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Goddesses or Rebels? The Women Revolutionaries of Bengal

Article · January 1980

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Geraldine Forbes
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 RCWS GENDER SERIES
. Series Editor: Meera Kosambi

Genaer & Politics: Book 2

ABOUT THE BOOK
The success of the freedom struggle
was hinged on mass mobilization,
encompassing all socia-economic strata of both
sexes. The co-option of women into the.
struggle was a challenge because it involved
a restructuring, however temporary. of civil INDIAN WOMEN AND
society. and necessitated an understanding
THe FREEDOM MOVEMENT:
and accommodation with the patriarchal
society, by male leaders who remained largely A HISTORIAN'-S PERSPECTIVE
patriarchal themselves, to release women from
li'
their wife-mother roles and their confinement to GERALDINE FORBES
the domestic sphere. to serve the larger
national cause.

In this book Geraldine Forbes has

examined the complexity of the issue by
concentrating on four areas of analysis - the
strategies of Subhas Chandra Bose and of the
Indian National Congress, the personal account
of a woman freedom fighter, and the ideological
Research Centre for Women's ·Studles
paradigm within which the revolutionaries of S.N.D.T. Women's University
Bengal were perceived by others and by Sir Vithaldas Vidyavihar
themselves. Juhu Road, Juhu Campus,
Mumbai 400 049

1997
112 • Indian Women and the Freedom Movement: A Historian's Perspective
CHAPTER 4
GODDESSES OR REBELS?
THE WOMEN REVOLUTIONARIES OF BENGAL
Women who have engaged In violent activities have generally
been regarded as acting unnaturally. Because women's nature is
regarded as passive, women who have joined revolutionary
movements or fought side-by-side with men have been categorized
as exceptional and labelled either positively, as g6ddesses, or
negatively, as devic::nts or social rebels. The focus of this paper is
the women revolutionaries of Bengal: Women who were active as
1
members of the Bengal's revolutionary societies between 1928 and
1934. Until this time, few women had joined these societies, although
revolutionaries had been active in Bengal since the beginning of the
twentieth century. When women joined, they shared the aims of their
male colleagues - to commit acts which would strike terror in the
hearts of the British in India, and free the Motherland. As members
of these organizations, women carried secret messages, hid
absconding revolutionaries, smuggled and hid weapons, wrote and
delivered proscribed literature, assisted in the manufacture of bombs,
acted as political dacoits, planned, organized and led raids on British
establishments, and assassinated members of the British power elite.
In essence, they performed the same activities as revolutionary men.
This acceptance of females as potentially capable of performing
2
tasks identical to those performed by men differentiates the
revolutionary movement from the Gandhian movement, and in fact
from most nationalist movements. When Gandhi and his followers
wanted to mobilize women, they spoke of the 'great Salis' in India's
past and lof Sita as the ideal woman. The models for ~omen who
3
joined the protest against the British were neither Gandhi's Sita nor:
the fierce shaktis but the self-sacrificing heroes and heroine~i
4
portrayed in the history and literat~re read by the Bengali middle-class.
The Indian nationalist movement had from the beginning been
favourable to advancing women's status but Gandhi was the first
leader to urge women to become active in the movement. In 1930,
he announced that certain activities were 'meant only for women',
Goddesses or Rebels? The Women Revolutionaries of Bengal • 113
namely organizing the boycott of foreign cloth and picketing foreign
cloth and liquor shops. Gandhi admitted that he had made a.• mistake
in 1921 by asking men te! take up these activities; he should have
realized that this would not have worked. The truth was now evident
to him: 'Women alone can enter the hearts of men and transform
5
them: ln short, women were to extend the walls of their homes, take
in all the 'children' of India and nurture them as they would their own
s
children.
The Gandhian movement and the revolutionary movement
differed significantly in their definitions of women's role in the struggle
against British rule. The Gandhian script, because it stressed the
'traditional' nature of women's political work, was rarely criticized for
mobilizing women to march and picket. And Gandhian women _
Kasturba Gandhi, Sarojini Naidu, Maniben Patel, Sushila Nayar _
were frequently praised for symbolizing ideals sacred to Hindus: the
Mother, the devoted wife and the loyal fellow-pilgrim. 7 But what about
the revolutionaries? What arguments had been used to mobilize
them? What tasks were they assigned? How did the women
revolutionaries articulate their own involvement? Did they, like the
Gandhian women, symbolize sacred ideals? Or, because they were
requiredto perform the same tasks as men, were they branded social
rebels~
Bengal's revolutionary societies had their origins in the religious
nationalism of the nineteenth century. Associations for physical
training and political discussion sharpened their focus after 1905 and
d&'dicated t~emserves to the reunification of Bengal~ Acts of terrorism
took on spirituar and political significance: These acts would dispel
the maya (illusi6n) of British power, serve as blood sacrifice for swaraj
(self~rtJleJ·and make the common people conscious of the revolution. s
the writings of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Vivekananda, Sister
.Nivefditaand Sri'Aurobindo gave the revolutionaries their ·rhetoric;
I~aders·who demanded absolute allegiance developed elaborate
ifi.itiation rites and plans of action.
(C.:'
.
-,
The first phase of the movement lasted from 1907-1918 when
it was forced underground. It was dominated by two parties: Jugantar
and Anushilan. The early revolutionaries committed numerous
'outrages' but were not particularly successful in their attempts to
 114. Indian Women and the Freedom Movement: A Historian's Perspective
assassinate officials or to obtain money through robberies. They did
not make a significant contribution to the romantic myths young people
found so attractive. Heroes such as Khudiram Bose (hanged by the
British in 1907) were celebrated in poetry and song and exercised a
powerful influence on a generation which read the patriotic novels of
Bankim Chandra Chatterjee and would later read novels of
Rabindranath Tagore and Sarat Chandra Chatterjee, both champions
of India's freedom.
9 of the dadss. Instead of two revolutionary groups, many appeared.
When the Indian National Congress accepted Gandhi's non­
cooperation proposal in 1920, a number of revolutionaries abandoned
their violent tactics to give these methods a chance 'o . From 1919·
1925, women heard only one message. Gandhi told them they
counted and asked them for theirjeweUery and to wear khaddar
(homespun). The effect of this message was startUng. 'Traditional'
women appeared at meetings, uneducated women handed over their
precious bangles, and in Calcutta, Basanti Devi (wife of Congress
leader C.R. Das) and her sister-in-law, Urmila Devi, were arrested
for hawking khaddar in the streets and encouraging people to join a
strike. News of this arrest jolted citizens of Calcutta: The arrest of
Basanti Devi had an electric effect on the people. Immediately more
than a thousand young men offered themselves for arrest.,11 Reflecting
on Basanti Devi's arrest, Gandhi wrote, The women of India. should
have as much share in winning swaraj as men. Probably in this
peaceful struggle, women can outdistance man (sic) for many a
mile,:12 He suggested that other women follow the example of their
sisters from Bengal, women who illustrated the 'silent and dignified
. suffering' which is the 'badge' of the. female sex. Gandhians had been
aware of the importance of female support, but at this time began to
recognize and respond to the potential of women in agitational politics.
The revolutionary parties had not yet come to this realization. Each
revolutionary cell demanded celibacy and unquestioning loyalty to the
dada, literally elder brother but used to indicate the respect and
obedience of the revolutionaries for their leader. Given the sex­
segregated nature of the society, it would have been. imPossible for
females to join the small, intimate groups around the dadas.Moreover,
they would have been regarded as temptresses.
Goddesses or Rebels? The Women Revolutionaries of Bengal. 115
With the arrival in 1928 of the completely British (The White
Seve", Simon Commission to report on the working of the
Constitutional Reforms of 1919, came opposition from all segments
of the Indian population. Protests occurred,Gandhi planned civil
disobedience; and the revolutionaries swung into action. This last
phase of revolutionary activity, 1928-34, was characterized by the
disintegration of the old revolutionary societies and the disappearance
In addition to Jugantar and Anushilan, there were the Bengal
Volunteers (B.V.), the Benu group, Siee Sangha, and the district
branches of the major organizations. These new groups had m.ore
autonomy, younger leadership and were anxious to get on with the
action. They opposed the killing of Indian officials and insisted the
victims be ~ritish, opposed robbery and solicited funds from wealthy
13
sympathizers, and extended recruitment to women.
During the 1920s, the groundwork had been laid for the entry
of women into these associations. Not only were men prepared to ;;
recognize the value of women - but women themselves had been
touched by the message that women were important to the country.
They obtained the right to vote in 1919 and the 1920s witnessed their
entry into Legislative Councils, In this decade, three national women's
organizations had been formed to mobilize women's opinion on social
issues, and the educated women, interested and involved in civic
affairs, was no longer an anomaly.
Young women particularly were enthused about the prospect
of involvement in the nationalist movement. Kamala Das Gupta
(b. 1907), ~ participant in revolutionary activities, has related that she
became i\lery 'excited' about the movement in 1927·28. She wrote to
Gandhi, asking if she ctDuld join him, but he replied that she would
have to obtain her, parents' permission. Afraid to ask her parents if
she could leave home, Kamala became deeply disturbed. In this state
of mind she read Sarat Chandra'sPather Dab; and was overwhelmed
14
by this world of romance and heroism. Already a member of Chattrl
Sangha, an organization 6f female students, Kamala began to secretly
attend cfaSses Tn physical fitness and self-defence. At one of tt;ese
classes, she 'poured out her feeling to Dinesh Mazumdar, her lath;
(staff):fighting Instructor and a member of Jugantar. Dinesh soon took
116 • Indian Women and the Freedom Movement: A Historian'$ Perspective
her to meet his senior, Rasik Lal Das, and she was given books which
told of the revolutionary movements in Italy and Ireland. Kamala was
greatly excited by the revolutionary message; this was, she was
certain, the very thing she had been yearning for. She could serve
the country and she would be called upon to make great sacrifices.
15
She joined Jugantar.
In the 1920s, two organizations for young women were formed
which became 'feeders' for the revolutionary groups - Deepali
Sangha (Enlightened Torchbearers Association) in Dacca and Chaffri
Sangha (Female Students Association) in Calcutta. Capturing a. new
and idealistic generation of edu~ated females, these organizations
encouraged education, gave training in physical fitness and
encouraged political awareness. The girls who joined were inspired
by a number of things which were happening - the non-cooperation
movement which witnessed the first picketing by women, the new
romantic literature which idealized sacrifice for the country, and a new
freedom for women, .resulting from edacation' and the respectability
of voluntary social work. 'We were like caged tigerS;" said Helena Dutt
16
about her generation of newly educated young women.
Deepali SanQha was begun by Leela Nag (Roy) in 1923 to
spread female education. Born in 1900, Leela received much love
and attention from a well-educated and progressive family. In her
childhood and youth, Leela was presented with a number of self­
sacrificing models. Her grandfather, a staunch patriot, told her stories
of Mazzini, Garibaldi and Napoleon. Her father was an independent­
. minded government servant who always put principles before personal
advancement and her mother taught her that one can truly serve only
by renunciation. Leela emerged from this environment deeply
concerned about the position' of woman and determined to dedicate
her life to some larger purpose. When her father made steps to
arrange her marriage, she opposed him asserting ,that she must
17
remain pure and unattached to carry out her life'smission.
Leela Nag had an illustrious educational sareer, moving through
the best schools available for girls in BEtngal with impressive grades
and a personality which left its mark on the institutions. She first
attended Brahmo Girls School in Calcutta, then Eden High SchooUn
Goddesses or Rebels? The Women Revolutionaries 01 Bengal. 117
Dacca. After matriculation, Leela studied for her BA at Bethune
College and then her MA at Dacca UniverSity. At Bethune, she
emerged asa student leader, demanding that the college be closed
to commemorate the death of the great nationalist leader, Lokamanya
Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and leading a protest against the custom of
kneeling before the wife of the Viceroy. After leaving Calcutta for
Dacca, she became involved with the agitation for women's franchise
and served as the assistant secretary of the All Bengal Women's
Voting Rights Committee.
Beautiful, talented and stylish, Leela was greatly admired by
the younger school girls and thus seemed the ideal person to begin
an organization to set up patriotic schools for females. Her work with
the Voting Rights Committee, with organizations to provide relief for
North Bengal flood victims, and her lectures on women's rights meant
a
she was well-known in Dacca and had grasp of what women
needed. In 1923 she joined with twelve other women to'form Deepali
Sangha. This organization proved extremely energetic· in carrying out
its mission; it soon claimed twelve primary schools, three high scHOOls
for girls, classes to' prepare girls for their matriculation examinations,
physical fitness classes, industrial training centres, a female students'
association, and in 1930, a women's hostel in Calcutta. All branches
of Deepali Sangha were devoted to the spread of literacy, patriotism
and acceptance of male~female equality in all areas of Iife. At the
18
same time, Leela Nag maintained her connection with the Gandhian
movement. In 1930, she organized the Dacca MaMa Satyagraha
Samiti (Women's Truth-force Society) to manufacture salt and spread
the Gandhian message through magic lantem shows. And in the same
year,she began Jayshree, a journal devoted to making women aware
of social and political issues.
19
Her contact withAnii Roy and Shree Sangha (The Social
Service League) began in 1924 when she asked her former classmate
2o
for assistance with an industrial exhibition. Ani! Roy had been
directed to fOrm Shree Sangha by Hem Chandra Ghosh, one of the
older revolutionaries then under police surveillance but anxious to
encourage revolutionary groups. This organization was to concern
itself with social reform issues (a convenient cover), bring women into
the movem~nt and carry out selected acts of violence. Ani! Roy's
21

118. Indian Women and the Freedom Movement: A Historian's Perspective
assistance to Leela Nag began the connection between Shree
Sangha and Deepa/i Sangha and over the years, many' Deepali
Sangha members were recruited for revolutionary activity.22
As far as Leela was concerned, the connection influenced her
to reorder her priorities. Proud and patriotic from her school days, she
began to see the impossibility of women's emancipation as long as
the nation continued under British rule. She.continued with her work
for women's education and social change but subordinated it to her
political aim - India's freedom - which she thought could best be
attained by revolutionary means.23 When Anil Roy was arrested in
1930, Leela Nag directed Shree Sangha's activities until her arrest in
1931.
The Chaffri Sangha was formed in Calcutta in 1928 by Kalyani
24
Das, Surama Mitra and Kamala O.as Gupta. Kalyani Das (b. 1907),
clearly the moving spirit behind. this organization, was the eldest
daughter of Beni Madhab Das. A Brahmo and~ patriot, Beni Madhab
had reared his children on ,stories of heroes ,who had sacrificed their
lives for 'ideals. While headmaster at Ravenshaw Collegiate School
in Cuttack, he allowed his students to fast on the da:y Khudiram was
hanged and even joined them in,singing patr:iotic songs. As a reSUlt,
he was reprimanded and transferred. Kalyani's mother was devoted
to social service and had opened an ashram to assist destitute
women.
With these models of patriotism, social service and sacrifice,' it
seemed likely that Kalyani would become involved with the nationalist
movement. A student in Calcutta, she passed her B.A. and began
work on her M.A. at Calcutta University in 1923. When she suggested
to her friends that they form a Female Students' Organization, their
response was favourable. The inaugural meeting was addressed by
Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, the great philosopher and then Kalyani's
professor at Calcutta University. The socj~ty orgar:lized study classes,
athietic centres, swimming clubs, co-operative $~ores, libraries and a
25
youth hostel. When Gandhi called for civil disobedience in 19$0,
Kalyani led the Chaffri Sangha girls in a demonstration outside th,e
gates of Bethune College and in pickets outside Presidency College.
In the first instance, the pOlice loaded the demonstrators into police
Goddesses or Rebels? The Women Revolutionaries of Bengal. 119
vans and took them outside the city, leaving them to walk back. But
at Presidency College, the situation was far more serious. It was only
the presence of the girls which kept the police from firing on the male
26
picketers.
At this time, Kalyani was committed to Gandhian philosophy
and tactics. She had joined Nari Satyagraha Samiti, the Gandhian
organization for women's activities, participated in the boycott ·of
foreign cloth shops in the Burra Bazar area of Calcutta and urged
members of the Student'S Society to take part in the picketing and
demonstrations. She was aware of the revolutionaries, but their
message lacked appeal. Suddenly, its relevance struck her: 'I had to
witness the most painful and inhuman tortures made on young student
volunteers at the gate of Presidency College. We also went to
Midnapore where inhuman atrocjties were perpetrated on poor
villagers.'21 Kalyani decided to join the revolutionaries. Soon after she
was arrested for addressing a meeting in Hazra Park and personally
experienced police brutality. According to Kalyani, she was subjected
to 'inhuman treatment' (in Presidency Gaol) locked in an underground
cell without saris, bedding or a mosquito net, and was .given only~hree
26
mugs of water per week.
Released from prison, she devoted more of her time and
energy to the revolutionary movement. With Dinesh Mazumdar, she
worked to reorganize and revitalize Jugantar and in 1932,she
organized a woman's front for secret revolutionary work, particularly
to hide and keep in touch with the absconders, carry messages and
29
hide weapons. The Chattri Sangha was not a front organization,
nevertheless, like Deepa/i Sangha, it became a 'feeder' organization
for the revolutionary movement. Chaffri Sangha had a legitimate and
au~onomous existence, but the girls who had joined it, well-educated,
politically aware, and idealistic, were ready for the revolutionary
message. As Kalyani related, They came [to the revolutionary
movement] not because their brothers were party members
or anything; .they came because the time was ripe for the
movement... :3() And police brutality was clearly a factor. Kalyani Das
has pointed out, 'When there was firing in Hijli Camp, more than 300
girl students joined us... :31 While her work differed from that of Leela
Nag in terms of emphasis, these organizations had the same results;
120 • Indian Women and the Freedom Movement: A Historian's Perspective
both channelled young women towards work with the revolutionary
parties.
Who were these females who joined Deepali Sangha and
Chattri Sangha and then the revolutionary organizations? In his survey
of male revolutionaries, Leonard Gordon pointed out that they were
from the highest castes (~rahmarr, Vaidya' and Kayastha), between
sixteen and thirty years of'age, about half were students and teachers,
and motivated by visions of a 'romantic and exciting life devoted to
the service of the country:32 The females have a similar profile,
although there is some difficulty deciding who should be included in
the list of female revolutionaries. Since revolutionary groups are highly
secretive and do not keep records, one is forced to compile lists that
include those the British branded revolutionaries, those convicted for
terrorist activities, those pronounced revolutionaries by women
convicted, and those women who have declared they belonged to the
revolutionary groups.33 From the resulting list, it is clear that they came
from the top three castes, were between the ages of fifteen and
twenty-nine, were all either Hindus or Brahmos and were well
educated. Their fathers were lawyers, professors and government
servants. Few were married when they joined the revolutionary parties
and some reported that they had resisted attempts by their families
34
to arrange marriages. Clearly, they were girls who were allowed
more freedom than was typical and who represented families
influenced by the collective efforts of nineteenth century reformers to
encourage women's education and women's rights.
Among Indian writers who influenced them were Swami
Vivekananda, Sister Nivedita, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Sri
Aurobindo, Rabindranath Tagore and SaratChanclra Chatterjee.
Accounts of the Irish revolutionaries and the Sinn Fein movement,
the Italian heroes who reunited Italy, and Russian revolutfonaries
helped shape their ideals. If there was a living figure who encouraged
their activities, it wasSubhas Chandra Bose, considered by many of
the women revolutionatiesBengal's greatest champion of women's
rights. The novel which had the greatest impact on their thinking was
3s
Pather Dabi by Sarat Chandra Chatterjee. Like their male
cofleagues, they were inspired 'by the dream of romantic and self­
sacrificing involvement in politiCal revolution. In addition, tHey Were
Goddesses or Rebels? The Women Revolutionaries of Bengal. 121
excited by a new idea - that women could do what men could do in
the pOlitical arena and thus could be as important to the nation's
future.
In this period, 1928-1934, women revolutionaries began to
share in all the activities of their male colleagues. Prior to this period,
the parties had a few members, but their tasks were limited. Such a
woman was Nanibala Devi (1888-1967), the ,first female member of
the Jugantar party. A child widow who desired education, Nanibala
Devi was driven from her father-in-Iaw's home to take shelter with a
nephew who belonged to Jugantar. She was initiated into the party
and assigned tasks such as posing as the wife of an imprisoned
revolutionary or as a housewife so the group could rent a house. She
36
was arrested in 1915 and became the first female state prisoner.
Even after 1928, most women continued to play supportive roles:
carrying messages, hiding weapons and keeping in touch with
absconders.· However, there were far more women in the
organizations than there had been in the past, they had more freedom r.
to move and act than previously and the leaders of the organizations
saw them as more important. As the movement escalated and more
males were arrested or detained, the importance of the females
increased;
The April 18, 1930 attack on Chittagong City in East Bengal
set off a period of 'feverish activity' among the revolutionary groups.
The four-pronged ~~tack C?n Chittagong's essential seO/ices and
communications was' an act of war by the Indian Republican Army
and the leader, Surya Sen,was declared President of the Provisional
Revolutionary Government. But within a few hours the police had
successfully counter-attacked. This strike had a dramatic effect on
the revolutionaries.
When the truth was known the effect was electriC, and from
that moment the outlook of the Bengal terrorists changed. The
younger· me,mbers of ali parties whose heads were already
crammed with ideas of driving the British out of India by force
of arms, but whose hands had been restrained by their leaders
from committing even an isolated murder, clamoured for a
chance1to emulate the Chittagong terrorists .... Recruits poured
122 • Indian Women and the Freedom Movement: A Historian's Perspective
into the various groups in a steady stream, and the romantic
appeal of the raid attracted into the fold of the terrorist party
women and young girls, who from this time onwards are found
assisting the terrorists as housekeepers, messengers,
37
custodians of arms and sometimes as comrades.
Police activity became just as feverish. In 1931, the
revolutionaries perpetrated 67 'outrages' including nine murders, and
38
the police made 454 arrests.
Even though women had greater freedom than they had had
. Despite these difficulties a number of dramatic and·startling acts
in the past, there still existed some serious difficulties in training
women and planning actions with them. In Char Adhyay (Four
Chapters), a novel by Rabindranath Tagore, one finds a popularly
accepted version of what happened when young males and females
were in close contact without 'responsible' adult supervision. Not only
did they fall in love, Tagore's Indrantha, the cynical leader of a
revolutionary organization, exploited this heady situation. In one scene
Indrantha confronts the idealistic, yet weak (she refused to kill a child
and has fallen in love) Ela:
It's not work I want of you. Of course it is hardly possible for
you yourself to know the glory that lights up the hearts of the
boys at the touch of your fingers when you anoint their
foreheads with the red sandal·paste of initiation. How can the
dry rewards I have to offer evoke the same quality of work?
39
Where sex works I put a woman on a pedestar.
In the earlier period. members of revolutionary groups took
vows of chastity and scrupulously avoided women. In this later period
also I have been assured that vows of chastity prevailed,40 but mutual
attraQtion and love affairs between revolutionaries became a recurring
theme in literature and occasionally in fact.
Because of the attention they would attract, it was difficult to
arrange meetings between members of the opposite sex. Various
individuals have outlined the complicated arrangements necessary to
engage in simple discussion; these arrangements became even more
difficult when the object was to instruct females in the use of
fire~rms.41 Consequently, few of the females had adequate training
,Goddesses or Rebels? The Women Revolutionaries of Bengal. 123
in the use of firearms although it was not unusual for them to claim a
course· in 'revolutionary· skills' which technically included physical
42
fitness, jiu"jitsu~ daggers, fencing,motor·c:kiving and sharp-shooting.
The reason women were not utilized more frequently in direct action
was a result of problems in training and supplying weapons rather
than the reluctance of males to utilize women or the unwillingness of
women to perform violent acts.
were. aqco,mplished by females. Santi and Suniti, two schoolgirls from
Comilla, shotMagistrate Stevens to death in December 1931. They
had presented him with a petition to allow a swimming competition;
when he prepared to sign it they both pulled revolvers from beneath
their shawls and fired directly into his body.43 In February of the next
year, Bina Das attempted to shoot the Governor of Bengal at the
Calcutta University Convocation ceremonies. Bina Das was a well·
educatetdBrahmo girl (sister of Kalya(1i Das), an unlikely candidate
44
for the revolutionary organizations. It was not long after Bina's act r.
that Pritilata Waddedar, a Chittagong schoolteacher, led fifteen males
in a raid on the Chittagong Club. One person was killed and ten to
twelve injured. The raiders had,entered the Club and begun shooting.
When tt'lelights went out, the raiders escaped. During this confusion,
45
Pritilata swallowed poison and died about 100 yards from the Club.
Two others should be included in this list of women who were accused
of committing violent acts; Kalpona Dutt and Ujjala Mazumdar.
KalponaDutt, also of Chittagong, went underground in 1932. At this
time; she was under police surveillance for her connection with the
dynamite conspiracy case and the raid on the Chittagong.Club. She
absconded, withSurya;Sen, and managed to escape when he'was
cap1t1ted at the viUage of Gairala in the Chittagong Hills in February.
1933, Three.;months later she Was captured at Gahiraand received
46
a lifesentence. Ujjala Mazllmdar,a member of Hem Chandra
Ghosh'.s B.V. group, was apprehended' in 1934 as one,oUhe group
47
who had murderously attacked the Governor in Darjeeling.
Why di~,.. ...
these females commit.vioient acts? The two young
girls frqm Com ilia, Santi ~hosh (b. 1916) and Suniti Choudhury
(b. t~17) belonged to patriotic families and were influenced by
classmates at Faisunnesa Girls SchooL Prafulla Nalini Brahma,48 an
124 • Indian Women and the Freedom Movement: A Historian's Perspective
older classmate and member of Jugantar, courted the friendship of
these two girls and introduced them to revolutionary literature. Once
they had read Pather Dabi, stories of Irish and Italian revolutionary
movements, and heroic tales of Indian freedom fighters,they were
introduced to other members of the party. They became part of a circle
of five people including Prafulla Brahma, Biren Bhattacharya and Akhil
Chandra Nandy.49 From the first, tge girls pushed to bfi. 'sent to the
front' and the males saw the logic in this suggestion. Partly, Suniti
explained, they were motivated by a desire to prove they were just
as brave as boys. The role of women in the Civil Disobedience
Movement had been inspiring and it seemed time for tHe"revolutionary
groups to also give women a chance. They did not conceive of this
gesture in terms of women's rights; Santi and Suniti were young,
idealistic, anxious to help win India's freedom and resentful that
, 50
females were so frequently left out of the central action. The
revolutionary group was not unwilling; they saw clearly that women's
involvement in violent activities would suggest the 'nation at war'
against the British, become a major news item and gain sympathy
51
f miUtary worked together to round up anyone connected with the
and support for their cause.
Bina Das (b. 1911) had learned patriotism as a young child.
She read Pathsr Dabi as a schoolgirl, was deeply affected by it and
chose it as her 'favorite book' for the matriculation essay in English.
It was a book she had discussed at length with her father; he admired
Bharati, the strong but compassionate female deeply committed to .
social reform. In the novel Bharati withdrew from the revolutionary
movement, but continued to do social work. Bina was enamoured with
'Doctor Babu'. a man who never lost his faith in revolution and insisted
that the old order must go despite the pain and suffering that
accompanied its demise. Even as a child, Bina felt ready to dedicate
her life to the country. At Bethune College, she partiCipated in Chattri
Sangha, was a member of the All-Bengal Students Association, and,
in 1928. joined those girls who marched under Colonel Latika Ghosh
in Subhas Chandra Bose's Congress volunteers. At this time, she was
approached by another girl volunteer and asked if she would like to
join a secret society. Bina felt she had discovered the 'right way' and
soon after joined a secret groupatt?lched to Jugantar. To avoid
suspicion, she gave up all outward signs of nationalist sympathy ­
Goddesses or Rebels? The Women Revolutionaries of Bengal • 125
she transferred from Bethune to Diocesan College, left the student
association, and devoted all her time to inconspicuous work spreading
revolutionary propaganda among her classmates. On the whole, the
recruitment work was disappointing; many girls expressed an interest
but most confessed they lacked the courage to accept a 'do or die'
mantra. 52
Her decision to do something dramatic - to shoot the Governor
of Bengal .,- was made secretly. It was a decision mage when a
num~r of her fellow revqlutionaries had been arrested following the
attack on Commissioner Charles Tegart in Dalhousie Square. The
responsibility for action had fallen, so 'it seemed to Bina, to those
members of the organization who were still free and able to carry on
the work.
When she decided to shoot Jackson, she was deeply disturbed
by accounts of British reprisals against the people of Midnapore and
Chittagong. Armed with an Emergency Ordinance, the police and
~
terrorists. The Ordinance had provided for special tribunals and
magistrates and given the magistrates additional powers. 53 These
powers were abused and even with a news blackout, stories of police
atrocities against innocent villagers leaked out. At her trial, Bina spoke
of the depressing effect accounts of murder and indiscriminate
beatings in Chittagong, Midnapore and at Hijli Detention Centre had
on her. Her sister's imprisonment, accompanied by brutal treatment,
caused Bina additional mental anguish. 'I felt', she said in court, that
'I would go mad if r did not find relief in death. I only sought the way
to death by offering myself at the feet of the country.'54 Bina had
decided she would sacrifice herself in one dramatic act, one act which
might not be successful but would undoubtedly cause her to be
hanged. Santi and Suniti had also wanted to provide Bengal with its
first female Khudirams, a'desire for martyrdom also exemplified in the
story of Pritilata Waddedar.
Pritilata Waddedar's (b. 1911-) family was unusual in its attention
to the education of the females. As a'::child she was educated in a
conventionaL school but had also been tutored at home in Sanskrit.
At the',age of fifteen, she held a temporary teaching position in a girls'
school and amazed everyone by her competence. When her
126 • Indian Women and the Freedom Movement: A Historian's Perspective
schooling in Chittagong was completed, Pritilata went to Dacca for
her Intermediate Arts (1930) and then to Bethune College in Calcutta
for her BA While living in Dacca and Calcutta, Pritilata became
interested in politics and joined Deepa/i Sangha. In' Calcutta during ,the
Chittagong Raid, she provided the link between absconding
revolutionaries and carried information from Calcutta to Chittagong.
After passing her BA, Pritilata obtained the position of headmistress
of Nandakaran Girls School. While she filled this position, she
remained in contact with absconders, travelled at night dre~ed like
a man, and had a number of narrow escapes. In one situation, she
55
narrowly missed capture during a shoot-OUt.
Pritilata's patriotism derived from her family's experience and
her personal religious beliefs. Her father had protested against the
uncivil remarks of an English officer and had promptly been fired; this
injustice she learned about in childhooc;l. A devotee of Krishna of the
Bhagavad Gita, she prayed for Krishna's return to a British-ruled India
of adharma (absence of righteousness) to restore dha(ma
(righteousnel?s).56
She had intimate personal experience of British rule during the
riots in Dacca; Communal riots had broken out while she was stl:ldying
there and Muslim rowdies threatened to attack'Eden hostel and 'loot'
the resident Hindu girls. The Principal of Eden College asked for police
protection and the District Magistrate retorted that since Indians were
clamouring to be independent, they had no reason to seek the help
of the British. In a letter to her father, Pritilata made it clear that Hindus
S
were being attacked under the very nose of the Briti,sh police. !
As a member of Surya Sen's revolutionary organization, Pritilata
began to take lessons in self-defence and the use- of weapons along
with Indumati Singh and Kalpona Dutt. Finally, Surya Sen asked her
to lead the second attack (the first had been, bungled) on the
Chittagong Club. She was willing to participate but modestly protested
that she would not be named the leader. As the conversation has
been preserved, Masterda told her that he had an abundance of
young men but was interested in bringing the young women of Bengal
into the movement. She would bean inspiration to these women. The
raid, which she finally agreed to lead was successful but Pritilata died
Goddesses or Rebels? The Women Revolutionaries of Bengal • 127
in the attack. Her suicide has been interpreted in a number bf ways.
Her sister claimed she was wounded in the attack and took cyanide
to prevent her capture by the British,56 while others have seen her
death as the act of a young revolutionary over-zealous to sacrifice
herself. She had carried with her a letter to her mother in which she
said that she was going to sacrifice her life for 'truth and freedom,.59
Conclusions
These women were recruited through organizations dedicated
to the improvement of women's status, such as Deepal; Sangha and
Chattr; Sangha, or through informal channels. The other women's
organizations - f.or educational advancement, voting rights, students'
rights - played a crucial role in first politicizing the women. Helena
Dutf stressed the value of these as intermediary organizations.
Women were so protected, she insisted, they could not have gone
directly from sheltered homes to revolutionary. societies. First, they
needed education to find out about the world; then they needed, to
become involved with social work, to understand the conditions of the
people; and then they were ready for political work. eo
Once recruited, women were able to do what men did. Fewer
females performed acts of violence, but there were fewer of them.
When, they were deterred from performing darin!;}, ,acts, it was
sometimesreJa!ed to the problems involved..For example, Santi
Ghosh wno was so determined to shoot the M{lgistrate of Com ilia,
had. tiny hands andhad.not only to hold tbe revolver with ,two hands,
but had to use ,two fingers'_lo pull the trigger. Females were frequently
used to carry out tasks that they did well, such as smuggling guns in
their saris and posing as wives and sisters to carry messages to
revolutionaries in prison. Tha.t the women were involved in 'direct
action' - killing and directing the activities - exemplified the extent
to which they were accorded equal status in the revolutionary groups.
Two motives emerge from ttw women's accounts of why they
jOiQed the organizations: Romantic, patriotic idealism and horrified
indignation at British atrocities. These young people had been raised
on tales of patriotic heroes and legendary models of self-sacrifiCing
behaviour. Thesewere young women, many of them less than twenty
128. Indian Women and the Freedom Movement: A Historian's Perspective
years old ,.- idealistic, romantic ~nd impressionable - and the
revolutionary movements·offered them an opportunity to play out their
fantasies of heroism and self-sacrifice. But they were also strongly
affected by the realities of the political situation.
Many of these women, and this is true of women throughout
India in this period, had been deeply touched by the Gandhian
movement. Long before the revolutionary societies were willing to
recruit women, Gandhi was addressing women's meetings and telling
them to come forward and playa part in the life of the 'country. He
told women they counted. Advocating non-violent revolution, Gandhi
insisted women would be more suitable for this work than men. But
the British repressed the Gandhi-inspired protests with a show of force
quite out of proportion to the threat imposed by marching women. For
individuals on the fringe of the political movement, British reprisals
against people making salt or suspected of aiding terrorists, were
sometimes the turning point. Many of the revolutionary women have
pOinted out that the actions of the British had much to do with their
decision to join groups committed to violent acts.
When these women articulated their aim, they stressed the
importance of gaining political freedom. Many ofthem were (and have
been since) involved with associations concerned with improving
women's status but this was not their main reason for becoming
revolutionaries. However, the two were related; ii'was believed that
political revolution would bring about social change - not just for
women but for the entire society. Thus, in performing revolutionary
acts, they were not trying to improve women's status directly but rather
assisting in the necessary first step.
They were concerned, it is true, with proving their bravery. They
felt that women had been left out of much of the action, that women
were half of the population and that. if the masses were to be
mobilized, women would have to be aroused. This was why dramatic,
front-page actions by women were necessary. Pritilata Waddedar and
Bina Das could touch the imagination of women and show them that
women too could be brave and sacrifice for the country. Their desire
to perform these acts is consistent with their desire to revolutionize
masses, but at the same time, these acts demonstrated that women
could be equal to men. Male-female equality was not seen as an issue
Goddesses or Rebels? TheWomen'Revolutionaries of Bengale 129
to' take precedence over, theconcem' for political freedom but rather
a vital although secondary, ftmctkm of the revolutionary process.
What did these women sYmbolize to others? The newspaper
accounts that were favourable stressed their bravery and their
sacrifice; those that were unfavourable wrote of them as 'un-sexed'
and monstrous~ Geh~rany, they were praised as brave girls who
personified sacrifice. The girls themselves often mentioned their desire
to 'sacrifice' themselves fot the freedom of the country. Santi and
Suniti wanted to be hanged and so did Bina Das. Pritilata Waddedar
took her own life for 'trUth and freedom'. Kamala Das Gupta spoke
about her desire to make a great sacrifice and her dissatisfaction with
the Gandhian movement for requiring only small sacrifices. Sacrifice
had always be.en culturally,approved behaviour for women. In the case
of the women revolutionaries, the culturally approved and highly
valued sacrifice by women was extended into the modern political
realms.
Their primary aim was political freedom, their latent or implicit
concern was "Social 'change,' particularly change Which would affect
women's'status.!'BecsuSe they operated in a politicaJisphere where
wemenwho w.ere'jdedcated to tt:le nationalist movement could take
partin'actiVities)\which would have otherwise been closed to them,
the extent to which they were social rebels was obfuscated. What was
emphasized was'their sacrifice. To Bengalis they were the brave girls
wh'o defied the>British, who were so devoted to the ideal of political
.freedom,that they.'Wouldsacrifice not only material comfort and family,
but even th'eir own lives.
ThE\Y w~r~the'l' ,neither. goddesse~ n!>f rebels but young
""',omenwho held strong political beliefs and were willing to act on
these beliefs.
NOTES
the research for this paRer was begun in the summer of 1972
and '!Yascarried out in the, summer of 1973 and ~uring 1975·
1976 ,under. grants from the State University of New York
Faculty Research"pouncil and the American Institute of Indian
Studies. I was aided in this research by Mr. Tridib Ghosh who
130. Indian Women and the Freedom Movement: A Historian's Perspective
translated a number of works 'and assisted me in.,many other
ways, Smt. Kalyani (Das) Bhafta:charjee who made Iavailable
her personal papers and ~r. A~hil Cha,ndra Nandy who
assisted me in meeting a num~r of revolutionaries' and made
available books, articles and clippings. I am deeply indebted
to those revolutionarl'e~ wtlo p~tierrtly answered my questions
and shared withm"e their reminiscences. ' ,
1. a
The British authorities, many journalists and number of
historians have termed these 'terroristorgani~tions'. I "have'
decided to use the'word'revolutionary rather thanteirorist
because I feel it is closer to the &lngaii term (biplabl) and does
not carry the negative connotation ofi~'rrorist. David laushey,
author of the most recent and thorough studies of this
movement, '8engal TefTOrism and Marxist Left (Calcutta, 1975),
is correct in asserting that the organizations existed to terrorize
the British. However, many of the activists saw terrorism not
as an end in itself but as a way of raising the political
consciousness of the masses.
2. 'Identical' in terms of what could be,done by whom. Women
were· more likely to smuggle guns, than men and men were
more likely to throw bombs than masqliJer,ade as housewives;
however, the notion was accepted that women could perform
the same tasks as men;
3. Gandhi, "Speech to Women, Madras," Collected Works of
Mahatma Gandhi, XXIV, (Ahmedabad.,1969), p. 497. Sati
means virtuous woman or faithful wife'. Widows who were
cremated with their dead husbands were termed,Satis. The
British, supported by Indi,an reformers, outlawed the custom In
1829. sits; thif Iferoineofthe epic Ramayal1a;' is'!&hsidered
the ideal Hihdu 'wife. Shtf'dUtifuny followed 'her husbcihtl'Into
exile and after being abducted and rescued, willingly submitted
to an ordeal by fire to prove her chastity.
4. Shakti, power, is frequently used to goddesses thus Implying
, tHe female enermY'\I)fthe,tJniverse: Mottler Goddesses included
'Parvati, MahatleVi'jl 9atl;aaurl'ahd othei'S:Whlle many'of these
,were' Kind" and: betlevblEiffli ther~ "Were, a1numbe r 'of fierce
godd$SseS:Durga'OrlaCdSSslble),KaII tthe'Black One}; Candl
(the Fierce) and'lhe TaffrilWar~godaess, Korravai'.' Kali, the
Goddesses'or Rebels? The Women Revolutionaries of Bengal. 1'131
l1est~known of'1liese in Bengal; 'is particUlarly featSOme. A dark
:1 goddess, sliefsoftet.fjlertrayEl'd brandishing weapolls, wearing
s· gEii1and of slWlls'and intoxicated by tlie blood oH'ler d6mon
: ViCtIm.,
5.!6andAi; ~Speech at Gujar.at,Women's ConferenC&\Da:ndi,"
,'iG"'11118ct~lfWorb",xt::it1; {lf971}, PI': ·251-52.
6. Geraldine Forbes, "Traditional Symbols and New Roles: The
"'! ,'Lwttm~'$~Mt>\t&*,ehtirr Indta,",' '$oclal'Moveme1l16 in India,
::vGr. 11,::1id.fl'hs;VA; Rao;'(gelhi,1919).
7. Asha Devi Aranayakan, "Kasturba - A Tribute," The Times of
Irro.tra"Ka~wfba Mtlniorial; (hidia 1962), p. 141.
8. Amales Tripathi, The Extremist Challenge, (Bomba:y, '1967), pp.
108-11. For an excellent study of the two prominent deities of
Bengal, see David R;"Kinsey, The Sword and tl1e'F/ute:'Kali
and~Krsrfa,(Berkely; 19115).
9. For an understanding of the romantic appeal of this phase of
the movement, see Shudha Mazumdar, A Pattern of Life, ed.
G;Foibes, (Delhi; 1977), ch.'2."Leela i Roy," Jayshree, Leela
Roy Memorial Volume, Jline,;July, 1,975, pp. 262\!65.
10. For a\di$cu~sion of; this period, see J.H.Broomfield, Elite
·,ConflisNt1:aPltJral'Society: Twentieth Century Bengal (Berkely,
1968),Ch. 4; Leonard H. Gordon, Benga!)\ The Nationalist
Movement. 1876-1940" (N.Y. 1973), ch. 4; and Laushey, '
00.2.
11. H:Oas16'ISIj:)t&. f}6sl1btiridhu ChittaraJan'Das(NeW!Delhl, 1969),
p. 68; G. Forbes, "The Ideals of rndiariWbmanhood/ ed.'J.R.
,Melling, BiJligal' In the' Nineteenth and Twentieth Century,
SEStlfhASlitVS8tiSs,tClCCasiona1 Papers; NQ. 25.'
12. M.K. Gandhi, "Jail for Basanti Devi," Young tndis,' l5-12~21, in
MK Gandhi, Womeif8tld $OCia"mjustie8';i(Ahmeda:~d,1'942),
4th ed., p. 154.
13. Laushey, ch. 3.
14. Sarat Chandra Chattlf. . .s Patf1ef'Oabi:'('Tti~Ri~h~1Qf the Way);
published serially between 1923 and 1926, was the firsfp6pular
novel in Bengali, on revolutionary aStiVitf~~! Ttierearethree
m~ittaOfer.1n!the'hovel::)\purba;Maldar;,'aelilt\)\!lttaeehgali!
dBehgal.speakinf'6hrr$tian~glr1i ,and·(Sirish
fJ';l i:.l$rIlliMtO:'Bflarati,'
"I": MltfU.iJja.tra'lof·O~Or Baau'whoUHlrev6Iotlc>nary; The'hovel
132 • Il}dian Women and the Freedom Movement: A Historian's Perspective
focuses 0111 Apurba!stransition fromal) olithodox;.Branmin,to a
man who loves· Bharati and has a SQ<fia~science:?l::heaetion
provides opportunity for ,a debate overti1e'reJative merits of
evolutionary and revolutionary change. For a,detailed
discussion of this novel. see Clililt;Seeley;,.'IOn,soma·AudieAC8s
of a Sarat Chandra Novel", papelt presenteGl'atAAS'meetings. ­
. 1972.
15. Transcript 01 Interview with Kamalal Das.GlJptBtyNehru:Museum
Oral History Project; :1nterview, with Kamala (oas! e-upta.
Calcutta. July 12, 1973. ';'
16. Interview with members of Jatiya Manila Sanghatf,Galcutta
September 25, 1975.
. 17. Jayashree, pp. 132-38.
18. Leela Roy, "Arnar Katha", Jayashree, pp. 127-30.
19. Kamala Das Gupta, Swadhinata Sa,nglsme 8an,la" Nari,
(henceforth S.S.B.N.) (Calcutta 1970), pp. 83-86.c
20. Laushey ,pp. 43-44.
21. Interview-with Santi .Ganguly, Calcutta, Feb S, 1976: IRterview
with members of Jaytiya Mahila,Sanghati,', ," .'
22. Questionnaires completed,bySagarika Ghosh"Helema(Goon)
Cutt, Urna: DeviGuha,and itlterview<with"m-ember& of Jatiya
Mahi/a Sanghati. .
23. L Roy. "Amar Katha."
24. K. Das Gupta, S.S.B.N.• pp. 36-44.
25. Kalyami(Oas) ehatta~arjae, "ArShc;ut·6.i1e Sket~ ,ofrKalyani.
Bhattaaha~ee," fromla!Jthor. z!,r':"l
26.lbid;,'lnterv.iew' with Caleuna, March ;14;.1-9-76; 8mtKatyani
Bhattacharjee.;. transcript~ofktaped-4nteiPvdew,rifr.Qm K.
Bhattachaljee. ,
27. SmtKalyanjrBhat:tacha,rlee~ transeript
28. Bhattacha~ee,"A Short Life Sketch".
29. Das Gupta, S.S.B.N., pp. 90-91. ,"
3Q. SmtKalyal\\i-.emattaeha~~t,transc~~,.,; ,
31. Ibid;' - ·.rh rl :'yl<;f!,
32. 6ordon,pp'. 14S~146..r . '~r ­ I.
33. . Because;maoyloUhese,lfsts were, compiled s91'netil'll'letQfter the
i (Nag) Roy. Jyotikana Datta~Paru1lMtJl<hetjee,UShaMl1~he~ee;-
eventsiH~'seemsnl!k4illythat- anuIlllber of name&hav~,)been
omitted,One' of. ,the ~roblems~ems'to be, in obtfil,ining the
, 'Goddesses Of Rel:Jels? The Women Revolutionaries ofBengal .133
, narrtes ofisym:pathi'zers (there was no longer 'arielaborate
initiation;.eeremony) who' were"not called upon'wact but
presumably would have done so. From the data Icoll~cted, I
would estimate that the number of women jailed (or detained)
for revolutionary; actMtywas less;than 40 While the number who
workedwithl thEJ'orgarlizatioNs was between 60 and 70.' i
.
List by Kalyani Bhattacharjee: "Women Revolutionaries
GOl1xricted inBengal":Suniti Ohoudhury, Santi Ghosh, Bina
Das, Kaljllona'Dutt, PritilataWiicfdedar;'Ullala'Mazumcfar, Maya
Devi, Jyotikama Datta, Parul Mukherjee, and SavitryDevi;
"Detained under Benga,tiCriminal Act": Leela Nag, Bimal
Prbtlbhii\ Oevi, Kla1yarii Das', lridumati Devi, Subha:shlni Devi,
Kamala Das6upta, Banalata Oas Gupta, Protulla Brahma, Indu
ShudhaGhose, Kamala Chatterjee, Sunity Devi, Promila Das
Gupta, Sushila Das Gupta. Hena Devi, Usha Mukheijee, Renu
Sen, Nirmala Devi, Nilima Das Gupta; "Others Interned"': 'Santi
Sudha Ghosh, Srilata Das, Leela Kamle,;'Probhat Nalfni Dev(
Atniya Devi.
~
An additional list of B.V. women, was supplied by Santi
Ganguly: Sneha Bese, Bonolata Chakraborty, Ni'l1milai Sanyal,
Sushama Chakraborty Kamala Das Gupta, Renu Das'Gupta,
I
Usha';Sen, Subsla Sen, Hena Chatterjee, ChaiflittiGhosl1;
<,Sabitaf,Sen Gupta. Mita GhoSA; Lily Ganguly and Barshona
Chakraborty.
Additional names are given in ~amalaDas Gupta, S.S.eN and
other studies of the revolutionary movement. '"
34:. Ilftf!Jrvi't1wwitH Kaltlali1:Das !9tJpta,-- NehruMuseum;; Jayshree,
p?38Sr .\ , . ­
35. The above observattO'ff!f::are'eisedfOrinnterViews'with and
pub1ished materiahon:r·:l;Jllala"M'a)!umdal'~ Heleha:Outt} SagariKa
Ghosh. Lily Gangutilt Bif.la, (Dlit~)' Bf.lt§Wmick; KalyaI'lF(Oas)
Bhattacharjee, KalponaCl(l3utt) Jt1shl\-Kamal'a c[9ascGl.lpt&, ~
Kamala:;<ctmttet.ree. ,~J4ef;l$'lnti (G'MO§fi),'Dlfsf.Suniti'
(Choudhury) Ghosh, Latika Ghosh, Bimal Pi"otibt:la DeVi, 'Santi
Ganguly, Akhil Chandra Nandy, Mahendralal B'anerjee:' arid
published arid;l;.Inpuolisn&'dmalefia:lsonllntfumati Slhgh', 'Leela
~~.sJJbasini Ganguli, Uma Devi, Santa Das, Pritilata Waddedar,
Pratulla Brahma.
36. D.N.B. India, I. p. 446; Das Gupta, S.S.N.B., pp. 36.44.
134 • Indian Women and the Freedom Movement: A Hislorian's Perspective

37. Terrorism in India, 1917-1936, compiled in the Intelligence

B!Jreau, Home Dept. Govt. of,., India, 1936. Reprinted Delhi,
1974, p. 34.
38. Ibid., p. 43. ABOUT THE AUTHOR
39. R. Tagore, Four Qhapters. (Calcl:ttta nd", p. 13.
40. Interview with,Mahendralal Banerjee, Calcutta, February 25,
1976. Dr. Geraldine Forbes is Professor of History at the
41. '. Ak:~iI,.Ghandra Nandy" "Girlsimlffdia's Freedom Struggle," The State Unh,ersity of New York at Oswego, and also a
Patfika ~(Jnda,y MagaziR.8!lQalclltta(Sept..2, d91!3). Women's Studies scholar.
42. An~flta Singh,.."Chittag1l)ng's.:'lrIeroeS' ~ightAor Freedom,"
Hindustan Trimes, I (July. 2a,1961~,'
43. Nandy, "Girls." The tf!)xt, of:the IIitHeris inclUded, in: Akhn Chandra Winner of the Rabindranath Tagore Memorial Prize in
Nandy~s,Biplobir SmrJticharon; (Salcutta, .19'76) ;-:-pp.141--148. 1979, Dr. Forbes has been engaged in research and writings
44. "TheCas.e Qf.Bin~' Dast 'Indian ;SfDcial Reformet,Nol. 42, which are of special significance to India. For a number of
..• (February,.20, ~iQ~2)j peas7. 'i years, she has been involved in reclaiming the fading
45,,;Terrorism.ir1.lndia; p. 50.
memories of women pioneers of the nineteenth and early
46. D.N.f3: I, PR~; 38.8.,9, <'
47. Interview with Ujjala (Mazumdar) Rakshit-Roy, Caicutta, twentieth centuries.
Fepru~ry. 8, 1976.
48. Akhil,Chandra f>.!anc\y., "PrafullaNalini:Brahma,"typed rna. from She has co-authored A Pattern of Life: The Memoirs
author.. of an Indian Woman (1989) with Shudha Mazumdar and
49" Interview with Santi (Ghosh) Das, Calcutta, February 24,1976;
has numerous articles in reputed books and journals to her
Interview w.ith Suniti (Choudhury) 'Ghosh, Calcutta, Feoruary
15,1976. credit. Among them are: "The Indian Women's Movement:
50. Suniti Choudhury, Interview. A Struggle for Women's Rights or Nationalist Uberalion?"
51. Akhil Nandy, Interview. (1981), "Caged TIgers: 'First Wave' Feminists in India" (1982),
52. Bina Das, Shrinkhal JhanKar (Calcutta, 1947), p.' 21; tN. "Use of Photographs in Reconstructing Women's History"
Madan, Saratchandra Chatterjee: His Mind and His Art,
(1983). elc. She is currently working on "Autobiographies and
(Lahore, 1944) ,pp, 83..a6;Clint Seeley. '
53. R.C, Mazumdar,'Historyof theFreedom Movement in India, III. Memoirs
, of Women from Asia, Africa and Latin America"
54. Bina Das, "Confession", from the Quthor. which will be included in the "Foremothers Series" (M.E.
55. Das.,Gtlpta, S.S.I3.N"pp. 125·;30. Sharpe Inc.) of which she is the Series Editor. In October
56. If.'Idul;>,husanDas, Pritilata-Matangini, (0alcutta"pp. 14"54.
1995, Dr. Forbes was the recipient of the prestigious "Unsung
57. Ib/qoc:p.25.'· >" •
Heroines Award" ir'lstituted by the National Organization for
58. Ibfa, .p. 54.
59: D.N.B., IV:, p. 44pDas Guptai!5.SiB~M, p. 129. Women, USA.
60. JaJiya MahiiaSanghatf,.,lmterview. '
Q'QQ
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