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Barr 2010
Barr 2010
Barr 2010
Introduction
Exposing infants to screen media is a hotly debated topic. Part of the debate
stems from perceived inconsistencies in the accumulated evidence. Correlational
research has provided a number of associations between exposure and outcomes
(both positive and negative; for review see Courage & Howe, 2010). Experimental
evidence shows that when learning conditions are equated infants learn less from
video than from live face-to-face interactions (i.e. video deficit, Anderson &
Pempek, 2005). As the research literature has accumulated, however, it has
shifted from simple main effects models to more complex interaction models of
analysis. This complexity is captured through the analysis of three distinct but
inter-connected classes of variables that mediate and moderate the relationship
between exposure and child outcomes: child attributes, stimulus features, and
the contexts in which exposure occur (see Linebarger & Vaala, 2010).
There are two main purposes of this special issue: (1) empirically demonstrate
the shift away from research that examines simplistic cause and effect models to
research that examines the causal mechanisms underlying how effects are pro-
duced (Clark, 1983; Dupré & Cartwright, 1988; Hedström & Ylikoski, 2010;
Kozma, 1994) and (2) focus on an ecological perspective and, as such, simulta-
neously consider the effects of content and context of early media exposure.
Cause and effect models presume that learning is a receptive response to content
delivery whereas models that incorporate causal mechanism-based explanations
view learning as an active cognitive process influenced by the social, affective,
and contextual variables present during a specific learning event (Clark, 1983).
Defining causal mechanisms involves articulating the intersection among the
child, the environmental context, and the ways in which both influence how
a child ultimately interprets and learns from program content. An ecological
perspective provides a way to conceptualize these processes as ‘substantive and
theoretical[ly] significant’ (p. 626, Bronfenbrenner, 1995). It is these transactions
that drive development and these transactions that are both affected by
characteristics of the child and of the context in which these transactions occur.
(Barr, 2008, 2010; Linebarger & Walker, 2005) is that we designed the study as an
experimental intervention. This design was selected because we wanted to
investigate the underlying structure and functions of media exposure. Given the
serious and sometimes contentious debate surrounding infants’ potential
exposure to screen media content, it was crucial that the intervention develop-
ment process be grounded in scientifically rigorous research. Focus on the delivery
system alone leads to simple cause and effect explanations whereas the method of
instruction (i.e. content and the structural features used to convey that content and
context of viewing) offers much more powerful explanatory models for the
observed effects (Clark, 1983; Kozma, 1994). For instance, early viewing (age 5) of
Sesame Street predicted higher grades and more leisure book reading in adolescence
while early viewing of Mr. Rogers’ Neighborhood predicted higher creativity scores
(Anderson, Huston, Schmitt, Linebarger, & Wright, 2001). Consistent with this
argument we hypothesize that associations between early media exposure and
infant development are determined by both content and context.
Copyright r 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Inf. Child. Dev. 19: 553–556 (2010)
DOI: 10.1002/icd
Special Issue on the Content and Context of Early Media Exposure 555
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
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Copyright r 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Inf. Child. Dev. 19: 553–556 (2010)
DOI: 10.1002/icd