo-
lithic/Early Bronze Age sherds, or the 1106 Bronze Age sherds, when compar-
ing variations in sherd numbers between the four main periods selected for this
study (e.g. Final Neolithic, Early Bronze Age, Middle Bronze Age and Late
Bronze Age; see Table 3)? To leave out the Bronze Age sherds would skew
totals unrealistically in favour of the Final Neolithic. However, it is also clear
that these numbers cannot be divided in even measure over the three phases of
Early, Middle and Late Bronze Age. We have therefore opted to divide the
sherd numbers of ‘overlapping’ chronological phases (e.g. Final Neolithic/
Early Bronze Age; see Table 2) according to the ratio of the selected non-
overlapping phases (i.e. Final Neolithic, Early, Middle and Late Bronze Age).
This was done bottom-up, beginning with the smallest overlapping periods,
working our way up toward the broadest. Thus, for example, the five Early
Bronze Age I and II sherds were added to the 71 from the Early Bronze Age.
Then the six Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 60 Final Neolithic/Early Bronze
Age and one Neolithic/Early Bronze Age sherds (67 total) were divided accord-
ing to the ratio between Final Neolithic (which itself had been adjusted upward
by two, to 29, as a result of the Late Neolithic/Final Neolithic being assigned
completely to the later phase) and the Early Bronze Age sherds, bringing the
latter total to 126.27 This method was repeated for the three Early/Middle
Bronze Age sherds, the 1106 Bronze Age sherds and the four combined Late
Neolithic/Bronze Age and Neolithic/Bronze Age sherds, bringing the total
adjusted find count for the Early Bronze Age to 573.
Finally, in order to contextualise the find numbers while taking into account
the uneven time span of the four main periods, we have opted to include the
the campaigns of 2013-2015 has almost completely been inventoried by her or under her
supervision.
27
Note that one single Late Neolithic sherd was omitted as statistically insignificant:
TC13.3760, found in context T13-134-2-C (134.2), within the north-eastern sector of macro-
square K1, half-way between the summit and the south-east foot of the Velatouri (Table 2).
It could well have originated on the acropolis and washed down in the course of millennia
of erosion processes.
adjusted find count per annum (× 1000 for better visualisation in Fig. 4). Obvi-
ously, this method is contingent on current standard periodization, but we
believe that potential divergences will not significantly alter the main trends
revealed by this approach. The main periods were generalised to 4500-3200
(Final Neolithic), 3200-2050 (Early Bronze Age), 2050-1650 (Middle Bronze
Age) and 1650-1100 BCE (Late Bronze Age).28 Most significantly, the extrap-
olated find count per annum is highest during the Middle Bronze Age, even
though its total adjusted find count is slightly smaller than that of the Early
Bronze Age. This is due to its much shorter time span.
It is interesting to note that the method of using the adjusted find count
results in the suppression of the relative share of Final Neolithic sherds from
11 to 3%, even as its total number increases (from 27 to 48). This is a direct
result of the great number of sherds (1106) qualified as ‘Bronze Age’. Simi-
larly, the large increase of the share of Early Bronze Age finds (from 30 to
39%), can be attributed to the relatively high number of (Final/Late) Neolithic/
Early Bronze Age finds (67, see above).
Table 2. Tally of Neolithic and Bronze Age surface finds.
Period Find Count

Late Neolithic 1
Late Neolithic/Final Neolithic 2
Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age 6
Late Neolithic/Bronze Age 1
Final Neolithic 27
Final Neolithic/Early Bronze Age 60
Neolithic/Bronze Age 3
Neolithic/Early Bronze Age 1
Bronze Age 1106
Early Bronze Age 71
Early Bronze Age I 1
Early Bronze Age II 4
Early Bronze Age/Middle Bronze Age 3
Middle Bronze Age 94
Middle Bronze Age/Late Bronze Age 48
Late Bronze Age 44
Total 1472
28
Cf. also the application of the Chronotype system by Gregory 2004.
Neolithic
Focusing on the Neolithic and Bronze Age materials, some patterns can eas-
ily be discerned. Table 2 shows the complete tally for both periods. As men-
tioned, while some sherds could be dated with the utmost precision by one of
the authors, in most cases only a very broad determination spanning multiple
(overlapping) periods was possible. Based upon these preliminary data, the
occupation of the acropolis may have commenced during the Final Neolithic
(ca. 4500 BCE), with a single sherd dated to the Late Neolithic period possibly
hinting at an earlier start.29 During the Final Neolithic, the acropolis thus seems
to have been settled, although we cannot at present say whether this habitation
was uninterrupted. In his excavations of 1965, Jean Servais had already found
walls that he attributed to the Final Neolithic period.30 The full publication of
the 27 sherds attributable with certainty to this period (as well as the two attrib-
uted to the Late Neolithic/Final Neolithic) may shed more light on this matter.
The distribution maps (Fig. 5A and B) strongly suggest that habitation was
restricted to the acropolis with a western outlier in macrosquare B53 (survey
contexts T14-200-2 and T14-200-4), just above a steep slope. Otherwise, what
little sherds were collected in the areas immediately below the acropolis can be
explained by erosion processes.
Table 3. Numbers and percentages of surface finds in wider periodization.
Approximate Adjusted Approximate

Simple % of % of
Period number of sherds/ Find number of sherds/
count total total
annum (× 1000) Count* annum (× 1000)
Final Neolithic 27 11% 21 48 3% 37
Early Bronze Age 71 30% 62 573 39% 498
Middle Bronze Age 94 40% 235 582 40% 1454
Late Bronze Age 44 19% 80 269 18% 488
Total 236 100% 68 1471 100% 426
Bronze Age
During the Bronze Age, the settlement on the Velatouri was more inten-
sively occupied (Figs. 5C, 6-7). In this light, it is significant that Staïs already
in 1893 uncovered the core of a nucleated prehistoric settlement near the
29
See above, n. 27.
30
Servais 1967, 24-27, pl. II; Van Gelder 2011, 17, fig. 2.
summit.31 It is, again, around the summit that the densest concentrations of
Bronze Age finds were noted, probably because of the impact of Staïs’ excava-
tions. While sherd counts are high for the whole Bronze Age, the Middle
Bronze Age stands out with the most finds (94) and, on standard chronology,
by far the highest number of sherds per annum (Figs. 6-7; Table 3). Signifi-
cantly, in the Late Bronze Age, the sherd count (roughly extrapolated per
annum, see Table 3) drops to approximately the level of the Early Bronze Age.
This correlates with the traces of a Middle Bronze Age/early Early Bronze Age
settlement encountered by Servais during his excavations on the acropolis pla-
teau in 1965 and 1968.32 The straightforward conclusion would seem to be that
the Middle Bronze Age represents a period of great prosperity when compared
to the earlier and later phases.
While the strong concentration on the acropolis and its upper slopes in con-
nection with the settlement may come as no surprise, other concentrations are
perhaps more unexpected, even though the absolute numbers remain relatively
low. A concentration of Bronze Age sherds around mine entrance no. 6 is to be
noted. In particular, sherds that stylistically and fabric-wise cover the whole
Bronze Age have been found here in macrosquares F4 and G4 (Figs. 5C, 6A,
7B, 8).33 This contrasts with the situation around mine entrance no. 3, where
evidence for Early Bronze Age activities – undoubtedly connected with the
exploitation of the silver resources – has been known already for some 40 years
now:34 lying within the area that had already been largely excavated, it is hardly
surprising that no finds of this period remained to be found during the survey.
The new evidence from Mine no. 6, however, suggests that silver exploitation
may have played an even larger role than hitherto envisaged. Silver production
(in the form of cupellation) at Thorikos was confirmed for the Middle Bronze
Age by the important discovery of litharge in a Middle Bronze Age/early Early
Bronze Age house excavated by Servais.35 To this we may now add the indirect
evidence of early mining activity at yet another mine.
The distribution maps Figs. 5-8 show three other patterns that deserve dis-
cussion and interpretation although, again, the absolute numbers remain rela-
tively limited. Firstly, a concentration of ‘Neolithic/Bronze Age’ and generic
31
Στάης 1893; 1895.
32
Servais 1967, 20-24, pl. II; Van Gelder 2011, 17, fig. 2.
33
This mine, as well as mine entrances 3 and 4, are currently being investigated by a team from
the University of Lorraine (Nancy), see Morin & Delpech 2018; Νάζου et al. 2018, 136-
137. The sherds from these survey contexts T14-171-1, T14-171-2 and T14-173-1 have been
inventoried by or under the supervision of M. Nazou.
34
Spitaels 1984; Waelkens 1990; Laffineur 2010, 26, 36-40; Docter et al. 44-45, fig. 14;
Laffineur et al. 2018; Νάζου et al. 2018, 137-138; Nazou 2020; forthcoming (a-b). The
Late Helladic ceramic evidence from the mine has been published by P.A. Mountjoy (1995).
35
Servais 1967, 22-24, fig. 16.
‘Bronze Age’ material can be found due south of the summit and at intermedi-
ate height (Figs. 5C, 6A, 8).36 Given the lack of a similar concentration on
distribution maps of later periods, in combination with the relatively flat ter-
rain, it seems likely that this does not represent down-washing from the acropo-
lis but may perhaps indicate a suburban extension of the main nucleus on the
acropolis plateau. If so, a Final Neolithic (?) and Early to Middle Bronze Age
chronology may tentatively be proposed for this concentration, even if a Late
Bronze Age phase cannot be completely excluded, judging by the distribution
maps (Figs. 6C, 7A-B).37 Secondly, another set of Early Bronze Age and Early
Bronze Age/Middle Bronze Age concentrations can be discerned on the south-
eastern slopes of the Velatouri (Figs. 6B-C), but the numbers remain low and
consist, moreover, of finds that have not been inventoried by or under the
supervision of specialists.38 A third ‘concentration’ is visible on Figs. 7B-C just
south of the Industrial Quarter, but consists only of four wall fragments of red/
brown burnished jars, attributed by M. Nazou to the Middle or Late Bronze
Age; although remarkable in this part of the site, the small numbers should
warn against over-interpretation.39
To conclude, the acropolis summit and eastern plateau evidently functioned
as the primary nucleus of the Final Neolithic and Bronze Age settlement at
Thorikos (Fig. 8). The large plateau in particular was suitable for habitation
and held a commanding view of the sea and the two potential harbours below:
one to the east, protected by the Agios Nikolaos peninsula; the other to the
south, in the Adami bay.40 The choice of the acropolis as a settlement site was
presumably conditioned at least in part by the natural terrain towards the east,
with a very steep and rocky slope effectively serving as a ‘fortification’. Even
today, the terrain is so precipitous as to prevent surveying here.41 Beyond these
rocks, the field sherd counts drop off considerably, likely marking the confines
36
In particular, survey contexts T13-131-1, T13-131-2, T13-131-4, T13-132-1, T13-132-2,
T13-132-4, T13-144-2 and T13-145-1 (macrosquares H1, H2, I1 and I2). Also in this case,
the sherds were inventoried by or under the supervision of M. Nazou. This area, remarkably,
lies just north of where Robert Laffineur had been looking for a possible Bronze Age settle-
ment in his 2009 and 2010 geophysical prospections (see Verdonck et al., elsewhere in this
volume).
37
As the sherds of these survey contexts were inventoried by or under the supervision of
M. Nazou, this concentration is thought to represent an ancient reality, although further
study is required for confirmation.
38
This holds for macrosquares L4 (survey contexts T12-126-1 and T12-126-2) and M2 and
N2 (survey contexts T12-127-2, T12-128-1). Only in the case of macrosquares L1-2 (survey
contexts T13-135-1 and T13-136-1) the presence of prehistoric material seems ascertained
(a.o. TC13.547).
39
Macrosquare A’3 (survey context T14-192-2).
40
See above, n. 22.
41
The southwestern sectors of macrosquares K52 and K53.
of the potential area of settlement. The border of the Bronze Age settlement is
furthermore indicated by Tholos Tomb III in macrosquares K53, L53, K54 and
L54 (cf. Fig. 1),42 which was certainly located outside the prehistoric settle-
ment proper.
Conclusions
Occupation of the acropolis seems to have commenced as early as previ-

ously assumed by P. Spitaels:43 the survey has confirmed the area to have been
inhabited from the Final Neolithic period on. Surprisingly, a concentration of
prehistoric material was also found around mine entrance no. 6, indicating that
silver exploitation in this period may have been more intensive than previously
thought on the basis of the Mine no. 3 evidence.44 Judging by current evidence
and awaiting further detailed study of the finds, the concentration that can be
discerned mid-way on the slopes between the acropolis and the south-east con-
centration seems remarkable and may perhaps be interpreted as a chiefly Early
to Middle Bronze Age extension of the habitation on the acropolis (Figs. 5C,
6A, 8). The evidence for ascertained Early Bronze Age material on the acropo-
lis, however, is not abundant (Fig. 6B), which may be explained by the sugges-
tion made elsewhere that Early Bronze Age occupation was more coastal.45
Finds seem to indicate that the occupation of the acropolis flourished especially
during the Middle Bronze Age period, less so during the Late Bronze Age
(Fig. 7). The abundance of Bronze Age finds in the survey on both the acropo-
lis and the central-southern slopes of the Velatouri contrasts with the lack of
contemporary monumental architecture (Late Helladic III).46 This may well be
explained by the intensification of activity in Athens at the time, where the Late
Helladic III period saw the construction of the large fortifications on the Athe-
nian Acropolis and the emergence of Athens as a palatial centre. These devel-
opments may have drained the available resources previously spent at Thorikos
and elsewhere in Attica.
42
See Laffineur 2010, 30-33, figs. 10-13; Laffineur 2018, esp. 25-27, with figs; both with full
references.
43
Spitaels 1982, 12.
44
On the exploitation of silver in this period, see esp. Laffineur 2010, 26-27, 36-40.
45
Based on the finds of Olga Kakavogianni at the Dei power plant at the coast, where she
recovered Early Bronze Age architecture and pottery (Κακαβογιάννη 1985).
46
Laffineur 2010, 26-27, 40.
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1963. Rapport préliminaire sur la première campagne de fouilles. Voorlopig ver-
slag over de eerste opgravingscampagne. Brussels.
Thorikos II: Mussche, H.F., J. Bingen, J. De Geyter, G. Donnay & T. Hackens 1967.
Thorikos 1964. Rapport préliminaire sur la deuxième campagne de fouilles. Voor-
lopig verslag over de tweede opgravingscampagne. Brussels.
Thorikos III: Mussche, H.F., J. Bingen, J. Servais, J. De Geyter, T. Hackens, P. Spitaels
& A. Gautier 1967. Thorikos 1965. Rapport préliminaire sur la troisième cam-
pagne de fouilles. Voorlopig verslag over de derde opgravingscampagne. Brussels.
Thorikos V: Mussche, H.F., J. Bingen, J. Servais, R. Paepe, H. Bussers & H. Gasche
1971. Thorikos 1968. Rapport préliminaire sur la cinquième campagne de fouilles.
Voorlopig verslag over de vijfde opgravingscampagne. Brussels.
Thorikos VI: Mussche, H.F., J. Bingen, C. Conophagos, J. De Geyter, R. Paepe,
G. Vandenven & D. Deraymaeker 1973. Thorikos 1969. Rapport préliminaire sur
la sixième campagne de fouilles. Voorlopig verslag over de zesde opgravings-
campagne. Brussels.
Thorikos VII: Spitaels, P., J. Bingen, A. Uyttendaele, F. Blondé, K. Van Gelder,
A. Cheliotis & A. Helsen 1978. Thorikos 1970/1971. Rapport préliminaire sur les
septième et huitième campagnes de fouilles. Voorlopig verslag over de zevende en
achtste opgravingscampagnes. Ghent.
Thorikos VIII: Mussche, H.F., J. Bingen, J. Servais & P. Spitaels 1984. Thorikos
1972/1976. Rapport préliminaire sur les 9e, 10e, 11e et 12e campagnes de fouilles.
Voorlopig verslag over de 9e, 10e, 11e en 12e opgravingscampagnes. Ghent.
Thorikos IX: Mussche, H.F., J. Bingen, J.E. Jones & M. Waelkens 1990. Thorikos
1977/1982. Rapport préliminaire sur les 13e, 14e, 15e et 16e campagnes de fouilles.
Voorlopig verslag over de 13e, 14e, 15e en 16e opgravingscampagnes. Ghent.
Thorikos X: Docter, R.F. (ed.) 2011. Thorikos 10 Reports and Studies. Ghent.
Thorikos XI: Mussche, H.F. (ed.) 2014. Thorikos 1983/1990. Rapport préliminaire sur
les 17e, 18e, 19e, 20e et 21e campagnes de fouilles. Voorlopig verslag over de 17e,
18e, 19e, 20e en 21e opgravingscampagnes. Leuven/Paris/Walpole, MA.
van den Eijnde, F., A. Brüsewitz, S. Déderix & R.F. Docter 2018. The Thorikos Survey
Project (TSP). In: R.F. Docter & M. Webster (eds), Exploring Thorikos, 19-20.
Ghent.
van den Eijnde, F., R.F. Docter, A. Brüsewitz, W. van de Put, S. Mortier, M. Nazou,
A. Perugini, A. De Wulf, C. Stal, T. Pieters & L. Verdonck forthcoming. The
Ghent-Utrecht Survey Project at Thorikos: Methodology and Preliminary Results
of the 2012 and 2013 Campaigns. In: Thorikos 1963-2013: 50 Years of Belgian
Excavations. Evaluation and Perspectives. BABESCH Annual Papers on Mediter-
ranean Archaeology Supplement. Leuven/Paris/Bristol, CT.
Van Gelder, K. 2011. Old Excavations near the Top of the Velatouri at Thorikos:
a Revision. In: Thorikos X, 15-49.
Van Liefferinge, K., R. Docter, T. Pieters & F. van den Eijnde 2011. The Excavation
of Cistern No. 1 at Thorikos (2010-2011 campaigns). In: Thorikos X, 57-74.
Van Liefferinge, K., C. Stal & A. De Wulf 2011. The Thorikos Excavations 1963-
2010 in Maps. In: Thorikos X, 15-13.
Waelkens, M. 1990. Tool Marks and Mining Techniques in Mine Nr 3. In: Thorikos
IX, 114-143.
Acknowledgments
We acknowledge the participation of many students and volunteers, without whom

the survey and the study of the finds (2012-2017) would not have been possible: Eline
Amsing (2012), Violet Annaert (2012), Robin Bentein (2014), Jasper Billemont
(2012), Alyssa Boecksteyns (2013), Lieke Boerstra (2013), Yana Bosma (2016-2017),
Sven Brandt (2017), Lex Bronkhorst (2013), Michiel Bruynseraede (2014), Simon
Claeys (2013- 2015), Annelies Claus (2012), Lies Crabeels (2017), Ine Depaepe
(2013-2014), Silke De Smet (2013-2017), Sebastien De Wilde (2014), Sophie Duchène
(2014-2017), Steve Enterein (2016), Mahdokht Farjamirad (2012), Maya Galewski
(2017), Georg Hartleb (2016), Marinde Hiemstra (2013-2015), Pieter Houten (2012),
Pieter Kint (2015), Patrik Klingborg (2014), Dirk Knapen (2015), Alma Kant (2017),
Katerina Kock (2016-2017), Marlies Konijnenberg (2014), Alexandra Konstantinidou
(2013), Merel Kosters (2013-2015), Faye Kruithof (2016-2017), Caroline Landsheere
(2013-2014), Mounir Lahcen (2012-2013), Adam Lindquist (2016), Els Meijer (2012-
2013), Aletta Mes (2016), Lieke Meulenbroek (2013), Bram Mulder (2013), Iris
Nederpelt (2016), Patrik Nilsson (2015), Timothy Nuyts (2012), Jasmijn Overmeire
(2015), Nikos Papatzikos (2013), Thomas Pieters (2012-2014), Margit Pothoven
(2012-2013), Maarten Praet (2013-2015), Sofia Psaltakou (2015), Mario Rempe
(2017), Emilio Rodriguez (2017), Carina Rosenlehne (2016-2017), Anouk Rozendaal
(2014), Daniël Saveur (2016-2017), Kaat Scheerlinck (2015), Karin Smokers (2017),
Thessa Syderius (2014), Wil Theuns (2014-2015), Katrien Toch (2014-2017), Willem
Van Aenrode (2012-2013), David van Alten (2013-2014), Fieke van den Blink (2014),
Bram Vanderberg (2016-2017), Bas Vandermeulen (2012), Manon van der Maas
(2016-2017), Helene van de Ven (2016-2017), Isaak van Dijke (2014), Tesse Van
Esbroeck (2016), Koen Van Gelder (2012, 2016), Iris van Nederpelt (2017), Janric van
Rookhuijzen (2014), Roy van Wijk (2012-2013), Sarah Van Wynsberghe (2012-
2013), Tine Vekemans (2012), Lowie Vercruysse (2017), Maud Webster (2016-2017)
and Norma Wikström (2015). On behalf of the Ephorate, Maria Skalia supervised the
works as epoptria in 2012-2014 and Eftimia Krikoni in 2015. We thank the staff of the
Ephorate of Antiquities of East Attica and especially Dr. Eleni Andrikou, Eleni Assi-
makou, Dimitra Kai, Prof. Andreas Kapetanios, Dr. Anastasia Lazaridou, Maria Mexi
and Dr. Katerina Petrou. We acknowledge also the help of the staff of the Museum at
Lavrio, in particular Mrs. Despoina Moschopoulou, Mrs. Photini Spanou, Mr. Prokopis
Makris, Mrs. Polly Dara and Mr. Manolis Athinaios. Our thanks go also to Prof.
Panagiotis Iossif and Prof. Jan Driessen of the Belgian School at Athens. During our
fieldwork and study campaigns we were kindly hosted in the Technological Park of
Lavrio, for which we thank the Mayor, Mr. Dimitris Loukas, and the staff of the Park.
Funding for the campaigns was provided by Ghent University, Utrecht University, the
Belgian School at Athens, and private donors; we extend our warmest thanks to all of
them.
PREHISTORIC THORIKOS: PRELIMINARY REPORT
OF THE 2018 AND 2019 FIELDWORK CAMPAIGNS
Sylviane DÉDERIX, Nikolas PAPADIMITRIOU, Anthi BALITSARI,

Gianluca CANTORO, Aspasia EFSTATHIOU, Meropi MANATAKI,
Margarita NAZOU, Apostolos SARRIS, Robert LAFFINEUR*
Introduction1
The Velatouri hill, with its two peaks, forms a striking landmark near the
modern town of Lavrio, along the south-east coast of Attica. It offers multiple
advantages for human occupation: natural defensibility, proximity to the
*
Sylviane Déderix, École française d’Athènes, Athens/Aegis research group, Université
catholique de Louvain, Louvain-la-Neuve.
Nikolas Papadimitriou, Institute for Classical Archaeology, University of Heidelberg.
Anthi Balitsari, Aegis research group, Université catholique de Louvain, Louvain-la-Neuve.
Gianluca Cantoro, GeoSat ReSeArch Lab, Foundation for Research and Technology Hellas
(FORTH), Rethymno, Greece.
Aspasia Efstathiou, Agora Excavations, American School of Classical Studies at Athens.
Meropi Manataki, School of Mineral Resources Engineering, Technical University of Crete,
Chania, Greece.
Margarita Nazou, Institute for Historical Research, National Hellenic Research Foundation,
Athens.
Apostolos Sarris, Archaeological Research Unit, University of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus/
GeoSat ReSeArch Lab, Foundation for Research and Technology Hellas (FORTH),
Rethymno, Greece.
Robert Laffineur, Em. Prof., Department of Historical Sciences, Université de Liège.
1
We wish to express our gratitude to the Ephorate of Antiquities of East Attica and especially
Dr. E. Andrikou and Dr. E. Skerlou, for a very fruitful collaboration. The project could not
be carried out without the assistance of Prof. P. Iossif and Prof. J. Driessen at the Belgian
School at Athens, the support of Prof. R. Docter, the continuous help of the staff of the
Archaeological Museum of Lavrio (particularly D. Moschopoulou and F. Spanou), and
the help and advice of G. Dierkens (Thorikos Archives). In 2018 and 2019, the prehistoric
component of the Thorikos Archaeological Research Project was funded by the Shelby
White and Leon Levy Program for Archaeological Publications, the Institute for Aegean
Prehistory, the Mediterranean Archaeological Trust, the Belgian School at Athens, the
F.R.S.-FNRS and the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation. In 2018, the team was kindly
hosted in the Technological Cultural Park of Lavrio, for which we thank the Mayor of
Lavrio, D. Loukas, and M. Kayafa, E. Michailidou and F. Peppa at the Environmental Edu-
cation Centre of Lavrio.
36 S. DÉDERIX E.A.
sheltered double harbour of Agios Nikolaos, strategic location along coastal

and inland routes, and access to the rich geology of the Lavreotiki and espe-
cially its copper and argentiferous lead ores. Thorikos reached its apex during
the Classical period, when the town developed on the lower south slope of the
Velatouri,2 but the occupation of the hill and the exploitation of its metal
resources were rooted in prehistory. The fate of the site seems to have been
bound up with the development of metallurgy and the demand for metal in the
Aegean and the east Mediterranean world. Final Neolithic pottery found out-
side Mine no 3, on the south foot of the Velatouri (Fig. 1), suggests that ores
available as surface outcrops were exploited already during the 4th millennium
BC.3 Such findings resonate with discoveries made at other sites in eastern
Attica, such as Merenda and Lambrika, where there is evidence for the process-
ing of silver at an early date.4 At Thorikos, the extraction of argentiferous lead
ores probably increased in Early Helladic II (ca. 2650-2200 BC), when the
subterranean gallery of Mine no 3 started to be dug into the hillside and Thorikos
was involved in regional networks of interaction.5
Most evidence of Bronze Age occupation at Thorikos comes from the acrop-
olis of the Velatouri and dates to the Middle Helladic (19th-17th c. BC) and the
early Late Helladic (17th-15th c. BC). Settlement remains were excavated by
Valerios Staïs on the highest and southern summit of the hill (the Greater Vela-
touri) in the late 19th century, and by Jean Servais on the plateau to the east of
the Greater Velatouri in the 1960s (Fig. 1).6 In addition, monumental tombs
were discovered to the east of the settlement (Tomb III) and on the saddle
between the Greater Velatouri and the northern summit of the hill, the Smaller
Velatouri (Tombs I, II, IV and V).7 These tombs demonstrate that Thorikos had
developed into a major centre ruled by an elite by the beginning of the Late
Helladic period at the latest.8 Economic, social and political changes at Thorikos
at the turn of the Late Bronze Age might be explained by an increase in the
exploitation of metal resources in the Lavreotiki, which, by that time, had
become a significant provider of metals in the Aegean and beyond.9 The
involvement of Thorikos in a large-scale network of exchange is suggested
f.ex. by gold jewellery, an ivory pyxis, and pottery imported from Aegina, the
2
Mussche 1998.
3
Spitaels 1984, 158; Waelkens 1990, 118, 139; Nazou 2014; Nazou 2020.
4
Kakavogianni et al. 2008; Andrikou 2020; Georgakopoulou et al. 2020; Kayafa 2020.
5
Spitaels 1984; Waelkens 1990; Nazou 2014; Nazou 2020.
6
Στάης 1893; Στάης 1895; Servais 1967.
7
Στάης 1890; Στάης 1893; Στάης 1895; Servais 1968; Servais & Gasche 1971; Servais &
Servais-Soyez 1984; Laffineur 2020; Papadimitriou 2020.
8
Laffineur 2010(a); Laffineur 2010(b); Papadimitriou 2020.
9
Gale et al. 1984; Gale et al. 2009; Laffineur 2010(a).
PREHISTORIC THORIKOS 37
Figure 1. Location of old excavation trenches at prehistoric

Thorikos. A. necropolis (Tombs I, II, IV and V);
B. Staïs’ settlement; C-E. Servais’ trenches on the plateau;
F. tholos tomb (Tomb III) (S. Déderix).
Cyclades, Boeotia, the Peloponnese and Crete.10 On present evidence, Thorikos

thrived until Late Helladic IIA (15th century BC), after which the site appears
to have declined – even though argentiferous lead ores were still exploited in
Mine no 3 during the Late Helladic IIIC period (12th century BC).11
There is no doubt that, during the Bronze Age, Thorikos played a significant
role in the Lavreotiki and, given the strategic importance of this region, in
10
Servais & Servais-Soyez 1984, 57-60; Laffineur 2010(a); Παπαδημητρίου forthcoming.
11
Mountjoy 1995; Papadimitriou 2020.
38 S. DÉDERIX E.A.
Attica, the Aegean and the wider east Mediterranean. However, the site remains
poorly known, notably because the acropolis of the Velatouri has so far been
explored in specific sectors only (Fig. 1), and because old excavation trenches
remain only partially published. In order to start filling in the gaps, a team led
by R. Laffineur, S. Déderix and N. Papadimitriou decided to climb the Vela-
touri again, within the framework of the 2018-2022 program of the Thorikos
Archaeological Research Project (Belgian School at Athens, dir. Prof. R. Docter).
Our aim is to study, contextualise and publish Staïs’ and Servais’ discoveries,
before resuming excavation.
The study of old excavation finds and contexts is ongoing and will not be
discussed in this preliminary report, which focuses instead on the work done
on site in 2018 and 2019.12 Our first two campaigns took place between August
20th and September 14th 2018, and between August 19th and September 7th 2019.
They were devoted on the one hand to the cleaning and 3D documentation of
excavated prehistoric buildings, and on the other to an integrated program
combining intensive surface survey and localised geophysical and geochemical
prospections.
12
The 2018 and 2019 campaigns were coordinated by R. Laffineur, S. Déderix (field director)
and N. Papadimitriou (director of the study of the old excavations). The Ephorate of Antiq-
uities of East Attica was represented on site by E. Chriazomenou. A. Efstathiou, assisted by
Th. Baniou, was responsible for the processing and storage of the finds in the Archaeologi-
cal Museum of Lavrio, whereas pottery was examined by A. Baltisari (2019), A. Efstathiou
(2018-2019) and M. Nazou (2018). Finds were conserved by S. Patsavoura and drawn by
A. Balitsari (2019), L. Bonga (2018) and G. Lascombes (2019). G. Cantoro was in charge
of the 3D documentation and derived architectural illustrations. Geophysical prospection
was conducted by A. Sarris and M. Manataki, and geochemical prospection was undertaken
by A. Charalambous, E. Filippaki, Y. Bassiakos and V. Kassianidou. Architectural drawings
were made by V. Chatzis, G. Farazis, Th. Stefanaki and E. Symiakakis. Specialists
include M. Anastasiadou (seals), S. de Smet (Classical pottery), F. Dibble (animal bones),
S. Duchène (lithic tools), M. Kayafa (metal finds), E. Konstantinidi (ivory), E. Margaritis
(archaeoenvironment), O. Metaxas (obsidian), S. Michalopoulou (animal bones), E. Preve-
dorou (human bones), M. Smyrniou (vitreous material) and T. Theodoropoulou (fish
and shell). Many volunteers participated in the 2018 and/or 2019 campaigns: E. Adam,
I. Agoratsiou, I. Antsou, Ch. Aristopoulos, Th. Baniou, R. Boulanger, M. Bowers,
O. Cashmere, A. Dodou, S. Efthymoglou, M. Gillespie, S. Hilker, A. Kopidaki, Ch. Kourta,
G. Lascombes, E. Lavda, A. Legendart, N. Lempesis, S. Maritsa, S. Panagiotopoulou,
M. Papantonopoulou, K. Regnier, L. Reimann, A. Salvin, D. Saraphopoulou, E. Spanoudakis,
R. Sykes, A. Szczgieł, K. Tetkowski, M. Tsioli-Koutsoura, S. Vucetic and J. Wende.
Cleaning and 3D documentation of old excavation trenches: Staïs’

settlement
In 1893, the Ephor Valerios Staïs unearthed remains of a settlement on the

south side of the rocky summit of the Greater Velatouri. The results of his
excavations were published in two brief reports accompanied by a sketch of
the buildings.13 Staïs described a series of rooms belonging to two phases,
which he dated to ‘Pre-Mycenaean’ and ‘Mycenaean’ periods, respectively.
‘Pre-Mycenaean’ pit-burials were found under the floor of some rooms.
N. Papadimitriou recently studied Staïs’ finds in the National Archaeological
Museum at Athens and identified pottery dating between Early Helladic III and
Late Helladic IIA.14 However, the settlement remained poorly known, due to
two main reasons: (1) the architecture had never been documented, studied or
published in detail, and (2) only 13 complete or almost complete vessels and
two dozen sherds considered diagnostic at Staïs’ time had been collected, thus
raising doubts as to how representative such a small sample could be. In an
effort to remedy this situation, one of the goals of the 2018 campaign was to
revisit the settlement, clean the architectural remains to enable 3D documenta-
tion and architectural study, and collect surface finds to clarify chronology. In
the 125 years that had passed since Staïs’ excavations, the site had suffered
from erosion, and vegetation had reclaimed the hillside. Some walls had col-
lapsed and the rooms were partly filled with eroded soil. Three weeks were
spent cutting trees and bushes, removing tumbled stones, and clearing eroded
soil from the buildings (Fig. 2).15 3D data were acquired during the fourth week
of the campaign, using laser scanning and photogrammetric methods.
Cleaning operations focused on an area ca. 23 × 15 m in size to the south
and east of the summit, but wall remains beyond the limits of Staïs’ excava-
tions leave no doubt that the settlement extends further towards the east/north-
east, the west/north-west, and probably the south as well. Fourteen rooms and
open spaces were partially cleaned, revealing impressive architectural remains,
especially towards the west, where some walls still stand to a height of ca.
1.5 m (Figs. 2-3). In the south sector, however, building remains have col-
lapsed and eroded away. Most walls were built using a combination of meta-
ophiolite rubble/boulders and marble slab-like stones. Large schist slabs were
occasionally used as well, but few were found in place – e.g. as steps in a pos-
sible staircase. These three types of raw material, which were employed also
for the construction of the prehistoric tombs, are available locally, on the Vela-
touri itself. Marble can easily be quarried on the lower slopes of the hill, schist
13
Στάης 1893; Στάης 1895.
14
Papadimitriou 2020; Παπαδημητρίου forthcoming.
15
Cleaning operations in Staïs’ settlement were supervised by A. Legendart.
40 S. DÉDERIX E.A.
Figure 2. Staïs’ settlement after cleaning (S. Déderix).
forms the mid- and upper slopes (above the detachment fault), and the rocky
summits consist of meta-ophiolite.16
Ca. 2350 sherds were collected during cleaning operations, in addition to
stone tools, obsidian blades and flakes, a clay spindle-whorl, mudbrick, pos-
sible plaster, shell and animal bone, as well as litharge, slags and metalliferous
rocks suggestive of metallurgical activities. According to preliminary pottery
analysis, ca. 11% of the diagnostic sherds date to the Final Neolithic, ca. 12%
to the Early Helladic, ca. 60% to the Middle and early Late Helladic and
ca. 8% to the later phases of Late Helladic, whereas ca. 8% were provisionally
dated to a broad ‘Archaic/Classical’ period. Although none of these sherds was
collected in situ and study has only just begun, the pottery from Staïs’ settle-
ment allows for some preliminary remarks. Firstly, it is now safe to assume that
16
Scheffer et al. 2017, 616-617, fig. 3; Scheffer et al. 2018.
Figure 3. Stone-by-stone plan of architectural remains in Staïs’ settlement,

overlaid on the orthophoto extracted from the 3D model (G. Cantoro).
42 S. DÉDERIX E.A.
the Greater Velatouri was inhabited during the Final Neolithic and the Early
Helladic period. Prior to the 2018 campaign, Final Neolithic pottery had been
discovered by Servais on the plateau, in sector N of trench I53 c5,17 but Early
Helladic pottery was virtually absent on the acropolis – even though Mine no 3
was exploited in Early Helladic II.18 Secondly, in spite of the broad chronologi-
cal range of the pottery from Staïs’ settlement, it is evident that its main period
of occupation corresponds to late Middle and early Late Helladic phases.
A similar conclusion can be drawn from Servais’ findings on the plateau.19
Limited reoccupation, the nature of which remains to be determined, took place
during the ‘Archaic/Classical’ period.
Documenting Staïs’ settlement in 3D required careful planning as well as
the combination of several approaches to overcome the difficulties posed by
the complexity of the architectural remains. More specifically, three approaches
were employed in a complementary manner: Terrestrial Laser Scanning (TLS),
ground-based photogrammetry and pole photogrammetry. The TLS survey
involved 23 scanning stations distributed in key positions to ensure an overlap
of at least 45% between the scans. TLS surveys produce highly accurate point-
clouds that, however, can hardly ensure the complete documentation of all
façades, especially in the case of dry-stone walls with multiple convex and
concave surfaces. For this reason, a systematic photogrammetric survey was
undertaken to complement the TLS point-cloud. Some 2400 photographs were
taken with a calibrated DSLR camera. Specific metallic targets, automati-
cally recognisable by TLS and photogrammetry software, were placed in pre-
determined locations to orient and scale the model. These targets were removed
for the third and final phase of the project, which aimed at producing the tex-
ture of the 3D model. The same camera was set on a pole to take ca. 1200 pho-
tographs of the upper face of the walls. The end product is a high-resolution,
scaled and oriented 3D model documenting every surface in Staïs’ settlement,
which was then used to draw an updated stone-by-stone plan and sections of
the architectural remains. Figure 3 illustrates this plan overlaid on an ortho-
photo extracted from the 3D model.
17
Servais 1967, 24-26.
18
Spitaels 1984; Waelkens 1990; Nazou 2014; Nazou 2020.
19
Servais 1967; Van Gelder 2011. The prehistoric material from Servais’ excavations on the
plateau is currently under study by N. Papadimitriou and A. Balitsari.
Cleaning and 3D documentation of old excavation trenches: the

prehistoric tombs
In the late 19th century, Staïs also discovered two monumental tombs on the
acropolis of the Velatouri: an intriguing ‘oblong tholos’ (Tomb IV) on the sad-
dle between the two summits of the hill, and a tholos (Tomb III) on the east
slope of the Greater Velatouri.20 In the 1960s and 1970s, Servais returned to the
saddle, where he completed the excavation of Tomb IV and discovered two
built chamber tombs (Tombs I and II), a cist grave enclosed in a megaron-
shaped structure and covered with a tumulus (Tomb V), as well as a series of
poorly understood features to the south and west of Tomb V.21 Servais also
opened trenches outside the walls of Tomb III to investigate building tech-
niques.22 However, in part due to the premature death of Servais in 1984, the
prehistoric tombs of Thorikos still await final publication and, meanwhile, veg-
etation has grown back and erosion worked its effects.23 Pursuing our goal to
publish old excavations, we proceeded to clean the tombs during the 2019
campaign. While the archives and finds were under study in the Archaeological
Museum of Lavrio, the field team undertook to clear grass and bushes and
remove the soil and rubble that had accumulated in and around the tombs.
Given the magnitude of the task, it was decided to prioritise (1) Tomb I, which
is particularly well preserved; (2) Tomb V, which requires in-depth study;
(3) the dromos of Tomb IV, into which masses of eroded soil and schist chips
had slid; and (4) the north-east segment of the peribolos of Tomb IV, to exam-
ine building technique. Cleaning operations revealed well-preserved tombs
that had degraded little since Servais’ excavations (Figs. 4-5), but very few
finds were made – no more than ca. 230 sherds (mostly eroded and undiagnos-
tic), a possible fragment of plaster, a modern metal ring and a few fragments
of obsidian and shell.
Once cleaned, the tombs were documented in 3D using a combination of
digital approaches, as was done in Staïs’ settlement in 2018: Terrestrial Laser
Scanning (TLS), ground-based photogrammetry and aerial photogrammetry.
The three datasets are characterised by different levels of detail and precision,
and their integration is specifically meant to ensure the highest quality of the
final output. TLS data were acquired from no less than 100 scanning stations,
while ca. 1600 drone photos and ca. 2400 ground photos were taken. Forty-two
ground control points were measured with a differential GNSS system to orient
and scale the models. The main aim of the TLS survey was to produce a highly
20
Στάης 1890; Στάης 1893; Στάης 1895.
21
Servais 1968; Servais & Servais-Soyez 1984, 14-71.
22
Servais & Gasche 1971, 21-102. See also Cremasco & Laffineur 1999.
23
For overviews, see e.g. Papadimitriou 2001, 91-100; Laffineur 2010(a); Laffineur 2010(b).
44 S. DÉDERIX E.A.
Figure 4. The necropolis after cleaning (S. Déderix).
Figure 5. Tombs I, II, III and IV after cleaning (S. Déderix).

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"Melicent," he said, greeting nobody, "oblige me by taking your

breakfast into the study. Eat it there, and wait till I come."
Melicent stood up, staring in surprise. "Why do you say this? What have
I done?"
"What you have done cannot be so much as alluded to before your

young cousins. Leave the room at once."
Melicent drew herself up. She looked round at all the furtively dropped
eyes—at Gwen's cheeks, oddly suffused with sudden scarlet—then at her
uncle.
"I have done nothing to deserve to be so spoken to," said she. "When
you find out the truth, I hope you will apologise to me."
"We wish to hear nothing from you, Melicent. Go in silence."
Tommy behind the tea-tray, and her pupils seated round, were well-nigh
paralysed with terror. What had been found out? Were they implicated?
Would Melicent obey?
She took up her cup and plate, tossed back her hair, and walked out,
white and speechless. The vicar shut the door, sat down in the dire silence,
and began his breakfast. They all chewed their way through chunks of pork-
pie in unbroken gloom.
When his daughters had filed away to learn their collects, their father
betook himself to his study and the culprit.
Melicent had finished her breakfast, and stood by the window. He sat
down at his table, and fixed his eyes upon her.
"Well," said he, "I suppose, before condemning you, it is only right to
ask you what you have to say."
"I don't know what you mean," said Melicent. "I have nothing to say. I
am waiting for you to explain why you treat me in this manner."
"Unfortunately," he said, "all is known. You will hardly deny that you
got out of the window of your bedroom, when I happened to see you do it."
"I do not deny that I did," she returned quietly.
"Perhaps you will tell me why you did so?"
"It was partly that I wanted to see whether I could, and partly that I was
restless. I am used to be out of doors a great deal more than Aunt Minna
likes me to be."
"When I tell you, Melicent, that I know what happened last night, you
should see how much worse you are making things by quibbling like this."
"Last night! But—"
"We are speaking of last night."
"I am not. The only time I got out of the window was on Thursday
night."
"Do you seriously mean to tell me that you did not get out of the
window last night?"
"Certainly! I did not."

He sat staring; and in the pause that followed, enlightenment came to
Melicent, and she wondered at her own blindness. Gwen had asked to sleep
in her room, in order to get out of the window!
That being so, she could not clear herself without incriminating her
cousin; and in a flash she saw that if she said Gwen and she had changed
beds the previous night, the others would all deny it. Her mind, travelling
with the speed that comes in moments of crisis, discerned the strength of
the case against her. Even Tommy did not know of last night's escapade.
Both she and Mrs. Cooper could say with confidence that all the girls were
in their own beds at half-past ten on Saturday night. She wondered at
herself for being deceived by the flimsy pretext of the toothache, when she
thought how unlikely the story would sound.
The girls must deny everything. They had no other course. They had to
go on living at home, and such a thing, if known, would make life
impossible, and turn their prison into a veritable dungeon keep.
She, on the contrary, had no intention of remaining where she was. Her
uncle had already a bad opinion of her. To allow it to grow worse seemed
the only course in the dilemma so suddenly developed.
After long thought, her uncle spoke, in a gentler tone than he had ever
used to her.
"Confession, Melicent," he said, "is the only possible way to lessen my

extreme displeasure. Last night, or to be more correct, at two o'clock this
morning, I heard a casement flapping in the wind. I got up, believing it to
be the landing window, and left my room without a light, to shut it. I found
it closed, and was on the point of pushing it open, to look out, and see
whence the noise came, when a movement in the yard below caught my
eye. Two people were seated, side by side, upon the stone steps near your
window, the window of which was no doubt causing the disturbance. One
was a man, the other was my niece. I saw that the man had his arm round
your waist. His face I could not distinguish, but in the light of recent events,
I consider myself justified in supposing it to have been Alfred Dow."
The girl's short, indignant laugh, naturally increased her uncle's idea of
her shamelessness.
"I saw you"—he went on—"I saw you escort him to the gate, shut and
lock it after him, return and scramble in, by means of a piece of rope, into
your bedroom. I stood there, broad awake, and saw all this. After hearing
my story, will you persist in your denial?"
"No," she said, after a minute's thought; "I do not persist in it."
"You admit," he said, with righteous indignation blazing under the even
surface of his voice, "that you did all this?"
"No," said the girl; "I do not admit it. If you saw it, there is no question
of my denying it or admitting it Either the thing is certain, or you have
made a great mistake."
"Why not confess openly, Melicent?"
"I have nothing to confess."
"This is mere quibbling," he said, still temperately. "But what you have
said I consider tantamount to a confession. One thing, and one alone, you
can do to lessen your guilt. Give me the name of the man who has violated
my home, insulted my office and degraded my niece."
She was silent
"You will not?"
"I cannot."
"You mean you will not."
"I mean that I cannot."
He almost wished that she were a boy, and could be caned.

"I believe you to be wilful and undisciplined," he said, almost
appealingly, "but I am most anxious not to judge you too harshly, Melicent,
for I know what your bringing up has been. I will not make too much of
what I hope and pray may have been merely a wild, rebellious prank. If you
will tell me frankly what you did, and the man's name—"
"I can't do either."
"Then, Melicent, most unwillingly, I must require of you that you

remain in the schoolroom while we are at church. Think things over, and by
the time we return, God grant you may be of a better mind. Come with me,
please."
Melicent followed him without a word.
CHAPTER XVII
A CRISIS AT THE VICARAGE

"She said sometimes: 'Aurora, have you done
Your task this morning? Have you read that book?
And are you ready for the crochet here?'
As if she said: 'I know there's something wrong;
I know I have not ground you down enough
To flatten and bake you to a wholesome crust
For household uses and proprieties.'"
—ELIZABETH BARRETT BROWNING.
The schoolroom was empty. Tommy and her brood were preparing to go
to church. The vicar laid a little book upon the table and addressed a few
sincere words to the girl. Narrow he was, prejudiced be might be; but a man
who, however mistaken, is quite sincere, has always some power. Melicent
felt that, had she been to blame, she might have repented at his bidding.
It was not expected that the party from the Grange would be at
Fransdale Church that day. Mrs. Cooper was inly disconcerted when she
saw that they were there. She found their inquiries after Melicent, when
service was over, difficult to parry.
"A little disagreement?" she murmured, smiling, meaningly, and

speaking as though taking Mrs. Helston into special confidence—always
her manner when she was not telling the truth—"just a little question of
discipline between dear Melicent and her uncle. We must hope for the best;
but it needs much patience and kindness to eradicate the results of such
training."
Mrs. Helston, though furious, realised that no indignation on her part

would help Melicent's cause. She longed to ask questions, but knew she had
no right to interfere in the matter at all. Mrs. Cooper, smiling and chattering,
got away with adroitness on which she prided herself, with no questions
asked as to whether Melicent would be allowed to go to the picnic next day.
Meanwhile Tommy and her pupils were in a terrible panic. They dared
not guess what had been found out. Gwen, on considering the matter, could
not believe it possible that it could be her last night's escapade, because, if
her father had by some mysterious means seen anything, she felt sure that
he would have taken the culprit in the act. By no means a student of
character, she forgot that he never took action in the heat of the moment.
They all crept home from church with shaken nerves, fully expecting that
the storm would burst on their return. But nothing happened. Whatever
Melicent's offence, she had certainly not incriminated them.
They were all so burdened by guilty consciences that, had it been their
custom to be natural before their parents, anybody could have seen that
something was wrong. However there was nothing unusual, at the Vicarage,
in embarrassed, sulky silence, or monosyllabic answers: so all passed off
without disturbance, and they were free to stare at one another in the
seclusion of the schoolroom, from which the captive was now removed, and
ask what could possibly be "up."
Mr. and Mrs. Cooper were meanwhile at a loss. It was certain that they
could not keep their niece among their own children, but what other course
was feasible? They could not afford to support her at school. She was too
young to be turned out to get her own living, not to mention the probability
of her disgracing herself and them, wherever they placed her.
Her aunt went in during the afternoon, and tried her blandishments, but
was confronted with a steady, cold assertion that the girl had nothing to say.
That night, Melicent slept in another room, with a screwed-down

window and a locked door; and in the solitude she broke down utterly, and
wept pitifully for her dead father. She yearned for the presence of somebody
she knew—somebody that believed in her; she even thought, with a gust of
something like tenderness, of Bert Mestaer himself.
But in the morning, when her aunt brought her breakfast, she was self-
contained and proud as ever. She heard the waggonette from the Grange
drive up to the door, in dazzling sunshine. From her window she saw it pass
out of the gate, after a twenty minute's delay caused by Mrs. Cooper's not
being ready—saw Maddie, Gwen and Theo, in the new blouses she had
made and hats which she had trimmed.
They had not been long gone before the key turned in the lock and
Tommy crept in. She looked flurried and eager.
"Oh, my dear," she gasped, "at last I have a moment! Do tell me what
has occurred!"
Melicent laid down her book and looked up, "Has Uncle Edmund not
told you anything?"
"Not anything!"
"Then of course I can't."
"Really, Melicent, you are an impracticable girl! How can we help you
if we don't know the scrape you're in?"
"You can't help me."
"Oh, very well!" huffily. "I came to let you out, and say that of course
Babs and Bee and I should not tell, and you might just as well come and sit
in the schoolroom with us."
"You are very kind, Miss Lathom, but I shall stay here. I don't cheat."
"I can guess what it is," observed Tommy, with an air of penetration.
"Your uncle has found out that you got out of window!"
There was no reply.
"I thought so!" said Tommy triumphantly. "I was sure of it! That would
be just the thing to make him angry. But I must say, I think they're
punishing you too severely, considering you were shut up all yesterday.
However, cheer up, my dear! These things blow over, you know."
"You're very kind," said Melicent wearily, "but I think you'd better go
away. I feel sure they told you not to come and talk to me, didn't they?"
Tommy grew red.
"You're an ungrateful little cat," she said. "I come here trying to be kind
to you, and I daresay you'll go and tell tales of me!"
"You ought to know by now that I don't tell tales," said Melicent; "but
as I can hardly ever speak the truth here without telling tales, the only thing
I can do is to hold my tongue."
Miss Lathom flounced out of the room in a rage.
Meanwhile, the Vicarage party met with a very cool reception when
they arrived at Clairvaulx.
Lady Burmester clearly showed her displeasure.
"Surely you are too hard upon a girlish fault," she said stiffly. "If
Melicent was in punishment all yesterday, you might have relented to-day,
when you knew how anxious we all are to have her."
"If you knew the gravity of my niece's fault," said the vicar, in his most
distant manner, "you would, I believe, think differently. She has proved
herself altogether an unfit companion for innocent girls, and must, I fear, be
sent to some institution where the moral sense may be developed by
constant supervision."
"Good Lord!" said Sir Joseph.
The six elders were standing together, the girls having strayed off in
company with Lancelot and Mr. Freshfield.
Mrs. Helston's cheeks were crimson.
"Will you think we ask too much if we beg to be told what she has
done?" she inquired, in a voice that shook.
"Our claim to know is a strong one," put in her husband, "as, if Mr.
Mayne consents, we should like to undertake the child's education, and give
her a home. We hoped that, as you have plenty of daughters, and we have
none, you would perhaps spare her to us, who have grown attached to her.
But we ought to be in a position to know what tendencies in her to guard
against."
"I presume," said the vicar, "that you would rather that we did not speak
before Sir Joseph and Lady Burmester."
Her ladyship laid her hand on her husband's arm, and led him away
across the grass.
"If I were a girl," she said, "the very sight of Mrs. Cooper would make
me wicked. She makes my flesh creep. I wish somebody would take out her
ear-rings."
"You are an ungenerous, ill-regulated woman," said Sir Joseph placidly.

"I daresay they've had a sweet time of it, trying to break in Harry's precious
African filly. He hints at her having had a past already. I expect she's a bit
of a fire-brand in a peaceful parsonage."
The four others strolled in an opposite direction. The vicar, with real
reluctance, and with brevity, described what he had seen Melicent do.
"I do not believe it!" cried Brenda Helston hotly.
"Brenda!" cried her husband, while Mrs. Cooper grew pink, and
trembled visibly.
"It was one of the maids masquerading," went on Brenda, unheeding.

"The very idea of Melicent doing such a thing is outrageous! One of the
maids used her window to get out by! I daresay she sleeps soundly."
The vicar had had his moment in which to collect himself.
"Unfortunately," he said, "my niece does not deny it."
CHAPTER XVIII
A NEW HOME
"——Many, I believe there are,
Who live a life of virtuous decency,
Men who can hear the Decalogue, and feel
No self-reproach; who of the moral law
Established in the land where they abide
Are strict observers; and not negligent
In acts of love to those with whom they dwell,
Their kindred and the children of their blood.
Praise be to such, and to their slumbers, peace!
—But of the poor man ask, the abject poor;
Go and demand of him, if there be here,
In this cold abstinence from evil deeds;
And these inevitable charities,
Wherewith to satisfy the human soul."
—WORDSWORTH.
It was getting dusk—too dusk to see to read the "History of Europe";

and Melicent, who had scarcely slept all night, stretched herself upon her
bed and fell asleep. The flash of a light in her eyes awoke her, and starting
up, she saw her uncle come in with a lamp, followed by Mr. and Mrs.
Helston.
She gave a low, thrilling cry, like that of a babe who sees its mother. She
had not expected this. The vicar had never seen her look as she did when
running to her friends' arms. He set down the lamp and left them together.
It was long, however, before they could persuade her to tell them
anything. They were obliged to make her clearly understand the serious
nature of the charge against her. They showed how essential it was to
remove such a stigma. They guessed at once that she was shielding
someone; and after much urgent entreaty, she was induced to tell them all,
and leave the upshot to their discretion.
"I am sure," she said, when she had related the whole story, "that it
would not be the least use to tell them the truth; for two reasons. First, they
would think the bare idea of Gwen's behaving like that simply ridiculous.
Aunt Minna thinks they are all babies, and talks to them as if they could
hardly understand what she says; and they mimic her afterwards. Second,
because all the girls would deny it. It would be my word against Maddie
and Gwen. Which do you think they would take?"
"There would be somebody else," observed Harry Helston firmly.

"Young Freshfield. I know Sir Joseph has been dissatisfied lately, and he
will have about settled his hash if any of this gets about. The thing is—how
to trap him? There will be no more chance for Gwen to use that window, I
take it?"
"He would still go on writing to her at Bensdale under cover to Tommy,
I expect—but oh, you must not say anything about it! You don't know how
awful it would be! Tommy would be sent away; they would lead the most
weary life—wear chains on their ankles, I should think."
"But, dear," said Brenda gently, "what is to happen if this is allowed to

go on? Gwen does not know what she is doing. Suppose she came to harm,
what should we feel, who had never warned them of her danger? Now I
think of it, I noticed little things between her and that man once or twice to-
day. But she is so unformed, and—to me—so unattractive, that I never
thought of such a thing."
"She's rather a handsome girl," said her husband.
And now Melicent exhausted her eloquence to implore them not to say
anything.
"You see, it will only make them worse," she said. "If they were trusted,
they would be all right; if they were given credit for good sense and good
feeling, they would be quite different. But they are treated like fools, who
would be knaves if they were allowed their own way, and it just makes
them treacherous—they must have an outlet! It's only for adventure and
frolic that Gwen did it—it's the only thing they have to think about—they're
not allowed to read or think, or do anything but just vegetate; how can such
a life content them? And now, if this is known, they will be all the more
shut in and tied up, and crushed down, and I shouldn't wonder if it drove
them to do something really wrong."
This view of the subject constituted a real difficulty. Revelation would

merely tighten the prison-bars, and would so increase the very evil it was
intended to remove. A more perplexing problem had never been offered to
the Helstons.
They put it resolutely away from them for a time, in order to tell
Melicent about their own plans for her future. They told her that they hoped
to receive, in about a fortnight's time, Carol Mayne's formal permission to
take charge of her for the present.
They had some private means, but did not consider themselves rich
enough to justify them in adopting her entirely. In all respects, they thought
it would be doing her a truer kindness to educate her with a view to making
her independent. Harry Helston, artist and dreamer by temperament, was
architect by profession. He had spent so much time in travelling the world,
and absorbing the idea of all the masterpieces of his great profession, that
his fortune was by no means made. It was perhaps a drawback to him
professionally, that of him it might be said as of a certain statesman who
"thought in continents," that he, Harry Helston, "thought in cathedrals." The
ornamental suburban residence, with its nurseries chopped away in chunks
to make the external elevation picturesque, was his pet abomination. He
would do no work, where cheapness was to be the marring key-note.
Simplicity and the best craftsmanship were his mottoes. His work lay in
London, where he and his wife, after their travels, were about to take a flat.
But he was also now determined to fulfil his youthful ambitions, and build
for himself the house of his dreams in Fransdale itself.
Sir Joseph, who was a byword in the district for his stern refusal to sell
or lease land for building purposes, had relented in his case; and the home
of his imagination was to arise in a level meadow half-way down the Dale
—a pleasure house for holiday hours—a final refuge for old age.
For the austere mystery of the North had made him as completely a
captive as was Melicent herself.
The girl could hardly believe that she was to visit every year, in the
company of those she loved best, the Dale which had gripped her fancy so
powerfully. The Helstons were to rent, until their own house should be
built, the tiny cottage upon which Melicent had looked down, when she sat
upon Tod's Trush. The darkness of her misery was all changed into pure joy
by the time her friends took leave.
Before Mr. Helston lay the formidable necessity of seeing Mr. Cooper.
He was fairly perplexed. Should he speak, or not? He found himself
wondering what advice Mr. Hall, of Ilberston, would be likely to give. But
there was no time for reflection. He left his wife still with Melicent, and
found himself in the study without having made up his mind as to his duty.
His intention flickered to and fro like a candle in the wind. Was he shirking
truth because it was disagreeable? Or was he contemplating an
unwarrantable interference into another man's affairs? Was he justified in
giving information which would result in deeper mismanagement of those
unaccountable beings, young girls? Or if he stood aloof, was he guilty of
Cain-like indifference to his brother's peril?
He sat down in more discomfort than he ever remembered to have

suffered before. His indignation that Melicent should suffer under any kind
of stigma made another powerful factor in his desires; and he did not know
for how much he ought to let it weigh. As he looked at Mr. Cooper's cold,
dark face, he was conscious of a desire to demand that, as it had been
publicly announced that Melicent was in disgrace, so it should be publicly
known that she was cleared. But he felt pretty sure of the difficulty there
would be in establishing the truth. He saw a distinct likeness between the
vicar and his niece; he had seen the same hard glint in Melicent's eye when
she was on the defensive. The Coopers gave him the idea of being always
on the defensive—on the watch to parry and frustrate any attempts upon
their confidence or their intimacy.
"I shall be glad to hear that you have elicited any information that may
tend to Melicent's rehabilitation," said the vicar, in tones wholly devoid of
expectancy.
Helston found himself speaking without having in the least determined

what he meant to say.
"Melicent has told us what she knows," he said. "We think it clears her.
But we respect her motive for silence, and are inclined to think that no good
end could be served by telling you what she told us."
The vicar looked stony. "But I think I must ask to hear it," he said.
"It was told us in confidence. Melicent is—is content to feel that we

know it. I—I am not sure that I am entitled to let it go further."
The cold, blue eye still fixed him.

"You convey to me the idea that Melicent is shielding someone else. Is
this so?"
Helston twirled his soft hat idly in his hands, and looked at the ground.
"I do not feel at liberty to say," he said at length.
"If that be so, the person shielded must be a member of my household,"

said the vicar, in a voice which sounded to Helston like the crackling of ice
in a hard frost. "I suppose you can scarcely be venturing to insinuate that it
was one of my daughters?"
"I insinuate nothing; I do not know who it was. It was not Melicent."
"Far be it from me," said Mr. Cooper, after reflection, "to traduce or
speak ill of my sister's child; but if she has resorted to the desperate
expedient of trying to fasten blame upon one of my poor girls, I must
reluctantly lower still further my opinion of her. I fear you and Mrs. Helston
are altogether deceived in her."
"We are willing to take the risk," said Helston immediately, "and to
relieve you of the charge of her to-morrow, if you are willing." His eyes
twinkled as he added: "We have no daughters to be contaminated."
"Had it not been so, I could not in honour have allowed you to
undertake the charge of her. I am quite frank with you. I tell you plainly that
I will in no case keep her among my own girls; and I do not know how to
meet the cost of maintaining her elsewhere. If you, knowing what you
know, are willing to take her, my feelings can but be those of gratitude and
relief."
"Then we may consider it settled!" cried Helston, rising.
Perhaps his haste betrayed how he was yearning to get away, for a look
of suspicion crossed the vicar's face.
"Do you not think I have a right to ask you to be more explicit?" he
said.
His visitor looked down, and it was after an interval that he slowly said:
"You have a right. I ask you to waive it. What I have heard rests wholly
upon Melicent's word, which, I understand, you do not trust."
The vicar could not say that he did.
"You would not take her word against that of your own children?"
"Certainly not!"
"That is natural enough; but it convinces me that there is no more to be

said."
The vicar looked down, thinking deeply. Then abruptly, and perhaps
with the deliberate idea of taking the other by surprise, he demanded:
"She would not tell you the name of the man?"
"There is no man in the world to whom she would accord a clandestine

meeting."
"Perhaps you forget that I was an eye-witness, Mr. Helston."
"Would you swear in a court of law that the girl whom you saw was
Melicent?"
The vicar hesitated.
"Why," asked Helston, "did you not at once enter her room, and
convince yourself?"
"I never act in haste; besides, there is no doubt. She wore Melicent's hat
—a kind of broad, flat cap which she wears in the garden; and she entered
her room! Mr. Helston, I fear I must ask you to be explicit. You have said
too much, or not enough. What is it you suggest?"
"I suggest nothing, for I know nothing, except the fact, of which I am
sure, that the girl you saw was not Melicent. Had you gone to her room, and
confronted her then and there, you would have known more than I do at this
moment."
"I think you are bound to tell me what my niece has told you," said the
vicar; and a new uneasiness was in his voice.
"No; I am not bound to, and I have no wish to. But there is a further
question, as to whether I ought to. I—I can't speak without inflicting great
pain, which I am very loath to do. But I can't get away from the feeling that
perhaps I ought not to allow you to go on in ignorance of the true state of
affairs. Perhaps I have said enough to put you on your guard. Let us leave it
so."
"No;" the answer came at once and firmly. "We cannot leave it so. You
must tell me the tale which my niece has poured into your ears, in simple
justice to me and mine. If Melicent has slandered her cousins, she should be
punished."
"Equally, if they have allowed her to suffer for them, they should be
punished," said Helston, stung at last. "May I ask if you have made any sort
of inquiry among them?"
"Decidedly not. I have not allowed them even to know the way this
misguided girl has behaved."
Helston hardly knew whether most to pity or be enraged at such

blindness. He turned away and walked to the window. The girls were just
passing through the garden on their way from feeding their rabbits. They all
glanced in a furtive way at the study windows, and Gwendolen met his eyes
fully. She averted her face in confusion, and hurried on. The visitor turned
abruptly to the vicar and took leave. He could not trust himself to say
another word. Mr. Cooper accompanied him to the hall door, and they found
themselves suddenly face to face with Gwen, coming in.
Her father, in a marked way, encircled her with his arm, as if to show
his confidence. The girl was trembling, scarlet, deeply moved. She turned
upon Helston.
"Then she held her tongue?" she gulped out. "She has not split, even
now?"
Helston's face lit up.
"Does that touch you, Miss Cooper?" he asked kindly.
"It does. I'm most things that are bad, but I simply can't be such a sneak
as this. Father! It was I, not Melicent, whom you saw in the yard! And you
may thrash me, or starve me, or do what you like with me, but I will never
tell you the name of the man who was with me! Oh, Melicent isn't the only
person in this house with any sense of honour! She's—she's—taught me a
lesson! You tell her from me, Mr. Helston, that if I'm ever any good in this
world, it'll be all owing to her."
The vicar had not said one word. He stood where he was, the arm which
his daughter had shaken off rigid against his side. His face grew bloodless,
his expression a marvellous exhibition of self-control.
It seemed to Helston kindest to say good-bye and leave the house

hurriedly. His admiration for Gwendolen was great; after what Melicent had
told him, he could partly guess the effort it needed to make her confession
—a confession which must expose not only her own wrong-doing, but the
whole working of a long system of deceit; for the matter could now hardly
be allowed to rest where it stood.
Contact with Melicent's honesty and courage had stimulated this girl to
show herself honest and courageous. He felt very hopeful of her future,
though he himself winced at the ordeal now before her.
CHAPTER XIX
AN UNMARKED FESTIVAL
"Day of days! Unmarked it rose,
In whose hours we were to meet;
And forgotten passed. Who knows,
Was earth cold, or sunny, sweet,
At the coming of your feet?"
—MRS. MEYNELL.
As her visitor departed, Brenda Helston turned from the door and let
herself sink into an easy-chair by the fire with a gratified laugh.
Five years had not changed her, except that her soft, abundant hair was
whiter. No wrinkles marred her smooth pink cheeks, her eyes were still
bright, though her forty-fifth birthday stared her in the face.
The room in which she sat—the drawing-room of her flat in Collis

Square—was an unusual room. Harry Helston strongly held the theory that
Londoners must live inside their walls. The pictures which hung on these
were all originals and all good. A line of bookshelves encircled the room
like a dado, the top forming a shelf for the reception of rare bits of pottery,
brass, cloisonné and curios. In one corner the line of books was broken for
the admission of a large secretaire. With this exception, and that of a roomy
writing-table near the fire, the room contained no furniture but chairs of
every variety of comfort, and small solid tables, holding no ornaments, but
convenient for the reception of cups, books or papers. There were flowers
in every place where they could be put without risk of being knocked over.
The visitor who had just left the room had gone unwillingly, but
gladdened by a cordial invitation to return later. His hostess thought of him
with pleasure and satisfaction. He was immensely improved by his term of
foreign service, and it was gratifying that his first visit on reaching London
should have been to her. She had always liked Lance Burmester; and the
fact of his having proved himself so emphatically all that a Special
Correspondent ought to be—of his having chosen to have a profession, and
to work hard at it, being, as he was, the eldest son of a wealthy man—had
by no means lessened her good opinion.
She rang the bell, gave some orders to the maid who answered it, and
was still in reverie—perhaps building castles in the air—when her husband
came in, chuckling.
He held an evening paper in his hand.
"Brenda, here's something that will amuse you," he said, stooping to

kiss her affectionately.
She looked up eagerly.
"I have news for you, Harry! Guess who has been here to-day!"
"I'll guess afterwards, but first I must read you this. It's about Melicent.
Won't she be furious? She did think she had dodged the halfpenny
interviewer." He unfolded his copy of the Hauberk and read aloud:
"'THE LADY ARCHITECT
"'The decision of Miss Lutwyche, three years ago, to complete her

course of architectural training by acquiring a practical knowledge of
building, caused a considerable flutter of the dove-cotes at the Polytechnic
when she applied personally to be enrolled. There was no rule, however, by
which she could be excluded, and she has been ever since, the only lady
among six hundred male students.
"'Having completed her course, she is now taking steps to set up for
herself, and is to begin by superintending the erection of two labourers
cottages from her own designs, upon the Cleveshire estates of Sir Joseph
Burmester. Miss Lutwyche has an intimate knowledge of the tastes and
requirements of the natives of the district in question, and it is understood
that she is strongly of opinion that the question of the housing of the poor
will ultimately be successfully tackled by women and not by men.
"'Simplicity, durability and convenience are the keynotes of her work. It

is known that she had much to do with the erection of the wonderful house

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Thorikos Reports and Studies 1st

Edition Roald F. Docter (Editor)

Wonka Roald Dahl

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CompTIA IT Fundamentals ITF Study Guide Exam FC0 U61

ROALD F. DOCTER & MAUD WEBSTER

Photo cover: Orthophoto of Industrial Quarter, Thorikos 2014

Copyright 2021 by PEETERS PUBLISHERS,

R.F. Docter & M. Webster, Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

Roald F. DOCTER & Maud WEBSTER, 2021

For more information on the Thorikos Archaeological Research Project, see

Floris VAN DEN EIJNDE, Roald F. DOCTER,

At the outset of the Thorikos Survey Project, we formulated several aims.

Methods and techniques

The field-walking technique used throughout the 2012-2015 campaigns was

number.12 The 2012-2015 campaigns were followed up by material processing

Stages of the Survey

Figure 3. Distribution map of the 2012-2015 Thorikos survey

Figure 4. Adjusted find count and approximative number

Figure 5. Distribution maps of finds: A. Final Neolithic;

Figure 6. Distribution maps of finds: A. Bronze Age;

Figure 7. Distribution maps of finds: A. Middle Bronze Age;

Table 1. TSP 2012-2015 finds processing.20

Geomorphology and natural condition of the Velatouri hill

In relation to the methodology of the survey, a short note on the geomor-

The varying degree of overgrowth in particular poses an important meth-

A note on period assignation and adjusted find count

Table 2. Tally of Neolithic and Bronze Age surface finds.

Period Find Count

Table 3. Numbers and percentages of surface finds in wider periodization.

Approximate Adjusted Approximate

Occupation of the acropolis seems to have commenced as early as previ-

Apostolopoulos, G.A., A.A. Kallioras, K. Pavlopoulos, K.A. Stathopoulou &

We acknowledge the participation of many students and volunteers, without whom

Sylviane DÉDERIX, Nikolas PAPADIMITRIOU, Anthi BALITSARI,

sheltered double harbour of Agios Nikolaos, strategic location along coastal

Figure 1. Location of old excavation trenches at prehistoric

Cyclades, Boeotia, the Peloponnese and Crete.10 On present evidence, Thorikos

Cleaning and 3D documentation of old excavation trenches: Staïs’

In 1893, the Ephor Valerios Staïs unearthed remains of a settlement on the

Figure 2. Staïs’ settlement after cleaning (S. Déderix).

Figure 3. Stone-by-stone plan of architectural remains in Staïs’ settlement,

Cleaning and 3D documentation of old excavation trenches: the

Figure 4. The necropolis after cleaning (S. Déderix).

Figure 5. Tombs I, II, III and IV after cleaning (S. Déderix).

"Melicent," he said, greeting nobody, "oblige me by taking your

"What you have done cannot be so much as alluded to before your

"We wish to hear nothing from you, Melicent. Go in silence."

"I do not deny that I did," she returned quietly.

"Perhaps you will tell me why you did so?"

"Last night! But—"

"We are speaking of last night."

"Certainly! I did not."