Analysis of An Go No Society

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The Social History of Art of the Municipality of Angono, Province of Rizal in the
Philippines
Preprint · December 2018

DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.16843.41766
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Chapter 2: Analysis of
Angono’s Society
Jofer B. Asilum
This chapter thoroughly explains how Angono’s culture and society at present
came to be. This will not only be a narrative presentation of events that made the town
what it is now, but will actually scrutinize and analyze each of them to know and discuss
the indigenous, colonial and modern foundations that shaped both its history and art. It is
important to do so to enable the team to fairly and justly conceptualize the Artists’ Village
that it aims to propose for the town.
A. A Bastion of Mythology
In understanding the culture of a place, one must look deeper into its indigenous
background that has been inherited by the current peoples in different ways and forms. It
is the indigenous culture of a community that shapes the way its people behaves and
thinks. In the case of the Philippines, its indigenous culture is largely shaped by its
geographical habitat (Asilum, 2016). This is primarily handed down to generations
through mythology, folklore and traditions (Tiamson, 1999).
Mythology in the town of Angono is under a larger class of mythology lived by the
Tagalog people. The term “Tagalog” itself provides clues on how the people’s mythology
emerged. “Tagalog” is generally believed to have come from the term “taga-ilog” which
literally means “people from (or along) the river” (Living Language, 2014).
True enough, the area occupied by the Tagalog people is the region surrounding
the lake that is presently called Laguna de Bay. This lake is where many rivers source its
water most especially the Pasig River, its main drainage and the main river passing
through Metro Manila, and drain, including Pagsanjan River, Santa Cruz River, Marikina
River, Morong River, and Angono River, among others (UP Open University). The region’s
rivers and lake therefore shaped the people’s myths especially about the origins of all of
creation, their folk stories and animist1 orientation. This starts with their belief of higher
beings in the other world.
1
Animism is the “attribution of conscious life to objects in and phenomena of nature or to inanimate objects
(Merriam-Webster).” One of the old ways of life of the Philippine natives is to worship anything from nature, be it a
tree, a boulder, among others (Mercado, 1974). The reason to this shall be discussed later.
SITE DEVELOPMENT PLAN FOR THE ANGONO ARTISTS’ VILLAGE | Page 34 of 115
There are many versions that exist about the higher beings of the Tagalog people.
There is one, however, that encapsulates even the origins of humanity in the archipelago.
Though it is generally believed by historians that it is Bathala that is the native version of
the Tagalog people of the Western God, in this story, Bathala is the God of the Sky and
coexists with other gods, Aman Sinaya, the Goddess of the Sea and Amihan, the North
Wind (The Aswang Project, 2016). Figure 8 is an artist’s depiction of the said gods.
Figure 1. The first three gods of Tagalog mythology – Bathala (top), Amihan (center) and Aman
Sinaya (bottom) (The Aswang Project, 2016)
The story starts with the rivalry between Bathala and Aman Sinaya where, in the
beginning of time, the latter angered the former by causing strong typhoons. Bathala
responded by throwing giant boulders to Aman Sinaya, which eventually produced the
first islands of the archipelago (The Aswang Project, 2016). It was Amihan that came in
as the negotiator, mediator, and pacifier between the two gods’ rivalry, specifically by
transforming into a bird (The Aswang Project, 2016). Bathala and Aman Sinaya’s quarrel
was put to stop with the former offering a seed that sprouted into a big bamboo tree in
one of the boulders that molded into islands in the latter’s waters (The Aswang Project,
2016). It was the bamboo split by Amihan where the first man and woman that it named
as Malakas and Maganda2 respectively came from as shown in Figure 9 (The Aswang
Project, 2016).
2
“Malakas” and “Maganda” are literally translated as “strong” and “beautiful” respectively.
Figure 2. Malakas and Maganda coming out of the bamboo tree split by Amihan (Bulaong,
2015).
One must take note, however, that while the setting of Bathala’s quarrel with Aman
Sinaya and his creation of the first man and woman took place in earth, it was only Amihan
that freely roams around the planet as a bird. The calamities or the natural disasters in
earth brought about by the first two gods’ quarrel are actually just manifestations of their
powers since they exist in the Other World. Their dwelling in such dimension has been
documented by a certain Miguel de Loarca in 1582 when he told in his writings the
existence of the anito in the Tagalog belief system (The Aswang Project, 2016).
The anitos are spirits, nymphs, and diwatas3 that were originally deceased
ancestors of people or created by the gods to take the role of their servants helping
humans by either showing or only manifesting themselves through nature in their world
(The Aswang Project, 2016). It can be noticed that, just like the social organization during
the precolonial times of the archipelago, there is also a hierarchy existing in the Other
World. This hierarchy is arguably the reason why, even in the present age, Filipinos have
high regard for respect for authority4. In the case for beings in the Other World, one of the
ways of instilling this norm is to constantly please them through offerings which can be
done anywhere since the whole of nature is where they manifest (Mercado, 1974). Aside
from offerings, the natives would be careful with their behavior as well. This is why, they
would use phrases like “Tabi-tabi po5” in quiet places to ensure that they don’t disturb
anyone inhabiting or manifesting there (Asilum, 2016). Interestingly, the natives believe
that the older a person becomes, the nearer he or she is to the beings of the Other World
(Asilum, 2016). These social norms are there for spiritual purposes of the natives, and
disobedience to such would lead to the displeasure of the Other World’s beings, which
3
The nearest equivalent of the term “diwata” is fairy.
4
The word “po” which is added in sentences when talking with elders or people of authority and the gesture of
“pagmamano” which is the manner of placing an elder’s hand to one’s forehead are all norms of showing respect
among the Filipinos that are still being practiced today.
5
It roughly means “excuse me”, but is intended for someone that cannot be seen.
unfortunately could result to them bringing natural disasters or short-term to long-term
drought, hunger and less harvest as a way to teach humans a lesson (Mercado, 1974).
All these are true in the context of Angono. This starts with their arguably most
important myth as shown in one of the town’s central sculptures in Figure 10, the sirena
(mermaid) that rules a queendom under the waters of Laguna de Bay (Tiamson-Rubin,
1992). The mermaid is believed to have a playful personality according to old stories of
fisher folks (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). Transmitted tales from the past claim that she usually
moves the boats of the fishermen from underwater trying to play with them or to give a
warning that she must not be disturbed (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). It was also believed that
there were instances that despite that the children of Angono are known to be capable of
swimming, many disappear due to drowning and are believed to have been kidnapped
by the mermaid (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). Old folks also state that the mermaid would only
want beautiful young girls and bring them to her lair underwater which is believed to be a
magnificently joyous place (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). The children they further said, would
return to the town’s shores one by one telling stories that they’ve been brought to a world
underwater and had their mischievous behaviors reformed (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992).
The mermaid is also said to transform into different golden animals – a hen, a dog,
a duck or a horse to roam around the different places of the town which for the old people,
is her way of protecting the people and their natural environment (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992).
The natives are said to have attempted to catch the mermaid in her different animal forms,
but her godly strengths as a diwata of the lake and rivers are seen to be present in her
other versions too making catching her an impossible task (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992).
Figure 3. A sculpture of sirenas erected in Angono’s lakeshore park (The Mermaid Queen of
Angono, 2008)
The richness of the town’s mythology also extends to the usual Tagalog mythical
creatures specifically the kapre, the tikbalang, the duwende and the kabalyero. These
neutral creatures6 are believed to have inhabited the once clean rivers and highly forested
areas of Angono. The kapre¸ a dark-skinned heavily haired tobacco-smoking giant with a
scary face and the tikbalang, a creature with long hands, a head of horse and hairy body
of a human are assumed to be inhabiting the dark bamboo-filled region of the forest
(Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). The treed area that is considered to be their territory and the
place they are guarding is avoided by the people, even the most masculine and fearless
men. Their scary appearance is meant so human beings would not dare to disturb their
place.
The dark forest is also where the kabalyeros would roam around (Tiamson-Rubin,
1992). They are small princely human-like creatures riding a small horse with their body
decorated with many shiny accessories that look like medals (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). It is
believed that they bring protection from malevolent spirits to anyone who catches one of
them.
Meanwhile, in the area of the lakeshore7 where the river mouth is found, there is a
forest filled with acacia trees that is believed to be where a kingdom of duwendes is found
(Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). The duwendes are little people who because of their miniature
size are rarely seen by humans. It is a belief that unexpected sounds from objects like
plates and other kitchenware are said to be produced by them visiting people’s homes
(Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). They live together with the nuno sa punso8, a goblin-like old-
looking creature who is easily angered if one disturbs his mound that he considers his
home. This nuno is different however from the nuno that the town’s folklore elicits to be
the etymology9 of its name. The latter is the nuno of the balete tree10 (see Figure 11) that
was once rooted in the town’s central district, and folk stories say that the nuno suddenly
appears to punish anyone who does an immoral deed (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). The
townspeople also believed that the balete tree is where the souls of their deceased loved
ones go to, serving like a portal to the other world (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992).
6
Tagalog mythical creatures could be grouped into three – benevolent (the good deities and supernatural beings),
neutral and malevolent (bad ones) (The Aswang Project, 2016). Supernatural beings that show themselves to human
beings in different ways of manifestations in nature are believed to be neutral creatures, meaning, they can either be
good or bad to human beings depending on their treatment to them.
7
The townspeople call their lakeshore Wawa.
8
Nuno sa punso is literally translated as “old man of the mound” (particularly termite mound).
9
Other accounts claim that the town’s name actually came from a tree named anonang or anunung or anono used
for medicinal purposes since the ancient times and a sacred crocodile that is named “Ang Nuno” (Tiamson-Rubin,
1992). The latter, documented by Father Francisco Collin and Juan de Placencia is also worshipped by the natives
(Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). Nevertheless, given the belief that mythical creatures can acquire different forms, the nuno
of the balete tree may have transformed into a crocodile too as part of its powers in manifesting in different ways in
the world of human beings. Historical accounts of the etymology of the town’s name on the other hand, shall also be
explained later.
10
Angono native and University of the Philippines Diliman Professor Emeritus Ligaya Tiamson-Rubin (1992) explained
that it was National Artist Carlos Francisco that suggested that the town’s name could have come from the said
mythical creature and also said that there was a certain Giovanni Careri, an Italian traveler who documented the
town’s natives worshipping the said tree.
Figure 4. A sculpture of Ang Nuno found in the Angono’s urban area (Samson, 2012)
Angono’s mythology just like Filipino mythology in general, expounds the non-
dualistic nature of its people. Non-dualistic, meaning, Filipinos do not see themselves as
separate from nature like how the Westerners see themselves (Mercado, 1974). Put
simply, humanity is a mere member of nature, hence the high regard of natives for
respecting the other members of it. The Filipino mentality therefore, just like most cultures
in the Orient promotes harmonization with the other members of nature (Mercado, 1974).
Some argue that it is because of the West having the first taste of rapid modernization
that they have become detached from nature, as seen in their individualist culture and
ultimately, it becomes what happens as well to countries that are also modernizing
(Tiamson, 1999). Yet considering the rise of Oriental countries in terms of modernization
and economic progress, while retaining their traditional cultures, such view is put into
question.
With the rapid urbanization of Angono, these mythical creatures are believed to
only manifest themselves in the present age. They do not show themselves to people
anymore because their habitat has disappeared with humanity’s continuous destruction
of nature. With this is the people forgetting how their ancestors lived together as part of
the totality of nature. The town’s struggle as part of the Philippines’ colonial Catholicization
as well as neocolonial modernization provides insights as to why it has come to such
state.
B. The marriage of indigenous and Catholic cultures
In a mission to establish a new colony in the Orient for Spain to become the
empire’s new source of spices, the main cause for overseas dominance of European
powers then, Ferdinand Magellan and his crew arrived in Homonhon Island in the Visayas
in 1521 (Tan, 1997). The visitors, for their colonization aspiration utilized religion to
befriend and pacify the clueless island natives. They organized the first mass with the
locals in Limasawa and was succeeded by the acceptance of several islands’ village
chieftains including Datu11 Humabon of the island of Cebu to be converted to Christianity
(Tan, 1997). However, this campaign fell short came their arrival in the island of Mactan.
Their crew was defeated in a battle against the forces of the island’s chieftain, Lapu-Lapu.
Upon the unsuccessful attempt of Magellan’s crew, the Spanish empire sent
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi to continue the former’s expedition in 1565 (Tan, 1997). He led
the Christianization caravan in the Visayan islands and made Cebu their stronghold after
defeating the forces of then Rajah Tupas (Tan, 1997). In their attempt to further the
Christianization process in the island of Luzon, Lopez de Legazpi sent grandson Juan de
Salcedo and Martin de Goiti and brought with them a mix of Spaniards, Mexicans and
Christianized Visayans to invade the villages of the Muslims under the rule of the Bruneian
Empire that once dominated its southern region (Tan, 1997). This was commenced at the
Pasig River delta and successfully occupied Manila (Tan, 1997).
Going further to the lake region (now Laguna de Bay) inhabited by the Tagalog
people, Juan de Salcedo fought against the natives of a populous settlement called
Cainta (MPDC, 2016). Cainta despite being eventually defeated, defended itself by
getting reinforcements from nearby settlements (MPDC, 2016). Angono, a village along
the northern shores of Laguna de Bay, which was not mentioned much in early records
by the Spaniards, is assumed to be among the settlements 12 that helped Cainta (MPDC,
2016).
The successful invasions of de Goiti and de Salcedo in the lake region led to its
pacification. With Manila becoming the colony’s capital due to its strategic location for
trade with nearby nations especially China (Tan, 1997), this became an opportune
moment for the colonizers to do reduccion13 among the pueblos14 of different provinces
11
A village chieftain in pre-colonial Philippines is called a datu.
12
Aside from Carlos Francisco’s claim about the town’s name’s origins, there was also another story recorded by
Spanish colonizers. The area of Angono, according to Spaniards that visited there was said to be the location of a
village led by a certain Datu Biga (Municipal Government of Angono, 2016). His household was located on a hilltop
that presently still bears his name (Municipal Government of Angono, 2016). It has been assumed that perhaps the
Spanish visitors have referred the place with the name the villagers of the area called their chieftain, “Ang Puno12” or
“Ang Nuno” which eventually transformed to “Angono” (Municipal Government of Angono, 2016). It has been claimed
that the town is named after this chieftain because of his popularity of being a wealthy intelligent and courageous
warrior and at the same time an herbalist skilled in removing curses from his patients (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992).
13
Reduccion is the Spaniards’ process of reorganizing their colonies’ small native settlements into larger communities
(Jocano, 1967).
14
A pueblo is a town or city.
(Jocano, 1967). It resulted to a larger unit of population in each pueblo called poblacion15
which also served as its religious and government seat16 (Constantino, 1975). However,
due to the source of livelihood of most natives which is primarily farming and fishing, the
colonial town arrangement did not completely encourage all of them to settle in the
poblacion, and many chose to still settle in their original far households (Jocano, 1967).
This has led to the rise of small settlements surrounding the poblacion each called a
barrio17, or for even smaller and more rural settlements, a sitio (Constantino, 1975).
The Catholic Church authorities were prompted to adapt to these developments
and established a new system of religion management called cabecera and visita
(Jocano, 1967). Unlike the setting of a cabecera where the settlers attend regular masses
in the poblacion’s Church handled by permanent priests, in a visita, assigned priests from
the poblacion only regularly visit the chapel of a sitio or barrio to monitor and hold religious
activities (Jocano, 1967). The cabecera process was basically done in the urban area of
the town while the visita process was in the rural areas. Angono became one of the twelve
visitas of Pasig starting 1575 (MPDC, 2016). But due to its proximity to newly organized
pueblos, it was sequentially transferred to different pueblos – starting with Taguig, then
Morong, and finally Binangonan (MPDC, 2016).
This eventual religion management system also paved the way for the emergence
of two cultures of understanding the Roman Catholic faith, namely cabecera or urban
Catholicism and visita or rural Catholicism (Jocano, 1967). Considering the accessibility
of the people in the cabeceras to religious events and facilities, they managed to follow
the doctrines of the religion strictly (Jocano, 1967). This is why, their faith to the divine is
showcased by good performance of following the religious doctrines and ways (Jocano,
1967). On the other hand, the inaccessibility of the people in the visitas to religious events
and facilities, considering their rural setting led to them having rough knowledge of the
doctrines of the Catholic Church (Jocano, 1967). They filled the gaps of their knowledge
of the religious doctrines with the indigenous customs that fit them (Jocano, 1967). This
is true with how Saint Clement I of Rome (locally known as San Clemente) became the
people’s patron saint which was advantageous for the Spaniards to better promote the
Roman Catholic faith.
The said saint was the fourth pope of the Roman Catholic Church who served
during the time when the faith was just in the process of being introduced to the masses
and was seen as a potential threat to power by the Roman Empire’s leaders (New World
15
A poblacion is a town’s or a city’s central district.
16
This is where the colonial style of town planning called “plaza complex” emerged. The office of the government and
the Church facing each other to signify the two institutions’ equal authority and a plaza in the middle surrounded by
the rich families’ houses best describes the complex’s arrangement (Tan, 1997).
17
In present-day Philippines, barrios became barangays (what the pre-colonial Filipinos originally called their
settlements or groups). Sitios became the small settlements that comprise a rural barangay. A purok on the other
hand is used to define smaller districts within an urban barangay. It could’ve been during the American colonial period
that a poblacion became a barangay itself, but in the urban area of a town or city. In some cases, like in Masbate City,
a poblacion is a district to collectively call a group of urban barangays.
Encyclopedia, 2015). The miraculous conversion to Christianity done by him of a noble
couple that is connected to the Empire’s throne led to many of their followers being
converted as well (New World Encyclopedia, 2015). This angered then Emperor Trajan
and ordered him to be thrown in Crimea. However, Pope Clement’s mission did not stop.
He continued spreading the Catholic faith in the island and had many natives in the area
converted (New World Encyclopedia, 2015). He was eventually ordered to be thrown in
the sea with an iron anchor (New World Encyclopedia, 2015). This story could have been
the reason why he was easily accepted by the natives of Angono as their patron saint.
Angono has always been a fishing village since the precolonial times. Their
harmonious closeness to the lake18 proclaims their worship of a mermaid that protects
and helps them. Saint Clement’s story being deeply associated with the sea could have
been assimilated by the Spaniards to the belief of the townspeople of a spirit protector
dwelling on their lake’s waters. Cultural assimilation19, the process where a minority
culture is being absorbed to a dominant culture (Pauls, 2008) by making the former see
the actually absurd similarities of their customs with the latter was done by the colonizers
for them to be easily welcomed by the natives that they aim to colonize and have
converted to Catholicism. Instead of the indigenous belief that there is an anito in the form
of a sirena or a mermaid protecting the people of the town, the role was handed over to
Saint Clement20 came the Spanish Catholicization.
With Angono being a visita then, the origins of their manner of worshipping Saint
Clement were their indigenous ways of worshipping the mermaid spirit of the lake. This is
still being practiced in the present times. During the Feast of Saint Clement celebrated
every 23rd of November annually, the parade of the saint’s image starts from the town’s
main Church after the early morning mass (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). It will pass through
the town’s major streets going to the lakeshore for the fluvial parade. This part of the
celebration is where the indigenous and Catholic cultures merge. For the fluvial parade,
the natives transfer the image of Saint Clement in the pagoda21 (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992).
The activity is said to be a representation recalling what happened to the saint when he
was thrown to the seas of Crimea for the punishment given to him by Emperor Trajan
(Tiamson-Rubin, 1992).
18
To this day, the natives still call the lake as dagat which literally translates as “sea” (Vocalan, 2018).
19
This style of Catholicization, the Spaniards’ strategy of colonizing the natives is actually in line with what the Roman
Catholic faith is all about. The term “Catholic” came from the Greek adjective “katholikos” which means “universal”
(Asilum, 2016). This nature made the propagation of the faith as if embracing all of humanity became an imperative
for the Roman Catholic Church, and is affirmed by a passage in the Bible by Saint Paul, the first Pope, “I became all
things to all to all men, that I might save all. And I do all things for the gospel’s sake” (1 Cor. ix, 22-23) (Asilum, 2016).
20
Clement I becoming the patron saint of Angono became more miraculous with the townspeople not finding who
brought its image to their place (Tiamson, 1999). It was as if fate was the one that brought it to the people.
21
A pagoda is a Church altar-like structure made of bamboo decorated with flowers placed in a large boat that is
actually at least four small boats joined together (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). It is similar to the fluvial procession during
the Peñafrancia Festival in Naga City, Bicol and is said to be introduced by the Chinese that migrated to the Philippines
and converted to Christianity (Tiamson, 1999), implying that such customs in the country are a fusion of not only its
indigenous culture and Spanish influence but also of the other foreign influences that are present in it.
Figure 5. The pagoda is used during the fluvial parade of the annual Feast of Saint Clement on
November 23 (eazytraveler, 2008). The pagoda’s incorporation in the town’s official logo reflects
its deep relevance to the local history and culture.
While floating in the lake, the natives, mostly fishermen operating the pagoda
would catch fish along their course and offer22 them to the image of the saint (Tiamson-
Rubin, 1992) as pictured in Figure 12. It is believed that the more fish that they catch, the
greater fish harvest that they shall have for the year (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). The parade
itself is believed to make a miracle that the lake would have more fish (Tiamson-Rubin,
1992). This activity is accompanied by other devotees riding and dancing in boats
following the pagoda as a showcase of celebration of the saint’s journey to martyrdom
and miracle-making for the town (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). After the procession in the lake,
the saint shall now be transported back to land for another parade to be done during night
time (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). Interestingly, the image of Saint Clement, despite the feast
being about him is actually brought together with the images of Saint Isidore the Laborer
(locally known as San Isidro de Labrador) and the Virgin Mary. These two other saints
also pose significant reflections on the town’s vivid cultural scene.
C. Transitioning to Spanish colonial township and the rise of folk arts

Due to population growth, from a visita, Angono eventually became a pueblo in
1766 (but some sources say it’s 1751 or 1753) with Juan Magbitac as its first
gobernadorcillo23 under the Province of Laguna and then under the Distrito24 delas
Montes de San Mateo which was renamed in 1857 to Politico Militardel Distrito de Morong
22
This gesture of offering something to the saint attests that it has become the former spirit that the Angono natives
worshipped prior to the arrival of the Spaniards and the Catholic faith. It must be noted that saints are supposed to
be role models only of humanity for them to become better Christians (Kreeft, 1987). After all, saints were also human
beings, who were former sinners that recognized their sins and did their best to correct them and become better
individuals serving others (Kreeft, 1987).
23
A gobernadorcillo is of the same rank with present-day town or city mayor.
24
The Comprehensive Development Plan of Angono for 2016-2026 (2016) implies that a distrito is of the same level
as a province. It was mentioned in the political history of Angono that Politico Militardel Distrito de Morong is also
called as Province of Morong.
until 1898 (the end of Spanish rule in the Philippines) (MPDC, 2016). Within the pueblo’s
jurisdictions are emerging visitas that initiated new activities integrating to its cultural
scene. This commences with the once area of the hacienda25 that dominated the town’s
lands before.
The said hacienda had a chapel that housed an image of Saint Isidore the Laborer
along with the image of Saint Clement before it was turned over to the town’s main church
(Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). The saint easily connected with the lives of the farmer tenants of
the estate since he is known to be the patron saint of farmers and of rural communities
(Saint Isidore the Farmer). As shown in Figure 13, the farmers, now the villagers of
Barangay San Isidro honor the saint by celebrating the Carabao Festival during his feast
day every 15th of May annually (Bumanlag, 2011). Here, the farmers parade on the streets
of Angono together with their decorated carabaos occasionally commanding the animals
to bend down as symbol of punishment for sometimes not cooperating with them during
farming (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). Similar versions are found in other parts of the country
like in Lucban in Quezon, in Iloilo and in Bohol, implying that it is a common practice of
Filipinos when doing thanksgiving for the saint (Bulaong, 2015). The colorful carabaos
are also displayed in front of the town’s church for the people to see and enjoy along with
two higante26 carabaos made by the local artists (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992).
Figure 6. The town also celebrates its own version of Carabao Festival as part of the people’s
worship for Saint Isidore the Laborer (Rizal Province).
Other emerging visitas also had their fair share of contributions to the vivifying
cultural landscape of Angono. Present-day Barangay San Vicente for example, having its
own visita then, organizes a celebration for Saint Vincent Ferrer every Sunday nearest to
the 5th of April annually (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). The saint is known to have wings which
represent how excellent the level of thinking that he had when he was still living (Tiamson-
Rubin, 1992). Other barangays named after saints in Angono like Barangays San Roque
25
It is a large estate, usually for plantations and found in Spanish-speaking or formerly colonized countries (Merriam-
Webster).
26
It is literally translated as ‘giant’ and is a large papier-mâché representation of a certain person or animal usually
seen during the town’s festivals. Further discussion shall be done later.
and Santo Niño also celebrate fiestas in honor of the saints to whom they were named
after. San Roque or Saint Roch is known to be the patron to be called during times of
conflict and is celebrated during the Sunday nearest to the 16th of August (Tiamson-Rubin,
1992). Santo Niño or the Holy Child on the other hand, is celebrated every New Year’s
Day and is known to be the patron for children, the reason why the barangay that houses
its image organizes games as part of the feast’s activities (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992).
The pueblo also became ripe for other traditional Catholic celebration particularly
those done during the Holy Week, Feast of the Blessed Virgin Mary, All Souls’ Day,
Christmas season. In the case of the Holy Week as example, just like how many Filipinos
celebrate it, the locals reenact the important events that led to the crucifixion of Jesus
Christ (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). Meanwhile, the celebration for the Blessed Virgin Mary is
held every May where during one of its nights, the Santacruzan is staged (Tiamson-Rubin,
1992). Santacruzan is where beautiful maidens parade the streets personifying different
queens that depict different Christian values such as Reyna Fe (or Queen Fe) for the
virtue of faith, Reyna Esperanza for hope, Reyna Caridad for charity and most importantly,
Reyna Elena as Saint Helena, the most beautiful or important maiden in the town
(Philippine Primer, 2016). The pageant is actually a reenactment of the search of Queen
Helena of Constantinople (eventually Saint Helena) and her child son, Constantine,
eventually the Emperor of the Roman Empire for the True Cross where Jesus Christ is
said to have been crucified (Philippine Primer, 2016).
The uniqueness of Angono to the other areas of the Philippines when it comes to
organizing these events is that to this day, it still holds them in an elaborate way creating
“colorful structures and decorations to mark each of them” (Manalo, 2004). This made the
festivities the townspeople’s grounds where they can enhance and showcase their artistry
and creativity. In fact, the most prominent structures and decorations where people exert
their artistic and creative efforts are (1) the pagoda and the endramada27 which are made
during the feast of Saint Clement, (2) the altar of the Church during the Holy Week
activities, (3) during Easter Sunday is the Galilea¸ where on top of it has a giant papier-
mâché bird and a giant papier-mâché heart with a live girl characterized as angel inside
it as seen in Figure 14, of course (4) the higantes during the Feast of Saint Clement as
well, (5) the higante carabaos during the Feast of Saint Isidore, (6) the higante lanterns
during Christmas season, among many others (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992).
27
Rows of standing bamboos held together at the sides of the streets of the towns decorated with designs depicting
the people’s culture (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992).
Figure 7. The Galilea is one of the creative works of Angono Residents during Easter Sunday
celebration. (Snoek, 2007)
With the Filipinos’ natural love for celebration (Philippine Primer, 2016), through
these festivities as well that they have mastered the art of integrating the traditions of the
Roman Catholic Church to their native culture. This is to the point that they have become
deeply rooted to their daily lives, thus the rise of folk artistry during these very events.
After all, folk art, being more on functional value rather than aesthetic value is primarily
for the retention of a certain group of people’s traditions, customs and beliefs
(Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2014) which are all basically norms that are utilitarian, social
or spiritual in nature (Pitt). What is more interesting about the folk art landscape formed
with the synthesis of indigenous and Catholic cultures that dominated Angono is that it
also provided the inspiration where budding fine artists can draw from for their creative
works. These were the town’s first recognized fine artists, namely Juan “Tandang
Juancho” Senson and Pedro “Tandang Pedro” Piñon who laid the foundation for the
succeeding generations of many fine artists in the locality (Blanco, 1988).
Works of Tandang Pedro included the painting “Carrying of the Cross” with people
wearing zarzuela-inspired dresses (Blanco, 1988) and several religious statues found in
nearby towns (Manalo, 2004). Paintings of Tandang Juancho on the other hand, are more
well-documented (Manalo, 2004) and revolved around the important events of the life of
Jesus Christ, including The Crucifixion and The Baptism of Christ (Blanco, 1988). In fact,
his work Vista Parcial de Angono was showcased in an exhibit in the Exposicon Regional
de Filipinas in 1895 and is now part of the collection of the Central Bank of the Philippines
(Manalo, 2004). It is through these masters that fine art which is practiced mainly for
aesthetic value (Encylopedia of Art Education) has started to also integrate itself to the
creative scenery of Angono.
While this showcase of religious faith either through festivities or art has debatably
positive impacts to the country’s cultural landscape, it became advantageous to the
colonizers and used it to silence the resistance of the natives to the foreign ideals. In fact,
even as a pueblo, local authority is traditionally held supreme by the parish priest given
that during this time, Roman Catholicism is considered as the state religion and therefore
all activities in the community are to be approved by him first (MPDC, 2016). The
gobernadorcillo, the highest rank a native could assume that time, would receive no pay,
only enjoying some privileges related to his job’s nature (MPDC, 2016). It was even said
that the parish priest always brought with him a sort of scepter as symbol of his authority
(MPDC, 2016).
These festivities therefore became some sort of opium for the colonized Filipinos
to temporarily escape from the atrocities that they experienced under colonial rule. But
when oppression became too much, even the silenced natives had limitations. These very
activities also became an avenue for Filipinos to creatively show their resistance to the
oppressive treatments that they received from the colonizers. In the case of Angono, the
higantes being paraded during the Feast of Saint Clement in the present times as shown
in Figure 15 trace their roots as the first political effigy in the country according to a
University of the Philippines instructor Lisa Ito (Gappi, 2011). Professor Emeritus of the
same university and Angono native Ligaya Tiamson-Rubin argued that the big papier-
mâché figures were used as “symbol of agrarian protest during the waning years of
Spanish colonialism28” (Gappi, 2011). This development made the higantes a unique
added value to the folk arts culture of the town due to its nature of political resistance 29.
It could have been one of Angono’s prime contributions to the growing dissent of Filipinos
to the Spanish colonial regime that time which eventually led to a national revolution for
independence.
Figure 8. Several changes on the way higantes are to be used during important occasions led
them to showing not just smirking faces, but also ones smiling happily (Razon, 2016)
28
Another viewpoint about the origin of the higante is that of James Owen Saguinsin, also an Angono native and a
professor at the Far Eastern University. He said that the figure actually existed after the Philippine revolution against
the Spaniards and did not exist during the Spanish occupation (Gappi, 2011). It was actually the appearance of
Hacienda de Angono’s abusive manager Zacarias, nicknamed “Tangkad” (literally “tall”) who the people were mocking
when they made the first higante (Gappi, 2011).
29
The higantes that paraded the Angono streets then all portrayed smirking faces until eventual National Artist and
also Angono native Carlos ‘Botong’ Francisco used them to brighten the townspeople’s mood after the World War II
by incorporating them with smiling appearances in the town fiesta, the Feast of Saint Clement (Gappi, 2011).
D. Unpredictable times and the rise of National Artist Botong Francisco
The end of the Philippine-Spanish revolution led to Emilio Aguinaldo establishing
a dictatorial government with him as the President through an Acta de Independencia
(Independence Act) signed by representatives of different provinces on August 1, 1898
(MPDC, 2016). The independence was cut short however came the arrival of a new
colonizer superpower, the United States of America after the islands were ceded to it by
Spain through the Treaty of Paris in 1898 for 20 million dollars.
With American colonization, the fate of Angono’s township was affected once
again. In reorganizing the Philippine islands, the Province of Rizal was created through
United States Philippine Commission Act No. 137 on June 11, 1901 incorporating Angono
and a barrio of Binangonan into it (MPDC, 2016). But in October 12, 1903, Act No. 942
merged Angono and Cainta with Taytay (MPDC, 2016). Due to Angono people’s strong
opposition to this move on the ground that the gangs that ravish their households that
time came from Taytay mountains that it was separated from Taytay and was merged with
Binangonan through Act No. 948 in November 1903 (MPDC, 2016).
Then, by August 19, 1938, through Executive Order No. 158 of the Commonwealth
of the Philippines President Manuel L. Quezon, Angono was finally declared an
independent municipality effective January 1, 1939 to be composed of five barrios
Bagong Bayan, Poblacion, San Isidro, San Roque and San Vicente (MPDC, 2016). But
the township was disturbed yet again came the Second World War that changed the
course of the whole world. In Asia, it was the Empire of Japan that campaigned for a
united Asian sphere with their nation as the center. This involved their occupation of many
countries, including the Philippines.
The war interrupted the flourishing arts scene of the country which was during that
time dominated by Fernando Amorsolo (born in Manila) who showcased the classical
style of painting rural landscapes (Martinez, 2009). Amorsolo’s paintings followed the
movement of his predecessors, including his uncle and master Fabian dela Rosa
(Martinez, 2009). By the end of the war and the time of Philippine independence from the
United States, his dominance in Philippine art still prevailed especially considering that
his pictures of the Philippine countryside were idealized to be representative of the “young
republic’s national identity” (Martinez, 2009). It was only until a group of emerging artists
advocating for the modern art movement challenged the status quo led by Amorsolo. They
were called the Thirteen Moderns led by the triumvirate Victorio Edades, Galo Ocampo
and Angono native Carlos ‘Botong’ Francisco (Angono Rizal).
While Amorsolo’s classical art style featured beautiful, balanced and idealized
representation of rural surroundings and of the Filipino human form (Martinez, 2009), the
modern art movement on the other hand, “represents the artists’ experience of the
newness of modern life in appropriately innovative ways” in response to the technological
advances brought about by the industrialization of the world (Wolf, 2018).
Figure 9. “Pista sa Angono” painting by Carlos ‘Botong’ Francisco (1960)
The rise of modern art was actually reflective of the country being the center of
Asia both in economic prowess and in arts after the Second World War (Business World
Online, 2012). It was this time that urbanization in Metropolitan Manila region surged
prompting nearby towns to prepare for its further expansion (MPDC, 2016). Angono was
not an exemption and it had its fair experience of rapid changes – from settling land
boundary disputes with neighboring municipalities, to the improvement of the people’s
health situation, and to addressing the unexpected impacts of migration of urban peoples
and environmental degradation of Laguna de Bay and Angono River (MPDC, 2016).
These were the scenes that shaped Carlos Francisco’s style usually reflecting scenes in
Philippine society and history (Angono Rizal) and mythology of the Tagalog people
(Blanco, 1988), as depicted in Figure 16, as part of the modern art movement.
Francisco’s accidental discovery during a scouts’ field trip in March 1965 of what
is now known the Angono-Binangonan Petroglyphs showcasing prehistoric art made by
Filipinos of the area of that time (Macaraig, 2014) drew possible foundations of his ancient
artistic roots as well as of the people of Angono. The carvings, as shown in Figure 17,
included lizard-like drawings near man-like figures that are said to depict the prehistoric
notion of harmony and equality between humankind and other animals (Blanco, 1988).
Additionally, indeed his legacy was kept alive by local master artists that followed his style
and by also those who created their own.
Figure 10. Carvings in the Angono-Binangonan Petroglyphs (Besa, 2014)
E. An independent town, home of fine artists and musicians, too

After years of struggle for independent township, Former President Manuel
Quezon’s order granting Angono as a town of its own was ratified at long last on June 17,
1972 through Republic Act No. 6469 under the Presidency of Ferdinand Marcos (MPDC,
2016). In 1975, it was classified as a fifth class town (MPDC, 2016) and became one of
the remaining fourteen towns that compose the Province of Rizal, after fifteen of the
original twenty-nine, namely the cities of Quezon, Pasay and Caloocan and the
municipalities of Makati, Mandaluyong, San Juan, Las Piñas, Malabon, Navotas, Pasig,
Pateros, Parañaque, Marikina, Muntinlupa and Taguig became part of Metropolitan
Manila formed by Former President Ferdinand Marcos (1975) through Presidential
Decree No. 824, s. 1975 on November 7, 1975.
Angono becoming an independent town happened when it also cemented itself as
a cradle of excellent fine artists. Following the footsteps and style of Botong Francisco,
several local artists also rose to prominence to continue his legacy.
Vicente Reyes, a long-time associate of Francisco for example, had many
paintings related to the town’s mythological beliefs and their relation to nature including a
1973 oil painting of Maria Makiling in a Muslim-inspired clothing and a 1986 oil painting
named Kaingin depicting town’s deforestation for agriculture (Blanco, 1988). Similar with
his works are many works of Nemi Miranda who mainly painted about the mythical fairy
Maria Makiling and also some scenes most importantly of the EDSA People Power
Revolution I (Blanco, 1988).
Figure 11. The façade of the Nemiranda Art House is reflective of Nemi Miranda’s affinity to
Tagalog mythology (Fiesta-like Nemiranda Cafe and Art Gallery).
There are also painters who used the daily lives of the common folks of Angono
especially the farmers and fishers in their works. Perdigon Vocalan, for example painted
a mother breastfeeding her child under the shade of a nipa hut (Blanco, 1988). The
members of the Blanco Family on other hand, have different tastes when it comes to their
inspirations. One member named Noel Blanco painted The Fisherman’s Hut that
showcased many elements surrounding a fisherman’s day – inside his bamboo home
where his materials like fishing net are found and being with his pet animals, chickens,
ducks and dogs (Blanco, 1988).
These local artists, despite mostly trailing behind the shadow of the great Botong
Francisco have one commonality. Since they are all part of one town, they are all
nourished by similar environments and therefore also share similar experiences. This
commonality is reflected particularly in the similarities of the stories that they imbibe in
their paintings and other artistic works. All these contribute to the prominence of Angono
as a town with a unique artistic and creative background.
But Angono did not only make its way in the field of fine arts; its people are also
well-involved in music. During the years that the town had a sudden boom in visual arts,
one local artist slowly came to national spotlight when he was recognized as a National
Artist – this time for the field of Music – in 1991 (National Commission for Culture and the
Arts, 2015), eighteen years after Botong Francisco was awarded with the same title but
in the field of Visual Arts in 1973 (Angono Rizal).
Making the town even more popular as the only one that produced two recipients
of the prestigious National Artist title, Lucio San Pedro, a cousin and contemporary of
Botong Francisco, also made use of the social context of Angono to excel in his craft. He
was a conductor and master composer for acclaimed bands in his town, such as the San
Pedro Band of Angono and the Banda Angono Numero Uno (National Commission for
Culture and the Arts, 2015). Through these groups that he was able to share his artistry
to others. Depicting his experiences as a native of Angono, he also composed songs
related to love for family and nation that became easily deeply rooted to the musical ears
of the Filipino populace, including the lullaby Sa Ugoy ng Duyan and the choral song Sa
Mahal Kong Bayan (National Commission for Culture and the Arts, 2015).
Figure 12. A local marching band during the Feast of Saint Clement in Angono (Santos, 2015).
Like Francisco, San Pedro’s rise to prominence was not mere coincidence. The
colorful life in their hometown helped them paved their way to the top. For one, Angono’s
festive gatherings and traditions required creative decorations and music. The colorful
scenes vivified by the townsfolks and their decorations became the subject of Botong
Francisco’s works. The bands that provided music to these very events that are quite
common in the town as highlighted in Figure 19, became the avenues for Lucio San Pedro
to gain inspiration for his music and to master his musical skills especially in the field of
conducting. This argues that their successes were not individual feats, but a collective
effort of the Angono people brought about by their historical struggle to become a prime
hub for great and budding artists.
F. Angono now and beyond, a holism of folk and fine arts

With its colorful history of struggle for town identity, Angono offers a unique kind of
culture that features a fusion of indigenous, colonial and modern tastes in the field of arts.
This is specially showcased in Figure 20. Its artistry features a bizarre rich and deep
interaction between folk and fine arts. What makes this observation interesting is because
the main difference between them is that the former is focused on beautifully presenting
a certain utility or function while the latter is art for art’s sake, basically making art for
beauty (Encylopedia of Art Education).
Figure 13. A painting depicting the diversity of Angono’s culture that is centered on the marriage
of their folk beliefs and worship of Saint Clement of Rome (Angono Fiesta in Winnipeg)
Works of folk art are made by the common people and are meant for the general
populace to see and use (Frank, 2017). As said earlier, the higantes, the galilea and the
endramada are among the figures and structures artistically made by the townsfolk of
Angono during the conduct of their religious celebrations. The main function of these
works is the preservation of the town’s traditional festivities indeed making them
categorized as folk art. The continuous creation of the people of these decorative
celebratory objects year after year immortalizes the customs and traditions that Angono
has. With this, folk art therefore is the collective expression of a community about their
struggle towards actualization as human beings (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2014).
On the other hand, Botong Francisco and the other renowned local artists of
Angono, be it the Blancos, the Vocalans, the Mirandas and many more taking inspiration
from their town’s regular scenes as subjects of their painting clearly reflects how fine art
is indeed a practice of art for art’s sake (Encylopedia of Art Education). Works of fine art
are purely aesthetic in nature thus their being usually displayed in museums and galleries
isolated from the masses (Frank, 2017). This is highly in contrast with the disposable
nature of the works of folk art like how the people of Angono would just dispose the
beautiful structures that they create for every festivity.
But the harmonious and deeply connected relationship of these two fields of arts
in Angono makes the town an excellent local breeding ground for potential great artists
for both folk and fine tastes. The challenge that the town must ultimately face is now to
showcase their uniqueness to others. It must now market itself to compete nationally and
even internationally as a prime destination for culture. And this is not without any
challenges however.
When former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo visited the town of Angono a year
after it was hailed with a Galing Pook Award for the sustainability and promotion of its rich
arts and cultural heritage in 2003, she delivered a speech and informally declared it the
Art Capital of the Philippines (Marcial). This subsequently prompted the Angono Municipal
Legislative Board to pass a resolution requesting her to issue an executive order
recognizing the town as the country’s art capital (Marcial). Unfortunately, to this date, no
official document about it has ever been made. Meanwhile, other towns and cities in the
country, which also bank on their strong cultural backgrounds, are edging out Angono in
gaining international recognitions for such.
For instance, when the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) launched
the Capital City of Culture project in 2010, it was Cebu City that was assigned the first
ASEAN Capital of Culture for 2010 to 201130 for its major role in the Catholicization of the
archipelago and its rich heritage of festivals (Salikha, 2018).Meanwhile, Angono was
assigned as just one among the many focal sites of the Philippines, with Cebu City as the
center for this culture campaign together with the cities of Manila, Tarlac, Angeles,
Batangas, Roxas, Tagbilaran, Cagayan de Oro and Dapitan (Salikha, 2018).
Subsequently, and on a more global scale, the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) launched the Creative Cities Network in
2004, priming the “crucial role of cities in promoting sustainable development focused on
people and the respect of human rights (UNESCO)” and recognizing the role of culture
and creativity as driving force for such goal (UNESCO). As of 2017, 180 cities from around
the world became part of the network (ABS-CBN News, 2017). They are sub-grouped
depending on the focus of their creativity, namely crafts and folk art, design, film,
gastronomy, literature, media arts and music (UNESCO). The City of Baguio31 became
the first and only city in the Philippines to enter the prestigious list in 2017 as Creative
City of Crafts and Folk Art (UNESCO, 2017) for its ancient heritage in weaving, tattooing,
woodcarving, and other crafts.
30
After Cebu City, the following cities have been declared as ASEAN Capital Cities of Culture: Singapore (2012-2013)
for its global cultural influence, Hue in Vietnam (2014-2015) for its historical, poetic and beautiful nature and hosting
of many UNESCO world heritage sites, Bandar Seri Begawan of Brunei (2016-2017) for being a ‘City in the Garden’
with its culture shaped by the Brunei River and currently, Yogyakarta in Indonesia (2017-2018) for its central role in
Javanese culture (Salikha, 2018).
31
Only five other cities from the ASEAN Community that became part of the network, and they are Bandung, Indonesia
and Singapore as Creative Cities of Design, Phuket, Thailand as Creative City of Gastronomy, and Pekalongan,
Indonesia and Chiang Mai, Thailand as Creative Cities of Crafts and Folk Art (UNESCO).
Sadly, the town also experiences numerous environmental challenges. Its main
waterway, the once pristine and deeply integrated to people’s lives, the Angono River
now more looks like a stinking creek than a river (Valencia, 2017). Totong Francisco,
grandson of Botong Francisco said that river started dying when former local government
officials allowed the entrance of a large transnational mining company to the hilly area of
the town (Valencia, 2017). It must be noted once again that these natural areas became
the center of Angono’s animist origins and mythology’s foundations, the very subjects of
its great local artists. Despite huge disapproval from the locals and the non-support of the
recent local authorities, the mining company also once planned to cut 6500 trees to
extend its operations and compensate the environmental damage with a green belt (Sy
Egco, 2013). To this date, no update has been released in the media about this cutting.
Furthermore, with the arrival of giant retailing corporation SM in Angono, many
business establishments have suddenly dominated the town scene and the course of
people’s lives and the town’s general atmosphere itself have changed (Ramos, 2015).
While the rise of business institutions helped the municipality gain more funds to support
projects especially in infrastructure development, it is unfortunately coupled with threats
of too much commercialization. The arts culture that has organically emerged from the
town’s people is the major victim of these threats (Hartley, 2018).
Figure 14. A marker along one of Angono’s streets declaring it as the Art Capital of the
Philippines (Art Capital of the Philippines Marker, 2016).
Despite the intense competition that Angono faces and its struggle to be
recognized above other cities and towns in the Philippines in the area of art tourism,
Angono remains steadfast in its branding as the country’s Art Capital, as highlighted
above. After all, with its unique colorful history and the great efforts of its people and
government officials, it still deserves to attain such title. And it is on the right track in
achieving such goals.
In 2006, the town rolled out programs, projects and activities to institutionalize its
art tourism potential (Municipal Government of Angono, 2006). The campaign included
an integration of its arts culture to the town’s natural environment. This is to effectively
utilize every aspect and niche of the town for tourism. This made the arts scene not only
beneficial to actually artists or art enthusiasts but also to the other locals of the town. This
is since they are employed in the very activities and projects that promote the said
industry. Upon achieving these medium-term goals, the local government of Angono
further intensified their campaign when they finally embraced in their latest development
plans the challenge to become the Philippines’ premier culture and arts tourism
destination (Municipal Government of Angono, 2016) going alongside or surpassing other
cities in the country that gain a lot because of their own cultural assets.
As one local prophecy claimed, one day, there will be giants that will dominate the
town scene of Angono (Tiamson-Rubin, 1992). Before, there were only giants in the form
of papier-mâché figures called higantes which again according to folk sources, are used
as mockery against an oppressor. Eventually, these giants metaphorically became in the
form of actual persons in the names of muralist Carlos ‘Botong’ Francisco and musician
Lucio San Pedro after they were conferred with titles as National Artists of the Philippines,
basically the greatest ones in the country in their fields. If Angono indeed becomes the
premier destination of the country for arts and culture, this giant will evolve once again
and take another form. This time, strongly and grandly, the town as a whole will be its own
giant.
G. The Angono Society

In summary, as shown in Figure 22, the development of Angono Society can be
divided into three major parts – first, its pre-colonial era defined by the people’s
mythological foundations; second, its formative era composed of periods when the
Spaniards colonized the archipelago and when the global industrial age reached its peak,
also the time when the Philippines became under American rule and when the Second
World War happened; and finally, third, its present era preparing for the future.
This thorough analysis of the society of Angono discovers the prime value and
position of the town’s mythology in its cultural and social scenes. The customs and beliefs
embedded in it presents the animist origins of the native people. While this animist
orientation organically emerged among them, it still became the foreign people’s strategy
to redesign the locals’ mentality and behavior. They assimilated foreign Catholic cultures
to the native cultures that the locals had. This is the very reason why; the manner Filipinos
celebrate religious Catholic events are unique compared to other nations with Roman
Catholicism as their dominant religion. But the folk orientation of this manner also
cemented the folk art landscape of Angono where every event that it organizes became
an opportunity for the townspeople to showcase their creativity.
When the Americans arrived in the country, it was also the time that the colonizer
was emerging to be a global superpower and a leader in industrialization. The industrial
age brought ideals that challenged the classical orientation of then popular artists like
Fernando Amorsolo. Angono’s very own Carlos Francisco was among the people that led
such movement. His artistry became the foundation and inspiration of the excellent artists
that the town has to this date.
At present, Angono is fully synthesizing what it has gained from its experiences in
the past. In terms of culture, it has learned to be a sanctuary where folk and fine arts
harmoniously meet and interact with each other. This relationship made the town a unique
arts town. And this is also its key towards realizing its bright potential as prime national
destination for the celebration of arts and culture.
Figure 15.
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C. Transitioning to Spanish colonial township and the rise of folk arts

E. An independent town, home of fine artists and musicians, too

F. Angono now and beyond, a holism of folk and fine arts

G. The Angono Society

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