APPROACH – ANSWER: ABHYAAS TEST 2 - 2218 (2022)

1. Do you agree with the view that time has come to revisit the Seventh Schedule of the Indian
Constitution? Discuss with suitable arguments. (Answer in 150 words) 10
Approach:
• Give a brief overview of the Seventh Schedule of the Indian Constitution.
• Discuss whether there is a need to revisit the Seventh Schedule.
• State whether status quo should be maintained in this context.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
The Seventh Schedule of the Indian Constitution (Article 246) provides the demarcation of the
legislative powers between the Centre and States through three Lists i.e. Union, Concurrent and
State. Despite several amendments in the Constitution, the Seventh Schedule has not been
comprehensively reviewed.
The need to revisit the Seventh Schedule arises due to the following:
• Evolving needs of governance: The needs of governance are not static and are bound to
change over time. Concerns such as climate change, emerging technologies, disaster
management, consumer protection etc., need to be incorporated in the Schedule.
• Increasing centralization: The Constitution expressly secures the predominance of the Union
List over the State List and the Concurrent List and that of the Concurrent List over the State
List. In case of overlapping between the Union List and Concurrent List, it is the former which
should prevail and between the Concurrent List and the State List, it is the Concurrent List that
should prevail. This impacts the power of the States in the Indian federal system. The residuary
powers have also been conferred on the Parliament.
• Encroachment over subjects in the State List: Since 1950, the number of subjects in the
Union List (from 97 to 100) and Concurrent List (from 47 to 52) have grown while subjects
under the State List (from 66 to 61) have gradually reduced. Additionally, the 42nd Amendment
Act, 1976, transferred five subjects i.e., education, forest, protection of wild animals and birds,
administration of justice, and weights and measurements to the Concurrent List.
• Need for decentralization: Despite the enactment of the 73rd and 74th Constitutional
Amendment Acts, there has been little progress with it comes to decentralisation to both rural
and urban local bodies. This can be done by revising the division of powers at the local level in
clear terms.
• Appropriate placement: Some subjects need to be transferred to the State list or the
Concurrent List keeping in mind the inter-State asymmetry, diversity of cultural groups and
federal ethos. For instance, although mentioned explicitly under the State list, ‘land’ overlaps
with acquisition and requisition of property (Entry 42 of the Concurrent list), and transfer of
property other than agricultural land (Entry 6 of Concurrent list). Similarly, labour regulation
mostly depends on the level of development and therefore should be the sole domain of the
States.

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 • Removal of entries: The entries which have become outdated and are not relevant to the
exercise of legislative powers should be removed, such as Entry 37, List III concerned with
Boilers and Entry 34, List I dealing with Courts of Wards for the estates of rulers of Indian
States.
• Recommendations of various Commissions: Various Commissions have hinted at the need of
change in the power division. For example, the Sarkaria Commission recommended that
residuary powers be transferred from the Union List to the Concurrent List, except for the
residuary power to impose taxes. The Rajamannar Committee and the Anandpur Sahib
Resolution recommended transferring several entries to the State List, both from the Union and
Concurrent Lists, and vesting residuary powers in the States.
However, on the other hand, to ensure unity and integrity of India and balanced economic
development, it is argued that a strong Centre with a greater say in Seventh Schedule is the need of
the hour. Ideally, there is a need to undertake a periodic review of the Seventh Schedule. Moreover,
certain principles should be followed while dealing with subjects in the Seventh Schedule such as
transferring only those subjects into the Concurrent List, which are central to achieving
demonstrable national interest, rare use of residual powers, establishing a formal institutional
structure for mandatory consultation between the Union and the States in the area of legislation
under the Concurrent List etc. This would ensure that the Schedule evolves with the needs of time
and changing circumstances.

2. Highlighting the advantages of online dispute resolution (ODR) mechanism for justice delivery,
discuss the challenges associated with its effective implementation in India. (Answer in 150
words) 10
Approach:
• Briefly explain what you understand by online dispute resolution (ODR).
• Highlight its advantages for justice delivery.
• Discuss the various challenges with respect to its effective implementation.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
Online dispute resolution (ODR) refers to the process of using technology for dispute avoidance,
containment and resolution outside the traditional court system with the techniques of Alternative
Dispute Resolution (ADR), such as arbitration, conciliation and mediation. As a dispute resolution
avenue, it can be provided both as an extension of the public court system and outside of it.
Advantages of online dispute resolution (ODR) mechanism:
• Cost-effective: The economic burden of dispute resolution often turns the justice delivery
process itself into a punishment and thereby hinders access to justice. In this light, ODR offers a
cost-effective mode of dispute resolution and has the potential to reduce legal costs by way of
reduced time for resolution.
• Allows for customisable processes: ODR’s integration with non-traditional ODR processes
and use of artificial intelligence can lead to limitless possibilities in terms of the types of models
that can be developed. Thus, ODR can allow for multi-door dispute resolution through curated
and customized processes for certain classes of cases.
• Limits implicit bias caused by human judgment: ODR platforms, especially those based on
texts and emails, detach audio-visual cues relating to gender, social status, ethnicity, race, etc.
and help in resolving disputes based on the claims and information submitted by the disputing
parties, rather than who the parties are.
• Encourages dispute resolution: ODR encourages more parties to opt to resolve their disputes
by addressing major concerns such as lack of access to physical courts or ADR centres, cost of
dispute resolution, barriers due to disabilities etc.
The challenges associated with ODR include the following:
• Digital divide: ODR requires a basic level of digital literacy as a prerequisite. Further, broad-
based adoption of ODR will require essential digital technology infrastructure across the
country.
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 • Privacy and confidentiality concerns: Greater integration of technology and reduced face-to-
face interactions create new challenges for privacy and confidentiality, which include online
impersonation, tampering of digital evidence etc. Besides, online platforms are susceptible to
cyber attacks, data theft, phishing and hacking.
• Lack of trust in ODR services: A lot of people in the country do not trust the emerging
technology, which is a major challenge for the people of India.
• Archaic legal processes: The archaic processes do not work well with the end-to-end online
process of dispute resolution and create barriers for ODR. Further, in India there is no provision
for online notarization of documents.
ODR mechanism needs mass awareness and training through social media, education, workshops
and campaigns etc. at the grassroots level. Further, financial aid to ODR projects to create technical
and administrative infrastructure is the need of the hour.

3. Despite the constitutional division of powers, Centre-state disputes have been a perennial
feature of Indian democracy. Discuss with examples. (Answer in 150 words) 10
Approach:
• Briefly write about the Constitutional division of power between the Centre and States.
• With the help of examples, discuss how the Centre-State disputes have been a perennial feature
of Indian democracy.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
The Indian Constitution explicitly demarcates the powers between the Centre and States in terms of
legislative, administrative and financial relations within Part XI under Articles 245-263.
Furthermore, Article 246 of the Constitution provides for the Seventh Schedule, which divides the
legislative powers by providing three lists–Union List, State List and Concurrent List – which
enumerate the matters over which the Parliament or the State Assemblies or both have exclusive
powers to make laws.
While the debate on federalism and the distribution of powers between the Centre and states in
India date back to the formation of the Constitution, Centre-State disputes have been a perennial
feature of Indian democracy. This can be discerned from the following:
• Encroachment over the State subjects:
o The enactment of three farm laws was argued by some to be an encroachment upon the
State List as ‘agriculture’ and its associated subsidiary enterprises, and ‘markets’ are State
List Subjects.
o Invocation of the Disaster Management Act, 2005 during the COVID-19 pandemic
made the Central guidelines binding on States, even though 'public health’ is a State matter
on which the Parliament cannot legislate.
o The Chhattisgarh government filed a suit against the Central government against the
National Investigation Agency Act, 2008 on the ground that it encroaches upon States’
power to maintain law and order.
o Similarly, the Banking Regulation Act, 1949 has been amended to bring cooperative banks
under the RBI supervision. However, ‘cooperative societies’ come under the State List.
• Expansion of the Concurrent list: Through the 42nd Amendment Act of 1976, five subjects-
education, forests, weights & measures, protection of wild animals and birds and administration
of justice were transferred from the State List to the Concurrent List.
• Over-centralising tendencies by the Central government: There are disputes over the
Centre passing legislations/adopting policies, which affect the legal or Constitutional rights of
the States. For instance:
o The Centre’s proposed amendments to the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) (Cadre)
Rules of 1954 have triggered a conflict between the Centre and the States, as larger control
is being provided to the Union government over deputation of the IAS officers and the
power of the States to veto Centre’s request for officers is being taken away.

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 o The Tamil Nadu government passed a Bill to provide an alternative to the NEET exam for
medical entrance, as it considered the exam a violation of the rights given to the States to
decide upon the methods of admission in higher education.
Despite the presence of clear-cut division of powers between the Centre and the States, such
disputes continue to occur as the Seventh Schedule provides that in certain cases the Centre can
legislate over the subjects provided in the State list. Also, in the event of inconsistency over
legislations enacted with regard to Concurrent List subjects, the Central laws prevail. However, the
Indian Constitution also provides the Right to Constitutional Remedy under Article 32 and 226 to
the States and they can also seek dispute resolution under Article 131.

4. Do you agree with the view that adopting a framework for lobbying will strengthen
participative governance and ease of doing business in India? (Answer in 150 words) 10
Approach:
• Give a brief introduction about lobbying.
• Discuss the need for adopting a framework for lobbying by highlighting how it could strengthen
participative governance and ease of doing business in India.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
Lobbying is an activity, which is carried out by individuals or private interest groups to influence
the decisions of the government. It is a form of “political persuasion” that is aimed at influencing the
formulation and/or implementation of the policy and decision-making process regarding legislative
or regulatory activities.
Countries such as the USA, Canada, Australia, Germany and Taiwan treat lobbying as a legitimate
right of citizens and thus have a framework to regulate lobbying. Further, no country in the world,
including India, has banned lobbying. Though, at present, India does not have any legal framework
for lobbying, adopting a framework for lobbying will strengthen participative governance and ease
of doing business in India, due to the following reasons:
• Makes the governance process more accessible and participative: Lobbying presents an
opportunity for various individuals, pressure groups, etc. to present their case to the
government in matters of policy formulation and implementation. Thus, a shift to lobbying as a
means of engaging with the legislative process would further the ideals of participative
democracy.
• Conducive to promoting business environment: Institutions like FICCI, CII, ASSOCHAM have
worked for decades and influenced pivotal decisions and policy issues. A lobbying framework
would further ease the process in terms of accessibility in getting hold of the policy formulators.
• Level playing field to businesses: A formal framework would enable minor players to put
forth their policy suggestions as against the monopoly of the major players.
• Acts as a catalyst for democratic reforms: Adopting a framework for lobbying will enable
debates and discussions on various forums to create pressure on the government to bring about
reforms. One of the most successful examples is the demand led by the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti
Sangathan (MKSS), which manifested into the Right to Information Act, 2005.
• Brings expertise and domain specialization to policy formulation: Lobbyists provide the
government with valuable policy-related information and expertise, which the full-time
politicians may not possess.
Although lobbying by various interest and advocacy groups is widespread in India, it is brought to
light usually through negative news, for example, the Walmart case. A law to regulate lobbying could
pave the way for transparency in the policy-making process. However, a legislation on lobbying
should not legitimize bribery or corrupt practices. For this, lobbying should be unambiguously
defined to include only those activities that further the ideals of participative democracy.

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5. Despite the government encouraging open source instead of proprietary technology for
government applications, the true potential of Free and Open Source Software (FOSS) and
digital platforms remains unrealized. Discuss. (Answer in 150 words) 10
Approach:
• Give a brief introduction on open-source digital platforms and software and highlight benefits of
FOSS.
• Mention the steps taken by the government for promoting them.
• Highlight the challenges in realisation of the true potential of these platforms and softwares.
• Conclude with a way forward.
Answer:
Free and open-source digital platform and software allows users and programmers to edit, modify
or reuse the software's source code and does not have copyrights constraints. This gives developers
the opportunity to improve program functionality by modifying it. Examples are MySQL, Firefox,
Linux etc.
FOSS presents an alternative model to build digital technologies for population scale and has multi
fold benefits like reduced cost, no vendor lock-in, the ability to customize for local context and
greater innovation through wider collaboration.
Steps taken by the government for promoting open-source digital platform and software:
• National Policy on Information Technology, 2012: It has mentioned “Adopt open standards
and promote open source and open technologies," as one of its objectives.
• Policy on Adoption of Open Source Software for Government of India: The Government of
India shall endeavor to adopt Open Source Software in all e-Governance systems implemented
by various Government organizations, as a preferred option in comparison to Closed Source
Software (CSS).
• Policy On Collaborative Application Development by Opening the Source Code of
Government Applications: The policy intends to increase the pace of e-governance application
development and rapid roll-out/implementation by adopting an open-source development
model.
• Policy on Open Application Programming Interfaces (APIs) for Government of India: The
Policy will encourage the formal use of Open APIs in Government organizations. This shall
promote interoperability for all e-Governance applications & systems and provide access to data
& services for promoting participation of all stakeholders including citizens.
• Applications: Many solutions launched by the government including DigiLocker, Diksha,
Aarogya Setu, the Covid-19 vaccination platform CoWIN — built on top of open-source digital
platforms — have benefited from valuable inputs provided by volunteer open-source
developers.
However, following challenges in realization of the true potential of these platforms and
software:
• Collaboration: There are plenty of small thriving FOSS communities but there is not as much
collaboration or co-creation between them. This makes it difficult to retain developers and
attract a diverse and inclusive talent pool.
• Literacy: While almost all major academic development tools are FOSS (such as R, Python,
LaTex) there is still not enough formalization of FOSS curricula and programmes in public and
private education institutes. This is particularly true for programmes in regional languages,
which have dissuaded uptake and retention of FOSS by students and early-stage developers for
whom English is not a first language, which makes up more than 80% of the population.
• Enabling environment: The Indian tech business ecosystem lacks an enabling environment to
support FOSS innovations. The Indian big tech players still remain quite agnostic in keeping
their underlying code open source or not, especially with regards to their key services and
offerings. There is also a large gap in transitioning from being an active part of the community
to building a successful business around FOSS.

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 • Policy-making: While India has a FOSS policy for e-governance, there are major gaps in
implementing it in practice. Both regional and national government agencies still lack sufficient
tech capacity to drive these initiatives.
Thus, with an integrated approach involving all the stakeholder industry, academia, and
government, along with the largest base of software developers in the world, we can exploit the
potential of free and open digital platforms and software.

6. As a social safety-valve, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) can be the principal vehicles

through which communities voice their concerns. Discuss. (Answer in 150 words) 10
Approach:
• Introduce by explaining the meaning of non- governmental organisations (NGOs).
• Explain the role played by NGOs as a social safety valve.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
The World Bank defines non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as private organizations that
pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment,
provide basic social services, or undertake community development. These can be registered under
various statutes and operate independently from the government and are generally considered to
be “non-state, non-profit oriented groups that pursue purposes of public interest”. They play a
major role and have brought social change for promotion and development of the society.
Role of NGO’s as social safety valve:
• Advocacy: They play a major role in mobilizing public attention towards societal problems and
needs. They provide voice to the communities for their concerns.
o For instance: NGOs like Kailash Satyarthi Children’s Foundation, CRY: Child Rights and
You etc. have been advocating the concern and rights of children.
• Augments the government’s policies and performance: NGOs by giving voice to citizens
ensures government’s accountability by making them more responsive towards them. They also
induce innovation and flexibility in policymaking by bringing their own independent expertise
and research teams.
o For instance, the Annual Status of Education Report (ASER) released by an NGO named
Pratham is crucial for the government in formulating policies to improve the quality of
education in India.
• Provision of services: NGOs endeavor to plug gaps in the government’s programmes and reach
out to sections of people often left untouched by state projects. They act as a flexible mechanism
through which people concerned about a social or economic problem can begin to respond.
o For instance: Akshaya Patra is the world’s largest (not-for-profit run) Mid-Day Meal
Programme serving wholesome food every school day to over 1.8 million children from
19,039 schools across 14 states & 2 Union territories of India.
• Community Participation: The NGOs offer capacity to conduct a meaningful dialogue with
communities, particularly those that are disadvantaged. They promote pluralism, diversity and
freedom.
o For instance, Narmada Bachao Andolan is an NGO that mobilised tribal people, farmers,
environmentalists and human rights activists against the Sardar Sarovar Dam being built
across the Narmada river in Gujarat.
• Resolution of conflicts: NGOs can act as mediators to bring consensus among different
conflicting groups. They help in constructive conflict resolution. Even in the international arena,
they play a major role in Track II diplomacy. They create an environment of trust and
confidence and enable NGOs to resolve dissents of people in an effective manner.
NGOs form the backbone of democracy and contribute immensely in progressing the socio-
economic conditions of our country.

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7. Despite being lauded for its patient centric approach, the implementation of the Mental
Healthcare Act, 2017, remains sluggish and mired with various issues. Discuss. (Answer in 150
words) 10
Approach:
• Give a brief overview of the Mental Healthcare Act, 2017.
• Highlight how it ensures a patient-centric approach.
• Discuss the various issues and challenges in implementation of the Act.
• Conclude appropriately.
Answer:
According to a NIMHANS survey of 2015-2016, 14% of India’s population lives with some form
of mental illness, out of which 1.9% suffer from severe mental illness. Given the importance of this
issue, the Parliament enacted the Mental Healthcare Act (MHA), 2017.
This Act has a patient-centric approach for persons with mental illness in the following ways:
• Right to access mental health care: Every person shall have a right to access mental
healthcare and get treatment from mental health services.
• Decriminalization of suicide: A person who attempts to commit suicide will be presumed to
be suffering from severe stress.
• Right to make an advance directive: Patients can decide on how to be treated or to not be
treated for a mental illness.
• Right to appoint a nominated representative: Patients can appoint a nominee to take all
health-related decisions on his/her behalf.
Despite its significance, implementation of the Act has been sluggish, as many states have neither
notified their Mental Healthcare Rules nor constituted a State Mental Healthcare Authority or
Mental Health Review Boards as required under the legislation. The various challenges in the
implementation of the Act are:
• Loopholes in the Act:
o The Act does not institute any third-party assessment or monitoring of the human
rights situations in mental healthcare facilities.
o The Act misses significant measures for reintegration and rehabilitation of patients
with their families. According to a study, 1 in every 4 women in mental health centres is
abandoned by her family.
• Inadequate budgetary allocation: The preceding four Union Budgets allocated less than 1%
of the total budget to mental health, thereby creating impediments in public access to
affordable mental healthcare.
• Lack of human resource: There is a low proportion of mental health workforce in India (per
100,000 population) including psychiatrists (0.3), nurses (0.12), psychologists (0.07) and social
workers (0.07).
• Other issues: Poor awareness about the symptoms of mental illness, social stigma and
abandonment of the mentally ill have resulted in a massive treatment gap.
For a more comprehensive approach to promoting mental health, the need of the hour is swift and
effective implementation of the MHA 2017, independent monitoring of human rights violations,
more robust community-based interventions, increased financial allocations and timely notification
of state rules under the Act.

8. Do you agree with the view that time has come to formulate an Urban Employment Guarantee
scheme at the national level? (Answer in 150 words) 10
Approach:
• Introduce by explaining the idea of an Urban Employment Guarantee scheme.
• Discuss the need of an Urban Employment Guarantee scheme at the national level.
• State the challenges associated with the scheme.
• Conclude accordingly.
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Answer:
The core idea of an Urban Employment Guarantee scheme is that the government guarantees
work at a minimum wage in order to create public assets and provide income support to the urban
poor. In light of the growing distress among the urban poor, it is argued that time has come to
formulate an Urban Employment Guarantee scheme at the national level. The scheme is expected to
help in the following ways:
• Reduce unemployment: As per the Periodic Labour Force Survey 2019-20, unemployment
rate in urban areas was around 7% as compared to approximately 4% in rural areas. Such a
programme would give a statutory right to livelihood to urban residents.
• Relief from COVID-19 Impact: The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in urban areas was
higher in terms of stalled economic activities. It reduced consumption with a negative impact on
employment generation and security of existing jobs.
• Reduce inequalities: Such a scheme would have some redistributive effect and could help
reduce inequality in terms of income as well as health and education.
• Tackle inflation: There is persistence of higher inflation in urban areas as compared to rural
areas, which is negatively affecting the urban poor.
• Rising urban population: In comparison to nearly 31% population (Census, 2011), the
percentage of urban population is expected to grow above 40% by 2030, thereby increasing the
demand for employment further.
• Uniformity across states: Although initiatives have been taken in many states, the central
government should join in to tackle the issues of division of responsibility of returning migrant
workers, pay standards, financial assistance etc.
• Multiplier effect on the economy: Money in the hands of people would drive up demand in
urban areas and may help establish urban areas as ‘engines of growth’.
• Strengthen infrastructure: If implemented effectively, it enables people to contribute
productively to the creation of useful public goods and services.
However, there would be some challenges associated with guaranteeing urban employment, such
as:
• It may lead to increased migration in urban areas, thereby increasing pressure on the
existing infrastructure and amenities.
• Since it would be implemented mostly by local governments, their lack of human as well as
financial capacity would be a major hurdle.
• Deciding the criterion for employment in terms of variety of work, range of skills and
education levels as well as generating new jobs in urban areas would be difficult. It is also
debatable whether the educated but unemployed workers will take up these jobs.
• In urban areas, there is no seasonality in either work demanded or unemployment. This
complicates the design of the scheme unlike the MNREGA where demand for work moves in line
with the agricultural cycle and hence is seasonal in nature.
Thus, even though it seems that time has come for a National Urban Employment Guarantee Act,
various steps would be needed to address the challenges first. These include coordination
mechanism between different associated Ministries (Labour, Commerce and Industry, Housing and
Urban Affairs, etc.), mobilising investment, simultaneously focusing on rural development to reduce
migration etc.

9. Discuss the relevance of BIMSTEC as a regional organisation to fulfil India’s strategic

aspirations in the Indian Ocean Region. (Answer in 150 words) 10
Approach:
• Give a brief overview about BIMSTEC.
• Discuss the relevance of BIMSTEC to fulfill India’s strategic aspirations in the Indian Ocean
Region.
• Conclude accordingly.

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Answer:
The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) is
an inter-regional grouping that seeks to foster regional and economic cooperation among its 7
member nations in the littoral and adjacent areas of the Bay of Bengal i.e. India, Thailand,
Myanmar, Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Bhutan.
BIMSTEC, as a regional organisation aspires to fulfil India’s strategic aspirations in the
Indian Ocean Region in the following ways:
• Expanding its engagement: BIMSTEC is
key to India’s strategic aspirations to cater
to the wider concept of the ‘Indo-Pacific’
and an Indian Ocean community. The
grouping brings together India’s
strategic peripheries (South, East and
North). Also, as China mounts assertive
activities in the region, it is in India’s
interest to consolidate its engagement
amongst the BIMSTEC countries.
• Economic growth: Growth and
development in India’s Eastern coastal
states and the North-Eastern region
hinge upon the degree of connectivity with
the South-East Asian markets.
o The Bay of Bengal is the largest bay in
the world and is the route for about
25 percent of global trade. The Bay
also has huge reserves of natural gas, which is an untapped source of energy.
• Regional cooperation: Due to setbacks to the South Asian Association of Regional
Cooperation (SAARC), BIMSTEC has emerged as the “preferred platform” for regional
cooperation in South Asia.
o BIMSTEC seeks to act as a bridge between South and South-East Asia, making it a
natural forum to fulfil our key foreign policy priorities of ‘Neighbourhood First’ and ‘Act
East’.
• Security: The Bay of Bengal has enormous significance from the security point of view in the
Indian Ocean region, as it borders the Strait of Malacca which is the main energy lane for
the eastern and South-East Asian nations. India is expected to steer the security pillar of
BIMSTEC and coordinate region-wide on jointly agreed issues in this regard, thus further
propagating its idea of being a net security provider in the region.
Further measures are needed in the following areas to make BIMSTEC an even more effective
regional organisation, such as:
• Strengthening political engagement: Personal engagement of the political leadership in the
organisation should be stepped up. The recent decision taken in Colombo to host a summit
every two years is a welcome step.
• Enhancing connections and connectivity: This can be done by encouraging people-to-people
contacts and simultaneously accelerating work on the multilateral connectivity projects that
have already been initiated.
• Community-based deliberations: BIMSTEC should adopt an approach that involves
negotiations, regular meetings and free and fair discussions. Community-based deliberations
will help foster a closer relationship amongst the member states and enhance mutual trust.
BIMSTEC has evolved as a distinctive regional organization with increased membership, expanded
mandate, formal institutional arrangements and norms, while retaining its unique character as a
bridge between South and South-East Asia. Its success is imperative for growth and development in
the region.

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10. Discuss the relevance of the Gujral Doctrine for India with regard to its relations with its
immediate neighbours in the present times. (Answer in 150 words) 10
Approach:
• Start with an in introduction of the Gujral doctrine.
• Highlight upon the existing scenario in India’s immediate neighbourhood, along with the
relevance of Gujral doctrine in this regard.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
The Gujral doctrine is an accommodative neighbourhood policy based on five basic principles:
• With neighbours like Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives and Sri Lanka, India does not ask
for reciprocity but gives all that it can in good faith and trust.
• No South Asian country will allow its territory to be used against the interest of another
country of the region.
• None will interfere in the internal affairs of another.
• All South Asian countries must respect each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty.
• Settling all their disputes through peaceful bilateral negotiations.
Relevance of the Gujral Doctrine in present circumstances:
• It has been observed that Sri Lanka has been debt-trapped by China to exploit its territory for
creation of the ‘String of Pearls’. Therefore, India must apply the principle of non-reciprocity
and assist Sri Lanka, a strategic maritime neighbour, in its economic crisis.
• As there has been a regime change in Afghanistan, India needs to change its stand on Taliban,
so that its territory is not used against India. Past reports have shown a link between Taliban
and Pakistan’s ISI, as well as terrorist groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-
Mohammed.
• The handling of Teesta and illegal Bangladeshi immigrants’ issues has portrayed India in a
negative light. As Bangladesh is an important part of SAARC, BIMSTEC and IORA and both
China and Pakistan are vying for its attention, India needs to strengthen its relationship again
with Bangladesh, as done through providing it with its COVID vaccine.
• The policy of non-interference would help improve perception of India in the following
situations:
o The security of Bhutan’s western border such as Chumbi Valley and Doklam plateau is
strategic for the security of India’s Siliguri corridor. Though India is a net security
provider of Bhutan, there is a rising perception of India’s attitude as an ‘elder sibling’ in the
area.
o Nepal has also made multiple allegations of ‘big brotherly’ attitude of India over its smaller
neighbours and interfering in their internal matters such as the citizenship issue of Madhesi
in Nepal.
• Politicians are divided over ‘India First’ and ‘India Out’ in Maldives. A good relation with
Maldives is essential as the country is strategically located in the Indian Ocean, where China is
continuously trying to capture choke points.
• The doctrine also talks about resolution of conflict through bilateral negotiations and non-
interference in internal matters, which is targeted towards Pakistan and has direct relations to
the Kashmir issue.
The Gujral Doctrine played the cardinal role of clearly defining for India the importance of friendly
relations with its neighbours. The advantages of the Gujral Doctrine were clearly felt in the
aftermath of the nuclear tests by India, and the international reaction to it contrasted with the
reaction of the South Asian neighbours. For a peaceful, stable and constructive environment in
India’s neighbourhood, the Gujral doctrine is as relevant today as it was in the 1990s.

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11. Highlight the pivotal role of the "Officers of Parliament" in the Indian Parliamentary system.
Also, discuss the constitutional and statutory provisions for their impartial functioning.
(Answer in 250 words) 15
Approach:
• In the introduction, briefly expand the term “Officers of Parliament”.
• Highlight the role of Officers of Parliament in the Parliamentary democracy of India.
• Discuss the provisions made for ensuring their impartial functioning.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
As per the Salaries and Allowances of Officers of Parliament Act, the term ‘Officers of Parliament’
includes Speaker and Deputy Speaker for the Lok Sabha and Chairman and Deputy Chairman for the
Rajya Sabha.
Role of the "Officers of Parliament" in the Indian Parliamentary system
• As the role of presiding officer, the Speaker is the final interpreter of the provisions of (a) the
Constitution of India, (b) the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business of Lok Sabha, and (c)
the parliamentary precedents, within the House.
• He is the principal spokesman of the House, and his decision in all Parliamentary matters is
final. In these capacities, he is vested with vast, varied and vital responsibilities and enjoys great
honour, high dignity and supreme authority within the House.
• These officers are the guardian of powers and privileges of the members, the House as a
whole and its committees.
• They are responsible for maintaining order and decorum in the House for conducting its
business and regulating its proceedings. Further, the presiding officers can adjourn the House or
suspend the meeting in absence of a quorum.
• Their role while presiding over the proceedings does include resolving the deadlock, allowing
secret sitting of the House, question of disqualifications etc.
These officers in presiding role, are vested with great prestige, position and authority,
independence and impartiality becomes its sine qua non. The following provisions ensure the
independence and impartiality:
• They are provided with a security of tenure. He/She can be removed only by a resolution
passed by the Lok Sabha by an absolute majority (i.e., a majority of the total members of the
House) and not by an ordinary majority (ie, a majority of the members present and voting in the
House). This motion of removal can be considered and discussed only when it has the support of
at least 50 members.
• Their salaries and allowances are fixed by Parliament. They are charged on the Consolidated
Fund of India and thus are not subject to the annual vote of Parliament.
• Their work and conduct cannot be discussed and criticised in the Parliament except on a
substantive motion.
• Their powers of regulating procedure or conducting business or maintaining order in the
House are not subject to the jurisdiction of any Court.
• They cannot vote in the first instance. He/She can only exercise a casting vote in the event of
a tie. This makes the position of Speaker impartial.
However, certain conventions need to be established in India in order to make the position
completely impartial. For example, in Britain, the Speaker is strictly a non-party man i.e. there is a
convention that the Speaker has to resign from his party and remain politically neutral. This healthy
convention is not fully established in India where the Speaker does not resign from the membership
of his party on his election to the exalted office.

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12. The Finance Commission plays a crucial role in balancing fiscal federalism in India. In this
context, examine the recommendations given by the 15th Finance Commission. (Answer in 250
words) 15
Approach:
• Give a brief account of the Finance Commission.
• Enlist the recommendations given by the 15th Finance Commission.
• Briefly discuss its criticisms and conclude accordingly.
Answer:
Under Article 280 of the Constitution, a Finance Commission (FC) is set up every five years by the
President of India. Its main function is to balance fiscal federalism in India by recommending how
the Union government should share the tax proceeds with the states for a period of five
years. However, the recommendations are of an advisory nature only and therefore, not binding
upon the government.
Further, any matter in the interest of sound finance may be referred to the Commission by the
President. It also evaluates the rise in the Consolidated Fund of a State in order to affix the
resources of the State Panchayats and Municipalities. Additionally, as per the Code of Civil
Procedure 1908, the Commission has all the powers of a civil court, and can call witnesses, ask for
the production of a public document or record from any office or court.
Following are the recommendations of the 15th Finance Commission (2021-2026):
• Vertical devolution: The recommended share of States in the central taxes for the 2021-26
period is 41%, which is less than the 42% share recommended by the 14th Finance
Commission. The adjustment of 1% is to provide for the newly formed Union Territories of
Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh from the resources of the Centre.
• Horizontal devolution: The demographic performance criterion based on data of 2011 has
been used to reward efforts made by States in controlling their population. States with a lower
fertility ratio will be scored higher on this criterion.
• Fiscal roadmap: The Commission suggested that the Centre bring down fiscal deficit to 4% of
GDP by 2025-26. For States, it recommended the fiscal deficit limit (as a % of GSDP) of: (i) 4%
in 2021-22, (ii) 3.5% in 2022-23, and (iii) 3% during 2023-26.
• Grants: Various grants in categories like revenue deficit grants, sector-specific grants, state-
specific grants, grants to local bodies, disaster risk management etc. to be provided from
the Centre’s resources.
• Health: States should increase spending on health to more than 8% of their budget by 2022
with two-thirds of the total health expenditure on primary healthcare.
• Funding of defence and internal security: A dedicated non-lapsable fund called the
Modernisation Fund for Defence and Internal Security (MFDIS) was recommended to primarily
bridge the gap between budgetary requirements and allocation for capital outlay.
• Centrally-Sponsored schemes (CSS): A threshold should be fixed for annual allocation to CSS
below which the funding for a CSS may be stopped and a third-party evaluation of all CSS
should be completed within a stipulated time frame.
Since its constitution, the recommendations of the 15th Finance Commission have been criticized for
using Census 2011 data, being biased towards the Centre and for providing incentive-based
devolution to local bodies. The institution of the Finance Commission faces varying challenges
every time it is constituted and is often compared to its predecessors. Despite its criticisms, the
Finance Commission plays a crucial role in balancing fiscal federalism in India.

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13. Critically assess whether according statutory backing to the Model Code of Conduct will
contribute towards free and fair elections in India. (Answer in 250 words) 15
Answer:
• Introduce the answer with Model Code of Conduct (MCC) and its current status.
• Substantiate with reasons for and against the implications of statutory backing to MCC justified
with arguments.
• Conclude with the way forward.
Approach:
The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) is a set of norms, which has been evolved with the consensus
of political parties who agreed to abide by the principles embodied in the said code, which binds
them to respect and observe it in its letter and spirit. However, the MCC does not have a statutory
backing and the violation of many of its provisions does not attract any punitive action. In 2013, the
Parliamentary Standing Committee recommended that statutory status be accorded to the MCC.
According statutory backing to the Model Code of Conduct will contribute towards free and fair
elections in the following manner:
• Presently, the ECI uses the plenary power under Article 324 to curb malpractices in
elections, which is an extra-ordinary power vested upon the ECI. Giving statutory backing to
MCC will leave no vacuum for ECI to exercise powers for enforcement of the MCC.
• Most of the provisions of the MCC are already contained in various laws and are therefore
enforceable like the violation of secrecy of voting, causing enmity among communities, the
prohibition of public meetings during period of 48 hours ending with the hour fixed for the
conclusion of polls. Statutory backing will add teeth to existing provisions thus invoking quick
and effective action.
• ECI can strictly enforce the provisions of MCC, which are relatable to other statutes
enacted by Parliament or otherwise. For instance, the EC can then even de-recognize a
political party as National or State Party under Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment)
Order, 1968, provided violation of those provisions of MCC is found.
• The instructions/orders issued by the Election Commission of India under Article 324 of the
Constitution sometimes encroach upon the legislative power of Parliament. Hence, such
instructions/orders issued by the Election Commission of India may be suitably incorporated
in the Representation of People Act, 1951, thus, providing an acceptable alternative.
• MCC can resolve the absence of an immediate appeal mechanism against the decision of
the returning officer to cancel the nomination of a candidate. Presently, the decision can
only be challenged in the High Court after the announcements of election results.
Arguments against according statutory status to MCC:
• The Election Commission itself is of the view that although statutory backing to the code may
make it more effective and strengthen its binding nature, it may complicate the
implementation of the code in the middle of elections.
o The Election Commission has argued against making the MCC legally binding, stating that
elections must be completed within a relatively short time (close to 45 days), and judicial
proceedings typically take longer time.
• The legal codification of these norms would expose the entire electoral process to needless
litigation. The broad objectives of MCC are best achieved by oversight of an impartial election
watchdog.
• Furthermore, the manner in which violations of MCC have been handled by the Election
Commission with speed and urgency, proves that the code has stood the test of time.
Therefore, it should be left as an established way of enforcing the code.
Free and fair elections form the bedrock of democracy for which MCC has proved very effective.
Though it has no statutory backing it carries significant moral weight. Given the practical difficulties
in giving statutory backing to the MCC, another alternative would be to strengthen ECI to deal
with contemporary challenges, electoral malpractices, Poll Code violations etc.

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14. The market disruption caused by digital revolution warrants renewed focus and perspective to
ensure fair competition in the digital economy. In this light, discuss the need to revamp the
Competition Commission of India (CCI). (Answer in 250 words) 15
Approach:
• Mention the disruptions caused by the digital revolution in the market.
• Highlight the need to revamp the Competition Commission of India in this context.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
Much of the economic growth in today’s digitalized and hyperglobal environment has been driven
by the emergence and flourishing of digital businesses, which have completely transformed
contemporary markets into a more complex and multi-sided structure. The emergence of new-age
technology-based companies has led to a different type of competitive policies being adopted in the
market.
In this context, there is a need to revamp the Competition Commission of India (CCI), owing to
the following reasons:
• Issues in assessing acquisitions and mergers: Significant combination transactions in digital
markets may escape the traditional thresholds of asset value and turnover, thereby going
beyond the powers of the CCI. Thus, there is a need to change merger thresholds from asset-size
and turnover to ‘deal value’ and ‘size of transaction’, in order to check ‘killer acquisitions’.
• New-age businesses: The CCI has seen a steady rise in cases emanating from new-age markets,
which range from across various verticals, such as search engines, online marketplace
platforms, app stores, payment gateways, online travel, food aggregators etc. These players
were not prominent when the Competition Act was enacted in 2002, and thus, it requires a
legislative update.
• Rising cases of anti-competitive practices:
o Establishing monopoly: Companies with massive financial capital at hand have been
adopting strategies such as huge discounts, offers of cashbacks etc. to attract and target
potential customers, thereby eliminating competition in the longer run.
o Data hegemony: Data hegemony by digital companies may lead to an “attention economy”,
in which big technology players capture user attention, build profiles of their choices and
habits and then sell those profiles to advertisers, again favouring big players.
o Network effect: Characteristics such as network effect may prevent a newcomer from
replacing an established player. When an online platform acts both as a marketplace and
competitor, it has an incentive to leverage its control over the platform in favour of
preferred vendors to the disadvantage of other sellers.
• Issues in ascertaining dominance: A differentiated standard for ascertaining market
dominance needs to be established since traditional assessment using statutory metrics such as
market share does not serve well, as the focus of digital players in the initial years is not profit
maximisation but expansion of user base and growth of the platform.
• Emergence of platform-based business: There has been a rise in single players and duopolies
who hold most of the market share. An entire, multi-actor ecosystem of sellers, consumers,
advertising and application developers depend on these platforms for survival. Thus,
understanding the nuances of such platforms and establishing a level-playing field is of utmost
importance.
Therefore, initiating anti-trust investigations and invoking anti-competitive remedies as early as
possible is crucial to avoid competition harm to the market. Also, interventions in merger reviews in
technology markets need to be guided by case-specific economic evidence of competition concerns.
There is a need to create a level-playing field for all stakeholders in the digital market, while still
incentivising innovation from both platforms and trading partners.
It is being argued that the CCI in its current administrative and legislative setup is ill-equipped to
handle these issues and maintain a fair check on the market. Therefore, the government is set to
overhaul the Competition Act and empower the CCI. The proposed revamp will consider the
disruption caused by the digital economy, which warrants new ways of examining tie-ups and
marketing arrangements that did not exist when the Competition Act was enacted two decades ago.
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15. There is an urgent need for effective whistle-blowing mechanisms and ensuring that necessary
safeguards for the protection of whistle-blowers are established in both public and private
spheres in India. Discuss. (Answer in 250 words) 15
Approach:
• Brief explain whistle blowing.
• Highlight the need to make the whistleblowing regime robust in India.
• Discuss lacunae in the public sphere as well as private sphere in this regard.
• Conclude with a way forward.
Answer:
Whistleblowing is an action aimed at drawing the attention of stakeholders, authority figures or
public to perceived wrongdoing, misconduct, corruption, unethical activity within public, private or
third-sector organizations. A whistleblower can be a current or former employee, director, company
secretary, supplier of goods or services or a volunteer.
There is a need for establish a strong and transparent whistle-blower protection regime, as:
• Since 2005, 68 RTI activists have been killed, while many committed suicides and many more
have been assaulted, attacked and victimized.
• India is a signatory to the UN Convention Against Corruption, which mandates adequate
safeguards and protection to persons making complaints and facilitate reporting against corrupt
public officials.
Whistle-blower complaints are on rise in India – both in the public and private sector. About a third
of the 50 companies of NSE’s Nifty index mentioned in their annual financial year reports that they
received 3,508 whistle-blower complaints in 2018, up from 3,139 complaints the previous year. But
the current whistleblowers regime does not address the following lacunas present in both public
and private sector, as explained below:
Lacunae in public sector:
• Despite the passing of the Whistle-Blowers Protection Act, 2014 by both Houses of
Parliament, it has not been notified till date. Since the act is not in operation, adequate
protection is not in place for the whistleblowers.
• The current act provides for the whistleblower to disclose his or her identity; however, such a
requirement at times may create discomfort for the whistle blowers and jeopardize their safety
at workplace. Also, there are no specific sections pertaining to the criminal activities against the
whistleblowers.
• There is no penalty against any public servant who may be victimising the complainant. It does
not protect witnesses during investigation or trial.
Lacunae in the private sector:
• Scope of WhistleBlowers Protection Act, 2014, is limited to public servants and public sector
undertakings and is not extended to the private sector. Thus, they rely on their internal
policies.
• The Companies Act 2013, makes it mandatory for entities listed on the stock exchanges to set
up an audit committee to investigate whistleblower complaints but it does not provide a
mechanism to protect them. The safeguards are entirely dependent on the policies drafted by
the companies themselves.
• There are concerns about impartiality and unfair investigation as whistleblowing
committees are employees of the company and may suffer from prejudices and may give wrong
decisions against whistleblowers.
Therefore, the current legislation should be suitably amended to protect genuine whistle blowers
while drawing balance between whistleblowing and interests of organizations. Also, mechanisms
should be there to counter frivolous complaints. This will push good governance in the public
domain, while improving as well as raising the standards of corporate governance.

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16. State the reasons behind the poor performance of cooperatives in India. Also, discuss the
reforms undertaken by the government to overcome the shortcomings. (Answer in 250 words)
15
Approach:
• Start with the recent establishment of the Ministry of Cooperation.
• Highlight the challenges faced by Cooperatives in India.
• Mention the recent reforms taken by the govt.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
The recent creation of a separate Ministry of Cooperation, to be led by the Union Home Minister,
aims at realizing the vision of "Sahkar se Samriddhi", which roughly translates as "Prosperity
through Cooperation", indicating the importance of cooperative sector in India’s development. The
sector had been marred with poor performance, for which the following reasons can be cited:
• Lack of democratic spirit: Cooperatives are expected to run on well-established democratic
principles and elections should be held on time in a free and fair manner. However, following
factors impinge upon the democratic functioning of cooperatives:
○ Government Interference: Over time, the government has put restrictions on borrowings,
other transactions with non-members, investment of funds, which may hamper the efficient
performance of cooperatives.
○ Politicization of Cooperatives: Many cooperative societies are dominated by locally
powerful members of the society, with strong political affiliations.
• Lack of awareness: It has been observed that the majority of the members as well as directors
of cooperative societies lack adequate awareness about the activities of the society as they are
either less educated or have indifferent attitudes.
• Skewed geographical penetration: The cooperatives in the North-Eastern States and in States
like West Bengal, Bihar, Odisha are not as well developed as the ones in Maharashtra and
Gujarat. There is also a lot of friction due to competition between different states, which affects
the working of cooperatives.
• Operational challenges:
○ Lack of fair audit mechanism: Audits are generally done by department officials only.
Further, delays in the conduct of audits and submission of reports are widespread.
○ Lack of coordination among cooperatives exists.
Steps taken by the government
• Establishment of key institutions to promote cooperative movement in India
○ The National Cooperative Union of India (NCUI): It is the apex organization representing
the entire cooperative sector in the country.
○ The National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation (NAFED): The main
objective of the Federation is to assist the Marketing Co-operatives in the States to develop
their marketing business and to help them render better services to their members.
○ The National Co-operative Development Corporation (NCDC): It was set up in 1963
under an Act of Parliament with the object of planning and promoting programmes for
the production, processing, storage and marketing of agricultural produce and
notified commodities through co-operative societies.
• 97th Amendment Act: This Amendment Act relates to effective management of co-operative
societies in the country. The change in the Constitution has amended Article 19(1)(c) to give
protection to the cooperatives and inserted Article 43 B and Part IX B, relating to them.
Though the Supreme Court has annulled a part of this Act, multi-state co-operative
societies still come under its ambit.
• The Banking Regulation (Amendment) Act, 2020: Key provisions of the Act include:
○ It gives the RBI powers to supersede boards of the Cooperative banks.
○ Cooperative banks are also allowed to raise money via public issue and private placement,
of equity or preference shares as well as unsecured debentures, with RBI’s permission.
Currently, access to capital for cooperative banks is limited.

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 Success of cooperatives would mean success of best hope for the marginalized sections of India,
particularly rural India. Therefore, it is necessary to ensure the autonomous and democratic
functioning of co-operatives, by ensuring the accountability of management to the members and
other stakeholders and enhancing deterrence for violation of the provisions of the law.

17. Public-Private Partnership model, if harnessed properly, has the potential to bridge the gaps in
India's healthcare system. Discuss. (Answer in 250 words) 15
Approach:
• Briefly write about the issues faced by the healthcare sector in India.
• Discuss how the Public-Private Partnership model can improve the healthcare sector.
• Write some relevant examples to support your arguments.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
Since independence, the government has taken various measures to improve and make available
healthcare services for all. These include establishment of government hospitals, launch of the
National Health Mission, formulation of the National Health Policy etc.
Despite these measures, various gaps exist with regard to India’s healthcare systems, including:
• Rural-urban divide: About 75 percent of healthcare infrastructure is found in the urban areas
where only around 27 percent of the Indian population resides. This means that the 73 percent
population living in rural areas lack access to even primary healthcare facilities.
• Inadequate healthcare resources: India has a huge shortage of doctors, nurses and
paramedics. While the WHO recommends one doctor for every 1,000 people, India stands at
1:1445 in this regard.
• High out-of-pocket expenditure: The government spends a mere 1.13 percent of GDP on
healthcare, with almost 65 percent of healthcare expenditure coming out from the pockets of
citizens. This pushes millions of people further into poverty each year.
• Low penetration of insurance: Despite the implementation of the Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya
Yojana (PM-JAY) and other government insurance schemes, at least 30% of the population is
devoid of any financial protection for health, as per the NITI Ayog’s report.
In this context, public-private partnership model can provide solutions, which can improve
access to healthcare in India in the following ways:
• Expertise and finance: It can improve the healthcare system by pooling in the expertise and
finances of the private sector with the access and subsidies of the public sector.
o For example, Rajiv Gandhi Super Specialty Hospital in Raichur, Karnataka is a joint venture
of the Government of Karnataka and the Apollo Hospitals Group, with financial support from
OPEC. This partnership provides super-specialty healthcare at low cost to the people living
below the poverty Line.
• Improve efficiency in public hospitals: The services provided by the government hospitals
are marred by inefficiency. In this context, the experience and management expertise of the
private sector in building and running successful organizations can be crucial in revamping
medical facilities.
o For instance, management of Primary Health Centers in Gumballi and Sugganahalli was
contracted out by the government of Karnataka to Karuna Trust in 1996 to serve the tribal
community in the hilly areas.
• Accessibility: The government can provide infrastructure for the private sector to operate,
making it commercially viable for the private sector to provide healthcare services at low cost.
The private sector, due to lower cost of capital requirement, can open its facilities even in small
towns.
o The Urban Slum Health Care Project in Andhra Pradesh is a contract to manage health
centers in the slums of Adilabad by NGOs. To serve 3 million people, the project has
established 192 Urban Health Centers.

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 • Affordability: The government can partner with the private sector through schemes such as the
PM-JAY to ensure that a large volume of persons can afford healthcare services.
• Technology: The private sector, by quickly adopting and scaling new-age innovative technology
like provision of tele-medicine, can make healthcare accessible to rural India.
Thus, PPP will bring in resources the government needs to make healthcare available, as well as
create a sustainable long-term model. However, there is a need to ensure that the ‘welfare’ motive of
the government and need of ‘commercial viability’ and profitability for the private players work in
tandem to produce a synergy to bridge various gaps in India’s healthcare system.

18. Although the New Education Policy brings with itself a commendable vision, its success will
depend on its ability to effectively integrate with the government’s other policy initiatives.
Discuss. (Answer in 250 words) 15
Approach:
• Write a short note on India’s New Education Policy and discuss its key features.
• Highlight the significance of its integration with other policy initiatives of the government.
• Mention loopholes in this context.
• Conclude in an appropriate manner.
Answer:
The New Education Policy (NEP), 2020, being India’s only third education policy document,
introduces a variety of changes encompassing a firm grasp on the current socio-economic landscape
and the prospect of future uncertainty.
Its salient features include:
• Keeping pace with digitalisation: Education must engage with the increasing
dematerialisation and digitalisation of our economies that require a completely new set of
capabilities. The NEP is a step forward in that direction.
• Changing workforce requirements: The future of work is going to be fast-changing and with a
much larger gig economy. It will need an agile workforce, which can quickly adapt to changing
labour force requirements. The NEP recognises this shift and therefore puts flexibility at the
core of its vision for education.
• Curriculum: The Policy focuses on conceptual rather than rote learning and there is emphasis
on soft skills like communication, leadership and teamwork.
• Interdisciplinarity: Emerging challenges such as building resilience to climate change,
disruptive emerging technologies etc. shall require a workforce that is able to draw on cross-
cutting competencies. The NEP breaks down silos and encourages interdisciplinarity to create a
holistic workforce.
• Language: The Policy promotes regional languages as the medium of instruction till secondary
school. Its focus on promoting multilingualism and reviving proficiency in local languages could
help diversify digital content.
• Technology-driven systems: The NEP puts technology at the core and encourages ideas such
as the use of adaptive software to provide tailored and flexible lessons, blended learning and the
use of AI software to track students’ progress.
• Inclusion: The NEP recognises the need for inclusivity and makes provisions for policy design
to address the existing disparities.
Regardless of its commendable vision, the potency of the NEP will depend on its ability to integrate
with other policy initiatives of the government like Digital India, Skill India and the New
Industrial Policy to effect a coherent structural transfiguration.
• Policy linkages can ensure that the NEP contributes to and learns from Skill India’s experience
in engaging more dynamically with the private sector to shape vocational education
curricula and make it a success.
• New Industrial policy can help with more evidence-based decision-making with regard to the
curricula and to adapt to rapidly evolving shifts and disruption in industries.

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 • Digital India and Swayam Portal have prioritised education and thereby offer an effective
positive feedback loop with regard to system design for a more ubiquitous digital intervention
in education as well as removing digital divide for students.
• Educational schemes like Revitalising Infrastructure and Systems in Education (RISE) and
Education Quality Upgradation and Inclusion Programme (EQUIP) can help in providing
funds to boost infrastructure in educational institutions and in developing education through
various means respectively.
Various gaps also need to be plugged to realize the potential of the New Educational Policy such as
building capabilities to engage with technology, building foundational skills like coding and
programming, creating markets and demand for regional languages and tackling inclusivity issues.
Provisioning of real-time evaluation and a consultative monitoring framework shall enable the new
education system to constantly reform itself, instead of waiting for a new Policy to indicate a shift in
curriculum.

19. The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) is born from a collective desire to
make the Indo-Pacific region an engine of global economic growth. Comment. Also, discuss
India's concerns in this context. (Answer in 250 words) 15
Approach:
• Briefly explain Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) in the introduction.
• Highlighting how it is born from a collective desire, discuss how it will act as an engine of global
economic growth.
• Mention its significance and India's concerns.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
IPEF (Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity) is a U.S.-led framework for
participating countries to solidify their relationships and engage in crucial economic and trade
matters that concern the region, such as building resilient supply chains battered by the pandemic.
It is being seen as a means to counter China in the region.
IPEF is borne out of collective desire and is not a traditional trade agreement. Rather, it includes
different modules covering “fair and resilient trade, supply chain resilience, infrastructure and
decarbonization, and tax and anticorruption”. Countries would have to sign up to all of the
components within a module, but do not have to participate in all modules. It does not include
market access commitments such as lowering tariff barriers, as the agreement is “more of an
administrative arrangement”.
IPEF as an engine of global economic growth:
• Digital trade: There is focus on Digital trade. It incorporates not just the purchase and sale
of goods online but also data flows that enable the operation of global value chains and
services, like smart manufacturing, platforms and applications. The idea here is to
overcome downstream costs for businesses as well as upscale the ability to utilize data
processing and analysis, and enhance cybersecurity outside their geographies.
• Supply chain resilience: The framework aspires to secure access to key raw and
processed materials, semiconductors, critical minerals and clean energy tech, particularly
for crisis response measures and ensuring business continuity. This will bring more
transparency, more communication, more data-sharing and an early alert system to deal
with any eventuality.
• Green growth: In line with the Paris Agreement, the clean energy, decarbonisation and
infrastructure pillar would provide technical assistance and help mobilize finance,
including concessional finance, to improve competitiveness and enhance connectivity by
supporting countries in the development of sustainable and durable infrastructure for
adopting renewable energy.
• Taxation: Lastly, the pillar on tax and anti-corruption is aimed at promoting fair
competition by enforcing robust tax, anti-money laundering and anti-bribery regimes in

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 line with existing multilateral obligations, standards and agreements to curb tax evasion
and corruption in the region.
However, India has several concerns with the grouping:
• The nature of the framework itself could be a cause for concern. The Biden administration has
domestically portrayed the IPEF as an initiative that will enable the US to compete better with
China in the region. Thus, instead of being a sincere and thoughtful economic programme, the
IPEF seems primarily a political endeavor meant to counter China.
• Digital governance is perhaps contradictory to India’s current positions on this. Restrictions
on international data flows, the requirements of data localisation particularly for the
financial services sector, and the customs duties on electronically distributed digital products
have contradictions between India and the US positions. Often the US federal and state laws
contradict rules preferred by India.
• Many differences exist between India and developed countries, especially when it comes to
labour standards, subsidies across borders, particularly for public sector entities, and the
role of such entities.
However, if India kept away from the IPEF, it would again be isolating itself in the face of an
overwhelming support in the region for the IPEF. It makes no sense to remain at the fringes. It is for
these reasons that India entered into the economic multilateral arrangement in the Indo-Pacific.

20. India needs to identify the priority areas to further its techno-diplomacy amidst the
complexities of expanding digital space and New and Emerging Strategic Technologies. Discuss.
(Answer in 250 words) 15
Approach:
• Introduce the answer with a brief definition of techno-diplomacy and discuss its need.
• State the challenges faced owing to the emerging technologies for nations.
• Mention the areas of focus for Indian techno-diplomacy to be effective and substantiate with
examples.
• Conclude accordingly.
Answer:
Techno-diplomacy refers to the art and practice of conducting negotiations between countries with
conflicting technological interests. It is also the ability to cooperate on science and technology when
political relations are extremely difficult. A country’s technological capacity and innovation are
linked to its national identity. These can manifest in protectionist tendencies, narratives on self-
reliance, and the ‘weaponization’ of technology flows.
Expanding digital spaces and emerging strategic technologies comes with increased
complexities, such as:
• International rules and institutions that manage the global technology system remain largely
in a state of flux. Further, multilateral negotiations on state behaviour in cyberspace are
fractured.
• International negotiations relating to lethal autonomous weapons often end in stalemates.
• E-commerce regulations globally are mired in debates around equity.
• Standard-setting organisations have become a new frontier for exerting geo-economic
influence.
In this backdrop, India must focus on the following priority areas to improve and enhance its
techno-diplomacy:
• Manage its dependence on China: Given that Chinese investors are the one of the largest
actors in India’s technology landscape, it has raised concerns of cyber-espionage, forced
technology transfer, and the introduction of cyber-vulnerabilities. A long-term strategy for
India would be to continue to attract investments, restrict some markets where national
security is at stake, use legal and regulatory tools to obtain technology and know-how, and
create oversight mechanisms for effective technology intervention.
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 • Navigating technological protectionism: Though India is an integral part of new issue-based
coalitions such as the Quadrilateral Initiative or the Global Partnership on Artificial Intelligence,
it should not ignore national and international restrictions that may create unexpected, second-
order effects or harm its development or security interests.
• Global data governance: Cross-border data flows and related rules and regulations are
important domains in this regard. With countries like China, Mexico and the US vying to set
their own rules for data flows and security, India must sort its conceptual (how the government
defines ‘data’ and prescribes the attendant rights and limitations) and organisational hurdles, if
it is to align its domestic and international policy tools for data governance.
• Setting standards: India needs to clarify its position on international law as it applies to
cyberspace and related emerging technologies regimes. There should be a unified and coherent
approach from India’s engagement with international institutions towards standards and
norms. India can take the cue from China (leading actor in organisations such as Internet
Society, IEEE and ITU) in setting standards for a broad range of industries that use AI, IoT, 5G
and other frontier technologies.
• Private sector engagement: A clear path for India’s private sector in terms of its role, extent
and capacity building in formulating global norms for emerging technologies can be chalked out
to enhance the level of coordination between the government and industry.
• Presence at international norm-making forums: India must enhance its presence and
participation in important emerging technology-linked rule-setting and norm-making processes
such as the Budapest Convention, UN GGE on Lethal Autonomous Weapons and the OEWG on
Responsible Behaviour in Cyberspace, in order to have a say in these matters. India can also
endorse the Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace.
The establishment of the New, Emerging and Strategic Technologies (NEST) division under the
ambit of the Ministry of External Affairs points to an acknowledgment that emerging technologies
should be a pillar of India’s foreign policy in their own right.

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